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Colorado stagecoach stations

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Title:
Colorado stagecoach stations
Creator:
Peterson, Heather King
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
256 leaves : illustrations ; 28 cm

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Degree:
Master's ( Master of Arts)
Degree Grantor:
University of Colorado Denver
Degree Divisions:
Department of History, CU Denver
Degree Disciplines:
History
Committee Chair:
Noel, Thomas J.
Committee Co-Chair:
Laird, Pamela W.
Committee Members:
Fell, James E.

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Subjects / Keywords:
Stagecoach stations -- History -- Colorado ( lcsh )
Stagecoach stations ( fast )
Colorado ( fast )
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History. ( fast )
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )
History ( fast )

Notes

Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 241-256).
General Note:
Department of History
Statement of Responsibility:
by Heather King Peterson.

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Source Institution:
University of Colorado Denver
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Auraria Library
Rights Management:
All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
51805805 ( OCLC )
ocm51805805
Classification:
LD1190.L57 2002m .P47 ( lcc )

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Full Text
COLORADO STAGECOACH STATIONS
A.
B. S
by
Heather King Peterson
A. A., Northeastern Junior College, 1984
A. S., Arapahoe Community College, 1985
, Metropolitan State College of Denver, 1989
A thesis submitted to the
University of Colorado at Denver
in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
History
2002


2002 by Heather King Peterson
All rights reserved.


This thesis for the Master of Arts
degree by
Heather King Peterson
has been approved
by
Pamela W. Laird
Date


Peterson, Heather King (M.A., History)
Colorado Stagecoach Stations
Thesis directed by Professor Thomas J. Noel
ABSTRACT
In the annals of the American West, few vehicles are as misrepresented as
stagecoaches. Stagecoach travel and stagecoach stations are often overlooked or
portrayed as romantic images in Hollywood films and western novels. Neither
western historians nor literary critics have explored stagecoach stations as a symbol
for community development in the early American West. This thesis is a history of
Colorados stagecoach stations and their significance from 1859 until the early
2000s. This research examines the multiple purposes stagecoach stations served,
other than the obvious. Additionally, it will document the importance of stagecoach
stations to Colorados transportation history and early communities. Lastly, it will
survey some surviving stagecoach stations and discuss their historic preservation
and recycled uses for the twenty-first century.
Colorados vast deserts and mountain barriers isolate settlements.
Transportation has been a key component to its development. The first Coloradoans
relied on stagecoaches as the only means of public transportation. Although
Western promoters frequently gave railroads credit for establishing communities and
resolving Colorados transportation impediments, to a great extent stagecoaching
and stagecoach stations accomplished the same result earlier. Stagecoaching
became the cornerstone for future development.
Railroad builders often transformed stagecoach trails into railroad beds.
Stagecoach stations became oasis for settlers and travelers providing livestock feed,
IV


travel necessities, entertainment, nourishment, shelter, and camaraderie. Stagecoach
stations often served as the nucleus for the communitys gathering place and
provided a sense of community. After railroads became the prominent
transportation mode, stage lines often continued passenger service to remote
communities and newly formed suburbs.
Historic preservation efforts for stagecoach stations have been minimal.
Most Colorado stagecoach stations have fallen victim to weather and time.
Foundations or wells remain as the only remaining evidence of some stations. With
others, nothing remains except the stories pioneers shared of the stagecoach stations
they found on their trips to Colorado. Surviving stations are often the oldest
buildings in Colorado towns. Preserved stagecoach stations celebrate the pivotal
role they played in Colorados transportation history.
This abstract accurately represents the content of the candidates thesis. 1
recommend its publication.
v


ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
To Betty Jo Cardona, former historian of the Cliff House, my utmost
appreciation for an enlightening interview. Thank you to Clarice Crowle of the
Cherry Creek Valley Historical Society for her assistance with the mile house
archives and copies of photographs. To Gladys Ellerman, of the Virginia Dale
Community Club, 1 thank for her interview and tour. I would like to thank Susan
Ellis of the Cozens Ranch Museum for her tour and interesting interview. I thank
Johanna Harden of Douglas Public Library District, Local History Collection, for
her tremendous assistance and time in locating archive collections. To Allan
Nossaman, of the San Juan County Historical Society for his time and assistance in
locating photographs and providing an interesting interview, I am most grateful. I
gratefully thank Glenn Scott for an insightful interview and for discussing his
unpublished and published maps. Also, thank you to Ray Thall and Scotty Wilkins
of the Four Mile House for their informative interviews.
Additionally, I thank the Colorado Historical Society Library staff assistance
in locating manuscript collections and photographs. As well, thank you to the staff
at the Denver Public Library, Western History Department for their assistance in
locating manuscript collections, photographs, and newspaper articles. To the
Colorado Office of Archeology and Historic Preservation, thank you for help in


locating files. Also, I thank the Penrose Public Library Collections staff for their
assistance in locating newspaper articles and manuscripts.
Thank you to my thesis committee, Dr. James E. Fell, Jr., Dr. Pamela W.
Laird, and committee chair, Dr. Thomas J. Noel. I am most grateful for their
readiness to serve on my committee, their expertise, and their ongoing support, now
and in the future.
A special note of appreciation goes to committee chair, Dr. Thomas J. Noel,
for his continued support, encouragement, availability, and kindness.
Lastly, I gratefully thank my husband, parents, siblings, and friends for their
ongoing patience, support, and encouragement.
Vll


CONTENTS
Figures.........................................................xiii
CHAPTER
1. INTRODUCTION...................................................1
Stagecoaching History and Design...........................2
Trans-Mississippi West Stagecoaching.......................5
Stagecoach Travel..........................................8
Stagecoach Stations.......................................10
2. THE OVERLAND ROUTE AND THE
REPUBLICAN ROUTE.............................................13
The Pikes Peak Gold Rush Attraction.......................14
Initial Routes............................................16
Leavenworth & Pikes Peak Express Stations and Travel......22
The Platte Route or Overland Route
Stagecoaching and Stagecoach Stations.....................25
Platte Route Stagecoaching.............................25
Sand Creek.............................................34
Revenge................................................35
The Overland North Route..................................39
La Porte Stagecoach Station............................40
Latham Stagecoach Station..............................42
viii


Virginia Dale Stagecoach Station......................43
3. SOUTHEASTERN PLAINS STAGECOACHING...........................49
The Santa Fe Route.......................................49
Bents Fort Stagecoach Station........................54
Booneville Stagecoach Station.........................57
Iron Springs Stagecoach Station.......................58
Smoky Hill Route.........................................60
Cheyenne Well Stagecoach Station......................64
Gradys Stagecoach Station............................67
Lake Stagecoach Station...............................68
The Cherokee Route (or Denver-Santa Fe Route)............70
The Twenty Mile House Stagecoach Station..............71
The Twelve Mile House Stagecoach Station..............74
The Four Mile House Stagecoach Station ...............79
4. STAGECOACH STATIONS WEST OF
DENVER AND IN SOUTH PARK....................................83
Routes and Stagecoach Stations West of Denver............83
Guy House Stagecoach Station..........................87
Churchs Ranch Stagecoach Station
(The Twelve Mile House)...............................93
IX


Routes and Stagecoach Stations
from Denver to South Park................................100
Mount Vernon Stagecoach Station
(R. W. Steele Home)...................................102
Bergens Ranch Stagecoach Station.....................104
Kenosha House Stagecoach Station......................110
Hamilton Stagecoach Station ..........................112
5. SOUTH CENTRAL AND SOUTHWESTERN
COLORADO STAGECOACHING.......................................114
South Central Colorado Stagecoach Routes.................115
Canon City Route......................................115
Colorado Springs to Leadville Route...................125
Colorado Springs to Cripple Creek Route...............134
Southwestern Colorado Stagecoaching......................139
Early Settlement......................................139
Land Negotiations.....................................139
San Luis Valley.......................................141
San Juan Mountain Stagecoaching..........................145
Early Stagecoaching...................................147
Stage Lines...........................................148
Kalamazoo House and Stagecoach Station ...............151
x


Pine River Stagecoach Station.......................155
6. NORTH CENTRAL AND NORTHWESTERN
COLORADO STAGECOACH STATIONS...............................160
Routes and Stagecoach Stations to Empire,
Georgetown, and Leadville..............................160
The Peck House Stagecoach Station ..................162
Georgetown to Leadville Route.......................169
Middle Park Routes and Stagecoach Stations.............172
Middle Park Routes..................................172
Cozens Ranch Stagecoach Station.....................173
Ganson House Stagecoach Station/Stagecoach Inn .....180
North Park and Northwestern Colorado Stagecoaching.....182
The Meeker Massacre.................................182
Pinkhamton Stagecoach Station ......................184
Rock Creek Stagecoach Station.......................189
7. COLORADO STAGECOACH STATION
PRESERVATION...............................................192
Rehabilitated and Recycled Stagecoach Stations with
Uses for the Twenty-First Century......................192
Cozens Ranch Stagecoach Station.....................192
Four Mile House Stagecoach Station .................196
Preserved, Restored, and Reconstructed Stagecoach Stations.200
xi


The Peck House......................................200
The Cliff House.....................................205
Conclusion..........................................210
ENDNOTES
Chapter 1 ..................................................213
Chapter 2.....................................................215
Chapter 3.....................................................221
Chapter 4.....................................................226
Chapter 5.....................................................229
Chapter 6.....................................................234
Chapter 7.....................................................237
BIBLIOGRAPHY....................................................241
xii


FIGURES
Figure
2.1 Map of the Leavenworth & Pikes Peak Express Route.................21
2.2 Map of the Platte Route or Overland Route........................29
3.1 Map of the Santa Fe Trail, Mountain Branch........................51
3.2 Map of the Smoky Hill Routes......................................65
3.3 Sketch of Gradys Stagecoach Station..............................69
3.4 Diagram of the Twelve Mile House..................................76
3.5 Photograph of the Twelve Mile House...............................77
4.1 Map of the St. Vrain, Golden City &
Colorado Wagon Road...............................................86
4.2 Photograph of the Guy House Stagecoach Station...................88
4.3 Map of the Route to Churchs Ranch Stagecoach Station............94
4.4 1860s Photograph of the Churchs Ranch
Stagecoach Station................................................97
4.5 Map of the Routes to Mount Vernon and Bergen Park................101
4.6 Photograph of the Mount Vernon House.............................103
4.7 Drawing of the Mount Vernon House................................105
4.8 Map of Routes to South Park......................................Ill
5.1 Map of Route to Canon City and Oro City..........................117
xiii


5.2 Map of Route to Bales Stagecoach Station.....................120
5.3 Map of Route to Marshall Pass.................................124
5.4 Map of Route to Manitou Springs and Ute Pass..................128
5.5 Photograph of the Cliff House..................................129
5.6 Photograph of the Cliff House Additions
and Overflow Tents.............................................130
5.7 Map of Route to Wades Place on the Old Stage Road.............137
5.8 Map of Routes in the San Luis Valley............................144
5.9 Photograph of the Del Norte Stagecoach Station..................146
5.10 Photograph of a Stagecoach with Ski Runners.....................150
5.11 Photograph of a Stagecoach with a Team of Six Horses............152
5.12 Map of the San Juan Mountain Stagecoach Routes................156
6.1 Map of the Routes to Empire and Georgetown.....................163
6.2 Photograph of the Peck House Stagecoach Station.................167
6.3 Map of Routes to Middle Park....................................174
6.4 Photograph of the Cozens Ranch Stagecoach Station...............178
6.5 Map of the Route from Laramie to Teller City...................187
xiv


CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Nestled in Colorados mountain valleys, urban neighborhoods, on historic
main streets, and alone on vast prairies are the survivors (or surviving components)
of Colorados stagecoach stations. Stagecoach lines used main routes and stations
from 1859 until at least 1915 providing access to growing communities and initially
carving the states transportation industry. These routes and stations paved the way
for many railroad and road builders. The stations often became the nucleus of the
surrounding area, providing a sense of community to the sparsely populated regions
of Colorados early white settlements. Additionally, the travelers found community
at the stagecoach stations. According to historian Daniel J. Boorstin in his National
Experience, American pioneers moving to the West fostered community wherever
they went.1 According to Robert V. Hine in Community on the American Frontier, a
sense of place is an ingredient common to almost all definitions of community.2
This chapter will explore stagecoaching history as a developing aspect of Colorados
community stagecoach stations.


Stagecoaching History and Design
Although Hollywood and western novels depict stagecoaching as
synonymous with an untamed American West, Europeans used passenger coach
travel as early as the thirteenth century. By the time the stagecoach entered the
American West, it had centuries of technological advancements and numerous body
changes. Great Britain already considered stagecoaching obsolete for transporting
British mail by the 1840s, when railroads became more reliable. Even with the 1849
California mineral discoveries and commerce in the American Southwest, Utah, and
the American Northwest, it was a political struggle to obtain a transcontinental
stagecoaching system in the American West. This chapter will provide an overview
of stagecoaching history and design, transcontinental stagecoaching, stagecoach
travel, and stagecoach stations.
Middle Easterners and Europeans built chariots and passenger carrying
wagons as early as 2000 B. C. and 500 B. C. respectively. However, the passenger
carrying coach or carriage, from which the stagecoach evolved, did not appear until
the late thirteenth century. Italian and French coachbuilders were the first known
builders of a short journey passenger carriage drawn by horses. Researchers
speculated that the word coach evolved either from a fifteenth century coach
builder named Kotze, who initiated much of the eras technology, or from the small
town of Kocs, Hungary where Kotze lived. The word became kutsche in
2


Germany, cocchio in Italy, coche in France, and coche in Spain and Portugal.
This translated into the English word coach.
By the early sixteenth century, European builders produced horse drawn
passenger coaches primarily for royalty and highly affluent families, as they
remained primarily for short journeys and were slower than horse travel. Walter
Rippon built the first English coach in 1555. Queen Elizabeth I commissioned
Rippon in 1566 to build a coach with windows enabling her subjects to view her
from all four sides. Regardless of the advances in the coaches, traveling by
horseback proved to be much more comfortable and faster. After riding in one
particular coach, Queen Elizabeth I was unable to sit for several days and claimed
she would never again ride in that coach. Spanish coachbuilders produced the first
long distance passenger coach during the 1540s.
With the advent of long distance passenger coaches, the next significant
development in stagecoaching history was the creation of a series of post houses
that provided a fresh team of horses. Since traveling in stages between frequent
stops was necessary for long journeys, the coaching industry adopted the term
stagecoaching. The first passenger service stagecoach in England ran in 1610. By
the end of the century, stagecoach travel and stage routes were common throughout
England. Technological changes provided passengers a more comfortable ride by
using iron springs and axles patented in England in 1625. A coach built for Mary,
3


Infanta of Spain, in 1661 debuted glass windows. During the same era, increased
power resulted from the development of iron tires on spoked wheels allowing a
higher speed, reduced wheel wear, and better turning ability. These developments
afforded coaches larger teams of horses resulting in more power.3
The English introduced a stagecoach called the coach and four to America
in the late seventeenth century. By the Revolutionary War, stagecoaches served all
thirteen colonies.4 In 1813 a Concord, New Hampshire company, Abbott, Downing
and Company, began producing coaches. The Concord coach, first built in 1826,
became the most popular stagecoach available in the nineteenth century. The
Concord, considered the most comfortable coach, with leather-upholstered seats,
contained three bench seats inside accommodating nine passengers. Favorable
weather allowed an additional four to six passengers on the roof. The drivers bench
seat was large enough for two passengers and the driver if a guard or conductor was
not along. The price of a Concord coach, depending on the style, often reached
$1,500. Another popular coach was the Troy stagecoach produced by Eaton, Gilbert
and Company at Troy, New York. This was not as luxurious as the Concord and
was more rectangular in shape. The Celerity coach, made by several manufacturers
and known as a mud wagon, had no upholstered seats, was smaller, lighter, and
more maneuverable than the Concord. It was popular in mountain and muddy
areas.5
4


Trans-Mississippi West Stagecoaching
Stagecoaching enterprises in the trans-Mississippi West arrived concurrently
with the rapid conversion in the eastern United States from horse power to steam
power. Steamboats and steam locomotives became the popular mode of
transporting eastern United States passengers and freight. Due to limited navigable
waters connecting western settlements, steamboats were not an option.6
Additionally, railroad entrepreneurs had little motivation to build railways in the
American West since so few settlements existed to support a railroad.
Paradoxically, it often required railroads to promote settlements. Stagecoaching
became the most viable transportation mode in the American West, making it a local
and trans-regional business. Isolated western communities not only required
stagecoaching and wagons; they demanded that the federal government provide
local mail, freight, and passenger transportation services along with similar services
between eastern railroad and steamboat connections with west coast cities.
With exorbitant costs involved with starting and operating a stage line, some
stage operations found federal government support through United States Mail
contract awards.8 A few small Texas stage lines first obtained regional mail
contracts. In 1851, the first trans-regional western United States Mail contract
provided monthly mail services between the Missouri River and Salt Lake City. By
the mid 1850s it extended to Sacramento. However, state representatives from
5


California and New Mexico appealed to Congress for more services through a
transcontinental stage route. The proposed bills failed, prompting California
Democratic Senator, John B. Weller, to declare to Congress,
You have refused to give me the railroad. You have given me a
wagon road, and I say to the Senators, that creates sort of a moral
obligation to give me coaches or wagons to carry the mail over that
road.9
Due in part to sectional interests and biases among Congressional representatives,
Congress did not pass any proposed transcontinental stage route bills until February
1857, when it passed the Post Office appropriations bill. This bill called for a mail
route with an eastern terminal on the Mississippi River and a western terminal at
San Francisco. President James Buchanan signed the bill into law requiring the mail
service to be performed "with good four-horse coaches, or spring wagons suitable
for the conveyance of passengers, as well as the safety and security of the mails and
that the service shall be performed within twenty-five days for each trip.10
The transcontinental service began on September 16, 1858, at two eastern
terminals-Saint Louis, Missouri and Memphis, Tennessee. The two routes joined at
Fort Smith, Arkansas, continued deep into Texas, crossed the desert to Los Angeles,
and finally traveled north to San Francisco. It was known as the Oxbow Route.
Although the United States government contracted with the California Stage
Company to operate the route in 1857, John Birchs stage line company succeeded
the California Stage Company by the time the transcontinental service actually
6


began in 1858. Birch called his company the Overland Mail Company. Locals
called it the Butterfield Overland Mail for John Butterfield, the companys
president. It operated the section between San Antonio, Texas and San Diego,
California for a yearly contract fee of $600,000.11
The designation of the Southern Route disappointed Northern California
businesses. The Sacramento Daily Union expressed the businesspersons
perspectives and doubts that the route would benefit them at all.
Four-horse stages cannot be driven from San Francisco, across the
seven deserts ... in twenty-five days-nor in forty days-nor at all.
It never has been done. It never will be done.12
The Overland Mail exceeded the required timeliness by averaging a delivery time of
twenty-one days, fifteen hours rather than twenty-five days. Regardless of its
success, the establishment of the Southern Route roused bitter sentiment among
many Northerners. For example, the Chicago Tribune called the whole operation,
One of the greatest swindles ever perpetrated upon the country by the slave-
holders.13 Northern opposition to the Oxbow Route continued rising until an 1861
bill introduced in the United States Senate directed moving the route to a central
trail. Congress approved the bill March 12, 1861. It provided for a route from Saint
Joseph, Missouri, directly west to Sacramento. The Central Route was the
designated name for the new trail.14
7


Stagecoach Travel
Although stagecoach builders advanced the coaching technology for nearly
six hundred years, by the 1850s and 1860s most travelers called it anything but
comfortable. In Ben Holladay the Stagecoach King, J. V. Frederick described
stagecoach travel vividly.
They were banged, beaten, and jolted, their heads were swollen and
their faces bruised. Heads ached, nostrils were choked with sand, limbs
were stiffened and bent with cramps. Sometimes the disheartened
travelers would leave the stage to rinse their mouths and dip their heads
in some little creek, the water of which they did not dare to drink. Then,
walking several miles ahead of the stage, they felt like new men again
and forgot the discomforts of their ride in the brisk morning air while
they looked on the beautiful prairie scenery.15
By contrast, in Roughing It, Mark Twain (Samuel Clemens) facetiously compared
the ride to a cradle, Our coach was a great swinging and swaying stage, of the most
sumptuous description-an imposing cradle on wheels.16 On Twains initial
stagecoach ride west, he was one of only two passengers riding with several bags of
United States mail in the coach. By positioning the mailbags, the two passengers
made beds from the mailbags that supposedly cushioned them from the jolts.
Since the Central Overland route required stage lines to complete their routes from
the Missouri River to Sacramento in twenty-five days, stages ran on a twenty-four
hour schedule. The stages maintained a speed of approximately eight to ten miles
per hour to achieve their destination goals. Most stage lines adopted the twenty-four
hour schedule for all long distance stagecoach journeys regardless of the route.17 If
8


the stagecoach was full, passengers not as fortunate as Twain quickly learned how to
sleep while sitting. Theodore Davis, a journalist for Harpers New Monthly
Magazine, described his experience in a July 1867 article.
The first night in a stage-coach is undoubtedly the most uncomfort-
able. .. .The drowsy god soon spread his wings among us, knocking
the pollen of the poppy into our eyes to an extent that caused a general
remark of bedtime. What a misnomer under the circumstances!
Sleeping in a stage-coach is not the most desirable method of passing
the night.
Passengers referred to the stage drivers as a breed of their own. For a
monthly wage of $40, the daring drivers braved the heat, cold, and dangers of the
prairies and mountains, all to do it again on their next run. Passengers accounts
generally described the drivers as positive and having very distinctive personalities,
only occasionally complaining that all drivers told similar stories. Some accounts
labeled the drivers as happy and friendly whips or jehus. Others noted that the
drivers frequently indulged in alcoholic beverages before and during their run.19 In
his article, Theodore Davis gave his description of stagecoach drivers.
Men of fair education and some property may be found driving coaches.
They have left the Atlantic coast, given up by physicians as in the last
stage of consumption, a fact that would never be mistrusted from their
present robust condition. There seems to be a strange fascination in
stage-driving. Though it is one of the most toilsome of lives, a man
once located on the box of a coach seldom or never leaves it for any
other employment.
Driving coaches required great skill and quick discernment to handle six lively
horses or mules over rough terrain that easily changed with rain, snow, or wind.
9


Stage lines required drivers to be very confident in their driving ability. An
Englishman traveling on a California stagecoach commented that the Western
stage-driver was a man of iron nerve, recklessness, and daring character.21
Stagecoach Stations
Similar to Englands post houses, stage line companies established
stagecoach stations in the trans-Mississippi West. Since horses and mules generally
tired after running ten to fifteen miles, stage lines established swing stations,
occasionally referred to as living stations, approximately every ten to fifteen miles
to exchange the tired stock for a fresh team. One to two men generally tended these
stations, which usually contained modest shelter and a corral. In Roughing It,
Mark Twain claimed that the stage tenders changed a team of horses in about the
90
same time it took for the passengers to get out of the stage and briefly stretch.
Home stations provided ticket sales for passengers and were the destination points
for passenger arrivals and departures. Additionally they served as a place to
exchange the livestock teams and typically signaled the end of a drivers run.
Normally, a rested stage driver assumed the duties for the next run. The distance
between home stations was approximately forty to fifty miles and called a drive by
stage lines. A stop at a home station lasted approximately thirty to forty-five
minutes. The home station manager, usually accompanied by his family or a cook,
10


prepared meals to sell to the passengers during their stop.24 The cost of a meal
ranged between $ 1 and $2.50. Some passengers questioned the edibility. Other
passengers did not mind the food so much as they did the monotony of it from
station to station. Samuel Bowles traveled by stage from Missouri to California in
1865. He commented on the food in a letter.
Our meals at the stage stations continued very good throughout the
ride; the staples were bacon, eggs, hot biscuits, green tea and coffee;
dried peaches and apples, and pies were as uniform; beef was
occasional, and canned fruits and vegetables were furnished at least
half of the time. Each meal was the same; breakfast, dinner and
supper were undistinguishable save by the hour. '
Stage line companies that doubled in the freight line business established a third
type of station, called cattle stations. These stations, usually combined with home
stations, provided a fresh team of oxen and a different driver. Several drives made
up a division, which was typically between 150 to 450 miles long. The stage lines
employed a division agent or superintendent to administer the stations along a
particular portion of the stage route.27
Wayside homes for travelers were common in the American West.
Sundowning was the term used when a traveler stopped at days end and stayed at
homes open to travelers, including wayside homes, roadhouses, or simply inns.
Guidebooks to the West provided names and locations of homes that offered
accommodations. Travelers frequently relied on others they met on the trails for this
information. Occasionally, wayside homes coincided with the stage route. Some
11


stage companies commissioned wayside homeowners to serve as home stations on
stage routes. Passengers who wanted to rest overnight and catch another stage paid
the homeowner between fifty cents and one dollar for lodging. Stage companies
used the terms stage houses and station houses interchangeably with stagecoach
stations w'ith respect to the dwelling occupied by the stock tenders, or in the case of
a home station, the dwelling occupied by the managing family.
Although it took patience and many political attempts and maneuvers, the
trans-Mississippi West thrived with help from the transcontinental stage route.
Stagecoaching became a vital piece of the American Wests settlement,
communication, and commerce. It provided individuals who may not have
otherwise traveled west an opportunity to view the West during its early settlement
years, for instance families of wealthy western businessmen, entrepreneurs, and
foreign travelers. At last an organized means of routing the United States mail
provided a pipeline between the eastern United States and the western United States.
Historian Oscar Winther remarked in The Transportation Frontier that although the
passengers did not experience the greatest comfort, the goal of transporting people,
mail, and express by stagecoach had one redeeming feature: it worked.29
12


CHAPTER 2
THE OVERLAND ROUTE AND
THE REPUBLICAN ROUTE
Although the 1861 transcontinental stage route opened communication
channels between the eastern United States and the western United States, its arrival
did not initially assist travelers to present day Colorado. It arrived over two years
after the Pikes Peak gold rush began and its course was approximately 100 miles
north of Denver. Passenger service transportation such as steamboats, trains, and
coaches, common in the East were still foreign in the Rocky Mountain area.
Without navigable water for a steamship, a Pikes Peak emigrants limited
transportation choices included horseback, a horse and wagon, or walking (with or
without a handcart). Early emigrants traveling to Salt Lake City, Oregon, and
California during the 1850s shaped routes later used by Colorado emigrants,
including the Overland Route and the Republican Route. These routes became an
integral part of the early white settlement of Colorado Territory and formed the first
stagecoach trails into Colorado. Stagecoach stations emerged dotting the routes and
impacting the settlement of Colorado.


The Pikes Peak Gold Rush Attraction
Although early French and Spanish explorers, in what is now Colorado,
reported in their diaries finding small quantities of gold and silver, it was not until
1858 that William Green Russell organized an exploration group to learn of the
areas mineral possibilities. Russells party found small deposits of scale gold (a
very coarse gold) in and around Cherry Creek. On a return trip from Fort Laramie
to Kansas City, Missouri, John Cantrell stumbled upon Russells party. With the
groups permission, he took sample gravel with him where he panned out a small
amount of color in Kansas City. His statement prompted merchants and newspaper
journalists to sensationalize it as a find better than that of Californias 1849 gold
rush.1 He published a newspaper affidavit regarding his sample indicating it was
gold from the Rocky Mountains. This attracted many distraught individuals
impacted by Americas 1857 depressed economy. By the fall and winter of 1858,
masses of gold seekers traveled to the Cherry Creek area. Although prospectors
found no gold on or in the immediate vicinity of Pikes Peak, guidebooks of the time
used Pikes Peak as a reference point as to the location of the purported gold first
found seventy miles north of Pikes Peak. The rush that followed became known as
the Pikes Peak gold rush and the area that was later Colorado, was known as the
Pikes Peak region.2
January 1859 was an auspicious month for Pikes Peak gold seekers in three
areas west of Denver. George A. Jackson found significant gold on the Idaho bar of
14


South Clear Creek (where Clear Creek intersected with the mouth of what was
eventually Chicago Creek), near present day Idaho Springs. He marked his find and
returned in the spring to develop a very significant discovery. Six men prospected
an area, in what is now Boulder County, called Gold Run near Gold Hill in late fall
of 1858. By January 1859 they found large quantities of gold, although less
significant than Jacksons discovery. John Hamilton Gregory found the third
significant mineral discovery that month. He traveled to the Cherry Creek area in
the fall of 1858. After prospecting without success along the South Platte River and
Cherry Creek, he followed Clear Creek (the Vasquez Fork of the South Platte),
northwest of Golden (near where Black Hawk is today), where he found significant
placer gold in January of 1859. With winter conditions and deep snow, Gregory
postponed further investigation of the site. When he returned with supplies in the
spring, Gregory found the first vein of gold in the Pikes Peak region. The find,
recorded on May 6, 1859, became known as Gregory Diggings, Gregory Gulch, and
the Gregory District. It initiated growth of a mining camp called Mountain City, the
predecessor to Central City and Black Hawk. These discoveries prompted
thousands of Pikes Peak gold rush prospectors to scour the Rocky Mountains and
the emergence of settlements throughout the area. Although estimates vary,
between 25,000 and 100,000 people came to the area from 1858 to 1859 and
settlements emerged throughout the Pikes Peak region.
15


Initial Routes
The Overland Route, referred to as the Platte Route, began at Saint Joseph,
Missouri, came west through the eastern portion of Kansas Territory, then turned
north to follow the North Platte River in Nebraska Territory. The Route followed
the South Platte River briefly at Upper California Crossing before moving
northward again along the North Platte River. This was a well-established trail
previously used by 1850s emigrants drawn to Californias gold fields, Salt Lake
City, and Oregon. Another popular and well-established route was the Santa Fe
Route that crossed the southeastern comer of what is now Colorado into New
Mexico and on to California. Additionally, emigrants followed the Santa Fe Route,
then continued west to what is now Pueblo to find the Cherokee Trail that they
followed north along the foothills into what is now Wyoming.
Promoters of a new route, the Smoky Hill Route, claimed it was the most
direct to Cherry Creek. Although it did shorten the travel time, definite paths did
not exist and few individuals risked traveling the route initially. Guidebooks listing
the Smoky Hill Route led the Pikes Peak pilgrims to the edge of what is now
Colorado and from there left them to wander aimlessly without good directions.
Eager for riches, many adventurous individuals outfitted themselves with mules,
provisions, and printed map cards directing them over the Smoky Hill Route. One
account told of a group of individuals who left Saint Louis on March 2, 1859
following clear directions to Junction City, Kansas Territory. However, from that
16


point the map cards were absolutely worthless, providing fictitious information
every step of the way. For two days the individuals followed what appeared to be
wagon tracks, however they disappointedly learned later that the tracks were Indian
lodge pole tracks. Eventually, the group found Bents Fort after surviving on
prickly pear and wild onions for nine days.4
The Blue party was not as fortunate. The party consisted of three brothers
(Alexander, Charles, and Daniel Blue) and two other individuals. They left Illinois
for the Pikes Peak region on February 22, 1859 packing provisions on their one
horse and on their backs. By March 6, 1859, they reached Kansas City where they
continued their trek on the Smoky Hill Route. Later, a statement from Daniel Blue
indicated that by the time the party was within 150 miles of Denver City, they used
nearly all of their food supplies and lost their packhorse and provisions, save a
shotgun. They survived on what little game was available, a few hares, and ravens.
They felt too exhausted and weak to hunt large game. Before dying of starvation,
one man in the group advised the others to nourish themselves with his remains if
necessary. Finding no other source of food, the others, against their feelings,
consumed their companions remains. Wandering aimlessly in the midst of
Colorados eastern plains with little or no water and little food, all except Daniel
Blue perished; each authorized the survivors to partake in his remains. Daniel
Blue's statement best described the rest of the journey.
17


I was found by an Arapahoe Indian, and carried to his lodge, treated
with great kindness and a day and a half thereafter (. the fourth
day of May) brought to encampment of the Leavenworth and Pike's
Peak Express companies train, en route to Denver City,... where
I was received and taken care of, and left at station 25, to recover... ,5
Before traffic defined the route, many more emigrants traveled this route in
wagons or walked pushing handcarts; many more died along the way. General
William H. Larimer, Jr. wrote of his concerns to his wife in April 1859,
It is supposed that fourteen men have starved to death on the Smoky
Hill route.... The trouble with this route is that after they leave the
Smoky Hill, there has been no direct road and they wander off in every
direction.6
Smoky Hill travelers often deserted their property and broken wagons and continued
the journey on foot. Dead horses and oxen along with unmarked graves cluttered
the route.7 The route commonly became known as the Starvation Route.
The rumored and realized riches from the Rocky Mountains not only piqued
the interests of gold seekers, but it captivated entrepreneurs foreseeing goods and
services necessary for the emigrants livelihood. Denver City town promoter
General William H. Larimer, Jr. aimed to attract essential enterprises to Denver City
drawing business away from its larger, more established rival, Auraria Town
Company, located on the opposite side of Cherry Creek. Larimer realized the
leverage and influence a stage line generated to an infant community. He discussed
a proposition of running a stage line from Leavenworth, Kansas Territory, to Denver
City with William Hepburn Russell, a veteran freighter. Larimer enhanced the
18


proposition by offering fifty-three Denver City lots to the freighting firm of Russell,
Majors and Waddell express company (a freight line of which William Russell was
a principal) and six lots to William H. Russell, if Russell agreed. Additionally,
Larimer gave the stage line two city lots strategically located in the heart of Denver
City.8
William H. Russell, known to embark on new and profitless enterprises,
joined with John S. Jones, a pioneer government contractor of the West, to organize
the first passenger service from the states to Denver City. They called their stage
line the Leavenworth & Pikes Peak Express Company (L & PPE). Russell and
Jones invited Alexander Majors and William Bradford Waddell to join them in the
new venture. However, both Majors and Waddell agreed that engaging in a stage
line was premature and risky in an undeveloped area with an unknown future.
Russell, Majors and Waddell provided the L & PPE a ninety-day loan for most of its
origination costs, which were nearly $79,000.9
The route began at Leavenworth, Kansas Territory, followed the Republican
and Solomon Rivers staying between the Platte Route and the Smoky Hill Route
then converged with the Smoky Hill Route approximately seventy-five miles east of
Denver City. Russell and Jones intended the route to decrease travel time while
providing ample fuel, water, and grass. Colonel William J. Preston surveyed the
route and marked the location of twenty-seven future stagecoach stations, each
approximately twenty-five miles apart. A well-traveled road existed for the first
19


twenty-five miles from Leavenworth. The remaining 600 plus miles required the
stage driver to trust stakes, piles of stones, buffalo bones, and dung placed along the
route by the surveying party as guide indicators. The L & PPE positioned stations
Twenty through Twenty-Seven in what is now Colorado. (See Figure 2.1).
Ironically, the second set of Denver bound coaches found Daniel Blue at Station 25
and provided him a free fare into Denver.10
Henry Villard, a newspaper journalist for the Cincinnati Daily Commercial,
accepted an assignment to investigate the Pikes Peak region and its rumored riches
in March 1859. On April 18, 1859, the first set of L & PPE coaches left
Leavenworth. Over one thousand spectators cheered as Villard boarded one of the
coaches he described as
red-painted, canvas-covered vehicles, with three inside seats for three
passengers each, known as Concord coaches, with four fine Kentucky
mules attached that started on a full run.11
Even more excited to see the coaches were residents of the Cherry Creek area when
the coaches arrived on May 7, 1859.
Just as the setting sun was gorgeously illuminating the range, the
stage made a final halt in front of the log-house in Denver that
represented the headquarters of the stage company. Our coming was
not expected, but the glad intelligence that the first overland stage
was arriving spread instantly on both banks of Cherry Creek, and the
whole population quickly turned out to see it. 12
With the announcement that hundreds of letters and newspapers arrived, the crowd
belted three cheers for the new stage line.13
20


21


Larimer realized his goal with the arrival of a stage line into Denver.
Emerging businesses established themselves close to the stage companys office,
jockeying for the newcomers business. With the L & PPEs regular mail service,
Auraria and Denver City residents anxiously waited in line for a letter from the
states six to seven days old. Previously, Fort Laramie was the closest United States
mail connection to Auraria and Denver City. Jim Saunders created the first express
line from Denver City to Fort Laramie in November 1858, retrieving the newly
formed communities mail, often six weeks old, and sending mail for the
townspeople. He charged fifty cents for letters and twenty-five cents for
newspapers; this was in addition to the three cents United States postage for a letter.
Since the L & PPE was not an official United States mail carrier, it too charged a
private carrier fee of twenty-five cents for letters and ten cents for newspapers.
Although these were steep prices, the recipients and senders willingly paid the price
to communicate with the states. By the spring of 1860, Auraria Town Company
merged with Denver City creating one town called Denver.14
Leavenworth & Pikes Peak Express Stations and Travel
Prior to the first departure of coaches, a large wagon train left Leavenworth,
Kansas Territory carrying provisions, equipment, and materials to establish the
stations. Rather than spend the initial start up time building stations though, the
22


Leavenworth & Pikes Peak Express supplied each station with Sibley tents to
accommodate employees and passengers. The company planned to erect permanent
structures after the line was fully operational.15 Henry Villard described the stations
as ... simply small camps of one large and several small tents manned by three
persons the station-keeper, an assistant.. and a male cook.16 The station
tenders assistant cared for the twelve mules, a number sufficient for the stage coach
relays. The large tent provided the passengers a dining room and sleeping quarters.
Villard indicated that the passengers were expected, as all travelers on the plains
did, to carry with them their bedding that is, buffalo robes or blankets rolled up in
a waterproof sheet.17 Unlike stations in later years, several L & PPE home stations
provided overnight passenger accommodations resulting in a travel time of ten to
twelve days over the 687 miles. The stage line anticipated a reduction in travel time
equal to eight days once it built the stations and fully established the route with
known cut-offs.18
Horace Greeley, editor of the New York Tribune traveled on the L & PPE
six weeks after its inception to find little improvements to the stations. At Station
21, near what became the Tuttle community with the Tuttle stage stop and store,19
Greeley noted the conditions.
Water is obtained from the apology for a river, or by digging in the
sand by its side; in default of wood, corrals (cattle-pens) are formed
at the stations by laying up a heavy wall of clayey earth flanked by sod,
and thus excavating a deep ditch on the inner side, except at the portal,
which is closed at night by running a wagon into it. The tents are
23


sodded at their bases; houses of sod are to be constructed as soon as
may be. Such are the shifts of human ingenuity in a country which
has probably not a cord of growing wood to each township of land.20
Paul Miller, who grew up in eastern Colorado at the turn of the twentieth century,
located many of the station sites over several decades with help from other eastern
Colorado residents. On the site of what he believed to be Station 21, he found a
deteriorating sod ditch that he speculated reached eight feet at one time. His notes
indicated that the trench was shoulder deep from which an individual could easily
fire a rifle if necessary.21
Albert Richardson, a newspaper journalist who was a correspondent for
Horace Greeleys New York Tribune in 1860, accompanied Greeley on the
L & PPE journey west and maintained a journal with more positive impressions
than Greeley.
At Station Twenty-one where we spent the night, we first encountered
fresh fish upon our table. Here the enormous cat-fish of Missouri and
Kansas has dwindled to the little homed-pout of New England, lost its
22
strong taste and regained its legitimate flavor.
Many early emigrants traveling the undefined Smoky Hill Route to Cherry Creek by
foot or horseback made a common, sometimes perishable, error at the site of the
L & PPEs Station 22. They frequently continued their travels northwesterly across
a dry, barren, and isolated plain with no water for miles. If they traveled
23
southwesterly, as the L & PPE route did, they found water.
24


Not only did the stage stations along this route serve the stage company and
its passengers, they provided an oasis for travelers of other modes of transportation.
Greeley witnessed this reception and captured it in his notes.
I found every one of the western stations of the Express company
beset by gangs of half-starved men mostly of the handcart and
walking gentry that had consumed their last, days ago, and were
now driven to appeal to the feelings of compassion of the employes
[s/c] of the Express company. And heartily and humanely was this
appeal responded to in most cases. Otherwise, the road would be
covered with the bleaching bones of such as had breathed their last in
the merciless wilderness, for want of the means of physical subsistence.24
The L & PPEs presence along the Republican and Solomon River route
successfully carved a safer route for travelers and created, for the time, an
upstanding reputation for itself. Greeleys report of his journey in the New York
Tribune left little question to easterners that the Pikes Peak gold rumors were not
humbug. The Rocky Mountain News indicated that during 1859, the L & PPE was
one of the most important and influential institutions of Colorado.25
The Platte Route or Overland Route
Stagecoaching and Stagecoach Stations
Platte Route Stagecoaching
On May 11, 1859, not even one month after the L & PPE coaches started
running, Jones, Russell & Company purchased the United States mail contract from
John M. Hockaday & Co. Hockaday and John Liggitt began the government
25


contract in 1858 to transport mail from Saint Joseph, Missouri to Salt Lake City,
Utah. The contract required mail service to Forts Kearney and Laramie, which left
Jones and Russell with what they believed to be one choice. A United States mail
contract provided security of income along with passenger and express fares, an
opportunity difficult to ignore. They transferred the L & PPE line and operations
north to the Platte Route.26
Once operational on the Platte Route, newspapers made the change public.
The Rocky Mountain News praised the new route in August 1859 and quoted the
papers owner, William Byers, when he indicated that he and his family
... found stations along the South Platte, fitted up in the best style
possible.... Houses have been erected, wells dug, and the conventions
of life are rapidly being gathered around points along a distance of a
hundred miles, where two months ago there was not a fixed habitation.
Passengers by this line get their regular meals on a table and smoking hot.27
The article indicated that independent travelers on horseback, in wagons, or on foot
easily found shelter at night and two meals a day. Later accounts speculated that the
newspapers published the accounts, based partly on truth, as a promotion of the line
and to encourage the company.
No amount of positive publicity, however, resolved the unpaid debts the
L & PPE continued to incur. Although the line ran a regular schedule, operating
costs exceeded passenger fare receipts and the mail contract rate. By October 28,
1859, the line owed creditors $525,532. Russell, Majors and Waddell, a creditor of
approximately $100,000, bought the L & PPE rescuing its own investment. The
26


L & PPEs largest indebtedness was for buying and more fully equipping the
Hockaday mail line. William Russell organized a new company, the Central
Overland California & Pikes Peak Express Company (COC & PP) on November
23, 1859, and reclaimed the stage line from Russell, Majors and Waddell. The same
principals involved themselves along with several more individuals as incorporators
of the new entity. In August 1860, the Post Office Department awarded the mail
contract to the Western Stage Company with delivery sendee from Omaha,
Nebraska to Denver, only complicating the COC & PPs fragile business. The
COC & PP lost most of its mail and express business to and from Denver to its new
competitor.30
Although Russell reorganized the company, the debt followed. Due to his
financial mismanagement and other improprieties, the board of directors of the
COC & PP removed Russell as president in April 1861 and appointed Bela M.
Hughes, an attorney, to succeed Russell. Hughes explained in an 1892 letter, that
the line
. was poorly equipped, had few stations of small importance, and
was greatly embarrassed with debt, a fact I did not know when I
consented to take the position as president.31
When the corporate secretary revealed a complete financial statement to
Hughes in November 1861, Hughes saw no debt relief and promptly recommended
that the board of directors auction the company to the highest bidder. During the
difficult financial times, disgruntled stage employees not receiving timely
27


paychecks, interpreted the initials COC & PP as 'Clean Out of Cash & Poor Pay.
Ben Holladay, a creditor of $208,000, successfully bid $100,000 in March 1862.32
Holladay eventually changed the name to Holladay Overland Mail and Express
Company and operated it until November 1866 when Wells Fargo & Company
bought the line for $1,800,000. Wells Fargo operated the line until the Kansas
Pacific Railroad made its way to Denver in 1870.33
Establishment of Platte Route Stage Stations. The Platte Route stage lines
began their routes at Saint Joseph, Missouri traveled northwesterly to Fort Kearney,
Nebraska Territory, then followed the Overland Route and Oregon Trails along the
North Platte River. At the Upper Crossing near the mouth of Lodgepole Creek at
Julesburg, the stage route turned southwesterly for Denver following the South
Platte River. (See Figure 2.2.) Travelers on horseback, in wagons, and on foot used
the route extensively knowing that water, grass, and a few inhabitants existed on the
route. Realizing the masses of emigrants who traveled the route, entrepreneurs
established road ranches or roadhouses that typically doubled as trading posts
offering travelers meals, overnight accommodations, hay, blacksmith services, and
essential provisions for a premium price. Although the stage lines did not originally
use some of the road ranches as stage stations, at times the stage line contracted with
them for that purpose.34
The Platte stage lines built the stage stations all very similarly. Typically,
they were almost square, one-story, hand hewn cedar or pine log vernacular
28


29


structures containing one to three rooms and earthen floors. However, reports
indicated that a few sod stations existed on the route. If the station contained only
one large room, muslin partitions divided the area into separate eating and sleeping
areas. Cedar or pine logs created a gabled roof with small cedar poles placed
close together for rafters. On top of the poles, the builders placed a layer of
willows, a layer of hay, sod or earth, and finally a smattering of coarse gravel to
reduce the wind blowing the earth from the roof. Builders found cedar trees
growing in the canyons south and west of the Platte River, near Cottonwood Springs
in southwestern Nebraska. Groves of trees closer to Denver supplied many stations
west of Bijou Stagecoach Station (near Fort Morgan). Swing stations typically
consisted of the station tenders quarters, a bam, and a corral. The home stations
were much larger and contained several outbuildings in addition to the bam and
corral. In a 1910 account, J. J. Thomas recalled working for the COC & PP as a
relay stage station builder from 1859 to 1860. His work included building Lillian
Springs Stagecoach Station. In addition to constructing stagecoach stations, he
recalled building storehouses for com and horse bams.35
Julesburg. Jules Beni (additionally known as Jules Reni, Rene Beniot and
Rene Jules) established the best-known trading post along the Platte Route. At the
junction of the Oregon and Overland Trails called the Upper California Crossing, he
built his post one mile from the mouth of Lodgepole Creek and on the south side of
the South Platte River. Beginning in the 1 850s he offered travelers provisions for
30


their journeys to California, Oregon, and Utah. The stop later became known as
Julesburg and eventually had four different locations. Stage companies often
referred to it as Overland City, however, an actual name change never occurred. In
1860, the Pony Express kept a relay station at Julesburg on its route from Saint
Joseph, Missouri to Sacramento. The Pony Express, another William Russell and
associates enterprise, ceased in October 1861 with the completion of the
transcontinental telegraph lines.
By 1865, the Julesburg Stagecoach Station was one of the most important on
the route. It was the end of the supervisory division for that stage route section.
Besides a large home station, it contained a passenger eating house, large stable,
blacksmith repair shop, a granary, and storehouses. The stage line built the corral in
an enclosed sod wall. A large store, not a part of the stage company property, gave
travelers an opportunity to buy provisions. The Overland Telegraph Company
operated a telegraph office from the site. The three operations (the stage line, store,
and telegraph office) employed approximately forty to fifty men, including station
hands, stock tenders, drivers, telegraph operators, and a cook. The builder possibly
hauled the cottonwood log building materials from Cottonwood Canyon sixty-five
miles east of Julesburg to construct the frame station with a sod roof.36
Edward L. Berthoud and W. F. Wilder organized a second Julesburg in
February 1866 approximately two miles east of the original or Old Julesburg. It was
near the east boundary of Fort Sedgwick making it convenient for the soldiers to
31


buy whiskey and other provisions. The Union Pacific Railroad prompted a third
Julesburg in 1867 as its line veered south into Colorado Territory while avoiding
laying track through several miles of Nebraska sand hills. Some emigrants
continued using the second Julesburg stage station as a resting place although the
stage company relocated the station to the third Julesburg where the stage met train
passengers traveling to Denver. Once the train reached Cheyenne by way of
->7
Nebraska, stage travel on the Platte Route decreased considerably.
Stations along the Platte Route functioned in a variety of ways. Guidebooks
published in Missouri and Kansas noted many stations, the availability of
provisions, grass, water, and wood. Emigrants traveling by methods other than
stagecoaches revealed that they used the stagecoach stations as reference points.
Jonah Girad Cisne kept a journal of his wagon train trip to Pikes Peak country in
April 1860.
Thursday 15th started early, a calm clear day. Passed by the Station
as they was eating breakfast. Stopped for dinner by some Shiann fj/c]
Indians. Stopped 4 mi. below Lilions Springs [Lillian Springs] for
dinner.... Passed Valley Station at 4 oclock .... Sunday the 20th....
We did not drive. Washed some close [s/c] and laid over till Monday.
This Station is 3/4 of a mile below the cut-off, 75 miles from Denver.. ..
in
Passed the toll gate about 11 oclock, 8 miles from Denver.
Frequently, these emigrants and wagon trains camped near the stations not
only to buy provisions, if necessary, but as a sense of security. In Ez Stahls diary
entry for May 17, 1860, he noted that he and his party drove 17 miles, camped on
Platte past the stage station, and on September 16, 1862 that he got supper at
32


Fremonts (Fremonts Orchard Stagecoach Station on the Platte Route.)39 Another
emigrant, who left his or her name out of a journal, indicated the type of sleeping
accommodations that stations offered for travelers in 1863, June 9th, Rain -
stopped at Spring Hill Station in stable, slept in manger best bed since St. Joe.40
This traveler, not splurging for the home station meals, told of his or her variety of
food for lunch and supper, Bacon and crackers then crackers and bacon.41
Along with many others who migrated west and were unable to afford a stagecoach
ride or station meals, he or she appeared frugal. By June 11th the diary told that
they did not expect to eat again until they reached Denver, which was four more
days of travel. He or she wrote that at the Kiowa station, they bought one pint of
milk for dinner with hopes for bread at ranch and at Box Elder Stagecoach Station
that the Boys eating, Im fasting.42
Platte Route settlers and station tenders created their own communities in
isolated northeastern Colorado Territory. Settlers considered anyone within one
hundred miles their neighbors. To ward off loneliness, some home stations hosted
dances. The host sent a message along the line inviting everyone. Some settlers
traveled over fifty miles just to attend the dances. They arrived on horseback, in
wagons, and some rode the stage, depending on seat availability, and then caught
the return stage the next day. Although the stage lines did not originally contract
with Godfreys ranch, built approximately in 1860 (between what is now Sterling
and Fort Morgan, Colorado), it later replaced American Ranche as a home station.
33


Godfreys hosted occasional dances and made neighbors and travelers alike feel
welcome. The dances typically lasted all night with a large potluck held at
midnight. Mary Ellen Bailey from Latham, a stagecoach station near present day
Greeley, noted in her diary that she traveled to Godfreys ball, nearly 60 miles, just
to get up at the crack of dawn the following morning to return home. The sight of
so many women at one place, who traveled such a great distance, frequently amazed
travelers who stopped at the station during a dance.43
Sand Creek
As masses of emigrants poured over the prairies, it affected local Indian
tribes resources. Sheltering timber groves and large bison herds dwindled.
Historian Elliott West referred to wagon trains as great grass-gobbling machines
as they devoured much of the remaining forage along the major routes.44 While
Indians in the area were peaceful during the first few years of white migration,
government and continued white infiltration pushed the tribes into smaller areas
with fewer resources. Some tribes members became very resistant to the white
peoples invasion and became desperate as tensions built. The June 1864 murder
and mutilation of ranch manager Ward Hungate, his wife, and two daughters, was
the turning point. Testimony later revealed that four Northern Arapahoe held a
grudge against Hungate. Colorado Territorial Governor, John Evans, interpreted the
murders as all Indians declaration of a full war. He requested that peaceful Indians
34


report to specified military posts where the military offered food and safety to
them.45 Due to scant military provisions at Fort Lyon, in the southeastern portion of
Colorado Territory, the military turned away a peaceful group of Cheyennes
advising them to camp near Sand Creek, an area north of Fort Lyon, where they
were supposedly safe. Colonel John M. Chivington, commanding officer of the
First Colorado Regiment, believing he needed to teach the Indians a lesson they
would not forget46 took Evans interpretation to an extreme. At dawn, November
29, 1864, Chivington led his troops into the peaceful Sand Creek camp killing and
mutilating every man, woman, and child possible and burning the lodges the next
day. Some escaped and survived while approximately 150 lost their lives in this
needless massacre 47
Revenge
After mourning their loses, Indians sought reprisal beginning in January
1865. Sioux and Cheyenne leaders decided to attack Julesburg first. At dawn on an
early January day, close to 600 Sioux and Cheyenne waited in the sand hills near
Fort Sedgwick and Julesburg. A few Indians drew the soldiers out of the fort by
yelling and charging. Once the soldiers engaged in a fight, the remaining Indians
swooped down upon the station and store. Approximately fourteen soldiers died.
The remaining soldiers retreated leaving the Indians to plunder the station, store,
and warehouse the soldiers not interfering. In the sand hills, Indian women waited
35


with extra ponies onto which they loaded provisions. They secured all of the
groceries, including large sacks of flour, corn, and sugar, clothing, silks, and
hardware. Although they did not understand what the canned food was initially,
they quickly learned from George and Charlie Bent48 who found a new use for their
tomahawks opening the tin cans. The Indians found a moneybox supposedly not
knowing what the green paper represented and threw it into the air. George and
Charlie Bent knowing its purpose secured a large sum of the estimated $30,000.
Toward the end of January the tribes planned another strike. The plan was
that the Cheyennes hit all ranches and stations midway between Denver and the
Bijou Station (near Fort Morgan), the Sioux hit those east of Julesburg, and the
Northern Arapahoe strike in the middle. This time damages were more severe.
Between late January and February 2, 1865, the tribes attacked nearly every ranch
and station on the Platte Route. They burned the majority of them along with tons
of hay and ran off hundreds of cattle. Once again, the tribes greatly out numbered
the Fort Sedgwick soldiers who gave little resistance. Each rancher and stage tender
was on his own. Several settlers and stage tenders died from gun shot wounds or
the fires. Cut Belly, a Sioux, took American Ranche stage tenders wife Sarah
Morris and her two children captive. Additionally, the Indians destroyed the
telegraph lines to Denver.49
Holon Godfrey, owner of a ranch about two miles west of the American
Ranche and stage station, (located between what is now Sterling and Fort Morgan,
36


Colorado) was one of the few who defended his property with little damage. He
built his 1860 ranch to include a comer tower, containing portholes, in the corral.
He reportedly dug a well inside the dwellings. When attacked, he, his wife,
children, and at least one male visitor defended the location when they created a
firebreak by wetting the ground and the sod roof. Godfreys wife, Matilda, and the
Godfrey children molded bullets and reloaded guns. Finally, the Indians retreated.
The story told is that Cheyenne and Sioux Indians called Godfrey Old Wicked
due to Godfreys perseverance and defense strategies. He adopted the name Fort
Wicked for his ranch. The stage line contracted with Godfrey to tend a home
station, considering the American Ranche and most others on the line burned.50
Only a few Platte Route stations and ranches survived the 1865
depredations. Stage lines sending stages west advised passengers to bring at least a
three days supply of food since many home stations were not operational, if
existing. Travelers continued to use the burned and abandoned stations as reference
points and in at least one case as an oasis for a hot meal. Traveling on a very cold
day, a stage driver stopped at one of the pilfered and burned home stations hoping to
find at least some coffee. The driver and passengers found enough food remaining
to delight in their first hot meal in two days. They enjoyed a breakfast combination
of canned stewed tomatoes, stewed dried apples, bacon swimming in fat, biscuits
yellow with soda, and hot coffee.51
37


Ben Holladay threatened to abandon his the entire Platte Route if the federal
government did not protect it. The stages stopped running, prices soared for goods
coming to Colorado Territory, and the United States mail service sent Colorado mail
to Panama, then to California, and then east to Denver avoiding the dangers.
George Bent stated, All of this trouble was the result of Colonel Chivingtons
great victory at Sand Creek. The government sent extra troops and provided
military escorts for coaches traveling in pairs. By May 1865, the federal
government declared the route safe for travel. For those who could afford the coach
fare, the stage line attempted to recoup its losses by increasing the $100 coach fare
to $175. Although depredations and attacks continued regularly through 1869, none
measured in damages or deaths to the ones in early 1865.53
W. Lee Henderson came to Colorado Territory in 1872 with the intention of
settling near what is now Sterling, Colorado. At the deserted Fort Sedgwick,
located fifty miles from Sterling, he found building materials a door, a window,
and a frame, that he claimed were For our shanty.54 He took possession of the site
and the remains of Valley Stagecoach Station located three miles east of Sterling,
built his shanty, homesteaded the site, and raised cattle. Hendersons brother,
John, remembered that in the stage days the road over the sand hills below Valley
Station was paved with dobe, and for many years it was advisable to stick to the
old pavement.55 He remembered a family in a wagon that got off the pavement
38


and were hopelessly stuck until he and others helped pull them out with their
team.56
The Overland North Route
During the COC & PP occupation of the Platte Route, the route continued
over the Colorado Territory prairies stopping at stations including one near what is
now Fort Morgan, Greeley (called Latham in 1860), Fort Saint Vrain, and finally
south to Denver, the end of the line. In 1862, when Ben Holladays Overland Mail
and Express Company received the United States mail contract, he changed the
route to Denver by adding a short cut called the Fort Morgan Cut-Off. This
southwesterly approach from Fort Morgan to Denver made a more direct route that
reduced the travel time. For fares to Fort Laramie, the route continued from Fort
Morgan northwesterly to Latham, La Porte, and then north to Wyoming. In 1864,
the stage company changed the route to extend directly from Denver to Fort
Laramie via St. Vrain (the location of the Burlington Stagecoach Station), Big
Thompson station, La Porte, and on to Wyoming. When Wells Fargo and Co.
bought Holladays enterprise in 1866, not only did it continue the line from Denver
to Fort Laramie, it established a Denver to Cheyenne route that traversed the same
area north of Denver, then at La Porte veered northeasterly over an old trail that
traders used from Santa Fe to Fort Laramie during the first half of the nineteenth
century.57
39


The existence of stage travel and stage stations created new employment
opportunities for the emerging communities. Lucas Brandt arrived in Colorado
Territory on April 5, 1867. He worked on the Rist hay farm near the Big Thompson
River (three miles west of Loveland). Mr. Rist contracted with Wells Fargo for the
growing and delivering hay to stagecoach stations. Hay grew wild in the
bottomlands of the Big Thompson and the Cache la Poudre Rivers. Brandt assisted
in cutting, curing, and hauling the hay to the Little Thompson stage station,
Namaqua stage station, Spring Canyon stage station, and the La Porte stage station.
Brandt hauled the hay on racks made of logs, then tied and fastened them with
chains. Two and one half to three tons of hay equaled a load that Brandt hauled
with a team of oxen. Wells Fargo additionally contracted with Brandt to haul cut
lumber from Left Hand Creek to the Namaqua stage station to build a bam for
stagecoach stock.58
La Porte Stagecoach Station
Stage stations often became the community center for various events. Harris
Stratton married Elizabeth Parke Keays at the Poudre Valley Camp on December
29, 1866. The couples wedding celebration consisted of a horse ride to the La
Porte Stagecoach Station where friends hosted a wedding dance and party in their
honor.59 Charles E. Roberts recalled the John Robinson circus en route from
Denver to Cheyenne pitched its tents just east of the hotel or eating station on the
40


great Overland route in the summer of 1867.60 This unidentified home station may
have been either La Porte or Namaqua. La Porte was the largest community on the
Denver and Cheyenne route with a hotel, brewery, four saloons, a shoe shop, two
blacksmith shops, and a store all on the main route with the home station. The La
Porte stage station served as a post office by June 1862.61
La Porte was an important station during its time, serving as the Holladay
stage companys headquarters for Colorado Territory in 1862. Mrs. William Taylor
of the La Porte home station, was famous along the route for her neat and attractive
dining-room and her excellent table, where she
served various kinds of bread, coffee made to perfection and the
variety of things she knew what to do with beans and dried apples.62
In the fall of 1866, Colonel Silas Seymour, a consulting engineer for the Union
Pacific Railroad, General Grenville W. Dodge, chief engineer, and James A. Evans,
division engineer, accompanied the directors of the Union Pacific Railroad through
Colorado Territory and examined proposed railroad routes. Seymour wrote,
We reached Laporte, a distance of sixty-seven miles by stage road
from Denver ... and found most comfortable quarters at the stage
station kept by William S. Taylor.63
When William Taylor advised the group that his station did not offer sleeping
accommodations, Seymour asked Taylor of the possibility of one person sleeping in
the lounge in the comer of the dining room, while the others slept on the floor near
the stove. Upon this, the cook, a buxom middle-aged woman with a sucking child,
41


called out from the kitchen, in not very gentle tones, that lounge was her bed.64
The group found other accommodations in town.
Latham Stagecoach Station
Colorados 100-Day Volunteers camped at the Latham home stage station in
1864. Once Indian depredations along the Platte began, other companies
bivouacked on the station grounds. The Thirteenth Kansas Regiment Volunteer
Infantry stationed many soldiers there while escorting stagecoaches. Company B of
First Colorado succeeded the Thirteenth Kansas Regiment, and the 11th Ohio
Volunteer Cavalry succeeded Company B. Locals called the station Fort Latham
due to the number of soldiers camped there on a continual basis. Although the stage
line discontinued using this station in 1862, Mary Ellen Jackson Baileys diary
reflected that she continued to offer accommodations to travelers on their way to
Wyoming.65
Because most stages ran on a twenty-four hour schedule, the drivers only
stopped during the night to change horses. Most accounts confirmed that home
stations typically provided two or three meals during the day. However, one home
station served as a twenty-four hour cafe for a few prominent stage passengers. In
1868 Samuel Bowles, editor in chief of the Springfield Republican (Massachusetts),
William Bross, editor of the Chicago Tribune, Schuyler Colfax, Illinois Lieutenant
Governor, Speaker of the United States House of Representatives and United States
42


Vice President nominee, and several relatives of these three, boarded an extra
stage in Cheyenne at ten oclock in the morning. In the middle of night, the party
decided they were hungry.
Our stage was an extra, and ran wild, and so came along
unawareness. It was a trifle rough, therefore, to rouse a lone woman,
at one oclock in the night, to get us some supper or breakfast, -
whichever you choose to call it. She could do it, she said, but she
didnt quite like to. But who could resist the gallant Vice-President
whether pleading for ballot or breakfast; or the offers of help from the
ladies; or the final suggestion of the driver? She wavered at the first;
the second operated as a challenge to her capacity; and the third was
irresistible.... So at two oclock in the morning, we sat down to ham
and potatoes, tea and coffee, bread and butter, pies, cakes and canned
fruits, not even the edges of the squareness of the meal rubbed off,
and good humor everywhere.66
Virginia Dale Stagecoach Station
The best-known station on this route was the Virginia Dale Stagecoach
Station located five miles south of the Wyoming border. It was well known for its
station tender Joseph A. Slade, Jack, who unknowingly created a reputation ideal for
the basis of many western tales. As with many stories associated with the western
frontier, the early reports often exaggerated and/or concealed the truth to promote
legends and sell stories. Slade began his career with the Overland Stage Company
as a division superintendent in Julesburg. His previous experience included work as
a train-master for a California bound wagon train, a stage driver for the
43


COC & PP and as a division agent at Fort Kearney. He held a reputation in the
West as a great Indian fighter and a skilled marksman. His job for the Overland
Stage Company included supervising stage tenders and accounting for company
property, including the company horses that mysteriously disappeared. Slade
believed Jules Beni, of the Julesburg stage station, stole company horses and
supplies. Based on Slades report, the company fired Beni for his alleged criminal
activities with various outlaws. The legend begins when revengeful Beni shot Jack
Slade several times. Slade survived with a mission to track down Beni. Not only
did he track him down, he purportedly tied Benis hands and feet, stood him against
a corral, cut off his ears, and nailed them to a fence. Slade finished the job by
dispensing several rounds of bullets into Beni. Slade left one ear on the fence as a
deterrent to future horse thieves and the other one, legend has it, Slade used as a
watch guard.67
Observing Jack Slades company loyalty, the stage company promoted him
to division superintendent for the Overland Stage route from Julesburg to Denver
and the north portion of the Overland route to Wyoming. Although it is unknown
whether Jack Slade actually built the headquarters and home station or if the
Overland Stage Company employed carpenters, Slade was the first to occupy and
named it. His wife, Marie Virginia Dale Slade, for whom he named the station,
Virginia Dale, accompanied him to Colorado Territory. Then he dawned the creek
near the station Dale Creek. They constructed the one-story, hand hewn, log station
44


using a method referred to as piece-sur-piece. This technique commonly known as
a mortise and tenon log construction, used vertically notched horizontal timbers ...
placed into the grooves of vertical timbers set at regular intervals.68 Divided by
vertical posts into three sections, clapboard covered the exterior middle and east
sections from which an open shed-roofed porch originally extended. On the west
section, a shed addition constructed of vertical boards extended to the depth of the
porch. The building had a low, side gabled roof. However, the east end of the
building contained a parapet that continued slightly above the slope of the roof.
From the parapet and the construction of the east wall, researchers speculated that
the architect originally planned a second story addition that never materialized. A
large stone chimney existed on the east wall. The stage company built a large bam
and a blacksmiths building in 1862 to complete the station.69
The Overland Stage Company had a reputation for hiring men with the
highest level of responsibility and trust. Slade did his job very efficiently ensuring
that the mail always made its destination on time, unless he was drinking. He
became violent when under the influence of alcohol to the point of shooting up
towns, riding his horse into saloons and stores, and even worse, shooting men.
Upon sobering, Slade always paid for the damages and apologized. When he killed
someone he withheld the apology. Once his bad habits gained control of his life in
1863, the stage line fired Slade for his misconduct. Stories reported that he killed
twenty-six men before vigilantes in Virginia City, Montana, hanged Jack Slade in
45


1864. Legends of the notorious Jack Slade grew across the West, making it difficult
for one to know the accurate details.70
In addition to its use as a stage station, wagon trains traveling west used the
Virginia Dale stage station as a refuge. The Overland Trail was the only route open
to travelers of the Oregon Trail by order of the United States military during Indian
scares. Military troops frequently camped in the valley below the station. When
Slade tended the station, stories indicated that he permitted desperadoes to hideout
in the nearby hills and at the station. The stories claimed that Slade was not a
stranger to the unlawful activity of which the criminals were guilty, and possibly, a
participant.
The Union Pacific Railroad completed its route from Denver to Cheyenne in
1867. The lack of stage travelers forced the stage line to abandon the Denver to
Fort Laramie route in 1868. However, Seymour C. Leach, the third station agent,
along with other settlers decided to homestead the area. Leach and his wife
purchased the stage station that housed the first post office in the area. The
designation as a post office came on January 9, 1868, ceasing service on September
28, 1868, and beginning again September 14, 1874. A small cemetery near the
station is the burial place for Mrs. Leach and two others who have unmarked
71
graves.
The station and property changed hands several times over the next thirty
years. In 1909, Emil Hurzeler, built another log cabin next to the station to use as
46


his home. In 1914, the Lawson family owned the station and used it as a store,
community building, and post office, living in the log cabin. The Virginia Dale
Home Demonstration Club formed in 1921 and used the station for its meetings and
events. Lawson built a gas station on the property and an outside dance floor
extending on the west side of the station for the communitys summer events.
Similar to the early emigrants, Lawson allowed overnight camping in the meadow.
In 1932, the Colorado State Highway Department rerouted the main
thoroughfare from the Overland route two miles west to what is now state highway
287. The stage station was no longer a convenient stopping place for travelers. The
owners of the station built a new store and post office next to the highway. During
the late 1940s, station owners Fred and Maude Maxwell gave the station to the
Virginia Dale Home Demonstration Club to continue hosting community events.
When the Maxwells died, their estates deeded six acres along with the stage station
to the club. Maude Maxwells last will and testament provided that the club
preserve the station and maintain its historical merit while continuing its use as a
community building. The club, now called the Virginia Dale Community Club,
maintains the station, the log cabin built in 1909 (now called the club house), the
outhouse, and the acreage (now totaling ten acres) continuing to provide a
community gathering place as the stage station originally did.
Although the Overland Route, comprised of the Platte Route and the
Cherokee North Route, and its stage stations hosted several stage companies and
47


their difficulties, was the target of Indian depredations and dangers, the benefits to
the settlement of Colorado are innumerable. The stations sites not only provided
meals and resting places for passengers and other travelers alike, but served as safe
havens, reference points, camping grounds, military posts, cemeteries, dance halls,
post offices, and telegraph offices. Equally important, they provided a notion of
community, providing a place of bonding to those daring residents and travelers
willing to face dangerous, isolated, rugged, and extreme conditions together.
Additionally, the advent of stage lines promoted towns and communication between
the eastern United States and the western United States.
48


CHAPTER 3
SOUTHEASTERN PLAINS STAGECOACHING
Although the Platte Route carried the bulk of Colorado Territorys emigrant
traffic, two other routes were equally important in transporting gold seekers from
the states to Colorado Territory. The Santa Fe Route, or Arkansas Route, was an
extension of an old trapping and trading trail in southeastern Colorado Territory. It
followed the Arkansas River to Bents Fort. A connection from the Santa Fe Route
continued to Pueblo then north to Denver following portions of the Old Cherokee
Trail. Locals commonly referred to this as the Denver and Santa Fe Route rather
than the Cherokee Trail. The other major eastern Colorado Territory trail was the
Smoky Hill Route, considered the most direct route from the states to Denver.
Located between the Platte and Santa Fe Routes, the Smoky Hill Route consisted of
three trails (nearly one for each company that operated it) that often overlapped one
another, resulting in a north branch, middle branch, and south branch.
The Santa Fe Route
Traders hauled goods and supplies over the Santa Fe Trail by the mid 1820s.
Traveling from Independence, Missouri to Santa Fe, New Mexico, commerce
wagons, trappers, and traders crossed the very comer of what is now Colorado,
49


called the Cimarron Cutoff. By the mid nineteenth century, wagons carried the
United States Mail from the states to Santa Fe using this route. With the 1859 rush
to Pikes Peak riches, the War Department became concerned with emigrants safety.
It established Fort Wise in 1860 (later known as Fort Lyon) west of the cutoff near
Bents New Fort. The Post Office Department approved a mail route change in
February 1861 to include Fort Wise and the Pikes Peak gold diggings. The route
followed the Arkansas River into Colorado Territory and became known as the
Santa Fe Trail, Mountain Branch. (See Figure 3.1). Arkansas Route promoters
labeled it the greatest natural road in the world. The Missouri Stage Company
began carrying mail and passengers along the route to Colorado City then north to
Denver in February 1861.1
During the initial years, the stage companies changed frequently along the
route. Replacing the Missouri Stage Company, Slemmons, Roberts and Company
operated its Kansas, Santa Fe and Canon City Fast Line from April 1861 until June
28, 1862. Beginning on July 5, 1862, Cottrill, Vickroy and Company (a partnership
of Mahlon Cottrill, George Vickroy, Bradley Barlow, Harvey Vaile and Thomas
Bamum) operated the stage route that included a private letter carrying service from
Denver to Pueblo. Cottrill changed the line name slightly to the Kansas, Santa Fe
and Canon City Express Line. After Vaile and Vickroy left the firm in 1863,
Cottrill and Company continued the line and the name. However, deviations of the
50


51


name became common, including the Santa Fe Stage and Express, the Santa Fe
Stage Company and the Santa Fe Stage.
Sources speculated that Jared L. Sanderson, an associate of Cottrill and
Company for several years, was a non-managing partner. With the 1864 death of
Mahlon Cottrill, Bradley Barlow became the controlling manager. Although
Sandersons title was unknown, sources believed that he held a high level position
below Barlow. In 1866, the Post Office Department opened bidding for a new
contract on the Santa Fe route (not including the route from Denver to Pueblo). The
Post Office Department accepted Sandersons bid April 13, 1866, and five days later
mandated that Bradley Barlow partner with Sanderson for the contract. It is
unknown whether Barlow and Sanderson planned this coincidence or if it was an
incident of collusion referred to as straw bidding.
While Cottrill, Vickroy and Company held the United States mail contract
over the Mountain Branch, Harvey Vaile stopped at Burlingame, Kansas to meet
with Mr. Niles, a farmer. Vailes visit was to seek farmhands willing to work for
the stage company. Vaile specifically wanted a farmhand as a stage driver believing
they were not coward of the rough staging life as those he currently employed.
William Ryus worked for Niles at the time as a young farmhand. Ryus accepted a
stage driving position over what the stage company referred to as the Long Route,
240 miles from Fort Lamed, Kansas to Fort Lyon, Colorado Territory. At the time,
there were no stage stations between the Forts. One set of mules pulled the stage
52


the entire distance, stopping periodically for grazing. While the mules grazed, the
passengers and driver prepared meals over a campfire. They camped at night,
sleeping either on the ground, wrapping themselves in buffalo robes, or if they
desired, in the parked coach. Stage companies holding United States mail contracts
not only carried the mail for the government. The United States Government
required that the stage lines deliver various government publications to western
states and territories. One set of government publications facilitated Ryus
maneuvering the stage over an impediment and prevented a late stage arrival.
Although the Red River in New Mexico was only nine feet wide and two and one
half feet deep at the crossing, on a spring run Ryus found it very icy, muddy, and
treacherous due to spring thaws.
I was in a quandary just how I would cross it. After climbing down
off of the coach, looking around for an escape, a happy idea possessed
me. I was carrying four sacks of patent books which would weigh
about 240 pounds a sack, the sacks were eighteen inches square by
four and a half feet long, so I concluded to use these books to make
an impromptu bridge. I cut the ice open for twenty inches, wide
enough to fit the tracks of the coach for the wheels to run on, then
placed four of these sacks of books in the water and drove my mules
across the Red River. I was fully aware that the books were government
property, but from past experience I knew they would never be put to
use. I knew they might serve the government better in a bridge than
otherwise. Knowing this I felt that I had a remedy at law and grounds
for defense.4
During Cottrill, Vickroy and Companys occupation of the route, it
established seven stage stations over the Long Route. The sites measured eighty by
forty feet with adobe walls nine feet high and two feet thick.3 The stage line
53


employed, among others, Robert M. Wright to build these stations. In his 1907
reminiscences, he recalled the methods he used in building them.
The stations were dugouts. I would select a bank, cut the face straight
down, and make a square excavation about 14 or 20 feet square, make
a chimney of sods in the back, level up the sides and fill in the front
with sods and put on a roof with poles, hay & dirt. The stable would
be made the same way. As the stations were all on the north side of
the river they faced the south, the door and one or two windows in front.6
Dents Fort Stagecoach Station
The Bent brothers, Charles and William, and Ceran St. Vrain were
significant participants in the fur trade. The three built an adobe fort along the
Arkansas River in what is now southeastern Colorado, near La Junta, about 1833.
The fort played an important role as a trading post with Indians, Mexicans,
explorers, trappers, and traders along the Santa Fe Trail and in the region. The
Mexican War and an 1849 cholera epidemic, affecting the Indians who frequently
traded at the fort, prompted a decline in the fur and trade business. By the early
1850s, William Bent found that such a large trading operation was no longer
profitable. Although the United States War Department offered to purchase the fort
and convert it into a military post, its $12,000 offer insulted William Bent who
believed it was worth significantly more and refused to sell. Determined that the
government not own the fort, William Bent packed his wagons with as much of his
54


property as possible then set fire to the fort, abandoning it for good. He built Bents
New Fort thirty-five miles east of his abandoned fort in 1853.7
During Cottrill, Vickroy and Companys stage line operation over the
Mountain Branch Route, the line remodeled the surviving ruins of the partially
burned and abandoned Bents Fort to function as a home station, blacksmith shop,
and general repair shop for the stage line. The stage company made several
structural changes including raising the height of the fireplace hearths with
limestone fill. Although limestone was not a preferable material for a fireplace
hearth, since it had a great susceptibility to fracturing at high heat, it was an
inexpensive solution since the fort was near the Fort Hayes Limestone stratum.
Additionally, the stage line built plank and joist floors over the forts dirt floors. An
archeological study of the fort ruins completed in the early 1970s, revealed that the
second largest room in the fort had a very large fireplace that probably served as
either a passenger eating area or sleeping quarters for stage tenders. White plaster
o
remains were evident in the stage rooms.
Three medium to large sized rooms were habitable among the ruins William
Bent left, all of which the stage station used. One coach passenger called it quite a
complete and comfortable station.9 Bents Fort served as a post office beginning
in 1863 with Lewis Bamum, brother of stage line owner Thomas Bamum, as the
postmaster. Emma Boone Bamum (Thomas wife, Van Daniel Boones daughter,
and Daniel Boones great granddaughter) tended the station with her husband and
55


served what a Rocky Mountain News journalist called a regular pioneer supper.10
Once the railroad appeared in southeastern Colorado and the stage line disappeared,
a local cattle rancher used the old fort and stage station for cattle pens until the
1890s. Attaching cedar posts across the rooms, the archeologists speculated that the
rancher made holding pens for branding cattle.
One cowhand, General W. H. Sears, recalled that I lived alone in this old
fort for about three months, inspecting the cattle on the range every day, and
engaging in round-ups and cattle drives.11 During his stay in the summer of 1876,
he used the pens for milking cows. From the herd, Sears selected
... six milk cows and drove them inside the corral of the fort,
milking them two times daily. However, I had to rope them, snub
their heads close to a post and tie their hind legs together before they
19
would let me milk them.
He made butter and sold it, milk, and buttermilk to passing emigrants utilizing the
Santa Fe Trail. Second Lt. Homer W. Wheeler purchased the dairy products for his
soldiers at Fort Wise, one-half mile from the fort.
Artifacts dating from 1890 to 1905 revealed that travelers and cattle ranchers
continued to use the station ruins as a refuse against weather and fatigue. Gradually
the fort deteriorated. By 1912 portions of walls still stood four feet high, with the
weather continuing to crumble the walls. That year, the Daughters of the American
Revolution (DAR) erected a monument in recognition of the historical fort and
station. In 1920, DAR acquired title to the site and intended to preserve it. Over the
56


years it incurred damages from cattle, cattle ranchers, weather, and abuse by
treasure hunters. Before the DAR began its preservation efforts, the 1921 Great
Pueblo Flood, washed away all remaining walls.13
Booneville Stagecoach Station
The Mountain Branch of the Santa Fe Route continued westward from
Bents Old Fort along the Arkansas River to Booneville, Colorado, Territory. Its
location was approximately fifteen miles east of Pueblo. When Colonel Albert G.
Boone, grandson of Daniel Boone, resigned as an Indian agent for the Upper
Arkansas Agency in the early 1860s, he decided to situate his family in Colorado
Territory. They settled on a 1400-acre tract, previously owned by Russell, Majors
and Waddell, whom Boone knew. The property became known as Booneville.
Joining his brother, Van Daniel Boone moved on the property with his family.
When Cottrill and Company terminated a contract with the nearby Haynes ranch as
a stage station, the stage line negotiated with Boone to use his ranch and home as a
home station. Seventeen log buildings arranged in a square created an open plaza in
the middle. The arrangement of the buildings afforded additional protection to the
Booneville residents. Eventually, Boone replaced the log dwellings with adobe
buildings providing winter warmth and summer coolness. Besides Boones wife
and an African American cook, Boones daughters, Maggie and Millie, assisted in
operating the station.14
57


In 1863, the Post Office Department designated the Booneville stage station
as a post office. Henry M. Fosdick, an engineer who surveyed Colorado City and
Denver, moved to Booneville with his family and served as postmaster, where mail
came by stage three times per week. In the summer of 1864, the federal government
designated the stage station and ranch to serve another purpose in an experiment; it
appointed Fosdick as the director. His job was to teach local Indians Anglo farming
techniques. However, with Fosdicks busy schedule as postmaster and with other
station duties, he rarely had time for the experiment. Fosdicks schedule coupled
with the Indians resistance to the white mans attempt to covert them into Anglo
farmers, provided sufficient cause for failure of the experiment.15
Iron Springs Stagecoach Station
Iron Springs swing station was nothing more than a barricade that could be
used in case of an Indian attack according to Granville (Gus) Withers who as a
young boy lived at the station with his family. When the Missouri Stage Company
built the station it added a high adobe wall to completely enclose the small house.
This station served as the stage companys mule preserve for the mules the company
used in making the trip to Bents Fort station from Trinidad. This swing station
provided Granville his first paying job. Granville received $10 per month to care
for the mules.
58


Mules have a peculiar habit of running away, and these mules always
headed for a place called Hole-in-the-rock. Whenever they began
wandering, my job was to go round them up. Work became boring
but I was rewarded by receiving a pony to keep track of the mules
more easily.16
Freighters traveling to Pueblo or Denver from Santa Fe, frequently camped at Iron
Springs to rest and graze their oxen.
The Iron Springs site additionally served as a common area to local Indians.
Granville occasionally heard and saw distant confrontations between Indians. In
December 1864, Granvilles father found a wounded Indian near the stage station,
took him to the station, and cared for him until he healed. Before the Indian left, he
told Granvilles father of his tribes plans to attack ranches and stations. To repay
the familys kindness, the Indian hoped to provide warning to the family before the
attacks. The Indian notified the Withers family the day prior to the planned attack.
Mr. Withers sent his wife and youngest children to Trinidad while he and Granville
stayed and packed a wagon. Granville and his father left the station at four oclock
in the morning. The family learned later that the Indians burned the station at dawn
17
and ran off any remaining mules.
The Santa Fe Trail stage stations did not escape Indians depredations and
attacks as revenge to the Sand Creek Massacre. However, the attacks were less
severe than on the Platte Route. Attacks occurred all along the Santa Fe Route, east
into Kansas, south into New Mexico, and west along the Mountain Branch.
Desperadoes accepted this as an opportunity to rob stations, coaches, and wagon
59


trains hoping the victims blamed the area Indians. One group of thieves later
admitted being Anglo Texans, however Kansas City and Santa Fe papers quickly
dismissed that idea, discredited the robbers statements, and blamed area tribes.18
Smoky Hill Route
After the L & PPE Company started and then abandoned the Republican and
Solomon River Route, that included a section of the Smoky Hill Route, no other
enterprises ventured over the Smoky Hill Trail for six years. The only travelers
were those on foot, horseback, and in wagons who still followed the Smoky Hill
River Route directed by many guidebooks. In 1860, individuals from Leavenworth,
Kansas hired William Green Russell, pioneer to the Cherry Creek gold rush, to
survey the Smoky Hill River Route to Denver. His job included providing a report
of the camping sites, water, grass, and fuel along the way. Many condemned the
idea, including the Rocky Mountain News, which stated that it
had been tried once over this fated Smoky Hell route with only too
lamentable success, and its instigators stand today, in the sight of
Heaven, guilty of manslaughter, to say the least.19
The News continued its skepticism by suggesting that the trail promoters travel over
the Smoky Hill Route before encouraging the idea to others. If they get through
without eating each other up, some adventurous individuals may be induced to
follow.20 Wanting an advantage over Missouri cities, several Kansas towns raised
60


money and hired Henry Green to build a road from Leavenworth straight through to
the gold fields using the Smoky Hill Trail. His job included building bridges, filling
ravines, moving large rocks, and creating markers. Green successfully concluded
his assignment and reported that although wood was lacking, buffalo chips burned
equally well, and water was sufficient except for a twenty-mile stretch. The
outbreak of the Civil War in 1861 dampened any hopes of the Leavenworth roads
readiness that year, or for the next few years.
Colonel David A. Butterfield, a New Yorker who owned a Denver grocery
and commission business, established the Butterfield Overland Despatch
(Dispatch) on July 5, 1864. The BOD, as most called it, was a freighting and
passenger line. With his vast number of eastern business friends, Butterfield learned
that a great freighting opportunity existed between the Mississippi River ports and
the Rocky Mountains. Based on the shorter, more direct, and relatively safe
conditions, he chose to utilize the previously surveyed Smoky Hill Road. The BOD
line planned to compete with and acquire Ben Holladays Platte stage business since
the Smoky Hill Route was a more direct route. Butterfield advertised his
proposition in eastern newspapers requesting monetary investors and received $3
million in response. Headquartered in New York City, Butterfield established seven
additional offices across the country, the furthest west being in Salt Lake City.
For safety reasons, Lieutenant Julian R. Fitch of the United States Signal
Corps, accompanied a survey crew on the Smoky Hill Route. Fitch was a member
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of the Smoky Hill Trail survey crew in 1860 and familiar with the road and dangers.
Isaac E. Eaton conducted the survey and led the crew in building stations, digging
wells, and providing information to Butterfield. Originally, the line built fourteen
stage stations. However, once the line began operating the line changed some
station names and moved some to slightly better locations. After two months of
work, the first passenger coach left Leavenworth on September 11, 1865 and arrived
in Denver on September 23, 1865.21 The Rocky> Mountain News had a different tone
regarding the Smoky Hill Trail as the BOD prepared the route.
In enumerating the signs which foreshadow the good times coming,
due prominence has not been given to this enterprise, which is
certainly entitled to be classed among the first. If any suspicions
existed at its first announcement that it would be a flash in the pan,
they have vanished before the evidences of solidity. So great an
enterprise. Next spring there can be no doubt but the first eight
day freight express will be in successful uninterrupted operation....
Colorado will not long be isolated from the rest of the world.22
Unfortunately, Butterfields inaugural business year was not as prosperous
as he hoped. For weeks at a time, the line shut down due to Indian depredations and
scares. As with the Platte and Santa Fe Routes, Indians took station supplies,
burned stations, and absconded stock. Rumors spread that Ben Holladay, the Platte
Route stage line competitor, hired Indians to raid the BOD line. Often, passengers
preferred the Platte Route or the Santa Fe Route since military protection escorted
those coaches having United States mail contracts. As a proactive competitive
strategy, the BOD proposed a new mountain stage route extending from the Denver
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end of the Smoky Hill Route over Berthoud Pass and on to Salt Lake City, making it
the shortest route to Salt Lake City. Additionally, it explored the possibility of
installing a telegraph line from the eastern Colorado Territory border to Central
City. Its proposals directly threatened Ben Holladays Platte Routes success.
Holladay learned that the three related express companies, Wells Fargo, American,
and United States Express, proposed to stock and open a stage line of their own
between Denver and Salt Lake and operate on the BOD line. After reading the
prospectus of the BOD, Holladay reportedly hired investigators who found that the
stage line was financially desperate. He met with Edward Bray, president of the
BOD in New York, and offered to purchase the entire line. Knowing that regaining
the companys financial strength presented a difficult challenge, if not an impossible
one, Bray sold the company at a discount.23
The Holladay Overland Mail and Express Company took over the Smoky
Hill Route in March 1866. It made some station location changes that required
building new stations and a new trail slightly north of the former trail, joining the
south trail periodically. The location changes created a Smoky Hill North Trail on
which fourteen stations existed according to Wells Fargo and the U.S. Express
Company station lists. Some stations overlapped with the ones created on the south
branch. The north branch decreased the distance to Denver to 465 miles compared
to 588 miles on the south BOD trail.24 With the purchase of the BOD, Holladay
quickly found himself in a financial crisis. Wells Fargo took control of Holladay's
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Smoky Hill North line late in 1866. The name change became official on December
10, 1866. The United States Express Company, an affiliate of Wells Fargo,
operated the line beginning in 1867 until 1870 when the Kansas Pacific railroad
completed its tracks to Denver. Holladays successor continued using the north
branch of the trail and revamped certain stage stations. (See Figure 3.2)
Cheyenne Wells Stagecoach Station
For many years before whites settled the area, Indians first inhabited the
home station west of the Colorado Kansas border. The station called Indian Wells
originally, located five miles north of the current town of Cheyenne Wells, became
known as the Cheyenne Wells Stagecoach Station. The station is mostly intact
today, as the stage company did not build this station from sod or timber. Rather,
natural caves created a very unique stage station larger than most, measuring thirty
by fifteen feet. The caves served as a home station along which the Smoky Hill
26
River ran on the northeast side with a natural spring near the river.
Because most of the stage station communities did not have an accurate
method of recording information, much information about the Cheyenne Wells
Stagecoach Station is gone. The stage companys use of the caves differs between
sources. Sources agree that Johnny (or Johnnie) White was the station tender who
operated a saloon opposite the large cave. One source indicated that the stage line
used the large cave as a horse stable and that Johnny White built a small fortress
64


65


beside the cave as a lookout and his residence.27 Bayard Taylor, a passenger on the
BOD and author of travel books, wrote a different account regarding the use of the
large cave in his book Colorado: A Summer Trip.
At Cheyenne Wells we found a large and handsome frame stable for
the mules, but no dwelling. The people lived in a natural cave,
extending for some thirty feet under the bluff. But there was a
woman, and when we saw her we augured good fortunes. Truly
enough, under the roof of conglomerate limestone, in the cave's dim
twilight, we sat down to antelope steak, tomatoes, bread, pickles, and
potatoes a royal meal, after two days of detestable fare.28
The stage station caves served many purposes. Colonel Louis Carpenter and
his troops attempted to establish a fort near the caves prior to his service at Beecher
Island in 1868. The government did not approve the establishment of a fort;
nonetheless the station caves provided the troops shelter and protection. As the
Kansas Pacific Railroad progressed west, Cheyenne Wells stage station briefly
served as the eastern terminus for the stage line; the train stopped just east of the
Colorado Territory borderline. The railroad moved the old wells south near the
tracks and the future site of the town of Cheyenne Wells. A cattle herder, O. L.
Gudgel, bom near Cheyenne Wells in 1894, indicated that three caves occupied the
site.
The large one was big enough to run a stagecoach and six horses
hitched inside to get away from Indian attacks. The middle sized one
is the Station Gulch (trading post), but also the friendly Indians had a
smaller post (cave) there.30
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By 1913, erosion caused several large boulders to fall into the large cave and
decrease its size.
In the 1920s the large cave was still big enough for two high school boys to
drive their cars into the cave. As erosion continued, the Civil Conservation Corps.
blasted the fronts of the caves during the 1930s to prevent injuries to explorers, who
11
found the caves a haven for rattle snakes. In 1964, visitors found the old spring
still running and trail ruts still visible. Today, the caves are in the midst of private
fanning and ranching territory. Although local citizens submitted a National
Register of Historic Places application in 1983, they never completed the
nomination process.32
Grady's Stagecoach Station
Bayard Taylor described Gradys swing station from his 1866 trip. At
Grady's Station ... there was but one man, a lonely troglodyte, burrowing in the
bank like a cliff-swallow.33 In 1887, James McIntyre came to Colorado to work at
a railroad section headquartered at Wild Horse. His family soon joined him where
he established a sheep ranch that encompassed Grady's station. A nephew of
McIntyre, John Goodier, was bom on the ranch in 1901. Growing up on the ranch,
Goodier remembered the buildings left from the old station. He described the
station as a dugout with walls of sandstone hauled out from Kansas.34 When the
family eventually dismantled the station, John Goodier salvaged wooden beams and
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used them as supports in his own house he built astride the Smoky Hill Trail. Paul
Miller, a local farmer, spoke to Goodier in 1964, and sketched Goodier's
recollections of the station. It included a rock faced building in the side of a hill and
an escape tunnel leading from the station to the corral.35 (See Figure 3.3)
Lake Stagecoach Station
Wells Fargo established the Lake stagecoach home station three miles
southeast of present day Limon, Colorado, and 97 miles east of Denver in 1866.
According to R. E. Bishop who worked as a freighter over the Smoky Hill Trail
between 1865 and 1870, the stage line built a mule cellar connected to a sod station
house with loop holes for rifle shooting and large enough to hold a stage. The
station site was near the L & PPEs Station 24 site of 1859 and was the only place
where all three branches of the Smoky Hill Trail merged. Lake Station served as the
eastern terminus of the stage line by 1870 when the Kansas Pacific Railroads tracks
lead directly to the station. On July 10, 1870, a group of Vassar College Professors
used the station as a picnic site. They regretted not seeing Denver since the rails
stopped 90 miles shy. During the 1870s, the Holt Cattle Company headquartered its
company at the former stage station. A sketch drawn by Paul Miller from the
memory of a local resident, O. E. Evans, revealed the station and bam situated east
of a lake. Today nothing remains.
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The Smoky Hill Trails provided a shorter, more direct path for the eager
gold seekers and businesspersons longing to share the potential riches enticed by the
frequent unfounded claims. Although many suffered great hardships, including
death, along the way they created a need for well-defined trails. These trails
established the foundation of a future railroad route. Additionally, towns that
emerged with the stage line often accommodated the railroad. The stage lines and
stage stations furnished the vital link from the states to the western frontier and
simultaneously provided necessary assistance to local settlers and to the travelers of
Colorado in reaching their destinations.
The Cherokee Route (or Denver-Santa Fe Route)
Near Bents Fort stage station, the Santa Fe Trail met the Cherokee Trail.
The Santa Fe Trail veered to the south through Trinidad and on to New Mexico
while the Cherokee Trail continued west following the Arkansas River to Pueblo.
Stage lines occupied both trails. The Cherokee Trail traveled north from Pueblo to
Colorado City then followed West Cherry Creek into Denver and on through to
Wyoming. Typically, small stage line companies served the route between Denver
and Pueblo. Harmon G. Weibling established an early stage line from Denver to
Colorado City when the Post Office Department awarded him a mail contract on
June 16, 1860. While Cottrill and Company held the Santa Fe Route mail contract,
it served the South Cherokee Route. In 1867, Denver merchant Abraham Jacobs
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organized the Denver and Santa Fe Stage Line that operated between Denver and
Trinidad where it connected with New Mexico and Kansas coach lines. Barlow and
Sanderson acquired the mail route and passenger service from Denver to Trinidad in
1870, giving it control of all major stage routes in Colorado Territorys southeastern
plains until the railroad reached these areas.
Some of the most versatile stage stations on this route were those closest to
Denver. Beginning twenty miles southeast of Denver, the Smoky Hill Trail and the
Cherokee Trail (South) converged and shared the stage stations. The names of the
stations and wayward homes along this stretch reflected the number of miles before
reaching Denver, and were known as Mile Houses. Between two and five miles
separated the Mile Houses, which were not all stage stations. The Four Mile House,
Twelve Mile House, and Twenty Mile House served as stagecoach stations and
travelers stopping places. The Seven Mile House, the Nine Mile House and the
Seventeen Mile House were not stagecoach stations, however they accommodated
TO
travelers with meals, hay, lodging, and other provisions.
The Twenty Mile House Stagecoach Station
In 1863, Alfred Butters built a one-room shack southeast of present day
Parker as his home and his business. He sold provisions and established a mail
handling and message center. After a year, George Long bought and moved the
building west to present day Parker, faced it towards Cherry Creek, and offered
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travelers overnight accommodations. Elizabeth Penneck and her sister were the first
Twenty Mile House overnight visitors in the fall of 1865. Penneck described the
station as a one-room structure. The one-room was a kitchen, with one-over-one
windows covered with carpet pieces. Penneck noted that the Longs provided
delicious food and they gave the visitors their bed while they slept outside.40
The Longs soon added nine rooms, including a large dining room, all on the
first level of the white saltbox frame house, hoping to attract more Smoky Hill and
Cherokee Trail travelers at their comfortable stopping place. The family added a
blacksmith shop and moved the Sulpher Gulch Stagecoach Station bam to the site.
Sulpher Gulch was an abandoned station three miles east on the Smoky Hill South
Trail. After remodeling, Long exchanged the Twenty Mile House for four span of
mules owned by Nelson Doud, an established tenant farmer from Fort Lupton.
Doud, his wife, and five daughters continued the stage station and lodging
business.41 Emma Doud Gould, the fourth daughter, remembered moving to the
house when she was eight and the stagecoaches stopping there.
There were two stagecoach lines that passed our place a quarter of
a mile away. The Smoky Hill and the Santa Fe Line. The Santa Fe
Line ran toward Pueblo, and the Smoky Hill Line ran from Denver
into Kansas. The two lines crossed here. The Smoky Hill Line
changed their horses at our place once a day. We had a man hired
to feed and groom the horses.42
Sources differ on the existence of a ballroom in the Twenty Mile House.
Emma Doud Gould indicated that Douds transformed the second story into a
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ballroom for the Fourth of July, Thanksgiving, Christmas, and New Years. Ruth
Race Dolan, who grew up in the Seventeen Mile House from 1938 to 1950, believed
that Emma Doud Gould confused the Twenty Mile House with the Seventeen Mile
House, where the Douds eventually relocated, when Emma simply stated, There
was a room in our house I havent told about. It was the ballroom. Father opened it
just four times a year. The admittance, including dinner was five dollars.43
Travelers who could not afford the hotel accommodations, camped near the
Twenty Mile House utilizing the grazing land for their animals and the other
services offered. Richard Townshend, a newcomer to America from England,
arrived in Colorado Territory in 1869. He camped outside the Twenty Mile House
along with several bull-whackers in charge of lumber wagons returning from the
mountains. Townshend described how the bull-whackers cooked their own hash,
then strolled into the bar to see what might be going on.44 The Kansas Pacific
Railroad made its way through the territorys eastern plains in 1870, causing the
stage line from the East to be obsolete and fewer travelers visited the Twenty Mile
House. However, some still traveled by wagon, horseback, and on foot relying
upon the eastern and southern routes. The Douds sold the property in 1874 to James
Sample Parker after Mrs. Nelson Doud (Susan) arranged to purchase the Seventeen
Mile House, three miles west. During the 1880s the railroad adopted the Twenty
Mile House as one of its stops. James Parker, his wife, and daughter maintained the
post office and a hotel at the Twenty Mile House, locally known as Parkers until
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1910 45 Edith Parker Low, daughter of the Parkers, remembered that some of the
*
visitors to their hotel included prisoners on their way to court.
Court was held in Kiowa, and the Judge, Counsel, prisoners and
guards always stopped over night with us going and coming, as
we were just halfway between Denver and Kiowa. It made much
excitement... as the prisoners, with clanking chains on their legs,
took their seats in the dining room.46
The Twenty Mile Mouse fell to disrepair once the Parkers moved in 1910, however
portions of the house still stood by the 1930s. Eventually an owner razed the
structure due to hazards presented. The hospitality and provisions originally offered
by the Longs stage station emanated into a popular area of settlement. The small
community around the Twenty Mile House eventually became the town of Parker.47
The Twelve Mile House Stagecoach Station
John G. Melvin, member of the First Colorado Cavalry from 1861 to 1864,
homesteaded 320 acres twelve miles southeast of Denver in the mid 1860s. Located
on the east bank of Cherry Creek and west of what is now Colorado Highway 83, it
became one of the most publicized mile houses in the Denver area from the mid
1860s to 1870. A witnessed statement from the National Archives indicated that
John G. Melvin first entered and improved the land on June 10, 1866 by
constructing
a Dwelling House Log Hous [sic] 36x18 feet with an addition of
a wing 12x16 feet. 6 Doors & 8 Windows & is a good comfortable
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House to live in. Also 60 Rods Fencing. Stable 22 x 50 feet. Also -
out buildings. All of which are used as a Hotell [s/c].48
Photographs and diagrams of the original log house reveal what appeared to be a
hall and parlor structure with a lean-to. (See Figures 3.4 and 3.5)
In 1868 Johnny, as he was known, married a young woman from a ranch two
miles west of his hotel and the two continued the growing lodging business. The
same year, he added ten rooms to accommodate the travelers from both stage routes.
The addition created a two story, front gabled, box style structure. Mrs. Melvin
(Jane) described the inn as having a large kitchen with double stoves, a large
ballroom, and a barroom. The barroom doubled as the post office so that Johnny,
the appointed postmaster, easily conducted both businesses at once. A stagecoach
stopped once a day to exchange horses, deliver mail, and provide passengers an
opportunity to stay for meals or beds (although the stagecoach did not stay
overnight). The Melvins provided entertainment for guests and outings for
Denverites. Shooting matches, horse races, picnics, and dances were among the
events the Melvins hosted. The affairs became favorite outings for locals. The
Rocky Mountain News publicized most of the events, confident that those who
attended had a grand time. A one-half mile horse track appeased John Melvins
horse racing hobby. Picnickers frequently enjoyed a pavilion in a cottonwood grove
near the creek. The stage station provided not only traveler accommodations and
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-27'-
2 Story
Frame Addition
(1868)
Lean-to
16'-
Log Cabin
(1866)

36'-
Figure 3.4. Diagram of the Twelve Mile House. Twelve Mile House
Collection. Courtesy of the Cherry Creek Valley Historical Society.
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Figure 3.5. Photograph of the Twelve Mile House. Twelve Mile
Collection. Courtesy of the Cherry Creek Valley Historical Society.


events for Denverites, it served the Upper Cherry Creek and Island communities as
a polling precinct in 1866 and 1872 49
The stage discontinued running on the Smoky Hill Trail in 1870. During the
1880s the Twelve Mile Stagecoach Station served as a restaurant and inn for the
Denver and New Orleans Railroad builders (later known as the Texas and Gulf
Railroad and then the Colorado and Southern). When the tracks were in place and
the train was running, fewer and fewer travelers ventured through the area by
wagon, horseback, or on foot. The Melvins turned to ranching as their primary
mainstay closing their doors to their popular hotel days. The Melvins hospitality
did not run out however. On February 7, 1890, Emily French wrote in her diary that
she
. .. stoped [s/c] at the 12 mile house to feed Fanny [her horse], fed
in an old cart. Got a poor lunch made my own tea an old maid
kept rattling on, she is not bright. Melvins are their names.50
By the turn of the century, the Twelve Mile House had different owners who
removed the large house addition and sold it to a neighboring farmer, one-half mile
from the original site. The purchaser added a porch, painted it white, and used it as
his primary residence. The Twelve Mile property owner moved the original log
structure one hundred feet from the bank of Cherry Creek and used it to stable
horses. It finally crumbled to ruins. Walt and Dolly Staack purchased the large
addition in the 1950s at an auction of all the buildings located in the proposed
Cherry Creek Dam and Recreation Area. Staacks moved the structure to Watkins,
78


remodeled the upper story, and rented rooms to single employees of the railroad.
They used the lower level for their liquor store business. A 1970 fire that killed one
tenant gutted the upper level. The owners remodeled the building by adding a low
gabled roof and siding it with red brick veneer. As it did originally, the building
continues accommodating locals and travelers in need of liquid refreshment to this
day.51
The Four Mile House Stagecoach Station
When brothers Jonas and Samuel Brantner realized they would not become
rich from the gold in Cherry Creek, they built a two-story log farmhouse in the
summer of 1859. They anticipated travelers lodging at their Four Mile House as
they entered the Cherry Creek area from the Republican and Solomon Routes. In
October 1859, Samuels fifteen-year-old bride gave birth to a daughter, who
reportedly was the first girl bom to white emigrants on the Denver side of Cherry
Creek. Once the L & PPE moved to the Platte Route, their lodge was not profitable.
A year later the Brantners relocated to Hendersons Island, near Brighton, to build a
very similar house and operate a stage station there.
Mary Cawker, a widow with two teenage children, accepted the challenge of
operating the Four Mile House in September 1860. After buying the property, she
installed a tavern, decorated one room as a ladies lounge, utilized the second floor
for occasional dances, and started her business. Additions included a large corral
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and stable. She acquired stone from a small quarry on a nearby bluff and the family
built a stone house for her daughter and son-in-law. They were the first couple to
wed at the Four Mile House (October 28, 1862). Early stage travel came from the
Cherokee South Trail or what locals called the Denver-Santa Fe stage line that
traveled to Pueblo. The house did not advertise itself as a hotel. It was known
locally as a stopping place
... that upon occasion it accommodated guests: a lone traveler,
perhaps who rented space on the floor upstairs where he spread his
bed roll; a hunter seeking game; or a farmer out searching for a horse
lost, a common occurrence before his land was fenced.
Freighters often utilized the mile house property for camping the night before
conducting business in Denver and camping again at Four Mile on their return trip.
As Levi and Millie Booth traveled from New Mexico to Colorado Territory
in the spring of 1864, Cherry Creek crested its banks and flooded the Four Mile
property. The tired Booth family camped southeast of Denver while they waited for
the water to recede. Stopping at the Four Mile House, they found Mary Cawker
with her fields and gardens destroyed by the floods muddy residue and only her
house left untouched by the mighty flood. Although Levi, a lawyer by trade,
previously tried his hand unsuccessfully in the regions gold fields, by 1864 he only
wanted to farm. Mary Cawker eagerly sold the Four Mile property, stables, house,
and outbuildings to the Booths for $800.
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The Booths operated the Four Mile as a tavern and stage stop until 1870
when the railroad made its way to Denver.53 Although the stage companies did not
build this station or originally designate it as station, as with many farms and
roadhouses the stage companies negotiated with the owners to provide a station. On
its last trip in June 1866, a stagecoach of the financially distressed Butterfield
Overland Dispatch stopped at the Four Mile with Bayard Taylor as a passenger.
At last, four miles from the town, we reached a neat little tavern,
beside which grew some cotton-woods. Here there were two or
three ranches in the process of establishment. The water from the
well was very sweet and cold.54
With stage routes entering Cherry Creek from the East and from the South, stage
companies often exchanged their road horses at the Four Mile for freshly
groomed, matched teams making a grand presentation as the stage arrived in
Denver. While the tender exchanged the team, passengers refreshed themselves for
an equally grand appearance in town. On the return trip, the stage tender hitched up
the refreshed road horses once again.55
Millie and Levi farmed and ranched the property until his death in 1912.
Millie continued to live there with the help of her children and grandchildren until
her death in 1926. The property stayed in the Booth family until 1946. Individuals
not related to the Booth family owned the property until 1976, when they sold the
remaining twelve acres to the City and County of Denver to develop it as a public
81


park. It is listed on the National Register of Historic Places.56 Chapter seven details
the preservation of the Four Mile House.
The mile houses and stagecoach stations on the eastern plains and into
Denver were essential components to the gold rush era and migration to Colorado.
They provided food, shelter, hay, directions, and blacksmithing services to the
travelers seeking their fortunes and those making their homes in the unknown
territory. In some cases, they afforded protection from potential Indian raids as
locals along with the travelers and freighters sought large establishments with many
people when scares arose. They provided companionship for the lonely traveler,
entertainment for locals and travelers, and barrooms for the thirsty. These houses
were instrumental in creating communities that in many cases formed the basis of
towns or subdivisions that exist today even though most of these first houses are
gone.
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CHAPTER 4
STAGECOACH STATIONS WEST
OF DENVER AND IN SOUTH PARK
With the early mineral discoveries found west of Denver and toward South
Park, prospectors and settlers required travelable roads, stagecoach routes, and
stagecoach stations. Negotiating the mountain terrain that John Gregory initially
traversed was challenging to road builders. However, once road builders found
alternative paths, popular routes emerged to support the mass entrance. Although
gold seekers reached Denver from the eastern states on three major routes, an ample
number of entrepreneurs quickly established toll roads to the gold camps west and
southwest of Denver often creating up to three different routes to the same location.
Routes to Gregory Diggings, areas west of Denver, and South Park emerged with
stagecoach companies following the shortest and most passable roads establishing
stagecoach stations along the way.
Routes and Stagecoach Stations West of Denver
The early significant mineral discoveries in the Pikes Peak region gave
credence to the Pikes Peak gold rush claims. Following the lead of George A.
Jackson, founder of gold near Idaho Springs, and John Hamilton Gregory, founder
of Gregory Diggings gold vein, thousands of prospectors scoured these areas for
83


their share of fortune. Many followed the trail that Gregory carved when he
returned to his original site. The trail directly ascended Enter Mountain at the
entrance of Golden Gate Canyon. Prospectors with heavily loaded supply wagons
drawn by oxen typically met the summit of Enter Mountain within two hours of
Golden Gate Canyon. Many prospectors, unable to negotiate their wagons over the
second range, left them behind with a trusted acquaintance. Beyond the second
range of mountains, the trail continued traversing the hills and mountains to reach
Gregory Diggings. Newcomers utilized this steep and cumbersome trail until July
1859, when Daniel McCleery and Tom Golden built the Gregory Toll Road. It
began at the west edge of Golden Gate City, a former community at the entrance of
the toll road, located approximately two miles north of Golden City (Golden) that
had several hotels, supply stores, and businesses. The road then traveled through
Golden Gate Canyon and eventually joined the original trail carved by Gregory and
his followers.1 Although the route between Golden Gate City and Mountain City
(forerunner to Central City and Black Hawk) was steep, narrow, and bumpy, it
served unwieldy ore wagons, gold seekers, and stagecoaches well.
Realizing that the majority of the early Gregory Gulch prospectors arrived
from the Platte Route to Denver, then to Golden, McCleery and several other
entrepreneurs built a new route that extended from the Platte Route directly to
Golden, by-passing Denver. John W. McIntyre, David K. Wall, and others formed
84


the St. Vrain, Golden City & Colorado Wagon Road Company on December 21,
1859 under the laws of the Provisional Territory of Jefferson. The road began at St.
Vrains Fort, about forty-four miles north of Denver, and ran southwesterly to Clear
Creek. By design of the construction superintendent, Daniel McCleery, at Clear
Creek the road passed the McCleery Ranch that advertised its accommodations in
the Western Mountaineer.
McCleery's Ranch by D. & C. A. McCleery on Clear Creek. Eight
miles from Golden City on the main road to the Platte and four miles
from Denver on the road to Shian [sic] Pass and Boulder a free bridge
and good hotel accommodations.
The road continued along Clear Creek to Arapahoe, often spelled Arrappahoe, (near
present day 44th Avenue and McIntyre Street in Golden) through Table Mountain
Canyon and on to Golden City.3 (See Figure 4.1). With this stage route by-passing
Denver, Golden demonstrated early on its intention of surpassing that city a
strategy it continued to pursue through the railroad era.4
After extending its route from Denver to Golden Gate City and over the
Gregory Toll Road to Mountain City, the California Overland and Pikes Peak
Express Company (COC & PP) drove the first stagecoach into the Gregory District
from Denver on March 4, 1860. The major stage lines that served Central City,
Black Hawk, and Mountain City were consistent with those operating on the Platte
Route and the Smoky Hill Route, with the exception of the Butterfield Overland
Dispatch. The Western Stage Company, COC & PPs competitor, occupied the
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Full Text

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COLORADO STAGECOACH STATIONS by Heather King Peterson A. A., Northeastern Junior College, 1984 A. A. S., Arapahoe Community College 1985 B. S. Metropolitan State College of Denver, 1989 A thesis submitted to the University of Colorado at Denver in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts History 2002

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2002 by Heather King Peterson All rights reserved

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This th es is for the Master of Arts degree b y Heather Kin g P eterso n has been appro ve d by Pame l a W. Laird ') 0 7-,0 0 2 Date

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Peterson Heather King (M A., History) Colorado Stagecoach Stations Thesis directed by Professor Thomas J. Noel ABSTRACT In the annal s of the American West few vehicles are as misrepresented as stagecoaches. Stagecoach travel and stagecoach stations are often overlooked or pmtrayed as romantic images in Hollywood films and western novels. Neither western historians nor literary critics have explored stagecoach stations as a symbol for community development in the early American West. This thesis is a history of Colorado s stagecoach stations and their significance from 1859 tmtil the early 2000s This research examines the multiple purposes stagecoach stations served, other than the obvious. Additionally it will document the importance of stagecoach stations to Colorado s transportation history and early communities. Lastly it will survey some surviving stagecoach stations and discuss their historic preservation and recycled uses for the twenty-first century. Colorado s vast deserts and mountain barriers isolate settlements. Transportation has been a key component to its development. The first Coloradoans relied on stagecoaches as the only means of public transportation. Although Western promoters fr e quently gave railroads credit for establishing communities and resolving Colorado s transportation impediments, to a great extent stagecoaching and stagecoach stations accomplished the same result earlier. Stagecoaching '---' became the cornerstone for future development. Railroad builders often transformed stagecoach trails into railroad beds. Stagecoach stations became oasis for settlers and travelers providing livestock feed IV

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travel necessities entertainment, nourishment shelter and camaraderie. Stagecoach stations often served as the nucleus for th e community's gather in g place and provided a se n se of community. After r ailroads became the prominent transportation mode stage lin es often continued passenger serv i ce to remote communities and newly formed suburbs. Historic preservation efforts for stagecoach stations have been minimal. Most Co l orado stagecoac h stations have fallen v i ctim to weathe r and time. Foundations or wells remain as the only remaining evidence of some stations. With others nothing remains except the stories pioneers shared of the stagecoach stations they found on th eir trips to Colorado. Surviving stations are often the oldest buildings in Colorado towns. Preserved stagecoach stations ce l ebrate the pivotal role they played in Colorado's transportation history. This abstract accurately repr esents the content of the candidate's th esis. I recommend its publication. Signed Thomas J Noel v

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT To B etty Jo Car dona former histo rian of th e Cliff House, my utmost a ppr eciation for an enlig h te nin g interview. Thank yo u to Clar i ce Crowle of th e Cherry Creek Vall ey Historical Society for her assistance with the mil e hous e archives a nd copies of photo graphs To Gladys E llerm a n ofthe Virgin i a Dal e Community Club I thank for h e r int e rview and tour. I wo uld like to th a nk Susan E llis of the Cozens Ranch Mu seum for h er tour and int erest in g int erview. I thank Johann a H arde n of Dou g las Public Library Dis trict Local History Collection for her treme ndou s assistance and tim e in locat in g arc hive collections. To Allan Nossaman of th e San Juan County Historic a l Society for his tim e and ass i s tanc e in loca ting photographs and pr oviding an int eresting int erview, I am most grateful. I gratefully thank Glenn Scott for an insightful interview and for di sc u ssing hi s unpubl ished and published m aps. A l so, thank yo u to R ay Thall and Scotty Wil kins of the Four Mil e House for their infonn a tiv e interviews. Add ition ally, I th a nk th e Co lor ado Historical Society Library staff assistance in loc a tin g manu scr ipt collection s and phot ogra phs As well, thank you to th e staff a t th e D enve r Public Library, Western History Departm ent for th eir assista nc e in locatin g manuscript collections photogr a ph s, and newspap e r articl es. To the Co l orado Office of Arc h eo l ogy and Historic Preservation thank you for h e lp in

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locating files. Also I thank th e Penrose Public Library Collections staff for their assistance in locatin g newspaper articles and manuscripts Thank you to my thesis committee Dr. James E Fell, Jr. Dr. Pamela W. Laird, and committee chair, Dr. Thomas J. Noel. I am most grateful for their r eadiness to serve on my committee, their expertise, and their ongoing support, now and in the future. A special note of appreciation goes to committee chair, Dr. Thomas J. Noel for his continued support, encouragement, availabi lity and kindness. Last ly, I gratefully thank my husband parents siblings, and friends for their ongoing patience, support and encouragement. VII

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CONT E N T S Fi g ur es . .. . .. ..... ... . ... ..... .... .... . ..... ........ .... .... ........... .... ... .... ... .... ....... . xiii CHAPT E R 1. INTROD UCT ION ... . .... . .... . .... . ........ .. ... .... ... ... ..... .... ......... . . .... . . . .... 1 Sta ge co ac hin g Hist ory and D es i g n ....... .... . . . ... ... . ............... ....... ..... . 2 Tran s -Mi s si s sippi W es t Sta ge co ac hin g .... ............ ...... .... . . ...... . . . ... 5 S t agecoac h T r ave l ........... . . .... ......... ... ...... .......... . . ...... .... . . .... ........ 8 Sta gecoac h St a tion s ..... . .... ............. . . . . . . . .......... . ... . .... ...... .... ... . 1 0 2. TH E OV ERLAND RO UTE AND T H E REPUBLI CA N RO U T E ..... ......... . . . .... . . ..... . ... . . .... ..... . ........... ... ..... . 1 3 Th e Pik es Peak Gold Ru s h Attr ac t i on .......... ......... ........ . . . .... . ... . ... 1 4 Initi a l R o u tes ...... . .... .......... . ... ...... . . ............. ....... ...... ....... ..... .......... 1 6 L eav e n w orth & Pik es Peak Ex pr ess Stations and Trav e l.. . ... . . ......... 2 2 T h e Pl atte Rout e or O ve r l and Rou te St age co a chin g a n d S t age coach S t a tion s . ....... . ..... . ....... . . . ......... ... 2 5 Pla t te Route S tage coachin g ...... ... ... . ...... ....... . .... ...... ... .... . ... ... 2 5 S a n d C r ee k ......... ... . . . ....... ..... .... . . ..... ... . ... ... .......... .... ..... .... .... . 34 R e v e n ge ... . ... ... ..... . .... ........ ....... . . . . . .... . . . ...... ... . .... . .... ..... 3 5 Th e O verla nd North R o ut e . .... ...... . .... ..... . . .... . . . .... ....... . .... . ..... 3 9 La Port e Stageco a ch Station ......... ... . ......... . . ... . ......... . . ......... .40 L atha m S t a ge co ac h St a t ion ... ... . ...... .............. . . .... . .... .... . . ....... 4 2 Vlll

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Virginia Dale Stagecoach Station ......................... ......................... 43 3. SOUTHEASTERN PLAINS STAGECOACHING .................. ...... .......... 49 The Santa Fe Route ....... ................................................ ..................... 49 Bent's Fort Stagecoach Station ..................................................... 54 Booneville Stagecoach Station .......................... ............................ 57 lron Springs Stagecoach Station .................................................... 58 Smoky Hill Route ........................ ............. ..... ..................................... 60 Cheyenne Well Stagecoach Station ........................ .. .. ................... 64 Grady's Stagecoach Station .......... .... ...... . ................. .... ............... 67 Lake Stagecoach Station ........... ........ .. .............. ....... .............. ....... 68 The Cherokee Rout e (or Denver-S a nta Fe Route) .............................. 70 The Twenty Mile Ho u se Stagecoach Station ................................ 71 The Twelve Mile House Stagecoach Station ................................ 74 The Four Mile House Stagecoach Station .................................... 79 4. STAGECOACH STATIONS WEST OF DENVER A D IN SOUTH PARK ................................................ .......... 83 Routes and Stagecoach Stations West of Denver ................................ 83 Guy House Stagecoach Station ..................................................... 87 Church's Ranch Stagecoach Station (The Twelve Mile House) ............................................................. 93 IX

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Routes and Stagecoach Stations from D e nver to South Park . ............ ................................................. I 00 Mount Vernon Stagecoach Station (R. W. Steele Home) ...................................... ............. ......... ....... I 02 Bergen's Ranch Stagecoach Station ... .... . ........... ........ ............... I 04 Kenosha House Stagecoach Station ....... . ............ .......... ...... .... II 0 Hamilton Stagecoach Station .... ......... . ................. ....... ............. II2 5. SOUTH CENTRAL AND SOUTHWESTERN COLORADO STAGECOACHING ............................. ...... . ................... 114 South Central Colorado Stagecoach Routes ...... ............ ....... ............. 115 Canon City Route ... ............ ......... ......... ....... ....... ............ ...... ..... 115 Colorado Springs to Leadville Route ......................... ................ I25 Colorado Springs to Cripple Creek Route ................. .......... ...... I34 Southwestern Colorado Stagecoaching ..... ........... ...... ................. ...... 139 Early Settlement ..... ......................... ................................ .......... 139 Land Negotiations .......... ...... ......... .... ................. .............. ........ 139 San Luis Valley ......... ....... ............. ......... ............... ..... ...... ........... 141 San Juan Mountain Stagecoaching . ..... .... . ...... ................................ 145 Early Stagecoaching ........ .... ......... . .... .... ........... ........ ................ 14 7 Stage Lines ................................... . . . ............. . ... . ........ ........ 148 Kalamazoo House and Stagecoach Station .... ............. ............... 151 X

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Pine River Stagecoach Station ........................ ..... ............... ..... 155 6. NORTH CENTRAL AND NORTHWESTERN COLORADO STAGECOACH STATIONS .... ....... ....... . ............... ...... 160 Routes and Stagecoach Stations to Empire, Georgetown and Leadville ................................... . ............ ..... ......... 160 The Peck House Stagecoach Station ..... ........... ........ .............. ... 162 Georgetown to Leadville Route ... ....... ...... .............. ...... . ....... .... 169 Middle Park Routes and Stagecoach Stations ....... . ........ ........ ..... ..... 172 Middle Park Rout es ................................ ... ........ .... ..... . .... ......... 172 Cozens Ranch Stagecoach Station ............. ...... ....... ....... ......... . 173 Ganson House Stagecoach Station/Stagecoach Inn .... . ..... .... . . 180 North Park and Northwestern Colorado Stagecoaching . .... ............. 182 The Meeker Massacre ............. ................. . ...... . ................... .... 182 Pinkhamton Stagecoach Stat i on . . ...... .... .... .............. ............... 184 Rock Creek Stagecoach Station ..... .... ... ............................ ........ 189 7. COLORADO STAGECOACH STATION PRESERVATION ......... .............. ......... .... . .... ................. . ........ ..... . ..... 192 Rehabilitated and Recycled Stagecoach Stations with Uses for the Twenty-First Century ............ ....... ... . . ... ...... ......... ..... 192 Cozens Ranch Stagecoach Station ................ ....................... .... 192 Four Mile House Stagecoach Station .... ....... ................... ....... 196 Preserved R es tor ed a nd R e con st ru c t e d Sta gecoac h St at ion s .......... 200 XI

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The Peck House ... .. .... ...... .... ................ ........ ....... ....... .. .... .. .......... 200 The Cliff House ........ ..... ............. .. ............. .. ..... .... ........... ..... ..... 205 Conclusion . .......................... ...... ..................... ...... .. ... .............. 210 ENDNOTES Chapter 1 . .. .. .... .. ... ...... ............ ..... .... ............ ....... ... ..... .. .................... ... 213 Chapter 2 .. ..... ...... ........ ....... .... .. ..... .... .... ....... .... ... ............ .... ... .. .......... .. ... 215 Chapter 3 ....................... .... ...... .. .... .... . ...... ................ ..... .............. ............. 22 1 Chapter 4 ............. .......... ..... ........ .. .. .... ...... ...... ... ..... .. ................... ......... ... 226 Chapter 5 .. .. .................... ........ .............. ... ........ ........... .. ......... ............ ..... .. 229 Chapter 6 ..................... .... .............. .. ............... ... ......... .. .... .............. .... ........ 234 Chapter 7 ............. ...... .... ......... ........... ... ........................... .. .. ..... ............... .. 23 7 BIBLIOGRAPHY .... .. ..... .... ... .. .... ............................ ..... ................. .. ..... .... .... .... 241 Xll

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FIGURES Figure 2.1 Map of the Leavenworth & Pikes Peak Express Route ...... .......... ................ 21 2.2 Map of the Platte Route or Overland Route ...... .... .... .......... .... ................ .... 29 3.1 Map of the Santa Fe Trail Mountain Branch ............................................... 51 3.2 Map ofthe Smoky Hill Routes .................................................................... 65 3.3 Sketch of Grady's Stagecoach Station ...... .......... .... ..................................... 69 3.4 Diagram of the Twe l ve Mile House .................. .... ........................ ............... 76 3.5 Photograph of the Twelve Mile House .......................................... ............... 77 4.1 Map ofthe St. Vrain, Golden City & Colorado Wagon Road ..................................... ...... ...................................... 86 4.2 Photograph of the Guy House Stagecoach Station ....................................... 88 4 3 Map of the Route to Church's Ranch Stagecoach Station ........................... 94 4.4 1860s Photograph of the Chmch's Ranch Stagecoach Station ... .................... ... ................................. ............ ... ............. 97 4.5 Map of th e Routes t o Mount Vernon and Bergen Park .............................. 1 01 4.6 Photograph of the Mount Vernon House .... .... ................................ .... ........ ] 03 4.7 Drawing ofthe Mount Vernon House ........................................................ 105 4 8 Map of Route s to So uth Park .. .................................................................... 111 5 1 Map of Rout e to Canon City and Oro City ........ ...................... ....... .......... 117 Xlll

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5.2 Map ofRoute to Bales Stagecoach St a tion ........ ... .............. .... ... .... ...... 120 5.3 Map of Route to Marshall Pass .................................................................. 124 5.4 Map of Rout e to Manitou Springs and U te Pass ... . .... .... ...................... . 128 5.5 Photograph of the Cliff House ....... . . . . ......... ....................... . ........ ........ 129 5.6 Photograph of the CliffHouse Additions and Overflow Tents. 130 5 7 Map of Route to Wade's Place on the Old Stage Road ... ......................... l37 5 8 Map of Rout es in th e San Luis Valley ... .......... .... ....... .... ... ....................... 144 5.9 Photograph of the Del Norte Stagecoach Station .... ........ .... ...................... 146 5.10 Photograph of a Stagecoach with Ski Runners ..... ............... .......... ....... ..... 150 5 .11 Photograph of a Stagecoach with a Team of Six Horses ........ .... ...... ......... 152 5 .12 Map of the San Juan Mountain Stagecoach Routes .......... .... ........ .... ........ 156 6.1 Map of the Routes to Empire and Georgetown ............ ................... .......... 163 6.2 Photograph of the Peck House Stageco ach Station ..................... ......... .... 167 6 3 Map of Rout es to Middle Park ...... .......... ........ .............. . ....... ... ...... ... ...... 174 6.4 Photograph of the Cozens Ranch Sta gec oach Station ...... ...... .... . .............. 178 6.5 Map of the Route from Laramie to Teller City ... ........... . ... ..................... 187 XlV

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Nestled in Colorado's mountain valleys urban neighborhoods on historic main streets, and alone on vast prairies are the survivors (or surviving components) of Colorado's stagecoach stations. Stagecoach lines used main routes and stations from 1859 until at least 1915 providing access to growing communities and initially carving the state's transportation industry These routes and stations paved the way for many railroad and road builders. The stations often became the nucleus of the surrounding area, providing a sense of community to the sparsely populated regions of Colorado's early white settlements. Additionally, the travelers found community at the stagecoach stations. According to historian Daniel J. Boorstin in his National Experience, American pioneers moving to the West fostered community wherever they went.1 According to Robert V. Hine in Community on the American Frontier a sense of place is "an ingredient common to almost all definitions of community "2 This chapter will explore stagecoaching history as a developing aspect of Colorado's community stagecoach stations.

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Stagecoaching History and Design Although Hollywood and western novels depict stagecoaching as synonymous with an untamed American West Europeans used passenger coach travel as early as the thirteenth century By the time the stagecoach entered the American West it had centuries of technological advancements and numerous body changes. Great Britain already considered stagecoaching obsolete for transporting British mail by the 1840s when railroads becam e more reliable. Even with the 1849 California mineral discoveries and commerce in the American Southwest, Utah, and the American Northwest it was a political struggle to obtain a transcontinental stagecoaching system in the American West. This chapter will provide an overview of stagecoaching history and desi g n transcontinental stagecoaching, stagecoach travel, and stagecoach stations. Middle Easterners and Europeans built chariots and passenger carrying wagons as early as 2000 B. C. and 500 B. C. respectively. However the passenger carrying coach or carriage from which the stagecoach evolved did not appear until the late thirteenth century. Italian and French coachbuilders were the first known builders of a short journey passe nger carriage drawn by horses. Researchers speculated that the word coach evolved either from a fifteenth century coach builder named Kotze, who initiat e d much of the era s technology, or from the small town of Kocs, Hungary where Kotze lived. The word became "kutsche" in 2

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Germany "cocc hio in Italy, "coche" in France, and "coche" in Spain and Portugal. This translated into the English word "coa ch." By the early sixteenth century, European builders produced horse drawn passenger coaches primarily for royalty and highly affluent families, as they remained primarily for short journ eys and were slower than horse travel. Walter Rippon built the first English coach in 1555. Queen Elizabeth I commissioned Rippon in 1566 to build a coach with windows ena bling her subjects to view her from all four sides. Regardless of the advances in the coaches traveling by horseback proved to be much more comfortable and faster. After ridin g in one particular coach, Queen Elizabeth I was unable to sit for several days and claimed she would never again ride in that coach. Spanish coachbuilders produc ed the first long distance passenger coach durin g the 1540s. With the advent of long distance passenger coaches the next significant development in stagecoaching history was the creation of a series of"post houses that provided a fresh team of horse s Since traveling in "stages" betw een frequent stops was necessary for long journ eys, the coaching industry adopted the term stagecoaching." The first pas senger service stagecoach in England r an in 1610 By the end of the century stagecoach travel and stage routes were common throughout England Technological changes provided passengers a more comfortable ride b y using iron springs and axles patented in England in 1625 A coach built for Mary 3

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Infanta of Spain, in 1661 debuted glass windows. During the same era increased power resulted from the development of iron tires on spoked wheels allowing a higher speed, reduced wheel wear and better turning ability These developments afforded coaches larger teams of horses resulting in more power.3 The English introduced a stagecoach called the "coach and four to America in the late seventeenth century. By the Revolutionary War stagecoaches served all thirteen colonies.4 In 1813 a Concord New Hampshire company, Abbott Downing and Company, began producing coaches. The Conco rd coach, first built in 1826 became the most popular stagecoach available in the nineteenth century. The Concord considered the most comfortable coach with leather-upholstered seats contained three bench seats inside accommodating nine passengers. Fa v orable weather allowed an additional four to six passengers on the roof. The driver's bench seat was large enough for two passengers and the driver if a guard or conductor was not along. The price of a Concord coach depending on the style, often reached $1,500. Another popular coach was the Troy stagecoach produced b y Eaton Gilbert and Company at Troy New York. This was not as luxurious as the Concord and was more rectangular in shape The Celerity coach, made by several manufacturers and known as a "mud wagon had no upholstered seats was smaller lighter and more maneuverable than the Concord. It was in mountain and muddy areas.5 4

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Trans-Mississippi West Stagecoaching Stagecoaching enterprises in the trans-Mississippi West arrived concurrently with the rapid conversion in the eastern United States from horse power to steam power. Steamboats and steam locomotives became the popular mode of transporting eastern United States passenger and freight. Due to limited navigable waters connecting western settlements, steamboats were not an option.6 Additionally, railroad entrepreneurs had little motivation to build railways in the American West since so few settlements existed to support a railroad. Paradoxically, it often required railroads to promote settlements.7 Stagecoaching became the most viable transportation mode in the American West, making it a local and trans-regional business. Isolated western communities not only required stagecoaching and wagons; they demanded that the federal government provide local mail, freight and passenger transportation services along with similar services between eastern railroad and steamboat connections with west coast cities With exorbitant costs involved with starting and operating a stage line, some stage operations found federal government support through United States Mail contract awards. 8 A few small Texas stage lines first obtained regional mail contracts. In 1851, the first trans-regional western United States Mail contract provided monthly mail services between the Missouri River and Salt Lake City. By the mid 1850s it extended to Sacramento. However, state representatives from 5

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California and New Mexico appealed to Congress for more services through a transcontinental stage route. The proposed bills failed, prompting California Democratic Senator John B Weller, to declare to Congress You have refused to give me the railroad. You have given me a wagon road and I say to the Senators, that creates sort of a moral obligation to give me coaches or wagons to carry the mail over that road.9 Due in part to sectional interests and biases among Congressional representatives Congress did not pass any proposed transcontinental stage route bills until February 1857 when it passed the Post Office appropriations bill. This bill called for a mail route with an eastern terminal on the Mississippi River and a western terminal at San Francisco. President James Buchanan signed the bill into law requiring the mail service to be performed with good four-horse coaches or spring wagons suitable for the conveyance of passengers, as well as the safety and security of the mails" and that the service "shall be performed within twenty-five days for each trip. "1 0 The transcontinental service began on September 16, 1858 at two eastern terminals Saint Louis Missouri and Memphis Tennessee. The two routes joined at Fort Smith Arkansas continued deep into Texas, crossed the desert to Los Angeles, and finally traveled north to San Francisco. It was known as the Oxbow Route Although the United States government contracted with the California Stage Company to operate the route in 1857 John Birch's stage line company succeeded the California Stage Company b y the time th e transcontinental service actually 6

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began in 1858. Birch called his company the Overland Mail Company. Locals called it the Butterfield Overland Mail for John Butterfield the company's president. It operated the section between San Antonio, Texas and San Diego California for a yearly contract fee of $600 000.11 The designation of the Southern Rout e disappointed Northern California businesses. The Sacramento Dail y Union expressed the businessperson's perspectives and doubts that the route would benefit them at all. Four -hors e stages cannot b e driven from San Francisco, across the seven deserts ... in twenty-five days nor in forty days nor at all. It never has been done. It never will be done.12 The Overland Mail exceeded the required timeliness by averaging a delivery time of twenty-on e days, fifteen hours rath e r than twenty-five days. Regardle ss of its success the establishment of the Southern Route roused bitter sentiment among many Northerners. For example, the Chicago Tribune called the whole operat ion "One of the greatest swindles ever perpetrated upon the country by the slaveholders. "13 Northern opposition to the Oxbow Route continued rising until an 1861 bill introduced in the United States Senate directed moving the route to a cent ral trail. Congress approved the bill March 12, 1861. It provided for a route from Saint Joseph Missouri directly west to Sacramento. The Central Route was the designated name for the new trail.1 4 7

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Stagecoach Travel Although stagecoach builders advanced the coaching technology for nearly six hundred years by the 1850s and 1860s most travelers called it anything but comfortable. In Ben Holladay th e Stagecoach King J V. Frederick described stagecoach travel vividly. They were banged beaten and jolted their heads were swollen and their faces bruised. Heads ached, nostrils were choked wit h sand limbs were stiffened and bent with cramps. Sometimes the disheartened travelers would l eave the stage to rinse their mouths and dip their heads in some little creek the water of which they did not dare to drink. Then walking several miles ahead of the stage they felt like new men again and forgot the discomfort s of their ride in the brisk morning air whjle they looked on the beautiful prairie scenery.15 By contrast in Roughing It, Mark Twain (Samuel C l emens) facetiously compared the ride to a cradle, Our coach was a great swinging and swaying stage of the most sumptuous d esc ription an imposing cradle on wheels."1 6 On Twain's initial stagecoach ride west he was one of only two passengers riding with several bags of United States mail in the coach. By positioning the mailba gs, the two passengers made beds from the mailbags that supposedly cushioned them from the jolts. Since the Central Overland route required stage lines to complete their routes from the Missouri River to Sacramento in twenty five days stages ran on a twenty-four hour schedule. The stages maint aine d a speed of approximately eight to ten miles per hour to achieve their destination goa l s Most s ta ge lines adopted the twenty-four hour schedule for all long distance stagecoach journeys regardless of the route .1 7 If 8

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the stagecoach was full, passengers not as fortunate as Twain quickly learned how to sleep while sitting Theodore Davis, a journalist for Harp e r s New Monthl y Magazine, described his experience in a July 1867 article. The first night in a stage-coach is undoubtedly the most uncomfort able . . The drowsy god soon spread hi s wings among us, knockin g the pollen of the poppy into our eyes to an extent that caused a general remark of bedtime. What a misnomer under the circumstances! Sleeping in a stage-coach is not the mo s t desirable method of passing the night. Passengers referred to the stage drivers as a breed of their own For a monthl y wa g e of $40 the d a ring drivers braved the heat cold and dan g ers of the prairies and mountains all to do it again on their next run.1 8 Passengers account s generally d e scribed the drivers as positive and having very distinctive personalities only occasionally complaining that all drivers told similar stories. Some accounts labeled the drivers as happy and friendly whips or "jehus. Others noted that the drivers frequently indulged in alcoholic beverages before and during their run.19 In his articl e, Theodore Davis gave Ius description of stagecoach drivers Men of fair education and some property may be found driving coaches They have left the Atlantic coast, given up by physicians as in the last stage of consumption a fact that would never be mistrusted from their pre se nt robust condition. There seems to be a strange fascination in stage-driving. Though it is one of the most toilsome oflives, a man once located on the box of a coach seldom or never leaves it for any other employment.20 Driving coaches required great skill and quick discernment to handle six lively fio(ses or mules over rough terrain that easil y changed with rain snow or wind. 9

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Stage lines required drivers to be very confident in their driving ability An Eng lishman traveling on a California stagecoach commented that the Western stage-driver was a man of iron nerve, recklessness and daring character. 2 1 Stagecoach Stations Similar to England's "post houses," stage line companies established stagecoach stations in the trans-Mississippi West. Since horses and mules generally tired after running ten to fifteen miles, stage lines established "swing stations," occasionally referred to as "living stations," approximately every ten to fifteen miles to exchange the tired stock for a fresh team. One to two men generally tended these stations which usually contained modest shelter and a corral.22 In Rou g hing It, Mark Twain claimed that the stage tender s changed a team of horses in about the same time it took for the passengers to get out of the stage and briefly stretch?3 Home stations provided ticket sales for passengers and were the destination points for pass enger arrivals and dep artures. Additionally they served as a place to exchange the livestock teams and typically signaled the end of a driver s run. Normally, a rested stage driver assumed the duties for the next run. The distance between home stations was approximately forty to fifty miles and call ed a drive by stage lines. A stop at a home station la sted approximately thirty to forty-five minutes. The home station mana ge r usually accompanied by his famil y or a cook 10

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prepared meals to sell to the passengers during their stop.24 The cost of a meal ranged between $1 and $2 50. Some passengers questioned the edibility Other passengers did not mind the food so much as they did the monotony of it from station to station. Samuel Bowles traveled by stage from Missouri to California in 1865. He commented on the food in a letter. Our meals at the stage stations continued very good throughout the ride; the staples were bacon eggs, hot biscuits, green tea and coffee; dried peaches and apples and pies were as uniform; beef was occasional and canned fruits and vegetables were furnished at least half of the time Each meal was the same; breakfast dinner and supper were undistinguishable save by the hour.25 Stage line companies that doubled in the freight line business established a third type of station, called "cattle stations." Thes e stations, usually combined with home stations, provided a fresh team of oxen and a di ffe rent driver.26 Several drives made up a division which was typically between 150 to 450 miles long The s tage lines employed a division agent or superintendent to administer the stations along a 1 f h 27 part1cu ar portwn o t e stage route. Wayside homes for travelers were common in the American West. Sundowning was the term used when a traveler stopped at day's end and stayed at homes open to travelers including wayside homes roadhouses or simply inns. Guidebooks to the West provided names and locations of homes that offered accommodations. Travelers frequently relied on others they met on the trails for this information. Occasionally wayside homes coincided with the stage route Some 11

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stage companies commissioned wayside homeowners to serve as home stations on stage routes. Passengers who wanted to rest overnight and catch another stage paid the homeowner between fifty cents and one dollar for lodging. Stage companies used the terms stage houses" and station houses" interchangeably with stagecoach stations with resp e ct to the dwe lling occupied by the stock tenders or in the case of a home station, the dwelling occupied by the managing family.28 Although it took patienc e and man y political attempts and maneuvers the trans-Mississippi West thrived with help from the transcontinental stage route. Stagecoaching became a vital pi e ce of th e American West's settlement communication and commerce It provided individuals who may not have otherwi se traveled west an opportunity to vie w th e West during its earl y s ettle ment years for instance families of wealthy western businessm e n entrepreneurs and foreign travelers. At last an organized means of routing the United States mail provided a pipeline between the eastern United States and the western United States. Historian Oscar Winther remarked in The Tran s portation Frontier that although the passengers did not experience the greatest comfort the goal of transporting people mail and express by stagecoach had one redeeming feature : it worked ."29 12

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CHAPTER2 THE OVERLAND ROUTE AND THE REPUBLICAN ROUTE AI though the 1861 transcontinental stage route opened communication channels between the eastern United States and the western United States its arrival did not initially assist to present day Colorado It arrived over two years after the Pikes Peak gold rush began and its course was approximately 100 miles north of Denver. Passenger service transportation such as steamboats trains and coaches common in the East were still foreign in the Rocky Mountain area. Without navigable water for a steamship a Pikes Peak emigrant's limited transportation choices included horseback a horse and wagon or walking (with or without a handcart) Ea rly emigrants traveling to Salt Lake City, Oregon and California during the 1850s shaped routes later used by Colorado emigrants, includin g the Overland Route and the Republican Route. These routes became an integral part of the early white settlement of Colorado Territory and formed the first stagecoach trails into Colorado. Stagecoach stations emerged dotting the routes and impacting the settlement of Colorado 13

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The Pikes Peak Gold Rush Attraction Although early French and Spanish explorers in what is now Colorado reported in their diaries finding small quantities of gold and silver, it was not until 1858 that William Green Russell organized an exploration group to learn of the area's mineral possibilities. Russell's party found small deposits of scale gold (a very coarse gold) in and around Cherry Creek. On a return trip from Fort Laramie to Kansas City Missouri John Cantrell stumbled upon Ru s sell s party. With the group's permission he took sample gravel with him where he panned out a small amount of color in Kansas City. His statement prompted merchants and newspaper journalists to sensationalize it as a find better than that of California's 1849 gold rush.1 He published a newspaper affidavit regarding his s a mple indicating it was gold from the Rocky Mountains. This attracted many distraught individuals impacted by America s 1857 depressed economy. By the fall and winter of 1858, masses of gold seekers traveled to the Cherry Creek area Although prospectors found no gold on or in the immediate vicinity of Pikes Peak guidebooks of the time used Pikes Peak as a reference point as to the location of the purported gold first found seventy miles north of Pikes Peak The rush that followed became known as the Pikes Peak gold rush and the area that was later Colorado was known as the Pikes Peak region.2 January 1859 was an auspicious month for Pikes Peak gold seekers in three areas west of Denver. George A. Jackson found significant gold on the Idaho bar of 14

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South Clear Creek (whe r e Clear Creek inters ecte d with the mouth of wha t was eventually Chicago Creek), near pr e sent day Idaho Springs. He marked his find and r e turn ed in the spring to d eve lop a very significant disc overy Six men prospected an area in what is now Boulder County, called Gold Run near Gold Hill in late fall of 1858. By Janu ary 1859 th ey found l a rg e quantities of gold although less significant than Jackson's discovery. John Hamilton Gre gory found th e third significant mineral discovery that month. He traveled t o the C h erry Creek area in the fall of 1858 After prospectin g without success along the South Pl atte River and Cherry Creek, he followed Clear Creek (the Vasquez Fork of the South Platte), northwest of Gold en (near where Black Hawk i s today), where he found significant placer gold in Janu ary of 1859. With winter conditions and deep snow Gregory postponed further in vestig ation of the site When h e return ed with supplies in th e s prin g Gregory found the first vein of gold in th e Pikes P eak region The find, recorded on May 6 1859 becam e known as Gregory Di ggings Gr egory Gulch, and the Gregory Di s tri ct. It initiat ed growt h of a mining camp ca lled Mountain City, the predec essor to Central City and Black Hawk. These discov eries prompt e d thou sands of Pike s Peak go ld ru sh pro s pect ors to sco ur the Rocky Mountains and the em ergence of settlements throu g hout the area. Although estimates vary, betw een 25,0 00 and I 00,000 p eop l e came to the area from 1858 to 1859 and settlements emerged throughout th e Pikes Peak re g ion.3 15

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Initial Routes The Overland Route, referred to as the Platte Route began at Saint Joseph Missouri came west through the eastern portion of Kansa s Terr itory then turned north to follow the North Platte River in Nebraska Territory. The Route followed the South Platte River briefl y at Upper California Crossing before moving northward again along the North Platte River. This was a well-established trail previously used by 1850s emigrants drawn to California's gold fields Salt Lake City, and Oregon. Another popular and well-established route was the Santa Fe Route that crossed the southeastern corner of what is now Colo rado into New Mexico and on to California. Additionally emigrants followed the Santa Fe Route then continued west to what i s now Pueblo to find the Cherokee Trail that th ey followed north along the foothill s into what i s now Wyoming. Promoters of a new route, the Smoky Hill Route, claimed it was the most direct to Cherry Creek Although it did shorten the travel time definite paths did not exist and few individuals risked travelin g the route initially. Guidebooks listin g the Smoky Hill Route led the Pikes Peak pilgrims to the edge of what i s now Colorado and from there left them to wander aimless l y without good directions. Eager for riches many adventurous individuals outfitted themselves with mules provisions and printed map card s directing them over the Smoky Hill Route. One account told of a group of indi viduals who l eft Saint Louis on March 2 1859 followin g clear directions to Junction C ity Kansas Territory. However from that 16

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point the map cards were absolutely worthless providing fictitious information every step of the way. For two days the individuals followed what appeared to be wagon tracks however they disappointedly learned later that the tracks were Indian lodge pole tracks Eventually, the group found Bent's Fort after surviving on prickly pear and wild onions for nine days.4 The Blue party was not as fortunate The party consisted of three brothers (Alexander Charles and Daniel Blue) and two other individuals. They left Illinois for the Pikes Peak region on February 22 1859 packing provisions on their one horse and on their backs. By March 6, 1859 they reached Kansas City where they continued their trek on the Smoky Hill Route. Later a statement from Daniel Blue indicated that by the time the party was within 150 miles ofDenver City, they used nearly all of their food supplies and lost their packhorse and provisions, save a shotgun. They survived on what little game was available a few hares and ravens They felt too exhausted and weak to hunt large game. Before dying of starvation, one man in the group advised the others to nourish themselves with his remains if necessary. Finding no other source of food the others, against their feelings, consumed their companion's remains. Wandering aimlessly in the midst of Colorado's eastern plains with little or no water and little food all except Daniel Blue perished; each authorized the survivors to partake in his remains. Daniel Blue's statement best described the rest of the journey. 17

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I was found by an Arapahoe Indian and carried to his lodge, treated with great kindness and a day and a half thereafter( ... the fourth day of May) brought to encampment of the Leavenworth and Pike's Peak Ex press companies train, en route to Denver City, ... where I was received and taken care of, and left at station 25, to recover .... 5 Before traffic defined the route, many more emigrants traveled this route in wagons or walked pu s hin g handcarts; many more died alon g the way. General William H Larimer Jr. wrote of his concerns to h i s wife in April 1859 It is supposed th at fourte en men have starve d to d eath on the Smoky Hill route ... The troubl e with this route i s that after they leave the Smoky Hill there has been no direct road and they wande r off in every dir e ction. 6 Smok y Hill travel ers often desert e d their prop erty and broken wagons and continued the journey on foot. D ea d horses and oxen along with unmarked graves cluttered the rout e 7 The rout e commonly became known as the Starvation Route. The rumored and realized riches from the Rocky Mountains not only piqued the int erests of gold seekers, but it captivated entrepreneurs foreseeing goo ds and services necessary for the emigrants' livelihood Denver City town promoter General William H. Larimer, Jr. aimed to attract esse ntial enterprises to Denver City drawin g business away from its larger more established rival Auraria Town Company, located on the opposit e side of Cherry Creek. Larimer reali ze d the levera ge and influence a stage line generated to an infant community. He discussed a proposition of runnin g a stage lin e from Lea ve nworth Kan sas Territory to Denver City with William Hepburn Russell a veteran freighter. Larimer enhanced the 18

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proposition by offering fifty-three Denver City lots to the freighting finn of Russell Majors and Waddell express company (a freight line of which William Russell was a principal) and six lots to William H. Russell if Russell agreed Additionally Larimer gave the stage line two city lots strategically located in the heart of Denver City.8 William H. Russell, known to embark on "new and profitless" enterprises joined with JohnS. Jones a pioneer government contractor of the West to organize the first passenger service from the states to Denver City. They called their stage line the Leavenworth & Pike's Peak Express Company (L & PPE). Russell and Jones invited Alexander Majors and William Bradford Waddell to join them in the new venture. However both Majors and Waddell agreed that engaging in a stage line was premature and risky in an undeveloped area with an unknown future. Russell, Majors and Waddell provided the L & PPE a ninety-day loan for most of its origination costs which were nearly $79,000.9 The route began at Leavenworth, Kansas Territory followed the Republican and Solomon Rivers staying between the Platte Route and the Smoky Hill Route then converged with the Smoky Hill Route approximately seventy-five miles east of Denver City Russell and Jones intended the route to decrease travel time while providing ample fuel water, and grass. Colonel William J Preston surveyed the route and marked the location of twenty-seven future stagecoach stations each approximatel y tw e nty-five miles apart. A well-traveled road existed for the first 19

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twenty-five miles from Leavenworth. The remaining 600 plus miles required the stage driver to trust stakes, piles of stones, buffalo bones and dung placed along the route by the surveying party as guide indic ators. T he L & PPE positioned s tation s Twenty through Twenty-Seven in what is now Colorado. (See Figure 2.1 ). Ironic ally, the second set of D enver bound coaches found Daniel Blue at Station 25 and provided him a free fare into Denver.10 Henry Villard a n ewspaper journalist for the Cincinnati Dail y Commercial, accepted an assignment to investi gate the Pik es Peak re g ion and its rumored riche s in March 1859. On Apri l 18, 1859, the first set of L & PPE coaches left Leavenworth. Over one thousand spectators cheered as Villard board ed one of the coaches he described as red-painted canvas-covered vehicles, with three inside seats for three passengers each, known as 'Concord coaches,' with four fine Kentucky mules attached that started on a full run. 11 Even more excited to see the coaches were residents of the Cherry Creek area when the coaches arrived on May 7 1859. Just as the setting sun was go rgeou s l y illuminating the range, the stage mad e a final halt in front of the lo g-house in Denver tha t represented the headquarters of th e stage company. Our coming was not expected but the glad intelligence that the first overland stage was arriving spread instantly on both banks of Cherry Creek and the whole population quickly turned out to see it. 12 With the a1mouncement that hundreds of l etters and new spapers arrived the crowd belted three cheers for the new stage line.13 20

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Denver ....... <::: 9 +-0 +l/) I{) N <::: 0 t +-l/) '-... --. ' ..... .... N <::: 9 +-0 +-l/) Figure 2.1. Map of the Leavenworth & Pikes Peak Express Company Route. Map drawn by author 21 0 CJ < Ci. 0 .J 0 u

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Larimer realized his goal with the arrival of a stage line into Denver. Emerging businesses established themselves close to the stage company's office jockeying for the newcomers business With the L & PPE's regular mail service, Auraria and Denver City residents anxiously waited in line for a letter from the states six to seven days old. Previously, Fort Laramie was the closest United States mail connection to Auraria and Denver City. Jim Saunders created the first express line from Denver City to Fort Laramie in November 1858 retrieving the newly formed communities' mail often six weeks old, and sending mail for the townspeople. He charged fifty cents for letters and twenty-five cents for newspapers; this was in addition to the three cents United States postage for a Jetter. Since the L & PP E was not an official United States mail carrier, it too charged a private carrier fee of twenty-five cents for letters and ten cents for newspapers Although these were steep prices the recipients and senders willingly paid the price to communicate with the states. By the spring of 1860 Auraria Town Company merged with Denver City creating one town called Denver.14 Leavenworth & Pikes Peak Express Stations and Travel Prior to the first departure of coaches a large wagon train left Leavenworth, Kansas Territory carrying provisions equipment, and materials to establish the stations. Rather than spend the initial start up time building stations though, the 22

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Leavenworth & Pike s Peak Express supplied each station with Sibley tents to accommodate employees and passengers. The company planned to erect permanent structures after the line was fully operationa1.15 Henry Villard described the stations as" ... simply small camps of one large and several small tents manned by three persons-the station-keeper an assistant ... and a male cook. "1 6 The station tender's assistant cared for the twelve mules a number sufficient for the stage coach relays. The large tent provided the passengers a dining room and sleeping quarters Villard indicated that the passengers were expected as all travelers on the plains did to carry with th e m their bedding that i s, buffalo robes or blankets rolled up in a waterproof sheet."17 Unlike stations in later years several L & PPE home stations provided overnight passenger accommodations resulting in a travel time often to twelve days over the 687 miles. The stage line anticipated a reduction in travel time equal to eight days once it built the stations and fully established the route with known cut-offs.18 Horace Greeley editor ofthe New York Tribune traveled on the L & PPE six weeks after its inception to find little improvements to the stations. At Station 21, near what became the Tuttle community with the Tuttle stage stop and store, 1 9 Greeley noted the conditions. Water is obtained from the apology for a river or by digging in the sand by its side; in default of wood corrals (cattle-pens) are formed at the stations by laying up a heavy wall of clayey earth flanked by sod, and thus excavating a deep ditch on the inner side except at the portal, which is closed at night by runnin g a wagon into it. The tents are 23

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sodded at th e ir bases; houses of sod a r e to be constructed as soon as m ay be Such are the shifts of human ingenuity in a country which has probably not a cord of growing wood to each township of land?0 Paul Mill e r who grew up in ea s tern Colorado at the tum of the twenti e th c e ntury located many of th e station sites o ve r several d eca des with h e lp from other eastern Colorado r es id e nts. On th e site of what h e b elieve d to b e Station 21, he found a deteriorating sod ditch that h e speculated reach e d eight feet at one time. His notes indicated that th e tr enc h was "sh o uld er d eep" from which an individu a l could easily fi .fl f 21 Ire an e 1 nece ssary. Albert Ric h ardson, a n ewspape r j o urn a l ist w ho was a correspondent for Horace Greeley's New York Tribun e in 1860 accompanied Greeley on the L & PP E journey west and maint a in e d a journ a l with mor e po s itive impr essi ons than Greele y At Station Twe n ty -on e where we s p ent th e night we first encountered fresh fish upon our tabl e Here th e e nom1ous cat-fish of Missouri and Kansas has dwindled to th e little horn e d-pout ofNew Eng land lost its strong tast e an d regain ed it s le g itimat e flavor.2 2 Man y early emigrants tra ve lin g th e und e fin e d Smoky Hill Rout e to Cherry Creek b y foot or hors e back made a common, sometimes perishabl e, error at th e site of the L & PPE's Station 22 T h ey frequently continued th e ir travels northwesterly across a dry barren and isolated plain with no wat e r for miles If they trav e l ed southwesterly, as the L & PPE rout e did th ey found water.23 24

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Not only did the stage stations along this route serve the stage company and its passengers, they provided an oasis for travelers of other modes oftransportation Greeley witnessed tllis reception and captured it in his notes I found every one of the western stations of the Express company beset by gangs of half-starved men mostly of the handcart and walking gentry that had consumed their last, days ago and were now driven to appeal to the feelings of compassion of the employes [sic] ofthe Express company. And heartily and humanely was this appeal responded to in most cases. Otherwise, the road would be covered with the bleacrung bones of such as had breathed their last in the merciless wilderness, for want of the means of physical subsistence?4 The L & PPE's presence along the Republican and Solomon River route successfully carved a safer route for travelers and created, for the time an upstanding reputation for itself. Greeley's report of his journey in the New York Tribun e left little question to easterners that the Pikes Peak gold rumors were not "humbug." The Rocky Mountain News indicated that during 1859, the L & PPE was "one ofthe most important and influential institutions ofColorado."2 5 The Platte Route or Overland Route Stagecoaching and Stagecoach Stations Platte Route Stagecoaching On May 11, 1859 not even one month after the L & PPE coaches started running Jones Russell & Company purchased the United States mail contract from John M Hockaday & Co. Hockaday and John Liggitt began the government 25

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contract in 1858 to transport mail from Saint Joseph Missouri to Salt Lake City, Utah. The contract required mail service to Forts Kearney and Laramie, which left Jones and Russell with what they believed to be one choice. A United States mail contract provided security of income along with passenger and express fares, an opportunity difficult to ignore They transferred the L & PPE line and operations north to the Platte Route?6 Once operational on the Platte Route newspapers made the change public. The Rocky Mountain News praised the new route in August 1859 and quoted the paper's owner, William Byers, when he indicated that he and his famil y ... found stations along the South Platte fitted up in the best style possible .... Houses have been erected, wells dug and the conventions of life are rapidly being gathered around points along a distance of a hundred miles, where two months ago there was not a fixed habitation Passengers by this line get their regular meals on a table and smoking hot.27 The article indicated that independent travelers on horseback, in wagons or on foot easily found shelter at night and two meals a day Later accounts speculated that the newspapers published the accounts based partly on truth as a promotion of the line and to "encourage the company."2 8 No amount of positive publicity however resolved the unpaid debts the L & PPE continued to incur. Although the line ran a regular schedule operating costs exceeded passenger fare receipts and the mail contract rate By October 28, 1859, the line owed creditors $525,532 Russell Majors and Waddell a creditor of approximately $100 000 bou g ht the L & PP E rescuin g its own investment. The 26

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L & PPE' s largest indebtedness was for buying and more fully equipping the Hockaday mail line. William Russell organized a new company the Central Overland California & Pike's Peak Express Company (COC & PP) on November 23, 1859, and reclaimed the stage line from Russell, Majors and Waddell. The same principals involved themselves along with several more individuals as incorporators of the new entity?9 In August 1860, the Post Office Department awarded the mail contract to the Western Stage Company with delivery service from Omaha Nebraska to Denver only complicating the COC & PP's fragile business The COC & PP lost most of its mail and express bu s iness to and from Denver to its new competitor. 30 Although Russell reorganized the company the d e bt followed Due to his financial mismanag e ment and other improprieties the board of directors of the COC & PP removed Russell as president in April 1861 and appointed Bela M Hughes an attorney to succeed Russell. Hughes explained in an 1892 letter, that the line ... was poorly equipped had few stations of smaJl importance and was greatly embarrassed with debt a fact I did not know when I consented to take the position as president.3 1 When the corporate secretary revealed a complete financial statement to Hughes in November 1861 Hughes saw no debt relief and promptly recommended that the board of directors auction the company to the highest bidder. During the difficult financial times disgnmtled sta g e employees not receivin g timely 27

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paychecks, interpreted the initials COC & PP as Clean Out of Cash & Poor Pay." Ben Holladay, a creditor of$208,000, successfully b i d $100,000 in March 1862.32 Holladay eventually changed the name to Holladay Overland Mail and Express Company and operated it until November 1866 when Wells Fargo & Company bought the line for $1,800,000. Wells Fargo operated the line unt i l the Kansas Pacific Rai l road made its way to Denver in 1870.33 Establishment of Platte Route Stage Stations. The Platte Route stage lines began their routes at Saint Joseph Missouri traveled northwesterly to Fort Kearney Nebraska Territory, then followed the Overland Route and Oregon Trails along the North Platte River. At the Upper Crossing near the mouth of Lodgepole Creek at Julesburg, the stage route turned southwesterly for Denver following the South Platte River. (See Figure 2 2.) Travelers on horseback in wagons, and on foot used the route extensively knowing that water grass, and a few inhabitants existed on the route. Realizing the masses of emigrants who traveled the route, entrepreneurs established road ranches or roadhouses that t y pically doubled as trading posts offering travelers meals, overnight accommodations hay blacksmith services, and essential provisions for a premium price. Although the stage lines did not originally use some of the road ranches as stage stations, at times the stage line contracted with them for that purpose.34 The Platte stage lines built the stage stations all very similarly. Typically, they were almost square, one-story hand hewn cedar or pine lo g vernacular 28

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Denver Figure 2 2 Map of the Platte Route or Overland Route. Map drawn b y author. 29

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structures containing one to three rooms and earthen floors. However reports indicated that a few sod stations existed on the route. If the station contained only one large room muslin partitions divided the area into separate eating and sleepin g areas. Cedar or pine logs created a gabled roof with small cedar "poles" placed close together for On top of the poles the builders placed a la yer of willows, a layer of hay sod or earth, and finally a smattering of coarse gravel to reduce the wind blowing the earth from the roof. Builders found cedar trees growing in the canyons south and west of the Platte River near Cottonwood Springs in southwestern N e br aska. Gro ves of trees closer to Denver supplied many stations west of Bijou Stagecoach Station (near Fort Morgan). Swing stations typically consisted of the station tender's quarters, a bam and a corral. The hom e stations were much larg er and contained several outbuildings in addition to the bam and corral. In a 1910 account J. J. Thomas recalled working for the COC & PP as a relay stage station builder from 1859 to 1860. His work included building Lillian Springs Stagecoach Station In addition to constructing stagecoach stations he recalled building storehouses for com and horse bams.35 Julesburg. Jules Beni (additionally known as Jules Reni, Rene Beniot and Rene Jules) established the best-known trading post along the Platte Route. At the junction of the Oregon and Overland Trails called the Upper California Crossing, he built his post one mile from the mouth of Lodgepole Creek and on the south side of the South Platte River. Beginnin g in the 1850s he offered travelers pr ov isions for 30

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their journeys to California, Oregon and Utah. The stop later became known as Julesburg and eventually had four different locations. Stage companies often referred to it as Overland City, however, an actual name change never occurred. In 1860, the Pony Express kept a relay station at Julesburg on its route from Saint Joseph Missouri to Sacramento. The Pony Express, another William Russell and associates enterprise ceased in October 1861 with the completion of the transcontinental telegraph lines. By 1865, the Julesburg Stagecoach Station was one of the most important on the route It was the end of the supervisory division for that stage route section. Besides a large home station, it contained a passenger eating house, large stab le, blacksmith repair shop a granary and storehouses. The stage line built the corral in an enclosed sod wall A large store, not a part of the stage company property, gave travelers an opportunity to buy provisions. The Overland Telegraph Company operated a telegraph office from the site. The three operations (the stage line, store, and telegraph office) employed approximately forty to fifty men, including station hands stock tenders, drivers telegraph operators and a cook. The builder possibly hauled the cottonwood log building materials from Cottonwood Canyon sixty-five miles east of Julesburg to construct the frame station with a sod roof.36 Edward L. Berthoud and W. F. Wilder organized a second Julesburg in February 1866 approximately two miles east of the original or Old Julesburg. It was near the east boundary of Fort Sedgwick makin g it convenient for the soldiers to 31

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buy whiskey and other provisions The Union Pacific Railroad prompted a third Julesburg in 1867 as its line veered south into Colorado Territory while avoiding laying track through several mil es ofNebraska sand hills. Some emigrants continued using the second Julesburg stage station as a resting place although the stag e company relocated the station to the third Julesburg where the stage met train passengers traveling to Denver. Once the train reached Cheyenne by way of Nebraska, s tage tra vel on the Pl atte Route d ecrease d considerably .37 Stations along the Platte Route functioned in a variety of ways. Guidebooks publish e d in Mis souri and Kan sas noted man y stations, th e availability of provisions grass, water, and wood Emigrants travelin g b y methods other than stagecoaches reve a l ed that they used the stagecoach stations as reference points. Jonah Girad Cisne kept a journal of his wagon train trip to Pikes Peak country in April 1860. Thursday 15th started early, a calm clear day. Passed by the Station as they was eating breakfast. Stopped for dinner b y some Shi ann [ s ic] Indians .... Stopped 4 mi. below Lilions Springs [Lillian Springs] for dinner. ... Passed Valley Station at 4 o'clock .... Sunday the 201h ... We did not drive. Wa s hed some close [sic] and laid ov e r till Monday. This Station is 3/ 4 o f a mile below the cut-off 75 miles from Denver. ... Passed the toll ga te about 11 o'clock, 8 miles from Denver.38 Frequently th ese emigrants and wago n trains camped near the stations not only to bu y provisions if necessary but as a sense of security. In Ez Stahl s diary entry for May 17, 1860 he noted that he and his party drove 17 mil es camped on Platte past the sta ge stat ion ," and on September 16, 1 862 th a t h e "got suppe r at 32

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Fremont's" (Fremont's Orchard Stagecoach Station on the Platte Route.i9 Another emigrant who left his or her name out of a journal, indicated the type of sleeping accommodations that stations offered for travelers in 1863 "June 9th Rain stopped at Spring Hill Station in stable, slept in manger-best bed since St. Joe.'"'0 This traveler not splurging for the home station meals, told of his or her variety of food for lunch and supper, "Bacon and crackers then crackers and bacon ."4 1 Along with many others who migrated west and were unable to afford a stagecoach ride or station meals he or she appeared frugal. By June 11th the diary told that they did not expect to eat again until they reached Denver which was four more days of travel. He or she wrote that at the Kiowa station they bought one pint of milk for dinner with hopes for bread at ranch and at Box Elder Stagecoach Station that the "Boys eating, I m fastin g.'"'2 Platte Route settlers and station tenders created their own communities in isolated northeastern Colorado Territory. Settlers considered anyone within one hundred miles their neighbors. To ward off loneliness some home stations hosted dances. The host sent a message along the line inviting everyone. Some settlers traveled over fifty miles just to attend the dances. They arrived on horseback in wagons and some rode the stage depending on seat availability, and then caught the return stage the next day. Although the stage lines did not originally contract with Godfrey's ranch built approximately in 1860 (between what is now Sterling and Fort Morgan Colorado), it later replaced American Ranche as a home station. 33

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Godfreys hosted occasional dances and made neighbors and travelers alike feel welcome. The dances typically lasted all night with a large potluck held at midnight. Mary Ellen Bailey from Latham a stagecoach station near present day Greeley, noted in her diary that she traveled to Godfrey's ball nearly 60 miles, just to get up at the crack of dawn the following morning to return home. The sight of so many women at one place, who traveled such a great distance frequently amazed travelers who stopped at the station during a dance .43 Sand Creek As masses of emigrants poured over the prairies, it affected local Indian tribes' resources. Sheltering timber groves and large bison herds dwindled. Historian Elliott West referred to wagon trains as great grass-gobblin g machines as they devoured much of the remaining forage along the major routes. "44 While Indians in the area were peaceful during the first few years of white migration, government and continued white infiltration pushed the tribes into smaller areas with fewer resources. Some tribes' members became very resistant to the white people's invasion and became desperate as tensions built. The June 1864 murder and mutilation of ranch manager Ward Hungate his wife, and two daughters was the turning point. Testimony later revealed that four Northern Arapahoe held a grudge against Hungate. Colorado Territorial Governor John Evans interpreted the murders as all Indians' declaration of a full w ar. He requested that peaceful Indians 34

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report to specified military posts where the military offered food and safety to them.45 Due to scant military provisions at Fort Lyon, in the southeastern portion of Colorado Territory, the military turned away a peaceful group of Cheyennes advising them to camp near Sand Creek, an area north of Fort Lyon where they were supposedly safe. Colonel John M. Chivington, commanding officer of the First Colorado Regiment, believing he needed to teach the Indians a lesson they would not forget"4 6 took Evans interpretation to an extreme. At dawn November 29, 1864, Chivington led his troops into the peaceful Sand Creek camp killing and mutilating every man, woman, and child possible and burning the lodges the next day. Some escaped and survived while approximately 150 lost their lives in this needless massacre.47 Revenge After mourning their loses Indians sought reprisal beginning in January 1865. Sioux and Cheyenne leaders decided to attack Julesburg first. At dawn on an early January day, close to 600 Sioux and Cheyenne waited in the sand hills near Fort Sedgwick and Julesburg. A few Indians drew the soldiers out of the fort by yelling and charging. Once the soldiers engaged in a fight the remaining Indians swooped down upon the station and store. Approximately fourteen soldiers died. The remaining soldiers retreated leaving the Indians to plunder the station store, and warehouse the soldiers not interfering. In the sand hills, Indian women waited 35

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with extra ponies onto which they loaded provisions. They secured all of the groceries including large sacks of flour, corn, and sugar, clothing, silks and hardware. Although they did not understand what the canned food was initially they quickly learned from George and Charlie Bent48 who found a new use for their tomahawks opening the tin cans. The Indians found a moneybox supposedly not knowing what the green paper represented and threw it into the air. George and Charlie Bent knowing its purpose secured a large sum of the estimated $30 000. Toward the end of January the tribes planned another strike. The plan was that the Cheyenne s hit all ranches and stations midway between Denv e r and the Bijou Station (near Fort Morgan) the Sioux hit those east of Julesburg and the Northern Arapahoe strike in the middle. This time damages were more severe. Between late January and February 2 1865 the tribes attacked nearly every ranch and station on the Platte Route. They burned the majority of them along with tons of hay and ran off hundreds of cattle. Once again the tribes greatly out numbered the Fort Sedgwick soldiers who gave little resistance. Each rancher and stage tender was on his own Several settlers and stage tenders died from gun shot wounds or the fires. Cut Belly, a Sioux, took American Ranche stage tender s wife Sarah Morris and her two children captive. Additionally the Indians destroyed the telegraph lines to Denver.49 Holon Godfrey owner of a ranch about two miles west of the American Ranche and sta ge station (located b e tween what i s now Sterlin g and Fort Morgan 36

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Colorado) was one of the few who defended his property with little damage. He built his 1860 ranch to include a comer tower, containing portholes, in the corral. He reportedly dug a well inside the dwellings. When attacked, he, his wife, children, and at least one male visitor defended the location when they created a firebreak by wetting the ground and the sod roof. Godfrey's wife, Matilda, and the Godfrey children molded bullets and reloaded guns. Finally, the Indians retreated. The story told is that Cheyenne and Sioux Indians called Godfrey "Old Wicked" due to Godfrey's perseverance and defense strategies. He adopted the name Fort Wicked for his ranch. The stage line contracted with Godfrey to tend a home station considering the American Ranche and most others on the line burned. 5 Only a few Platte Route stations and ranches survived the 1865 depredations. Stage lines sending stages west advised passengers to bring at least a three days supply of food since many home stations were not operational, if existing. Travelers continued to use the burned and abandoned stations as reference points and in at least one case as an oasis for a hot meal. Traveling on a very cold day, a stage driver stopped at one of the pilfered and burned home stations hoping to find at least some coffee. The driver and passengers found enough food remaining to delight in their first hot meal in two days. They enjoyed a breakfast combination of canned stewed tomatoes stewed dried apples bacon "swimming in fat, biscuits yellow with soda and hot coffee "51 37

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Ben Holladay threatened to abandon his the entire Platte Route if the federal government did not protect it. The stages stopped running prices soared for goods coming to Colorado Territory, and the United States mail service sent Colorado mail to Panama, then to California, and then east to Denver avoiding the dangers. George Bent stated All ofthis trouble was the result of Colonel Chivin gton's 'great victory at Sand Creek 52 The government sent extra troops and provided military escorts for coaches traveling in pairs. By May 1865 the federal government declared the route safe for travel. For those who could afford the coach fare, the stage line attempted to recoup its los s es by increasing the $100 coach fare to $175. Although depredations and attacks continued regularly through 1869, none measured in damages or deaths to the ones in e a rly 1865.53 W. Lee Hende rson came to Colorado Territory in 1872 with the intention of settling near what is now Sterling Colorado. At the deserted Fort Sedgwick located fifty miles from Sterling, he found building materials a door a window and a frame that he claimed were "For our shanty."54 He took possession of the site and the remains of Valley Stagecoach Station located three miles east of Sterling, built his shanty ," homesteaded the site and raised cattle. Henderson s brother John remembered that in the stage days the road over the sand hills below Valley Station was paved with 'dobe,' and for many years it was advisable to stick to the old pavement."55 He remembered a family in a wagon that "got off the pavement 38

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and were hopelessly stuck" until he and others helped pull them out with their team. 5 6 The Overland North Route During the COC & PP occupation of the Platte Route the route continued over the Colorado Territory prairies stopping at stations including one near what is now Fort Morgan Greeley (called Latham in 1860), Fort Saint Vrain and finally south to Denver the end of the line. In 1862 when Ben Holladay's Overland Mail and Express Company received the United States mail contract he changed the route to Denver by adding a short cut called the Fort Morgan Cut-Off. This southwesterly approach from Fort Morgan to Denver made a more direct route that reduced the travel time. For fares to Fort Laramie the route continued from Fort Morgan northwesterly to Latham, La Porte, and then north to Wyoming. In 1864, the stage company changed the route to extend directly from Denver to Fort Laramie via St. Vrain (the location of the Burlington Stagecoach Station) Big Thompson station, La Porte, and on to Wyoming. When Wells Fargo and Co. bought Holladay's enterprise in 1866 not only did it continue the line from Denver to Fort Laramie, it established a Denver to Cheyenne route that traversed the same area north of Denver then at La Porte veered northeasterly over an old trail that traders used from Santa Fe to Fort Laramie during the first half of the nineteenth century .57 39

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The existence of stage travel and stag e stations created new employment opportunities for the emerging communities. Lucas Brandt arrived in Colorado Territory on April 5, 1867. He worked on the Rist hay farm near the Big Thompson River (three miles west of Loveland). Mr. Rist contracted with Wells Fargo for the growing and delivering hay to stagecoach stations. Hay grew wild in the bottom lands of the Big Thompson and the Cache la Poudre Rivers. Brandt assisted in cutting curing, and hauling the hay to the Little Thompson stage station, Namaqua stage station, Spring Canyon stage station, and the La Porte stage station Brandt hauled the hay on racks made of logs then tied and fastened them with chains. Two and one half to three tons of ha y equaled a load that Brandt hauled with a team of oxen. Wells Fargo additionally contracted with Brandt to haul cut lumber from Left Hand Creek to the Namaqu a stage station to build a barn for stagecoach stock. 58 La Porte Stagecoach Station Stage stations often becam e the community center for various events. Harris Stratton married Elizabeth Parke Keays at the Poudre Valley "Camp on December 29 1866 The couple s wedding celebration consisted of a horse ride to the La Porte Stagecoach Station where friends hosted a wedding dance and party in their honor. 5 9 Charles E. Roberts recalled "the John Robinson circus en route from Denver to Cheyenne pitched its t ents just east of the hotel or eating station on th e 40

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great Overland route in the summer of 1867.60 This unidentified home station may have been either La Porte or Namaqua. La Porte was the largest community on the D e nver and Cheyenne route with a hotel brew ery, four saloon s, a sho e shop, two blacksmith shops, and a store all on the main route with th e home station. The La Porte stage station served as a po s t office by June 1862 .61 La Porte was an important station during its time serving as the Holladay stage company's h eadq u arte rs for Colorado Territory in 1862 Mrs William Taylor of the La Porte home station, wa s famous along the route for her neat and attractive dining-room and her exce llent table, where she served various kinds of bread coffee made to perfec tion and th e variety of thin gs she knew what to do with beans and dried apples.62 In the fall of 1866 Colonel Silas Seymour, a consulting engineer for th e U nion Pacific Railroad General Grenvill e W. Dod ge, chief engineer and James A Evans division engineer accompanied the directors of th e Union Pacific Railroad through Colorado Territory and examined proposed railroad rout es. Seymour wrote We reached Laporte, a distance of sixty-seven mil es by stage road from Denv e r ... and found most comfortable quart e r s at the stag e station kept by WilliamS. Taylor.63 When William Ta y lor advised th e group that his station did not offer sleeping accommodations Seymour asked Taylor of the possibility of one person sleeping in the lounge in the corner of the dining room while the other s slept on the floor near the stove. "Upon this th e cook a buxom middl e -a ge d woman with a sucking child 41

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called out f rom th e kitchen in not very ge ntl e tones 'that Immge was her b ed. "'64 The group found oth er accommodations in town. Latham Stagecoach Station Co lorado's 100-Day Volunt ee rs camp ed at th e Latham home stage station in 1864 Once Indian d e pr e dation s along the Platt e b ega n other companies bivouack ed on the statio n grounds The Thirt ee nth Kansas R eg iment Volunteer Infant ry stat ioned man y so ldier s there while escort in g stagecoaches. Com pany B o f First Colorado succeeded th e Thirt ee nth Kansa s R eg iment and the 11th Ohio Volunteer Cava lry succeeded Company B. Locals called th e s tation Fort La tham du e to the number of so ldiers camp e d there on a continual basis. Although th e stage l ine discontinued u sing this station in 1 86 2 Mary Ellen Jackson Bail ey s diary r eflecte d that sh e continued to offe r accommod at ions to tr ave l e r s on th e ir way to Wyoming.65 B eca use most stages ran on a twenty-four hour schedule the dri ve r s only sto pp ed during th e night t o change horses. Most acco un ts confirmed that home stations typically pro vide d two or three meal s durin g the d ay. However one home sta tion serve d as a twenty-four hour cafe for a few promin ent stage p assenge rs. In 1868 Samuel Bowles e ditor in chief of the Springfield R epub li can (Massachusetts), William Bross, editor of the Chicago Tribune Sc hu y l er Colfax, Illin ois L i e ut e nant Governor Speaker of the United States House of Repres e ntatives a nd United States 42

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Vice President nominee and several relatives of these three boarded an extra" stage in Cheyenne at ten o clock in the morning. In the middle of night, the party decided they were hungry Our stage was an extra and ran wild ," and so came along unawareness. It was a trifle rough therefore to rouse a lone woman at one o clock in the night to get us some supper or breakfast, whichever you choose to call it. She could do it, she said but she didn't quite like to. But who could resist the gallant Vice-President whether pleading for ballot or breakfast; or the offers of help from the ladies ; or the final suggestion of the driver? She wavered at the first; the second operated as a challenge to her capacity; and the third was irresistible .. .. So at two o'clock in the morning we sat down to ham and potatoes tea and coffee bread and butter pies cakes and canned fruits, not even the edges of the squareness" of the meal rubbed off, and good humor everywhere.6 6 Virginia Dale Stagecoach Station The best-known station on this rout e was the Virginia Dale Stagecoach Station located five miles south of the Wyoming border. It was well known for its station tender Joseph A. Slade Jack who unknowingly created a reputation ideal for the basis of many western tales. As with many stories associated with the western frontier the early reports often exaggerated and / or concealed the truth to promote legends and sell stories. Slade began his career with the Overland Stage Company as a division superintendent in Julesburg. His previous experience included work as a train-master for a California bound wagon train a stage driver for the 43

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COC & PP and as a division a gent at Fort Kearney. He held a reputation in the West as a great Indian fighter and a skilled marksman His job for the Overland Stage Company includ e d supervising stage tend ers and accounting for company property, including th e company horses that mysteriously disappeared Slade b e lieved Jul es B eni, of the Jule sburg stage station, stole company horses and supplies. Based on Slade's report the company fired Beni for his alleg ed criminal activities with variou s outlaws The legend b egins when r eve ngeful Beni shot Jack Slade several times Slade survived with a mission to track down Beni Not only did he track hjm do w n h e purp orted l y ti e d Beni s hands and feet, stood him against a corral cut offhis ears, and nail ed th e m to a fence. Slade firushed the job by di s pen sing several rounds of bull ets into Beni Slade left one ear on the fence as a d ete rr ent to future hor se thieve s and the other one, l ege nd has it Slad e used as a watch guard.67 Obs e rving Jack Slade's company lo ya lty th e stage company promoted him to division superintendent for th e Overland Stage route from Julesbur g to Denver and th e north portion of th e Overland rout e to Wyoming. Although it is unknown whether Jack Slade actually built th e h ea dqu arters and hom e station or if the Overl an d Stage Company employed carpenters Slade was the first to occupy and named it. His wife Marie Virginia Dal e Slade for whom he named the sta tion Virgini a D a l e, accompanied him to Colorado Territory. Then he dawn ed the cr ee k n ea r the sta tion D a l e C reek. They const ructed the o n e story hand h ewn lo g station 44

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using a method referred to as piece-sur-piece. This technique commonly known as a mortise and tenon log construction used "vertically notched horizontal timbers ... placed into the grooves of vertical timbers set at regular intervals."68 Divided by vertical posts into three sections clapboard covered the exterior middle and east sections from which an open shed-roofed porch originally extended On the west section, a shed addition constructed of vertical boards extended to the depth ofthe porch. The building had a low side gabled roof. However the east end ofthe building contained a parapet that continued slightly above the slope of the roof. From the parapet and the construction of the east wall, researchers speculated that the architect originally planned a second story addition that never materialized. A large stone chimne y existed on the east wall. Th e stage company built a large bam and a blacksmith s building in 1862 to complete the station .69 The Overland Stage Company had a reputation for hiring men with the highest level of responsibility and trust. Slade did his job v ery efficiently ensuring that the mail always made its destination on time unless he was drinking. He became violent when under the influence of alcohol to the point of shooting up towns riding hjs horse into saloons and stores and even worse, shooting men. Upon sobering Slade always paid for the damages and apologized. When he killed someone he withheld the apology. Once his bad habits gained control of his life in 1863 the stage line fired Slade for his misconduct. Stories reported that he killed twenty-six men before vig ilantes in Virginia City Montana hanged Jack Slade in 45

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1864. Legends ofthe notorious Jack Slade grew across the West, making it difficult for one to know the accurate details.70 In addition to its use as a stage station, wagon train s traveling west used the Virginia Dale stage station as a refuge. The Overland Trail was the only route open to travelers of the Ore gon Trail by order of the United State s military during Indian scares. Military troops frequently camped in the valley below the station When Slade tend ed the station stories indicated that he permitted desperadoes to hideout in the nearby hills and at the station The stories claimed that Slade was not a stranger to the unlawful activity of which the criminals were guilty, and possibly, a participant. The Union Pacific Railroad completed its route from Denver to Cheyenne in 1867. The lack of stage travelers forced the stage line to abandon the Denver to Fort Laramie route in 1868 However Seymour C. Leach the third station agent, along with other settl ers decided to homestead the area. Leach and his wife purchased the stage station that housed the first post office in the area. The designation as a post office cam e on January 9 1868 ceasing service on September 28, 1868, and beginnin g again September 14, 1874. A small cemetery near the station is the burial plac e for Mrs Leach and two others who have unmarked graves.71 The station and property changed hands several times over the next thirty years. In 1909 Emil Hurzeler built another log cabin next to the station to u se as 46

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his hom e In 1914 the Lawson family owned the stat ion and used it as a store, community building and post office living in the log cabin. The Virginia Dale Home Demonstration Club fom1ed in 1921 and u sed the station for it s meetings and events. Lawson built a gas station on the property and an outside danc e floor extending on the west side of the station for the community s summer events Similar to the early emigrants, Lawson allowed overnight camping in the meadow In 1932, the Colorado State Highway Department rerouted th e main thoroughfare from the Overland route two miles west to what is now state highway 287. The stage station was no lon ger a convenient stopping place for travelers. The owners of the station built a new store and post office next to the highw ay. During the lat e 1940s station owners Fred and Maude Maxwell gave the station to the Vir g inia Dale Home Demonstration Club to continue hosting community events. When the Maxwells died their estates d eeded six acres along with th e stage station to the club. Maude Maxwell's la st will and testament pro vided that th e club preserve the station and maintain its historical merit while continuing its use as a community building. The club, now called the Virginia Dale Community Club, maintains the station the log cabin built in 1909 (now called the club house), the outhouse and the acreage (now totaling ten acres) continuing to provide a community gathering place as the stage station originally did.72 Although the Overland Route, comprised ofthe Platte Route and the C heroke e North Route and it s sta g e stat ion s hosted several stage companies and 47

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their difficulties, was the target oflndian depredations and dangers, the benefits to the settlement of Colorado are innumerable. The stations sites not only provided meals and resting places for passengers and other travelers alike, but served as safe havens reference points camping grounds military posts cemeteries, dance halls, post offices and telegraph offices Equally important they provided a notion of community, providing a place of bonding to those daring residents and travelers willing to face dangerous isolated rugged and extreme conditions together. Additionally the advent of stage lines promoted towns and communication between the eastern United States and the western United States. 48

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CHAPTER 3 SOUTHEASTERN PLAINS STAGECOACHING Although the Platte Route carried the bulk of Colorado Tenitory's emigrant traffic two other route s were equally important in transporting gold seekers from the states to Colorado Territory. The Sant a Fe R oute, or Arkansas Rou te, was an extension of an old trapping and trading trail in southeastern Colorado Tenitory. It followed the Arkansas Riv er to Bent's Fort. A connection from the Santa Fe Rout e continued to Pueblo then north to D e nver following portion s of the Old Cherokee Trail. Locals commonly r efened t o this as th e D e nv er and Santa Fe Rout e rather than th e Cherokee Trail. The oth e r major eastern Colorado Territory trail was the Smoky Hill Rout e, considered th e most dir e ct r oute from th e s tate s to D enver. Located b etwee n th e Platt e and Santa Fe Rout es, the Smo ky Hill Route consisted of thr ee trail s ( nearly one for each company tha t operated it ) that often overlapped one another r es ulting in a north branch middle br a nch and south branch. The Santa Fe Route Traders haul e d goods and supplies over th e Santa Fe Trail by th e mid 1820s. Travelin g from Ind epende nc e, Missouri to Santa Fe, New M ex ico commerce wagons trappers and traders cro sse d the very comer of what is now Colorado 49

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called the Cimarron Cutoff. By the mid nineteenth century wagons carried the United States Mail from the states to Santa Fe using this route. With the 1859 rush to Pikes Peak riches the War Department became concerned with emigrants safety. It established Fort Wise in 1860 (later known as Fort Lyon) west of the cutoff near Bent's New Fort The Post Office Department approved a mail route change in February 1861 to include Fort Wise and the Pikes Peak gold diggings. The route followed the Arkansas River into Colorado Territory and became known as the Santa Fe Trail Mountain Branch. (See Figure 3.1). Arkansas Route promoters labeled it the greatest natural road in the world." The Missouri Stage Company began carrying mail and passengers along the route to Colorado City then north to Denver in February 1861.1 During the initial years the stage companies changed frequently along the route. Replacing the Missouri Stage Company Slemmons Robetts and Company operated its Kansas Santa Fe and Cafion City Fast Line from April 1861 until June 28, 1862. Beginning on July 5 1862 Cottrill Vickroy and Company (a partnership ofMahlon Cottrill George Vickroy, Bradley Barlow Harvey Vaile and Thomas Barnum) operated the stage route that included a private letter carrying service from Denver to Pueblo Cottrill changed the line name slightly to the Kansas Santa Fe and Canon City Express Line. After Vaile and Vickroy left the fim1 in 1863 C o ttrill and Co mp any co n t i nue d th e line and th e n a m e Howe v e r d eviat ion s of t h e 50

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N Denver I I I I I I I I I Colorado City I 0 \ CJ < l ct. 0 \ ....I 0 \ I..) Ill I < I Ill z Pueblo < :. ..... -.... Santa Fe Trail -..... s::: .... ... Mountain Branch 0 ... ....e--------:;: ...... -A --c 'f +rkansas R -+-c: '-Ill .2 0 IVer Ill u.. +-Ol 0 c , +-+-Ill Ill Ill z Ill Ol "' 0 ..... ;; +-s::: Ill Ill Ill s::: :1' Iron Springs +-co 0 '-0 o co u.. Stage Station "' ..... c: Ill co . . Trinidad t-u ;; . 0' NEW MEXICO OKLAHOMA : \O santo. 'fe <> ,c:. . :'I-t( Figure 3.1. Map of th e Santa F e Trail Mountain Branch Map drawn b y author. 51

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name became common including the Santa Fe Stage and Express, the Santa Fe Stage Company and the Santa Fe Stage. Sources speculated that Jared L. Sanderson an associate of Cottrill and Company for several years, was a non-managing partner. With the 1864 death of Mahlon Cottrill, Bradle y Barlow became the controlling manager. Although Sanderson s title was unknown, sources believed that he held a high level position below Barlow In 1866, the Post Office Department opened bidding for a new contract on the Santa Fe route (not including the route from Denver to Pueblo) The Post Office Department accepted Sanderson's bid April 13, 1866, and five days later mandated that Bradley Barlow partner with Sanderson for the contract. It is unknown whether Barlow and Sanderson planned this coincidence or if it was an incident of collusion referred to as straw bidding? While Cottrill, Vickroy and Company held the United States mail contract over the Mountain Branch, Harve y Vaile stopped at Burlingame Kansas to meet with Mr. Niles, a farmer. Vai le's visit was to seek farmhands willing to work for the stage company Vaile specifically wanted a farmhand as a stage driver believing they were not coward of the rough staging life as those he currently employed. William Ryus worked for Niles at the time as a young farmhand. Ryus accepted a stage driving position over what the stage company referred to as the Long Route, 240 miles from Fort Lamed, Kansas to Fort Lyon, Colorado Territory At the time there were no stage stations between the Forts One set of mules pulled the stage 52

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the entire distance, stopping periodically for grazing While the mules grazed the passengers and driver prepared meals over a campfire. They camped at night, sleeping either on the ground wrapping themselves in buffalo robes or if they desired, in the parked coach? Stage companies holding United States mail contracts not only carried the mail for the government. The United States Government required that the stage lines deliver various government publications to western states and territories One set of government publications facilitated Ryus maneuvering the stage over an impediment and prevented a late stage arrival. Although the Red River in New Mexico was only nine feet wide and two and one half feet deep at the crossing on a spring run Ryus found it very icy, muddy, and tre a cherous due to spring thaws. I was in a quandary just how I would cross it. After climbing down off of the coach, looking around for an escape, a happy idea possessed me. I was carrying four sacks of patent books which would weigh about 240 pounds a sack, the sacks were eighteen inches square by four and a half feet long so I concluded to use these books to make an impromptu bridge. I cut the ice open for twenty inches, wide enough to fit the tracks of the coach for the wheels to run on, then placed four of these sacks of books in the water and drove my mules across the Red River. I was fully aware that the books were government property, but from past experience I knew they would never be put to use. I knew they might serve the government better in a bridge than otherwise. Knowing this I felt that I had a remedy at law and grounds for defense .4 During Cottrill Vickroy and Company s occupation of the route it established seven stage stations over the Long Route. The sites measured eighty by forty feet with adobe walls nine feet higfi and two feet thick.5 The stage line 53

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employed, among others, Robert M. Wright to build these stations. In his 1907 reminiscences he recalled the methods he used in building them The stations were dugouts. I would select a bank cut the face straight down and make a square excavation about 14 or 20 feet square make a chimney of sods in the back level up the sides and fill in the front with sods and put on a roof with poles hay & dirt The stable would be made the same way. As the stations were all on the north side of the river they faced the south, the door and one or two windows in front.6 Bent's Fort Stagecoach Station The Bent brothers Charles and William and Ceran St. Vrain were significant participants in the fur trade. The three built an adobe fort along the Arkansas River in what is now southeastern Colorado, near La Junta about 1833. The fort played an important role as a trading post with Indians Mexicans explorers, trappers, and traders along the Santa Fe Trail and in the region. The Mexican War and an 1849 cholera epidemic, affecting the Indians who frequently traded at the fort, prompted a decline in the fur and trade business. B y the early 1850s William Bent found that such a large trading operation was no longer profitable. Although the United States War Department offered to purchase the fort and convert it into a military post it s $12 000 offer insulted William Bent who believed it was worth significantly more and refused to sell. D e termined that the government not own the fort William Bent packed his wagons with as much of his 54

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property as possible then set fire to the fort, abandoning it for good. He built Bent's New Fort thirty-five miles east of his abandoned fort in 1853.7 During Cottrill, Vickroy and Company's stage line operation over the Mountain Branch Rout e, the lin e remodeled the surviving ruins of the partially burned and abandoned Bent s Fort to function as a home station, blacksmith shop, and general repair shop for the stage line The stage company made several structural changes includin g raising the height of the fireplace hearths with limestone fill. Althou g h limestone was not a preferable material for a fireplace hearth since it had a great susceptibility to fracturing at high h eat, it was an inexpensive solution since the fort was near th e Fort Haye s Limestone stratum. Additionally, the stage line built plank and joist floors ov er the fort's dirt floors. An archeological study o f the fort ruins completed in the early 1970s, revealed that the second largest room in the fort had a very lar ge fireplace that probably served as either a passenger eating area or sleeping quarters for stage tenders. White plaster remains were evident in the stage rooms. 8 Three medium to large sized rooms were habitable among the ruins William Bent left all of which the stage station used. One coach pa sse n ge r called it quite a complete and comfortable station.9 Bent's Fort served as a post office beginning in 1863 with Lewis Barnum brother of stage line own er Thomas Barnum as the postmaster. Emma Boone Barnum (Thomas' wife, Van Daniel Boone's daughter and Daniel Boone's g r eat g randd a u g ht er) tended the station with her husb and and 55

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served what a Rocky Mountain N e ws journalist called "a regular pioneer supper."10 Once the railroad appeared in southeastern Colorado and the stage line disappeared a local cattle rancher used the old fort and stage station for cattle pens until the 1890s. Attaching cedar posts across the rooms the archeologists speculated that the rancher made holdin g pens for branding cattle. One cowhand General W. H. Sears recalled that "I lived alone in this old fort for about three months inspecting the cattl e on the range every day, and engaging in round-ups and cattle drives. "11 During his stay in the summer of 1876 he used the pens for milking cows. From the herd, Sears selected ... six milk cows and drove them insid e the corral of the fort milking them two times daily. However I had to rope them snub their heads close to a post and tie their hind legs together before they would let me milk them.1 2 He made butter and sold it milk and buttermilk to passing emigrants utilizing the Santa Fe Trail. Second Lt. Homer W. Wheeler purchased the dairy products for his soldiers at Fort Wise one-half mil e from the fort. Artifacts datin g from 1890 to 1905 re vea led that travelers and cattle ranchers continued to use the station ruins as a refuse against weather and fatigue. Gradually the fort deteriorated. By 1912 portions of walls still stood four feet high with the weather continuing to crumble the walls. That year, the Daughters of the American Revolution (DAR) erected a monument in recognition of the historical fort and station. In 1920 DAR acquired title to the site and intended to preserve it. Over the 56

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years it ir.1curred damages from cattle, cattle ranchers, weather, and abuse by treasure hunters. Before the DAR began it s preservation efforts, the 1921 "Great Pueblo Flood," washed away all remaining walls. 13 Booneville Stagecoach Station The Mountain Branch of the Santa Fe Route continued westward from Bent's Old Fort along the Arkansas River to Booneville Colorado, Territory Its location was approximate l y fifteen miles east of Pueblo. When Colonel Albert G. Boone grandson of Daniel Boone resigned as an Indian agent for the Upper Arkansas Agency in the early 1 860s he decided to situate his family in Colorado Territory. They settled on a 1400-acre tract previously owned by Russell Majors and Waddell, whom Boone knew. The property became known as Booneville. Joining his brother, Van Daniel Boone moved on the property with his family. When Cottrill and Company terminated a contract with the nearby Haynes ranch as a stage station, the stage lin e negotiated with Boone to use his ranch and home as a home station. Seventeen log buildings arranged in a square created an open plaza in the middle. The arrangement ofthe buildings afforded additional protection to the Booneville residents. Eventually, Boone replaced the log dwellings with adobe buildings providing winter warmth and summer coolness. Besides Boone's wife and an African American cook Boone s daughters Maggie and Millie assisted in h 14 operatmg t e statwn 57

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In 1863 the Post Office Department designated the Booneville stage station as a post office. Henry M. Fosdick, an engineer who surveyed Colorado City and Denver moved to Booneville with his family and served as postmaster where mail came by stage three times per week. In the summer of 1864 the federal gove rnment design a t ed the stage station and ranch to serve another purpose in an experiment; it appointed Fosdick as the director. His job was to teach local Indian s Anglo farming techniques. However with Fosdick s busy sched ule as postmaster and with other station duties he rar ely had time for the experiment. Fosdick's schedule coupled with the Indians resistance to the white man's attempt to covert them into Anglo farmers, provided sufficient cause for failure of the experiment.15 Iron Springs Stagecoach Station Iron Springs swing station "was nothin g more than a barricad e that could be used in case of an Indian attack according to Granville (Gus) Withers who as a young boy lived at th e station with his family. When the Missouri Stage Company built the station it added a high adobe wall to completely enclose th e small house. This station served as the stage company's mule preserv e for the mul es the company used in making the trip to Bent's Fort station from Trinidad. This swing station provided Granville his first pa ying job. Granville receiv ed $10 per month to care for the mules. 58

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Mules hav e a peculiar habit of runnin g away, and these mule s always headed for a place called Hole-in-th e -rock Wh e never they began wandering, my job was to go round the m up. Work became boring but I was r ewar ded by receiving a pony to k eep track of the mules more easily.1 6 Freighters travelin g to Pueblo or Denver from Santa Fe, frequently camped at Iron Springs to rest and graze their oxen. The Iron Springs site additionally serve d as a common area to local Indians. Granville occasionally heard and saw distant confrontations b e tween Indians. In Decemb er 1864, Granville's father found a wounded Indian near the stage station took him to the station and cared for him until h e h ealed. Before th e Indian left he told Granville's father of his tribes' plan s to attac k ranch es and stations. To repa y th e family's kindn ess the Indian hoped to provide warning to the famil y before the attacks. The Indi an notified th e Withers family the d ay prior to th e planned attack. Mr. Withers sent his wife and yo unge s t childr e n to Trinidad while h e and Granville stayed and packed a wagon. Granville and his father left th e station at four o clock in th e morning. The family learn e d later that the Indian s burned the stat ion at dawn and ran off an y rem aini n g mul es 17 T h e Santa Fe Trail stage stations did not escape Indians d epredat ions and attacks as reven ge to the Sand Creek Massac r e. However, the attacks wer e less severe than on th e Platte Route. Attacks occurred all along th e Santa Fe Route east into Kansas, south into New Mexico and west along the Mountain Branch. D esperadoes accepted thi s as an opport unity to rob s t ation s coac h es, and wag on 59

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trains hoping the victims blamed the area Indians. One group of thieves later admitted being Anglo Texans, however Kansas City and Santa Fe papers quickly dismissed that idea, discredited the robbers' statements, and blamed area tribes.18 Smoky Hill Route After the L & PPE Comp a ny started and then abandoned the Republican and Solomon River Route, that included a section of the Smoky Hill Route no other enterprises ventured over the Smoky Hill Trail for six years. The only travelers were those on foot, horseback and in wagon s who still followed the Smoky Hill River Route directed by many guidebooks. In 1860, individuals from Leavenworth, Kansas hired William Green Russell pioneer to the Cherry Creek gold rush to survey the Smoky Hill River Route to Denv er. His job included providing a report of the camping sites water, grass and fuel along the way. Many condemned the idea including the Rocky Mountain News, which stated that it had been tried once over this fated Smoky Hell route with only too lamentable success, and its instigators stand toda', in the sight of Heaven, guilty of manslaughter, to say the least.1 The News continued its skepticism by suggesting that the trail promoters travel over the Smoky Hill Route before encouraging the idea to others "If they get through without eating each other up, some adventurous individuals may be induced to follow ."20 Wanting an advanta ge over Missouri cities several Kansas towns raised 60

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money and hired Henry Green to build a road from Leav e nworth strai ght through to the gold fields using the Smoky Hill Trail. His job included building bridges, filling ravines moving large rocks, and creating markers. Green successfully concluded his assignment and reported that although wood was lacking buffalo chips burned equally well, and water was sufficient except for a twenty-mile stretch The outbreak of the Civil War in 1861 dampened any hopes of the Leavenworth road's readine ss that year, or for the next few years. Colonel David A Butterfield a New Yorker who owned a Denver grocery and commission bu si ness established the "Butt er field Overland Desp atc h (Dispatch) on July 5, 1864. The "B OD ," as most called it was a freighting and passen ger line. With his vast number of eastern business friends, Butt e rfield learned that a great freightin g opportunity existed between the Mississippi River ports and the Rocky Mountains. Based on the shorter, more direct and relatively safe conditions he chose to utilize the previously surveyed Smoky Hill Road. The BOD line planned to compete with and acquire Ben Holladay's Platte stage business since the Smoky Hill Route was a more direct route. Butterfield advertised his proposition in eastern newspaper s requesting monetary investors and received $3 million in response. Headquarter e d in New York City Butterfield established seven additional offices across the country the furthest west b ei n g in Salt Lake City. For safety r eas ons Lieutenant Julian R. Fitch of th e United States Signal Corps. accompanied a survey crew on th e Smoky Hill Route. Fitch was a m ember 61

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of the Smoky Hill Trail survey crew in 1860 and familiar with the road and dangers. Isaac E. Eaton conducted the survey and led the crew in building stations digging wells and providing information to Butterfield Originally, the line built fourteen stage stations. However, once the line began operating the line changed some station n ames and moved some to slightly b ette r location s After two months of work the first passenger coach left Leavenworth on September 11, 1865 and arrived in Den ver on September 23, 1865 ?1 The Rocky Mountain News had a different tone regardin g the Smoky Hill Trail as the BOD pr e pared the route. In enumerating the signs which for eshadow "the go od times coming ," du e prominence has not been given to this enterprise which is certainly entitled to be classed among the first. I f any suspicions existed at its first announcement that it would be a flash in the pan they have vanished before the evidences of solidity. So great an enterp rise ... Next spring there can be no doubt but the first eight day freight express will b e in successful uninterrupt e d operation .... Colorado will not long be isolated from the rest of the world.22 U nfortunately Butterfield s inaugural business year was not as prosperous as he hoped. For weeks at a time the line shut down du e to Indian depredations and scares As with the Platte and Santa Fe Routes Indians took station supplies, burned stations, and absconded stock. Rumors spread th at Ben Holladay the Platte Route stage line competitor, hired Indians to r aid the BOD line. Often passengers preferred the Platte Route or the Santa Fe Rout e since military protection escorted those coaches having United States mail contracts. As a proactive competitive strategy the BOD proposed a new mountain stage route extending from the Denver 62

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end of the Smoky Hill Route over B e rthoud Pass and on to Salt Lak e C ity, makin g it the shortest rout e to Salt Lake City Additionally it explored the pos s ibility of installin g a t e le g r aph lin e from the eastern Colora do Territory border to Ce ntral City. Its proposals dir e ctly thr ea t e ned Ben Holladay's Pl atte Route's s ucc ess Holl aday l earned that the thre e related express companies Wells Fargo American and United States Ex press propo se d to stock and open a stage line of their own betw een Denver and Salt Lake and operate on the BOD line. After reading the prosp ec tu s of th e BOD Hollad ay r e portedl y hired in vestigators who found that th e stage lin e was financially d esperate. H e met wit h E d ward Bray, pre sident of th e BOD in New York and offered to purchase the e ntire line. Knowing that r ega inin g th e company's financial stre n gth presented a difficult chall e nge, if no t an impos sible one Bray sold th e company at a di sco unt ?3 The Holladay Over lan d Mail and Express Company took ov er the Smoky Hill Route in March 1866. It made some station locati on cha n ges th at required buildin g new stations and a new trail slightly north of the forme r trail joining th e south trail periodically. The l ocatio n chan ges created a Smoky Hill North Trail on which fourtee n stations existed acco rding to Wells Fargo and the U.S. Ex pr ess Company station lists. Some stat i o n s overlapped with th e ones creat ed on the south bran ch. The north branch decr ease d the distance to D enver t o 465 miles co mpar ed to 588 miles on the sou th BOD trail.24 With the purch ase of th e BOD Holladay qui ck l y found himself in a fin ancial cr i sis. Wells Far go took co ntrol of Holladay's 6 3

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Smoky Hill North line late in 1866. The name change became official on December 10, 1866. The United States Express Company an affiliate of Wells Fargo, operated the line beginning in 1867 until 1870 when the Kansas Pacific railroad completed it s tracks to Denver. Holladay's successor continued usin g the north branch ofthe trail and revamped certain stage stations?5 (See Figure 3.2) Cheyenne Wells Stagecoach St at ion For many years before whites settled the area Indians first inhabited the home station west of the Colorado Kansas border. The station called Indian Wells originally locat ed five miles north of the current town of Cheyenne Wells, becam e known as the Cheyenne Wells Stagecoach Station. The station is mostly intact today as the stage company did not build thi s station from sod or timber. Rather natural caves created a very unique stage station larger than most, measuring thirty by fifteen feet. The caves served as a home station along which the Smoky Hill River ran on the northeast side with a natural spring near the river. 26 Because most of the stage station communities did not have an accurate method of recording information much information about the Cheyenne Wells Stagecoach Station i s gone The stage company's use of the caves di ffers between sources Sources agree that Johnny (or Johnnie) White was the station tender who operated a saloon opposite th e lar ge cave. One source indicated that the stage lin e used the large cave as a hors e stable and that Johnny White built a smal l fortress 64

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.. )t )I' ')I ..... -1-, ... -... -t-..,. 1+ t .. .. . +++++++Smoky Hill North Tra il (Holladay s and Well s Fargo Route) ----Smoky H ill M i ddle Tra il (L & PPE Route) Smoky H ill South Trail (BOD Route) Figure 3.2 Map of th e Smoky Hill Routes. Map drawn b y author. 65

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beside the cave as a lookout and his residence.27 Bayard Taylor, a passenger on the BOD and author of travel book s, wrote a different account regarding the use of the larg e cave in his book Colorad o : A Summer Trip At Cheyenne Wells we found a lar ge and handsome frame stable for the mules but no dwelling. The people lived in a natural cave extending for some thirty feet under th e bluff. But there was a woman, and when we saw her we augured good fortunes. Truly enough, under the roof of conglomerate limeston e in the cave's dim twilight we sat down to antelope steak tomatoes bread ?sickles and potatoes a royal meal after two days of detestable fare. 8 The stage station caves served many purposes Colonel Louis Carpe nter and his troops attempted to establish a fort near the caves prior to his service at Beecher Island in 1868. The government did not approve the establishment of a fort; nonetheless the station caves provided the troops shelter and protection As the Kansas Pacific Railroad progressed west Cheyenne Wells stage station briefly served as the eastern terminus for the stage lin e; the train stopped just east of the Colorado Territory borderline. The railroad moved th e old wells" south near the tracks and the future site ofthe town of Cheyenne Wells .29 A cattle herder 0 L. Gudgel born near Cheyenne Wells in 1894 indicated that three caves occupied the site The lar ge on e was big enough to run a stagecoach and six horses hitched inside to get away from Indian attacks The middle sized one is the Station Gulch (trading post), but a lso the friendly Indian s had a sma ller post (cave) there. 30 66

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By 1913 erosion caused several l a rge bould e r s to fall into the large cave and decreas e its size. In the 1920 s the large ca ve was still big e nough for two high school bo ys to drive their cars into th e cave. As erosion continued the Civil Conservation Corps blast ed the fronts ofthe caves du ring th e 1930s to pre vent injuries to ex plorers who found th e caves a haven for rattl e snakes .31 In 1964 visitors found the old spring s till runnin g and trail rut s still vis ibl e Today the caves are in the mid st of privat e farming and ranchin g t e rritory Although local citizen s su bmitted a National Re g i ste r of Historic Places application in 1983, th ey n ever completed the nomin a tion process.32 Grad y's Stagecoach Station Bayard Taylor de s cribed Grady's swing s tation from his 1866 trip. "At Grady's Sta tion . th ere was bu t one man a lonely tro g l odyte, burro wing in th e bank like a cliff-swallow "33 In 1887 Jam es Mcintyre came to Color a do to work at a railro ad sec tion headquartered at Wild H orse His family soo n join ed him where he established a sheep ranch th at encompassed Grady's station. A n ephew of Mcintyre John Goodier was b orn on the ran ch in 1901. Growing up on the ranch Goodi e r r e memb e r e d the buildin gs left from th e old station He described the station a s "a du gout w ith walls of sand s ton e h a uled out from Kansas."3 4 When the family eve ntuall y disma ntled th e sta tion John Goodier salvage d wooden b eams and 67

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used them as supports in his own house he built astride the Smoky Hill Trail. Paul Miller a local farmer spoke to Goodier in 1964 and sketched Goodier's recollections ofthe station It included a rock faced building in the side of a hill and an escape tunnel leading from th e station to the corra1.35 (See Figure 3.3) Lake Stagecoach Station Wells Fargo established the Lake stagecoach home station three miles southeast of present day Limon, Colorado, and 97 miles east of Denver in 1866. According to R. E. Bishop who worked as a freig hter over the Smoky Hill Trail between 1865 and 1870 the stage line built a mule cellar connected to a sod station hous e with loop holes for rifl e shoot in g and large enough to hold a stage."36 The station site was near the L & PPE's Station 24 site of 1859 and was th e only place where all three branches of the Smoky Hill Trail merged. Lake Station served as the eastern terminus of the stage lin e by 1870 when the Kansas Pacific Railroad's tracks lead directly to the station. On 1 uly 10 1870 a group of Vassar College Professors used the station as a picnic site They regretted not seeing Denver since the rails stopped 90 miles shy. During the 1870s, the Holt Cattle Company headquartered its company at the former stage station. A sketch drawn by Paul Miller from the memory of a local resident, 0. E. Evans, revealed the station and bam situated east of a l ake Today nothing remains.37 68

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0\ \0 ,,_. tr" ..... . -. n t ,-. ..... ,, l < ;... _. W>'" '" ., I ,,. -. .. n/' . ;-{; :_ --,,._.. .......... " ,_ c> ; 11 'f" .-"' ; ; -. ,., ,-:.-/,' :?.J-: /""'" --"' f --'! = .. bPi
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The Smoky Hill Trails provided a shorter, more direct path for the eager gold seekers and businesspersons longing to share the potential riches enticed by the frequent unfounded claims. Although many suffered great hardships including death, along the way they created a need for well-defined trails. These trails established the foundation of a future railroad route Additionally, towns that emerged with the stage line often accommodated the railroad. The stage lines and stage stations furnished the vital link from the states to the western frontier and simultaneously provided necessary assistance to local settlers and to the travelers of Colorado in reaching their destinations. The Cherokee Route (or Denver-Santa Fe Route) Near Bent s Fort stage station, the Santa Fe Trail met the Cherokee Trail. The Santa Fe Trail veered to the south through Trinidad and on to New Mexico while the Cherokee Trail continued west following the Arkansas River to Pueblo. Stage lines occupied both tr ails. The Cherokee Trail traveled north from Pueblo to Colorado City then followed West Cherry Creek into Denver and on through to Wyoming. Typically, small stage line companies served the route between Denver and Pueblo. Harmon G. Weiblin g established an early stage line from Denver to Colorado City when the Post Office Department awarded him a mail contract on June 16, 1860. While Cottrill and Company held the Santa Fe Route mail contract it served the South Cherokee Route. In 1867 D e nver merchant Abraham Jacobs 70

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organized the Denver and Santa Fe Stage Line that operated between Denver and Trinidad where it connected with New Mexico and Kansas coach lines Barlow and Sanderson acquired the mail route and passenger service from Denver to Trinidad in 1870, giving it control of all major stage routes in Colorado Territory's southeastern plains until the railroad reached these areas.3 8 Some of the most versatile stage stations on this route were those closest to Denver. Beginning twenty miles southeast of Denver, the Smoky Hill Trail and the Cherokee Trail (South) converged and shared the stage stations The names ofthe stations and wayward homes along this stretch reflected the number of miles before reaching Denver and were known as Mile Houses. Between two and five miles separated the Mile Houses, which were not all stage stations. The Four Mile House, Twelve Mile House, and Twenty Mile House served as stagecoach stations and travelers' stopping places. The Seven Mile House the Nine Mile House and the Seventeen Mile House were not stagecoach stations however they accommodated travelers with meals, hay lodging and other provisions.39 The Twenty Mile House Stagecoach Station In 1863 Alfred Butters built a one-room shack southeast of present day Parker as his home and his business He sold provisions and established a mail handling and message center. After a year George Long bought and moved the buildin g west to present day Parker faced it towards Cherry Creek and offered 71

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travelers overnight accommodations. Elizabeth Penneck and her sister were the first Twenty Mile House overnight visitors in the fall of 1865 Penneck described the station as a one-room structure. The one-room was a kitchen, with one-over-one windows covered with carpet pi eces. Penneck noted that the Longs provided deliciou s food and they gave the visitors their bed while they slept outside.40 The Longs soon added nine rooms, including a lar ge dining room, all on the first level of the white saltbox frame hou se, hoping to attract more Smoky Hill and Cherokee Trail trav elers at th eir comfortable stopping place. The family added a blacksmith shop and moved the Sulpher Gulch Stagecoach Station bam to the site. Sulpher Gulch was an abandoned stat ion thre e miles east on the Smoky Hill South Trail. After r emodeling, Long exchanged the Twenty Mile House for four span of mul es owned by Nelson Doud an established tenant farmer from Fort Lupton. Doud his wife, and five daughters continued the stage station and lodging business.41 Emma Doud Gould the fourth daughter, r emembered moving to the hous e when she was eight and the stagecoaches stopping there. There were two stagecoach lines that passed our place a quart er of a mile away. The Smoky Hill and the Santa Fe Line. The Santa Fe Line ran toward Pueblo and the Smoky Hill Line ran from Denver into Kansas. . The two lines crossed here. The Smoky Hill Line changed their horses at our place once a day We had a man hired to feed and groom the horses.42 Sources differ on the existence of a ballroom in the Twenty Mile House. Emma Doud Gould indicated that Doud s transformed th e second story into a 72

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ballroom for the Fourth of July, Thanksgiving Christmas and New Year's. Ruth Race Dolan who grew up in the Seventeen Mile House from 1938 to 1950, believed that Emma Doud Gould confused the Twenty Mile House with the Seventeen Mile House where the Douds eventually relocated when Emma simply stated, "There was a room in our house I haven t told about. It was the ballroom. Father opened it just four times a year. ... The admittance, including dinner was five dollars."43 Travelers who could n ot afford the hotel accommodations camped near the Twenty Mile House utilizing th e grazing land for their animals and the other services offered. Richard Townshend a newcom e r to America from Eng land, arrived in Colorado Territory in 1869. He camped outside the Twenty Mile House along with several bull-whackers in charge oflumber wagons returning from the mountain s Townshend describ ed how the bull-whackers cooked their own hash ," then "strolled into th e bar to see what might be go ing on."44 The Kansas Pacific Railroad made its way through the territory's eas tern plains in 1870 causing the stage line from the Eas t to be obsolete and fewer travelers visited the Twenty Mile House. However some still trav e led by wagon horseback and on foot relying upon the eastern and southern routes. The Douds sold the property in 1874 to James Sample Parker after Mrs. Nelson Doud (Susan) arranged to purchase the Seventeen Mile House thre e miles west. During the 1880 s the railroad adopted the Twenty Mile House as one of its stops. James Parker his wife, and daughter maintained th e post office and a hot e l at the Twenty Mile Hous e, locall y known as P a rker's" until 73

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1910.4 5 Edith Parker Low, daughter ofthe Parkers, remembered that some of the ... visitors to their hotel included prisoners on their way to court. Court was held in Kiowa, and the Judge Counsel, prisoners and guards always stopped over night with us going and coming, as we were just halfway between Denver and Kiowa. It made much excitement . as the prisoners with clanking chains on their legs took their seats in the dining room.4 6 The Twenty Mile House fell to disrepair once the Parkers moved in 1910 however portions of the hou se sti II stood by the 1930s. Eve ntually an owner razed the structure due to hazards presented The hospitality and provisions originally offered by the Long's stage station emanated into a popular area of settlement. The small community around the Twenty Mile House eventually became the town ofParker.47 The Twelve Mile House Stagecoach Station John G M elv in member ofthe First Colorado Cavalry from 1861 to 1864 homest eaded 320 acres twelve miles southeast of Denver in the mid 1860s. Located on the east bank of Cherry Creek and west ofwhat is now Colorado Highway 83, it becam e one of th e most publici zed mile hou ses in the D enve r area from the mid 1860s to 1870 A witnessed statement from the National Archives indicated that John G. Melvin first e ntered and improved th e land on June 10, 1866 by constructin g a Dwellin g House-Log Hous [si c ] 36 x 18 feet with an addition of a wing 12 x 16 feet. 6 Doors & 8 Windows & is a good comfortable 74

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House to live in Also 60 Rods Fencing. Stable 22 x 50 feet. Also -out buildings. All of which are used as a Hotell [sic].48 Photographs and diagrams of the original log house reveal what appeared to be a hall and parlor structure with a lean-to. (See Figures 3.4 and 3 5) In 1868 Johnny, as he was known married a young woman from a ranch two miles west of his hotel and the two continued the growing lodging business. The same year he added ten rooms to accommodate the travelers from both stage routes. The addition created a two story, front gabled box style structure. Mrs. Melvin (Jane) described the inn as having a large kitchen with double stoves a large ballroom, and a barroom. The barroom doubled as the post office so that Johnny, the appointed postmaster, easily conducted both businesses at once. A stagecoach stopped once a day to exchange horses deliver mail and provide passengers an opportunity to stay for meals or beds (although the stagecoach did not stay overnight). The Melvins provided entertainment for gu e sts and outings for Denverites. Shooting matches horse races picnics, and dances were among the event s the Melvins hosted. The affairs became favorite outings for locals. The Rocky Mountain News publicized most of the events confident that those who attended had a "grand time. A one-half mile horse track appeased John Melvin's horse racing hobby. Picnickers frequently enjoyed a pavilion in a cottonwood grove near the creek. The stage station provided not only traveler accommodations and 75

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271 -0 Lea n to It) 2 Sto ry Frame Addition 16' ( 1868) Log Cabin (1866 ) 3 6 Figure 3.4 Di ag ram of th e Twe l ve Mile House Twe lve Mil e Ho use Collection. Courtesy of the Cherry C r eek Valley Historical Society. 76 t -N r I lo J I

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-.....) -.....) Figure 3 .5. Photograph ofthe Twelve Mile House. Twelve Mile Collection Courtesy of the Cherry Creek Valley Historical Society. 1 ;

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events for Denverit es, it served the Upper Cheny Creek and Island communities as a pollin g precinct in 1866 and 1872 .49 The stage discontinued running on the Smoky Hill Trail in 1870 During the 1880s the Twelve Mile Stagecoach Station served as a restaurant and inn for the Denver and New Orleans Railroad builders (later known as the Texas and Gulf Railroad and then th e Colorado and Southern). When th e tracks were in place and the train was runnin g, fewer and fewer tra velers ventured through the area b y wagon horseback or on foot. The Melvins turned to ranching as their primary mainstay closing th eir doors to their popular hotel days The Melvins hospitality did not run out how ever. On February 7 1890 Emily French wrote in her diary that she . stoped [si c ] at the 12 mile hou se to feed Fanny [her hors e], fed in an old cart. Got a poor lunch made my own tea an old maid kept rattling on she is not bright. Melvin's are their names 5 By the turn of the century the Twelve Mile House had different owners who removed the large house addition and sold it to a n e ighboring farmer one-half mile from the original site. The purcha ser added a porch painted it white and used it as his primary residence. The Twelve Mile prop erty owner moved the original log structur e one hundr ed feet from the bank of Cherry Creek and used it to stable horses. It finally crumbled to ruins. Walt and Dolly Staack purchased the large addition in the 1950 s at an auction of all th e buildings located in the proposed Cheny Creek Dam and Recreation Area. Staacks moved th e structure to Watkins 78

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remodeled the upp er story and rented rooms to single employees of the railroad They u se d the low er level for th eir liquor store business. A 1970 fire that killed one tenant gutted the upper l evel. The owners remodeled the building by adding a low gabled roof and siding it with r ed brick veneer. As it did originally, the building continues accommodating local s and travel ers in need of liquid refreshment to this day.SI The Four Mile House Stagecoach Station When broth ers Jonas and Samuel Brantner realized they would not becom e rich from the gold in Cherry Creek they built a two-story log farmhouse in the summer of 1859. They anticipated travelers lod ging at their Four Mile House as they entered the Cherry Creek area from the Republican and Solomon Routes. In October 1859 Samuel's fifteen-year-old bride gave birth to a daught er who reportedly was the first girl born to white emigrants on the Denver side of Cherry Creek. Once the L & PPE moved to the Platte Route, their lodge was not profitable. A year later the Brantners relocated to Henderson's Island near Brighton to build a very similar house and operate a stage station there. Mary Cawker a widow with two teenage children accep ted the challenge of operating the Four Mile House in September 1860. After buying the property, she installed a tavern decorated one room as "a ladies loun ge ," utilized the seco nd floor for occasional d ances and started her busin ess. Additions included a large corral 79

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and stable. She acquired stone from a small quarry on a nearby bluff and the family built a stone house for her daughter and son-in-law They were the first couple to wed at the Four Mile House (October 28, 1862). Early stage travel came from the Cherokee South Trail or what locals called the Denver-Santa Fe stage line that traveled to Puebl o. The house did not advertise itself as a hotel. It was known locally as a stopping place ... that upon occasion it accommodated guests: a lone travel er, perhaps who rented space on the floor upstairs where he spread his bed roll; a hunter seeking game; or a farmer out searching for a horse lost a common occurrence before his land was fenced. 52 Freighters often utilized the mile house property for campin g the night before conducting busine ss in Denver and camping again at Four Mile on their return trip. As Levi and Millie Booth traveled from New Mexico to Colorado Territory in the spr ing of 1864 Cherry Creek crested its banks and flooded th e Four Mile property. The tired Booth famil y camped southeast of Den ver while they waited for the water to recede. Stopping at the Four Mile House, th ey found Mary Cawker with her fields and garde ns d estroyed by the flood's mudd y r esid ue and only her hou se left untouch ed by the mighty flood Although Levi, a lawyer by trade, previou sly tried his hand unsucc essfu lly in the region's gold fields, by 1864 he only wanted to farm. Mary Cawker eagerly sold the Four Mile property stab les house, and outbuildings to the Booths for $800. 80

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The Booths operated the Four Mile as a tavern and stage stop until 1870 when the railroad made its way to Denver. 53 Although the stage companies did not build this station or originally designate it as station, as with many farms and roadhouses the stage companies negotiated with the owners to provide a station. On its last trip in June 1866 a stagecoach of the financially distressed Butterfield Overland Dispatch stopped at the Four Mile with Bayard Taylor as a passenger. At last four miles from the town we reached a neat little tavern beside which grew some cotton-woods. Here there were two or three ranches in the process of establishment. The water from the well was very sweet and cold. 54 With stage routes entering Cherry Creek from the East and from the South stage companies often exchanged their "road" horses at the Four Mile for freshly groomed matched teams making a grand presentation as the stage arrived in Denver. While the tender exchanged the team passengers refreshed themselves for an equally grand appearance in town. On the return trip the stage tender hitched up the refreshed "road horses once again.5 5 Millie and Levi farmed and ranched the property until his death in 1912 Millie continued to live there with the help of her children and grandchildren until her death in 1926. The property stayed in the Booth family until 1946. Individuals not related to the Booth family owned the property until 1976 when they sold the remaining twelve acres to the City and County of Denver to develop it as a public 81

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park. It is listed on the National Register of Historic Places 5 6 Chapter seven details the preservation of the Four Mile House. The mile houses and stagecoach stations on the eastern plains and into Denver were essential components to the gold rush era and migration to Colorado. They provided food shelter, hay, directions, and blacksmithing services to the travelers seeking their fortunes and those making their homes in the unknown territory. In some cases they afforded protection from potential Indian raids as locals along with the travelers and freighters sought large establishments with many people when scares arose. They provided companionship for the lonely traveler, entertainment for locals and travelers and barrooms for the thirsty These houses were instrumental in creating communities that in many cases formed the basis of towns or subdivisions that exist today even though most of these first houses are gone. 82

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CHAPTER 4 STAGECOACH STATIONS WEST OF DENVER AND IN SOUTH PARK With the early mineral discoveries found west of Denver and toward South Park, prospectors and sett l ers required travelable roads, stagecoach routes and stagecoach stations. Negotiating the mountain terrain that John Gregory initially traversed was challenging to road builders. However once road builders found alternative paths popular routes emerged to support the mass entrance. Although gold seekers reached Denver from the eastern states on three major routes, an ample number of entrepreneurs quickly established toll roads to the gold camps west and southwest of Denver often creating up to three different routes to the same location. Routes to Gregory Diggings areas west of Denver and South Park emerged with stagecoach companies following the shortest and most passable roads establishing stagecoach stations along the way Routes and Stagecoach Stations West of Denver The early significant mineral discoveries in the Pikes Peak region gave credence to the Pikes Peak gold msh claims. Following the lead of George A. Jackson founder of gold near Idaho Springs and John Hamilton Gregory, founder of Gregory Diggings gold vein thousands of prospectors scoured these areas for 83

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their share of fortune. Many followed the trail that Gregory carved whe n h e returned to his original site. The trail directly ascended Enter Mountain at the entrance of Golden Gate Canyon. Prospectors with heavil y loaded supply wagons drawn by oxen typically met the summit of Enter Mountain within t wo hours of Golden Gate Canyon. Many prospectors, unable to negotiate their wagons over the second range left them behind with a trusted acquaintance. Beyond the second range of mountain s, the trail continued trav e rsing the hills and moun tains to reach Gregory Diggings. Newcomers utilized this steep and cumbersome trail until Jul y 1859 when Daniel McCleery and Tom Golden built the Gregory Toll Road. It be gan at the west edge of Gold en Gate City, a former community at the entrance of the toll road locat ed approximately two miles north of Golden City (Go lden) that had several hotel s, supply stores, and busin esses The road then tra vele d throu gh Gold en Gate Canyon an d eventually joined the original trail carved by Gregory and his followers.1 Although the route betwe en Golden Gate City and Mountain City (forerunner to Central City and Black Hawk) was steep narrow, and bumpy, it served unwieldy ore wagons gold seekers, and stagecoaches well. Realizin g that the majorit y of the ea rly Gregory Gulch prosp ectors arrived from the Platte Route to Denv er, then to Golden, McCl eery and several other entrepreneurs built a new route that extended from th e Platte Rout e directly to Golden by-passin g D e nver. John W. Mcintyre David K. Wall, and others formed 84

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the St. Vrain Golden City & Colorado Wagon Road Company on December 21, 1859 under the laws of the Provisional Territory of Jefferson. The road began at St. Vrain's Fort, about forty-four miles north of Denver and ran southwesterly to Clear Creek. By design of the construction superintendent Daniel McCleery at Clear Creek the road passed the McCleery Ranch that advertised its accommodations in the Western Mountaineer McCleery's Ranch" by D. & C. A. McCleery on Clear Creek. Eight miles from Golden City on the main road to the Platte and four miles from Denver on the road to Shian [sic] Pass and Boulder-a free bridge and good hotel accommodations? The road continued along Clear Creek to Arapahoe often spelled Arrappahoe, (near present day 441 h Avenue and Mcintyre Street in Golden) through Table Mountain Canyon and on to Golden City .3 (See Figure 4.1 ). With this stage route by-passin g Denver Golden demonstrated early on its intention of surpassing that city-a strategy it continued to pursue through the railroad era.4 After extending its route from Denver to Golden Gate City and over the Gregory Toll Road to Mountain City, the California Overland and Pike's Peak Express Company (COC & PP) drove the first stagecoach into the Gregory District from Denver on March 4 1860. The major stage lines that served Central City Black Hawk and Mountain City were consistent with those operating on the Platte Route and the Smoky Hill Route with the exception of the Butterfield Overland Dispatch. The Western Stage Company COC & PP's competitor, occupied the 85

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&,!den City -. To Ft St. Vrain Denver Figure 4.1. Map ofthe St. Vrain Golden City & Colorado Wagon Road. Map drawn by author. 86

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same route until May I 1861 when Ben Holl a day's O ve rland Mail and Ex press Company bought the Western Stage Company. Once Holladay bou g ht the financially distres sed COC & PP his line controlled th e majority of bu s iness on th e Platte Route throu g h to Central City and Black Hawk. W e lls Fargo & Co. was the last major stage lin e on the rout e to Central City after it bought Hollad ay's line in 1866. Local and smaller stagecoach compani es operated the line wh e n Wells Fargo discontinu e d stage se rvic e in Colorado Territory. The Colorado Stage Company and Hughes and Co. were two of the best-kn own companies to operat e the lin e until the Colorado Central Railroad reached Black Hawk in 1872.5 Guy House Stagecoach Station John C. Guy orig inall y operated th e Guy House in January 186 0 as a roadh ouse for th e hundr e ds of gold hungry emigrants tr avel ing to Gr egory's Gulch. Gu y l ocated his hou se eight mil es from th e west edge of Golden Gate C ity, tw enty four mil es west of D enve r and fourteen mil es east of Central City A photograph from th e 1880s r eveale d a twos tory frame white hou se with a white picket fence on one side of the hou se (See Fi gu re 4.2) Th e station offered guest rooms a bar and a lar ge dinin g room. Several lar ge out buildin gs includin g a barn and a black sm ith's shop su rrounded th e white hou se all nestl e d at the bottom of Gu y Hill Gulch The stage lin es kept extra teams of horses or mul es at Guy's stat ion The 87

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Figure 4.2. Photograph of the Guy House Stagecoach Station. Circa 1880. Photograph Collection. Courtesy ofthe Western History Department, Denver Public Library. 88

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stagecoach required only four mules to travel from Golden to Guy s where it added two mules to climb the remaining ascent to Mountain City.6 Accordin g to the stage schedule published in the August 14, 1 869 Co lorado Miner a stagecoach reached the Gu y House two hours and five minutes after leavin g Golden. Th e stage line kept a strict schedule allowing only twenty-fi ve minutes for dining at the Guy House before the passengers boarded the stage for the remaining thre ehour trip to Mount ain City. The return trip downhill mo s t of the way, took significantly les s time. The Rocky Mountain News reported on October 24, 1860 that th e Central Overland California & Pike's P eak Express (C OC & PP ) made Fast T ime. " The coach left Mountain City at 8:30am and arrived at Guy's at 10: 30." Providing forty minu tes for dinin g, it l eft Guy's at 11:10 and arrived at Golden City at 12:35 ." It depart ed from Golden City at 1 2:5 0 and arrived in D enve r at 2 :10. Total five hours a nd f01ty minutes this from a pas senge r who tim e d it. (Us ed to take two good da ys to reach Gregory). A one-wa y fare from Golden to Central Cit y was $6.00. Theodore Francis VanWagenen traveled by stage to Central City in the early 1 870s and d esc ribed the ru gge d terrain he witnessed It was a perfect day. My partner and I had secured seats on top with th e driver and every minute and foot of th e journe y was pur e delight. At Guy hill the descent at one plac e was so steep, and th e road so bad that the sta ge people had installed a block and tackle at the hi g h point by the aid of which the rocking coach was safely lowered do wn the most dangerous place. Somewhere along the way we stopped for dinner. I r ecall a v i gorous appetite and a ge nerou s l y lo a ded table of 89

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clean and wholesome food to satisfy it, but the name of the station has passed from my memory long ago. I also remember passing in the middl e of the afternoon, a little red schoolhouse among the pines and firs, all by itself closed for the day, and with no signs in any direction so far as I could see, of hom es that could supply the attending scholars, ... 'Where on earth do the children come from?' I exclaimed 'Oh!' replied the driver as he flicked a fly off the ear of his nigh leader with the tip of his long whip lash 'they dig them out from under th e stones here and there.' 7 The road to Central City and Black Hawk although much improved over the original Gregory Route contihued to create treacherous travel for freighters, coaches and individuals especially during rain wind, or snowstorms. Theodore R Davi s, a journalist and sketch artist for Harp er's Weekly depicted his experience traveling the road in 1867 . . one of the many difficulties which the Overland Coach has to encounter is making th e toilsome and dangerous ascent of the Rocky Mountains. The road pursu e d by the coaches is necessarily very narrow, as it is made on the side of th e steep mountains and usually overlooking some deep gorge. In winter, portion s ofthe road are found to be sheets of ice and the streams which dash down the sides of the mountains are bord e red by huge icicles or rather glaciers of great size and magnificence .. .. in the midst of one of the heavy windstorms which prevail in the ravines or gulches of the Rocky Mountains ... the air is filled with the snow-flakes which have been disturbed in their rest on the side of the mountain .8 The editor of the Rocky Mountain News, Wil l iam Byers, described the road to Central City as "exce llent. He remarked that on the November day in 1865 that he rode the coach to "Central it was quite pleasant and the "curtains were not once unrolled to keep out snow, wind or cold." A strong windstorm through the canyon 90

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however did extensive damage to many buildings and trees on the route. The editorial continued by noting At the Guy House a pilgrim assured us that stones as big as his fist were blown from the mountain tops upon an [sic] against the house. We do not vouch for the story, though others as extravagant were told.9 John Guy sold the Guy House and the surrounding 160 acres on October 5, 1861 to J. G. Hendrickson for $1,500. The March 22, 1866 Rocky Mountain News indicated that a Mrs. Howell was the proprietress of the Guy House when a tragic fire overcame the house. Mrs. Howell and her sister woke up to find a burning partition falling on their bed. They escaped and walked three miles west to the Michigan House to flee the fire. Unfortunately a woman referred to by the newspaper as "a servant girl" named Margaret Morse and a traveler by the name of Noble from the Boulder Creek area died in the fire. The article did not report the extent of the damages. The owner made appropriate repairs to advertise early in 1868 that the Guy House was the "best hotel between Central and Denver" with H. M. Howell as the proprietor.10 By late spring of 1868 Mr. 0. P. Wiggins operated the stage station and hotel. Advertisements continued to claim that the Guy House was "the best hotel between Central and Denver" offering dinner to Wells, Fargo & Co. stage passengers, and the best accommodations for travelers with private conveyances. The advertisement claimed that the Guy House served everything in the market. One of the specialties was "mountain mutton from herds of big hom sheep that 91

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inhabited the nearby mountains. With such novelty items, the Guy House attracted many hunting parties. A Denver liveryman J H. Estabrook, told many of his huntin g enthusiastic customers that Wiggins "was the only real hunter in the country." Wealthy men from eastern cities formed many of these hunting parties. On one occasion five young men from Chicago arrived at the Guy House equipped with expensive, high quality rifles ready for a hunting excursion. The Chicago party bragged that they could outshoot anyone in the country. Wiggins believed that part of his business at the Guy House was to "guy" the customers. Wiggins arranged a shooting match at the request of two of the men. The Chicago men boasted that their guns could hit a target six hundred yards away and laughed at Wiggins's old muzzleloader. Wiggins proudly proclaimed that his muzzleloader would easily hit targets at one hundred yards, fully knowing that he had the ability to hit the target established for the guests' guns. Wiggins reticently outperformed all of the men and their "fancy" rifles. This humbled the men who subsequently provided only praises to Wiggins and the Guy House .11 By March of 1870 Lem Flowers operated the Guy House with the stage line of Hughes & Co. operating the route to Central City and stopping for passenger meals In July 1871 Hughes & Co. relocated the home station to the Michigan House, three miles west of the Guy House for reasons not indicated The article in the Central City Regi s ter noted that Lem Flowers secured the lease at the Michigan House and plann ed to offer the same hospitality that guests enjoyed at the Guy 92

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House. By 1906 the Black Hawk Quadrangle map revealed none of the buildings of the Guy House stage station r emaining. OnJy a few remnant s of the building foundations exist today.12 Church's Ranch Stagecoach Station (The Twelve Mile House) As travelers approached Golden from the St. Vrain Golden City & Colorado Wagon Road, George H. Church's ranch served as a hom e station and stopping place for travelers to th e minin g regions. In 1867 when Union Pacific announced plans to build its railroad terminus in Cheyenne Wyoming, Wells Fargo & Co. quickly established a route from Denver to La Porte. A stage lin e from Cheyenne transferred the passengers at La Porte for the remaining trip to Cheyenne. C hurch's was the first s top north of Denver on the Wells Fargo Route to La Porte serving as a swing statio n for Wells Fargo on that route. Loca l s referred to Church's as the Twelve Mile House on the Overland Route since its location was tw elve miles northwest of Denver. The site is approximately three miles south of present day Broomfield. 13 (See Figure 4 .3) After one month of marriage, George H. and Sarah Church left Independence, Iowa on May 26, 1861 to find a more lucrative future. George's unsuccessful run as a farmer prompted him to look for a new occupation. The Churchs's intent as with many who came west, was to tour the gold fields of 93

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WYOMING \ COLORADO N V . Dol 1rg1mo e \ La Porte \ Cheyenne Denver Figure 4.3. Map of the R oute to Church s Ranch Stagecoach St ation. Map dr awn b y author. 94

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Colorado Territory strike it rich and return home after a year. Sarah's mother suggested that her new son-in-law experience the Western adventure alone. She believed that the Indians and hardships of the West were too dangerous for h er young daughter to endure. However, Sarah was delight ed with the novelty of the joumey. "14 After trading their horses for oxen the couple started their journey. They reached the Pikes Peak region in August and much to their surpr i se and dismay found that there were very few prospectors who found fortunes overnight. Unsuccessful they prepared for a return journey to Iowa in November. However, Sarah was very ill and a Denver doctor advised her not to travel. The Churches traded their remaining two oxen for a ranch near the Mount Vernon community. They returned to Iowa the following spring obtaining cows and calves to bring to their Mount Vernon ranch hop ing to operate a dairy. By August 186 2 they settled at their Mount V em on ranch. 1 5 The Mount Vernon ranch and a home near Boulder where they lived in 1863 briefly did not suit their needs. On a supply trip to Denver th ey looked for land with plenty of rangeland for their cattle. They stopped overnight at Child s house, twelve miles northwest of Denver. Although Sarah Church described the house as A wretched dirt covered log house ," there were no other houses within five miles and there was "a great sweap [ sic] of prairie to the west."1 6 The couple agreed that the location provided the land necessary to maintain a proper dairy and cattle ranch Th ey purchased the land hou se, bam (which Sarah rep orted was th e 95

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only respectable building) and the corrals for $1,000 from an unidentified woman who owned the squatter's rights.171 The couple maintained the poor excuse for a house as best as possible, until rec eiving several days of heavy rain in the spring of 1864 The rain transformed the dirt roof into an unstable, muddy ceiling that released droplets of mud on the occupants below when th ey least expected it. The Church's tolerance for this house vanished w ith the rainstorms They remov ed the l og building and built a frame house with a "good roof' around the greatest attribute l eft from the old log structure -a large stone fireplace in what became their new living room. Du e to the financial strains resulting from buying the property cattle and housing materials Sarah Church indicat ed in her manuscript "we were obliged to Jet the traveling public stay with us."18 The new house was a side gabled two-story bo x house attached to a side gabled, one-story box structure. Six-over-six paned windows accented both portions of the house The guest quarters were in the first story of the two story portion where they kept warm next to the fireplace. Church constructed several outbuildings including a l arge barn, shed, and a bunkhou se (See Figure 4.4) The bunkhouse offered modest accommodations for the fru ga l traveler or sleeping quarters for mal e travelers when ladies occupied the guest quarters Trave l ers by wagon and horseback stopped at the Church Ranch stage station for hay, meals and overnight accommodations The accommodation rate s 96

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\0 -..1 .:\ .... .. ?i {__ .. . Figure 4.4 1860s photograph ofthe Church s Ranch Stagecoach Station. Photograph Collection. Courtesy of the Colorado Historical Society.

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varied depending on the type of traveler. The common traveler, such as a Caption Evans listed in George Church's ledger as staying there on November 5, 1864, paid one dollar for meals and fifty cents for lodging. As a home station for Holladay's Overland Mail and Express stage line for coaches traveling to Central City and Black Hawk, stagecoach travelers paid $2.50 for their meals. The Churches provided other essential accommodations to travelers including hay at fifty to seventy-five cents per horse, plugs of tobacco at eighty-three cents each drinks at twenty-five cents each and bottles of whiskey at two dollars each. Abner Sprague, while a teenager in the 1860s, traveled from the Longmont area to Denver for supplies. He noted that he stayed at Churches about two miles south of where Broomfield is now located. Here I kept the oxen in a shed and I slept in the bam and took my meals in the house which was kept as a hotel for the accommodation of travelers.1 9 Freighters traveling to the Central City and Black Hawk mines were frequent visitors. Frank Church, son of George and Sarah recalled freighters staying at the ranch overnight. One of the big industries those days was hauling baled hay from the lower St. Vrain and the Platte to the mining camps As man y as 75 ox team drivers (Commonly called Bull Whackers) would be at the ranch for supper and breakfast.20 The most noted guests the Church Ranch Stagecoach Station accommodated were General Ulysses S. Grant (who at the time of his visit was the Republican candidate for the United States presidency) Grant's son U S. Grant Jr. General William T 98

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Sherman and General Philip Sheridan. Wells Fargo allowed the noted guests to ride for no charge. They were among several famous guests that stopped at the station during a visit to the territory in 1868. Their coach stopped for breakfast at Church's as it returned from Central City and Black Hawk and before it departed for Cheyenne. 21 Through the remainder of the nineteenth century locals and travelers relied on Church's Ranch stagecoach station and dairy for accommodations In July 1885 fifteen-year-old Charles (Chas) Moffat Kassler and three frie nds from Denver took a camping trip to Middle Park. On their return trip Kassler's August 27, 1885 diary entry indicated that they "started for Churches place. Can1ped near the farm and bought some milk. "22 A fire in the early 1920s destroyed all buildin g s on the 1500 acre ranch with the exception of the bunkhouse. Builders used wood from the bunkhouse to construct the Mandalay Schoolhouse in 1924. They located it slightly south of where the stage station stood. As Arvada and Broomfield developed the owner partitioned the remaining ranch into five to ten acre lots and sold them. Only the well remained intact on the privately owned property located on Old Wadsworth Boulevard and 1 04th Avenue In 1978 the owners of the site renovated the well by replacing deteriorating brick and mortar. They mounted a plaque near the well that that reads in part 1864 George H. Church hand dug this rock-lined well. ... This site was the first Stage Coach Station between Denver and Cheyenne on 99

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the old Overland Route to California .. .. The Church Family introduced irrigation, wheat farming, and Hereford Cattle ... to this area.23 Today, a street called Church Ranch Parkway near the site of the ranch remembers the Church Ranch Stagecoach Station and the Church family. Routes and Stagecoach Stations from Denver to South Park With the early excitement of the gold discovery in Gregory Gulch, pro spectors turned so uthwe sterly from Denver to find equa lly prosperous opportunities. By December 1859, the Provisional Jefferson Territory gra nt ed charters to three wagon road companies that built road s into South Park. In addition to the St. Vrain Golden City and Colorado Wagon Road Company providing access to the Gregory Toll Road entrance it extended south and west from Golden City into South Park. The Denver Auraria, and Colorado Wagon Road Company constructed a wagon road from Denver/Auraria to Mount Vernon (at the base ofthe foothills south of Golden), and then veered southwesterly to South Park; it was commonly known as the Mount Vernon Road. The road at Mount Vernon continued to Bergen Park where another road to South Park emerged. A third early road to South Park was the Denver, Auraria and South Park Wagon Road Company that traveled south from Auraria along the east side of the South Platte River then west near Morrison and continued to South Park Fairplay Hamilton Buckskin Joe, Tarryall, and Montgomery were a few of the early South Park mining camps accessed by these routes?4 (See Figure 4 5 ) 100

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Bergen Pork Stage Station Golden Figure 4.5. Map of the Routes to Mount Vernon and Bergen Park Map drawn by author. 101

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Mount Vernon Stagecoach Station (R W. Steele Home) Stonemason George Morrison built a two story native stone structure as his home one-mile south of Golden in 1860. That same year citizens of the Provisional Territory of Jefferson elected Robert W Steele as its first Territorial Governor. Steele occupied a cabin next to Morrison's home and promoted the community he called Mount Vernon paying tribute to George Washington who he deeply admired. The Mount Vernon community quickly formed catering to those traveling directly west of Denver. Once travelers rested at Mount Vernon they had the choice of veering southwesterly into South Park or continuing the steep westward ascent to Bergen Park. From Bergen Park they again had a choice of either traveling south to meet the South Park routes or northwest to find Idaho Springs and Central City. Steele s log cabin burned in late 1860 Steele moved to Morrison's house, known as the Mount Vernon House, where he held Mount Vernon District community meetings. During his brief term as the provisional governor Steele held Jefferson Territory legislative meetings in the spacious home. Steele left the community shortly after the demise of the provisional govemment.25 (See Figure 4.6) During the late 1860s the Mount Vernon House served as a swing station for stage routes extending through Bergen Park and Empire. ln 1870 William Mathews purchased the Mount Vernon House and continued serving stage lines travelers, and freighters. On their return trips from the mines Mathews offered his stone storeroom adjacent to his home for freighters' valuables mostly including high102

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Figure 4.6. Photograph of th e Mount Vernon Hou se. Ph o to g raph Collection. We s tern Histor y Department Denver Public Library 103

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grade ore. Mathews assured the safe keeping of the high-grade ore during the night while freighters camped near the house. Although d etails vary between sources one night Mathews secured a l arge shipment of high-grade ore in the storeroom and began his duty standing guard inside the room. When Mathews heard a disturbance at the door he found someone cutting a hole through the door and reaching for the latch Mathews quickly found a steel bar and bluntly smashed th e hand reaching for the latch The blow purportedly cut off two of the assailant s fingers. Although a group of men followed the trail of blood, they did not find the intent robber. The Mathews family contin u ed to own the Mount Vernon House and surrounding property through the 1930s operating a farm and ranch ln 1936, the Department of Interior added the house to the Historic American Buildings Survey. Recognized as an historically significant structure planners of Interstate 70 west of Denver specifically added a curve in the highway design to avoid the house. The National Register of Historic Places included the house on it s list in 1970.2 6 (See Figure 4.7) Bergen s Ranch Stagecoach Station Thomas Cunningham Bergen joined ten other Illinois men and ventured west to the Pikes Peak gold rush in June 1859. Briefly prospecting in Cherry Creek the men continued their quest for fortune in Golden and through Apex Gulch (above present day Herita g e Square). Continuing westwa rd the men came to a lar ge park that Bergen believed was the most beautiful spot my eyes ever r ested upo n.',n He 104

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. : . .,: : : .... < -::l.";::t. :"\:.;.1 :.::'1;:. : l t :.\ .' i : L: ; i! : 1 "'" t -5.'-1c : _::.' 'lf l,'o,' ... -_ . t .( t ----... --_ : ... ... :,: : ;.. _,_,_ ... ; !": .: ,., Figure 4.7. Drawing of th e Mount Vernon House. Historic American Building Survey 1936. 105

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wanted this park to be the site of his home With the help of the others, Bergen built a small log cabin on the site by July 1859 and claimed he was the first white settler to the vicinity. His companions lived in tents in the park and prospected in the area. By the spring of 1860 Bergen returned to Illinois where he sold his farm and returned to his park with his wife, Judith Roe Fletcher Bergen and four children ranging from two years old to fifteen years old. Bergen recruited his friends' assistance in building a larger house for his family that served as a stagecoach station and a stopping place for travelers who frequented the road nearby. In the evening, the men fashioned wooden pins to attach the adz squared logs of the new house. The new house was a two-story, hand hewn log house measuring approximately twenty feet by thirty feet. Four rooms on the lower level of the house comprised the living quarters for the Bergen family. Bergen left the upstairs as an unfinished large room with no partitions. The family offered this room as overnight accommodations for travelers. According to the letters of Bergen's youngest daughter, Martha Green, between twenty and forty men slept upstairs each night using their bedrolls on th e bare floor and coats for pillows. Built only twelv e feet from the original cabin Bergen eventually enclosed the space between the new house and the original cabin and used the space as the dining room for travelers and stagecoach passengers ?8 Martha Green recalled that her parents had forty milking cows. Her mother rose at three o clock in the mornin g to 106

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skim 40 pans of milk or more (from the past night's milking) then she would go out and milk 10 cows come in bake biscuits fry meat an [sic] potat o es Breakfast at 6 sharp "29 From the milk her mother made large quantities of butter that Bergen took to Golden fifteen miles northeast and sold for $1 per pound. The Bergen fami l y charged fifty cents for meals and the same for overnight shelter. Martha Green recalled her older brother, William Henry Bergen, remarking I can t see how my parents made any money serving meals for 50 cents when prices were so high for all they bought."30 To supplement the earnings from the stage station and hotel Bergen initially min e d near Montgomery during summer months, while his wife and children tended the stage station hotel and tavern. Additionally he started a small liv estock trading and sales business Individuals who traveled extensively with a pair of oxen, horses or mules bought or traded for a well-rested pair to continue their journey By 1865 the hotel stage station and other business ventures provided enough profits for Bergen to build a new house for the family 200 yards south of the former house. The Bergens maintained the former house as the stage station and hotel. 31 Bergen Park quickly became a crossroads for emigrants traveling to the gold mines. Beyond Bergen Park to the north Squaw Pass led gold seekers to Idaho Springs Central City and Black Hawk. By traveling south from Bergen Park on a wagon road to Bear Creek individuals reached Bradford Junction now known as Conifer to continu e to the mines in South Park or east to Morrison. B y 1867 107

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Bergen Park was a community of one hundred people. A deputy surveyor, C. H. Deane, made notes regardin g it s growth in 1867. The surface of thi s township is undulatin g or havin g small hill s through a portion of it. In the west it is mountainous But a considerable portion of th e best timber has been cut and mad e into lumber. About 20 families are livin g in this township, who secure large yields of th e small grains and excellent root s from the cultivated ground .... To the southwest is an open park of perhaps 2 000 acres on which quantitie s of ha y are cut. . The farmers living th ere are anxious to secure titles to their land and a large quantity of it will b e taken up under th e Homes t ea d and pree mption laws.32 During th e initial month s at Bergen Park Thomas Bergen led other area settlers in forming th ei r own county called Niwot. Bergen h e ld a meeting at hi s stage station on Jul y 20, 1860 where Bergen and others pl anne d to pl edge "mutual protection of prop erty and ri g ht. T he y claimed independenc e of nearl y anything and everything. Settlers s outh of Bergen Park organized the Junction District on August 11, 1860 and settlers near Mount V erno n seven miles east of Bergen Park established the Mount Vernon Gulch District on September 9 1860 Citizens o f the thre e districts "expressed their di sco nt e nt with the Jeffe rson Territory's provisional g ov ernme nt. On February 15 1861 two weeks prior to President Buchanan designatin g th e area Colorado Territory, th e three district s combined t o create Ni wot County. The Ro cky Mou ntain News print e d w h a t it und e r stoo d to b e the principl e reasons for the secession from Jefferson Territory 1. Said Pro v isional Government was not in any way a dapt ed to th e wants of said citizens nor any body else except a few hackn eyed and wornout politicians who expec t e d t o g ai n a politi cal position in this 108

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county in the future by a title gained under said institution. 2. Because the decision of the Justice Court of this village set at naught by the court above without due regard to law 3. Because the court above after finding that the party to whom cost had been assessed by the court below was not in a situation to pay said cost did with-out law or precedent, decree that said cost should be paid by the opposite party.33 Niwot County lasted only a few months and all three districts became a part of Jefferson County, Colorado Territory. Jefferson County court cases involving the districts during Niwot County s existence reflect Niwot County rather than Jefferson as the jurisdiction in the permanent records. Although Bergen s initial political stint lasted only briefly, h e prevailed as one of the first three Jefferson County Commissioners with voters re-electing him several times. By the early 1870s, the community of Bergen Park slowly dwindled with residents moving to areas serviced by the railroad. According to his daughter, Martha Green Bergen realized that his dream of Bergen Park becoming a supply center or resort town faded. In 1873, the family moved to Morrison on the hogback ridge where Bergen built a lake established a farm and sold water to neighboring farmers. Bergen sold the Bergen Ranch Stagecoach Station and hotel property in 1874 The original log cabin vanished by 1900 Nothing remains today of the hotel and stage station. 3 4 109

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Kenosha House Stagecoach Station George Harriman, from Kenosha, Wisconsin, prospected in the Tarryall Diggings in 1859 He quickly found that driving a stagecoach between Denver and South Park provided a more dependable wage than prospecting. By 1861 he realized that operating a roadhouse and stagecoach station on the trail provided safer and warmer working conditions. Harriman built the Kenosha House in 1861 in a vernacular style with hewn logs. He strategically located the stop at the last eastern ascent of a large hill that he called Kenosha Hill (later known as Kenosha Pass). (See Figure 4.8). The location provided an id ea l resting place for stagecoach passengers, travelers by horseback and by wagon before they ascended the last section of the pass. By 1862 his stagecoach station was a home station and inn for the many travelers to South Park and the only stagecoach station between Bailey and Fairplay durin g its early years. Stage passengers bought meals while a stage tender added fresh horses to the hitch. By the mid 1860s Henry P. Farnum operated the Kenosha house While Farnum his wife, and family ran the Kenosha House, Farnum periodically commuted to his second stagecoach station at Jefferson to oversee its operations as a swing station. Je fferso n was nearly twenty miles south of the Kenosha House (between Fairplay and Kenosha) near what eventually became the community of Jefferson. Farnum sold the Kenosha stage station in the late 1860s to William Brubaker. While Brubaker owned the station he invited the snowshoe itinerant Methodist minister Rev erend John L. Dyer (though miners 110

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Park To Mt. Conift:r Vt:mon Figure 4.8. Map of Rou tes to South P ark. Map dr awn b y author. 111

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and locals called him "Father since he had a long gray beard) to occasionally preach to stagecoach passengers area miners or local residents who chose to listen. The Denver, South Park and Pacific Railroad converged on South Park in 1878. By 1900 the owner of the Kenosha House and surrounding buildings removed them. Only indistinct outlines of the Kenosha House remain. 3 5 Hamilton Stagecoach Station Hink l ey & Co. stage line extended from Denver to South Park serving Tarryall, Hamilton, and Fairplay by July of 1860. Additionally the Kehler and Montgomery Stage Company provided service to South Park in the early 1860s. Daniel Witter and his wife operated the stagecoach station in Hamilton in 1862. Mrs. Witter a sister to Schuyler Colfax (Schuyler Colfax was the Illinois Lieutenant Governor, Speaker of the United States House of Representatives, and in 1868 the United States Vice President under Ulysses S. Grant) described the station as having two rooms. The front room was th e post office and stagecoach station where Daniel Witter was the postmaster. The other room served as their living space where they cooked ate and slept. Because their stagecoach station dually served as a post office they had a wooden plank floor. Mrs. Witter indicated in her recollections that the Post Office Department allowed no dirt floors in post offices. There were no rules against a dirt roof though and they had one. The Witters operated a small store in the post office room where miners freq u ently purchased 112

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items includin g tobacco and stamps. Often the miners paid for supplies with gold dust that they carried in small bottles or bags instead of using currency. Mrs. Witter weighed the gold dust on small scales to determine the amount of purchasing power the miners had She recalled that the miners teased her b ecause she required such meticulous measurements Supplemental income to the Witters came whe n "once a week we would sweep the office floor and wash the sweepings, findin g quite a little gold dust. "36 Nothin g remain s today of the Hamilton community or of the stagecoach station. Although Gregory Dig gings was an instrumental discovery in the settlement of the area west of Denver prospectors quickly found pa y dirt southwest of Denver into South Park The stagecoach stations in these areas were primarily individual s home s, ranch es, and road ranches prior to becoming a stagecoach station However the stage lines facilitated them becoming well known on the rout es as gat herin g places for a meals church services hunting excursions, territorial legi s lative meetings, political meetings, sundries or simply a safe place to camp or sleepeven i f it was in th e bam Traveler s and local s alike be gan relyin g on the services that the stagecoach stat ion s offered. Often bu s iness relationships formed and for local residents per so nal relationships form e d creating a bond betw een the stage station owners and their patrons. 113

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CHAPTER 5 SOUTH CENTRAL AND SOUTHWESTERN COLORADO STAGECOACHTNG Although stagecoach to Colorado Territory's Front Range supply centers became very well established early in the territory's history, routes to other areas of the territory did not emerge as quickly or as efficiently. The development west of the Front Range was sometimes difficult or nearly impossible The vast explosion of new mineral discoveries prompted new settlements across the territory leading to a multitude of rout es through south central and southwestern Colorado Territory. Unlike the stagecoach services on the plains south central and southwestern Colorado stagecoach services typically enhanced an existing settlement rather than beginning a new settlement. Unfortunately, treacherous mountain passes land disputes with Ute Indians and inclement weather that embraced the Rocky Mountains for three-fourths of a year, greatly hindered the progress of stagecoach services to isolated settlements in south central and southwestern Colorado. 114

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South Central Colorado Stagecoach Routes Canon City Route Realizing the financial opportunities for supply centers, town promoters established communities closer to the mining camps. In 1859 town promoters founded Canon City forty-five miles west of Pueblo hoping to provide a supply center closer to the California Gulch mining camps. In its formative months Canon City's communication with Denver and the East was unreliable. Early in 1860, a semiweekly Pony Express business transported mail between Denver City and Canon City Often the owner of the United States Post Office Department mail contract did not operate the stage 1 ine that carried the mail. Although Harmon Weiblin g held the mail contract between Denver and Colorado City the Harrison stage line a division of the Hinkley & Co stage line, actually provided the stagecoach service b y October 1860 Th e firm of Miller and Evans connected with the Harrison line to continue stagecoach service from Colorado City to Cafion City. Althou g h this relay connection provided pas s enger service along with mail and gold dust transportation services to Denver it failed to directly link the Arkansas Valley area Canon City's location to New Mexico Kansas or Missouri. In the spring of 1861, the Missouri Stage Company extended its line from Kansas City west along the Arkansas Route through Pueblo and on to Cafion City. The route divided at Pueblo with one rout e v e erin g south into New Mexico while 115

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the other continued to Canon City, providing direct access to the East and the South. (See Figure 5.1) The first stagecoach arrived in town May 13, 1861, giving the residents many reasons to celebrate. That evening the town conducted what the Canon City Times described as "grand festivities" including a "splendid fete "1 Decorated with boughs of evergreens, the dining room at the Jenks House, a l eading Canon City hotel, provided a supper buffet and dancing until dawn. As noted in chapter two, Slemmons, Roberts and Company to ok over the Missouri Stage Company shortly after it s debut in Canon City and continu ed operating the Kansas Santa Fe and Canon City Fast Line until June 28, 1862. Cottrill Vickroy and Company Barlow and Sanderson's predecessor changed the name in July 1862 to the Kansas, Santa Fe and Cafion City Express Line when it bou ght out the Slemmons' company. It operated weekly coaches to Cafion City from Kansas City, each trip requiring eight days. With Cafion City as a division point, Barlow and Sanderson built corrals, stables, and an express office as the end of the branch line. Coaches l eaving Cafion City traveled either to Denver City or to the California Gulch mining camps including Oro City (Leadville's forerunner), Tarryall and Fairplay. Canon City became the end point for development in the south central portion of Colorado Territory for several years due to a refocus on the Civil War. Once the railroad reached Canon City, making it th e terminus in 1874, stage lin es continued servicing the gold region s of South Park making the town an 116

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Oro City (Leadv i l l e) Colorado City Pueblo To Be.nt's_.. Fort Figure 5.1. Map of Route to Cafion City and Oro City Map drawn by author 117

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essential supply center in the Arkansas Valley. Barlow and Sanderson continued to be the prominent stagecoach line in south central Colorado into the 1880s? Bales Stagecoach Station. William Bales, known by locals as Billy or Old Uncle Billy homesteaded a ranch near Cottonwood Creek near present day Salida in 1864 By 1869 he relinquished his rights to a Judge Christenson and filed a new homestead right at the confluence of the Arkansas River and the South Fork ofthe Arkansas River. Bales eventually established a two story log building to house a stage station tavern and roadhouse accommodating stage travelers locals and overnight guests. The Post Office Departm ent designated the station as the Cleora post office on December 5, 1876 with Uncle Billy as the postmaster until July 1879. Cleora was the name of Bales's youngest daughter and the name he submitted to the Post Office Department in obtaining the d esig nation as a post office. From Bales station the Barlow and Sanderson stagecoach continued the route to Leadville stopping at th e stage stations between including Brown's Creek (near Centerville) Nathrop (the station was one and one-half miles from the town ofNathrop) Wild Horse Granite Crystal Lake, and finally Leadville. During th e 1870s the Denver and Rio Grande Railway (D & RG) built track south of Denver, while the Atchison Topeka, and Santa Fe Railroad (AT & SF) extended its line west of Pueblo. When the AT & SF railroad planners surveyed a route through the Royal Gorge in 1879 they purchased and platted a town site near the Bales ranch adopting the same name 118

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as the post office Cleora. The new town boasted a population of 500-600 residents by 1879.3 (See Figure 5.2) Billy Bales s activities included more than tending the stage station post office and tavern. He actively participated in the Committee of Safety, a vigilante group formed during what later became known as the "Lake County War."4 Bales's stagecoach station purportedly served as the Committee s southern headquarters. The War, as the story goes stemmed from an 1874 feud between rancher George Harrison and his neighbor Elijah Gibbs over water rights. Gibbs, a newcomer to the area claimed he needed more water for his ranch than his upstream neighbor, Harrison delivered. Harrison operated a small grocery store behind his home When Harrison found a suspected arson fire in his grocery storeroom, he and his wife frantically attempted to douse it with well water. In the midst of the excitement an unidentified gunman shot Harrison in the back; he died instantly. Harrison s petite wife dragged his body from the burning building, however did not see the gunman The sheriff arrested Gibbs on circumstantial evidence. Concerned that Harrison supporters would lynch Gibbs prior to a trial the sheriff requested a venue change. A Denver court judge acquitted Gibbs due to a lack of evidence However, Gibbs did not return to a peaceful ranching life in Lake County .5 Nathrop town founder and owner of the Nathrop mill Charles Nachtrieb, along with several others including Bales formed the Committee of Safety to run Gibbs his family friends and associates out of the area. The vigilantes attempted 119

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Oro City To Bent' s ___. Fort Figure 5.2. Map of Route to Bales Stagecoach Station. Map drawn b y author. 120

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burning the Gibbs family out of their home. They threatened his friends to leave the county within thirty days or die. They harassed and sometimes killed those who were not among their sympathizers or dared speaking out against them One brave individual Charles Harding, who spoke out against the group died from three gunshot wounds near Bales station. Member s of the committee even harassed area children. Ezra E. Ohmert a ten-year-old farm boy recalled in a 1930 s Civil Works Administration interview that gangs of men stopped Ezra and his siblings as they rode their horses to or from their home The gangs questioned where they were going, the nature of their ride, the names and nature of visitors to their home, and what was said. Ezra's older brother Winfield worked for an area rancher who opposed the committee's practices. The committee in turn did not like the rancher and strongly encouraged him to sell his property and leave the county. The committee incarcerated Winfield at the "Comm ittee's Jail," which was at Bales stage station, beli eving Winfield knew valuable information regardin g his employer. After several hours of interrogation, he escaped without harm.6 When Judge Elias F. Dyer son of the itinerant preacher Father John Dyer, began investigating th e group's acts the vigilantes responded by giving the judge three da ys to lea ve the area. The judge did not give up easily; he is sued arrest warrants for twenty-eight known members of the vigilante group, mandating their appearance in the county courtroom in Granite. On Jul y 2, 1875 the vigilantes arrived in court heavily armed and when asked, reluctantly surrendered their 121

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weapons. Crucial witnesses, fearful of speaking against the vigilante gro up in th e courtroom provided no testimony. Judge Dyer dismissed the case for a lack of evidence. Once the courtroom cleared the judge return ed to his chambers where a few of the v igilantes followed and fatally shot the judge notwithstanding the verdict. Although a few resident s saw and recognized the gunmen l eaving the courthouse after hearin g the shots only one person, a Mr. Woodard, dared to reveal names. His life ended shortly.7 Although Jud ge Dyer's attempts to estab lish law and order were unsucc essful, eventually the area vig ilante s found other ways to occupy their time and l aw and order r eturned. Official s n ever arres ted anyone for th e numerous murd ers including that of Judge Dyer. A former mill employee of Charles Nachtrieb said to be Harrison's nephew shot Nachtrieb in the back in 1881. In a 1930 s Civil Works Administration interview w ith Alice Anderson Parks Nachtrieb's step-daughter, she completely avoide d the topic of the Lake County War and of her step-father's conflicts. She only mentioned Nachtrieb s murder.8 As the mining settlements grew near Leadville the D & RG's owners wanted a share of the prosperity. It began laying track west of Pueblo through the Royal Gorge with Leadville as its destination competing directly with the AT & SF. After vario us court battles the D & RG won the right to continue building to Leadville. Cleora's residents hoped to b e the terminus of the railro ad. However in the spring of 1880 the railroad announced th e location of its terminus two mile s 122

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north of C leora. D & RG invalidated C l eora since its competitor, the AT & SF originally platted it as a railro ad town.9 A visitor through the area described the activity o nc e th e D & RG made its announcement. A stampede from the old town of Cleora was th e r es ult; stores saloons and restaurants straightway removed to th e new prosp ective city ... soon the old town of Cleora became nearly deserted.1 0 Originally called South Arkansas, former Territorial Governor Alexander Hunt (a princ ipal of the D & RG ) suggested a name chang e of its terminus to Salida within its fonnative mont hs. Salida's social activ iti es began with a celebration of the train's arrival that included a dancing party held at Bales's ranch. With the arrival of the train the stagecoach line no longer needed Bales s t agecoach s t ation and eventually, Uncle Billy sold his tavern and ranch. B y the 189 0s Sterling Jones owned the property razed Bales's stat ion and constructed his own home perhaps to eliminate the station's iniquit ous past.11 Stage Trav el over Marshall Pass. Once Sa lid a became the D & RG's terminus Barlow and Sanderson established a stage station in the new town. In addition to the route north to Leadville Barlow and Sanderson established a stage route west from Salida, through Poncha Springs, over Marshall Pass landing in Gunnison City (See Fig ur e 5.3) G. Thomas Ingham, an attorney and a United States mine ral surveyor, describ ed the trip from Gunnison City to the new town of Salida 123

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N Oro City (Leadville) Figure 5 3 Map ofRoute to Marshall Pass Map drawn by author. 124

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The stage was soon filled to overflowing and we began to experience some ofthe discomforts of stage-travel in the West .... The dust was fearful; great clouds were thrown into the coach by the ponder ous hind wheels, which had no way of escape, as in an open vehicle, and the consequence was that we were all soon of one peculiar brown color very much alike.12 He continued his travel description by notin g that prior to ascending the pass, the tender at the swing station added two horses to the four-horse team to maneuver the road that climbed rapidly at a very steep incline. At such times it requires some nerve to ride behind a span of six, when at some sharp tum in the road the leaders dash around out of sight with a sharp precipice below and the stage perhaps takes a sudden tilt toward the brink. Howe ver, the drivers carry a steady hand and understand well their bu s iness, and accidents are rare. 13 Colorado Springs to Leadville Route Manitou Springs As more and more traffic entered the central Colorado Territory minin g camps throu gh Colorado City and Pueblo more entrepreneurs loc ated towns and businesses on the routes. General William J Palmer, founder and president of the Denver and Rio Grande Railway established Colorado Springs just a few miles east of Colorado City in 1871. Later that year, Palmer and Dr. William Bell vice-president of the D & RG established Manitou Springs five and one-half miles west of Colorado Springs as a resort town for affluent railroad passengers. The 640 acres platted for Manitou Springs included several natural springs that local Indians used for many years prior to the white man's appearance. They believed 125

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that drinking the spring water provided healing for various ailments. Town founders promoted the resort community and its magical healing waters to the wealthy especially those from the East whose doctors diagnosed them with consumption (tuberculosis). Doctors often recommended that the patients seek a drier climate in the West. Promoters of Manitou Springs asserted that the various springs offered natural healing powers for consumption and most any other a ilm ent.14 The Cliff House Stagecoach Station. By 1873, developers built three hotels to accommodate Manitou Springs resort guests. That year, Shertleff and Webster architects and builders constructed a three-story rectangular clapboard structure with a hipped roof. In 1874 th ey opened their project as the Cliff House. The Colorado Springs Gazette made note of its opening in the June 20 1874 edition. This house is now completed and opened to the public. It contains fifty-seven finely lighted and well-ventilated rooms. It is located within a few yards of those wonderful springs-the Navajo Manitou Comanche and Shoshone. The grandest scenery in the world surroun ds it and the waters of the fountain flow near its base. A billiard hall containing tables of the latest patt ern i s connected with th e house. Coaches arrive daily with passengers and mail from the depot at Colorado Sprin gs. Unfortunately the business did not produce the income hoped. However the owners opened the hotel for business only during the three summer months Edward Erastus Nichols came west in 1871 after his doctor advised him that he too suffered from consumption and to seek a drier climate for relief. Taking his 126

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doctor's advice he moved to Colorado Territory where he dabbled in mining and a Denver mercantile business. Feeling better with no further signs of consumption Nichols moved with his wife and four children to Manitou Springs in 1876 and leased the Cliff House. The lease agreement included Nichols paying the owners twenty-five cents per night per guest. With Nicho ls' previous restaurant experience in New York, he planned to create a successful luxuriou s hotel. He began by opening the host elry year round often needing tents to house overflow guests in warm weather. The hotel and stage station boasted spring beds an elegant bridal chamber and li very services for guests wanting to take horseback rid es in the nearby mountains. On October 9 1880 the Nicho ls family purchased the hotel and stage station for $14,500. In addition to carrying passengers and mail from the railroad depot in Colorado Springs to the hotel and stage station, the stage continued it s route over Ute Pass to Leadville thre e times per week. Whether stage travelers were guests or not, the Cliff House offered its parlors and porches as waiting areas for the arrival of the stage.15 (S ee Figures 5.4, 5.5, and 5.6). As with Colorado Springs Palmer prohibited liquor in Manitou Springs, prom oting a whol eso me environment to attract, what he considered, upstanding residents and visitors Instead the Cliff House staff brought each guest a glass of the soda spring water every night to maintain or restore their well-being. Eventually the Nichols family built a bathh ouse next to the springs. The Cliff House host ed 127

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Oro City N Pueblo To Bent's __.. Fort Figure 5.4. Map of Route to Manitou Springs and Ute Pass. Map drawn by author. 128

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Figure 5.5. Photograph ofthe C liff House. James Thurlow Collection. 1874. Courtesy of the Western History Department, Denver Public Library. 129

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w 0 Figure 5.6. Photograph of the Cliff House Additions and Overflow Tents. William Henry Jackson Collection. Courtesy of the Western History D epartme nt Denver Public Library

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Sunday religious services in a tent and in the hotel parlor in poor weather for hotel guests and community residents. A preacher from the Grace Church in Colorado Springs conducted the services. By 1878 Nichols along with Dr. Bell contracted workers to construct a small frame building near the hotel for the church services. This started St. Andrew s Episcopal Church in Manitou Springs. As the Cliff House catered to its affluent guests, who frequently stayed for several months at a time, the Nichols family prospered and reinvested profits into the hotel and stage station. They hired workers who built cottages behind the hotel to house the governesses who traveled with the wealthy families with children. The hotel housed a second dining room called The Ordinary where the guest children and governesses ate along with stage passengers who were not hotel guests. Using white lava stone to match the white clapboard siding of the original building, Nichols added thirty guest rooms in 1883. Just over a block away Nichols built a house called Hillcr e st where his family lived during the warm weather months; they wintered at the Cliff House. Only a few years later, Nichols added a hot water system and a large three-story tower, thirty feet in diameter, to the southeast portion of the building. This tower provided twelve additional rooms. A cupola on top of the tower offered the ideal setting for summer musical entertainment for visitors. Nichols hired musicians from major orchestras to play in the mornings and evenings, including a string trio from the Minneapolis Symphony.1 6 131

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By 1901, Nichols added a h ydrau lic elevato r and electricity to the hotel. Nichols's 1905 death changed neither the lavish accommodations nor the ongoing improvements at the Cliff House. Ed Erastus Nichols, Jr. continued the hotel in the same fashion as his father. He added a 400-seat dining room, large ballroom more guest rooms and an observatory in the tower in 1906. Previously, the main dining room served a dual role, when at nine o'clock in the evening the staff transformed it into the ballroom where the Nichols host ed large, elaborate dancing parties complete with an orchestra By 1912, the younger Nichols remodeled the oldest part of the hotel the original stagecoach station, to add another 45 guest rooms. When Nichols completed the last round of changes, the hotel boasted 265 rooms, porch es and verandas (with optional glass closures for us e as sun parlors) fountains tennis courts, and immaculately groomed lawn s for lawn parties, dancing and croquet parties. A Boston gentleman found that for his wife child, and maid to stay for the 1902 summer at the Cliff House, the price was $40 to $50 per week dependin g on the size and location of the room. While those lookin g to improve their health came for the magical healing powers of the springs others came for the view and the lavi sh accommodations.17 The Cliff House pampered many celebrity guests including William Henry Jackson Thomas Ediso n John Paul Getty, P. T. Barnum Theodore Roosevelt, and many actresses and actors including Clark Gable. Proctor Nichols, the grandson of E dward E. Nichols Sr., r ecalled in a 1972 newspaper int erview that Buffalo Bill 132

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Cody stayed at the hotel when Proctor Nichols was five years old. Proctor sat on Buffalo Bill's lap and tugged at his long, gray beard. A frequent visitor to the Cliff House was Harvey Young an artist who paid his hotel account with his paintings.1 8 The Cliff House hotel and stage station became a symbol of Colorado's refmed, high society in its early years and its continued tradition into the twentieth century. After Edward E. Nichols, Jr. died, his son Proctor Nichols sold the establishment in 1948. Proctor indicated to the Colorado Springs Sun that When the automobile came along people no longer spent entire summers in one p l ace As the automobile resort business grew the b d 1 9 summer resort usmess went own. Proctor Nichols preferred airplanes to managing the Cliff House. He started his own business Aircraft Mechanics Inc. in 1932.2 0 The hotel changed ownership several times over the next thirty years, hosting a variety of businesses from an tmsuccessful nightclub to an apartment building During this time, one owner removed the east wing due to fire dan1age. While Alfred Dwyer owned it during the 1960s he was unsuccessful at attracting tourists with melodramas and a hip cocktail bar with Go-Go Girls. On only a few nights did the hotel actually fill all of the remaining 160 rooms during the 1967 summer season Dwyer finally converted the hotel into an apartment building for $50 000. In the conversion, he removed the main dining room kitchen cottages and two north wings behind the hotel that housed 60 rooms He replaced the space with a parking lot for the apartment residents. He so l d the hotel furnjture mostly 133

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antiques to antique dealers along with the hotel's silver and dining room accessories. Many Manitou Springs residents attended the auction and were saddened to see the antiques sold. Betty Jo Cardona, a Manitou Springs resident who became the Cliff House historian in the mid 1990s, indicated that what had been a large part of their historic community for so many years was slowly being destroyed 21 The National Register of Historic Places added the Cliff House to its registry on March 27, 1980. In 1981, James Morley a California real estate developer, purchased the apartment building and continued the residential leasing business. A February 1982 fue severely damaged large portions of the fourth floor making the buildin g uninhabitable. In 1997 Morley restored the hotel.22 Chapter seven of this thesis details the restoration project and the result. Colorado Springs to Cripple Creek Route Cripple Creek Gold Rush. The last and largest nineteenth-century Colorado gold rush was in Cripple Creek. As early as 1874, a few miners found a few loose fragments of ore near Mount Pisgah (west of present day Cripple Creek) and formed the Mt. Pisgah Minin g District. However, they did not recover any valuable deposits and soon left the area. Again in 1884 Mount Pisgah received brief attention. However prospectors found that the alleged discovery was fraudulent. Robert "Crazy Bob Womack worked as a cowhand near Cripple Creek between 134

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1880 and 1890. He prospected the area for gold in his spare time. In 1890 Womack found several significant pieces of gold. However, with the questionable discoveries near Mount Pisgah previously Womack found individuals in Colorado Springs cynical rather than excited about his gold findings. Accounts indicated that Womack spent his early proceeds at the local saloon. He continued his prospecting hobby eventually finding the El Paso lode in Poverty Gulch. Finally his fmdings evoked great excitement and prospectors raced to find their fortunes in the Cripple Creek area. By 1891 the town of Cripple Creek, on the ranch site where Womack worked formed to later proclaim itself the "World s Greatest Gold Camp.'.23 Stage Route. Although the Cripple Creek area developed later than most other gold camps the earliest section of a stage route between Colorado Springs and Cripple Creek began in the 1860s and 1870s. With ranchers and settlers homesteading near Pikes Peak in the 1860s and resort communities developing in the 1870s trails connecting the settlements developed in the vicinity of Cheyenne Mountain. As individuals trekked the Cheyenne Mountain foothills for lumber they created various trails called "wood roads." Eventually individuals favored a few trails over others due to the incline and terrain. The most popular trail was the beginning of the Old Stage Road. By 1874 individuals determined what trail over Cheyenne Mountain provided an easy route to Canon City. The Cheyenne and Beaver Toll Road Company received its charter on January 2, 1875 and claimed it would decrease the Canon City journey by twelve miles over the journey from 135

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Pueblo to Cafion City. However, the road building progressed slowly. In 1877 individuals formed a new company, the Cheyenne and Beaver Park Toll Road Company, and continued building the road to Canon City. The company located the eastern tollgate approximately where the Broadmoor Hotel in Co l orado Springs is In 1882 Helen Hunt Jackson described the road . . eleven thousand and five hundred feet above sea level our old new road winds and unwinds in lasso loops on ridges and around the ravine on the north side of Cheyenne Mountain.25 Wade's Place Stagecoach Station. Joel Wade anticipated many travelers using the Cheyenne and Beaver Park road and homesteaded an area four miles west of the tollgate. He opened a tavern to refresh the travelers after their first four miles and before they continued the tedious ascent. By the 1880s enough traffic entered the area that Wade added several buildings. One was his residence, one was the tavern and another was the blacksmith shop of Blackhawk Dav is. Davis established his business when road builders began the toll road in hopes of repairing their machinery. Once Cripple Creek blossomed, the El Paso County commissioners approved plans to widen, straighten, and join the Old Stage Road with Gold Camp Road to Victor and Cripple Creek. The county aimed to accomplish the task as quickly as possible to capture the Cripple Creek traffic. Originally, the county earmarked $ 1 0,000 for the project. By its completion, the county paid $18,000 to insure a reliable route in a timely fashion (See Figure 5.7) By the 1890s Wade 136

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Oro City (Leadville ) Trindod Figure 5.7. Map of Route to Wade's Place on the Old Stage Road. Map drawn by author. 137

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added rental cabins for visitors, and according to one accOtmt, one rental cabin was that of Mrs. Moore a Madame who ran a small brothel there. With the blacksmith shop and tavern, Wade's Place easily adapted into a stagecoach station Mrs. Moor e reportedly drove a four-horse team stagecoach when needed and supposedly did so just as well if not better than any male driver. Wade called his settlement of twelve structures Wade's City," although it never received a town or a post office designation ?6 Stagecoaches continued on this rout e regularly until March 1901 when the Colorado Springs and Cripple Creek District Railroad, known as the Short Line, completed laying track between Colorado Springs and Cripple Creek. Railroad builder s followed much of the stage road for the railroad bed. Three other stagecoach routes into Cripple Creek converted to railroad routes earlier. Dave Wood's Stage and Exp ress Company operated a stage line over the Shelf Road beginnin g in 1892 between Cafion City and Victor. Durin g the late 1890s, th e Caiion City and Cripple Creek Railroad replaced the stagecoach. In direct competition with the Shelf Road the Florence and Cripple Creek Freedom Road Company built a road between Florence and Cripple Creek through what later becam e known as Phantom Canyon. Stagecoaches occupied this road until the Florence and Cripple Creek Railroad, formed under the support ofthe D & RG utilized the road by 1893. The most popular route into Cripple Creek was from Colorado Springs over Ute Pass via the Colorado Midland Railroad to Florissant. 138

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The Hanley Stage Company carried passengers from Florissant to Cripple Creek until 1895 when the Colorado Midland Railroad reached the gold mining 27 commumty. Southwestern Colorado Stagecoaching Early Settlement During 1860 and 1861 Charles Baker along with several other men investigated the mineral possibilities in the San Juan Mountains The early prospectors disregarded the warning from Ute Indian agent Christopher (Kit) Carson, that the Ute Indians owned the San Juan Mountain land and foolish trespassers needed to prepare for consequential perils. It was only after the Civil War began that Baker and the others completely abandoned the area to serve their country. Baker called the area h e explored Baker's Park or Baker City.28 This was only the beginning of white men entering the Utes San Juans Land Negotiations Although territorial governor John Evans failed at negotiating peace arrangements with the Plains Indian tribes during the early 1860s he was successful with the Ute tribes residing in the San Luis Valley, near Conejos. In an 1863 exchan ge for the tribes leaving the valley for white settlement the government gave 139

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the Utes absolute rights to the land in the western portion ofthe territory including the San Juan Mountains. With this treaty in effect, miners began exploring the mineral possibilities in the northern portion of the San Luis Valley. In 1866 mining in Kerber Creek brought a boom to what is now Saguache County including the small mining town of Bonanza. The town of Saguache emerged in 1867 as the county seat and the area's mining supply center. Although the mining that prompted settlement in the area lasted briefly, the county prospered in the lumber and farming industries. Otto Mears a Saguache wheat grower sought a direct route over which to haul his grain to Fort Garland. Not finding one he cut rough trails for his freight wagons by 1867. When former territorial Governor William Gilpin, found Mears cutting one of his trails he suggested that Mears build a travelable road into the San Luis Valley. By 1870 Mears built the Poncha Pass Toll Road which was the beginning of his road building in south central and southwestern Colorado. In 1872 Otto Mears Toll Road from Cafion City to Saguache opened for travel. Barlow and Sanderson seized this opportunity and quickly established a stage service between the two supply centers?9 As white men encroached on the treaty boundaries the United States government offered the Utes a new treaty in 1868. This treaty again decreased the amount ofUte land from the 1863 agreement. The new boundary line provided land for the tribes slightly west of present day Gunnison The federal government designated two Indian Agencies one in the White River area to serve the Northern 140

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Ute tribes and one in the southern portion of the territory to serve the Southern and Uncompahgre Utes. In consideration of the Utes forfeiting their land, the government agreed to provide the tribes supplies from the agencies, including clothing and food. Miners and settlers followed the rumored and realized riches to more isolated regions of Colorado Territory's mountains. The San Juan Mountains in Southwestern Colorado revealed silver, gold and other valuable minerals during the 1870s prompting trespass into Ute territory formation of white settlements, and an increase of tension between the whites and the Utes. In 1871, Ute Indian agent, Jabez N. Trask warned prospectors to leave or face government removal. Prospectors took his demands lightly. Shortly after this encounter the government removed Trask as agent and no further pressure encouraged trespassers to vacate. Realizing the potential mineral prosperities in the San Juans and the hazardous results if tensions mounted, the United States government persuaded the Utes to cede the large area of the San Juans and move further west once more. This move resulted in the 1873 Brunot Agreement. Once the Brunot Agreement realigned the Ute boundaries, swarms of prospectors hiked into the San Juans.30 San Luis Valley Stage Routes. With the legal authority to access the San Juans Otto Mears hired Enos Hotchkiss to build a road from Saguache into the high San Juans. While 141

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building the road Hotchkiss found significant ore deposits near Lake San Cristobal prompting the establishment ofLake City in 1874. By 1876 the Saguache toll road to Lake City opened for travel and by 1877, the road connected to the Henson Creek Toll Road that trav e l ed to Animas Forks, north of Silverton. Barlow and Sanderson quickly captured the traffic from Saguache to Lake City. By 1878, the Post Office Department mandated that Barlo w and Sanderson's mail delivery increase to a daily delivery. The same year Bradley Barlow withdrew from the firm. Although J. L. Sanderson officially renamed the firm to J. L. Sanderson and Company Barlow and Sanderson was th e common name used through the 1880s.3 1 By the early 1870s curious miners commencing their trespass to the San Juans found travel through the San Luis Valley a popular approach. Del Norte so uth of Saguache emerged in 187 2 as a supply center for the San Juan mining en terp rises and became Saguache s main competitor. In 1873 Jacob Everhart Scarff and James Miller formed the Scarff and Miller Stage Line Company providing stage service from Pueblo to Del Norte. The stage stopped at stations at San Carlos, Greenhorn, Badito, Fort Gar l and Big Bend La Veta and Alamosa.3 2 By 187 4, the Barlow and Sanderson stage line took over the route and delivered mail to Del Norte three times per week. Once builders completed toll roads from Del Norte to Antelope Springs and another from Antelope Springs to Lake City, the route was eig ht y-one miles of a "much much gent l er t errain "33 and seventeen miles l ess than the Saguach e to Lake City route. This provided Del Norte a compet iti ve 142

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advantage over Saguache since both towns already had daily stagecoach service. In 1876 the Post Office Department awarded Barlow and Sanderson the mail contract from Del Norte to Lake City another advantage in Del Norte becoming the l ead supply center of the San Luis Valley.34 (See Figure 5.8) Del Norte Stagecoach Station. Once Barlow and Sanderson took over the line to Del Norte, Jacob Scarff joined the company as a station agent for the stage terminus in Del Norte. In 1875 Jacob Scarff married Esther Lucretia Hargrove whose parents brought their family to Del Norte with the Summitville gold excitement. The new family settled in a two-room lo g cabin next to the stage station on the west edge of Del Norte. The Barlow and Sanderson l ot contained several buildings Jessie Scarff Bennington the fourth child born to the Scarffs recalled her mother's description of a large stage bam . . a l ong long barn from the alley to the street. There were two big gates which opened wid e and the stagecoach came in. The stage driver threw down his line he was through with his work for the day ... As soon as the stage coach drove into the lot, the tend ers ... put the horses into the bam as soon as they could because the horses were just steaming the drivers drove them so fast. . [The tenders] put two horses in each manger and blanketed them. They didn t feed the horses not for an hour. ... in an hour they would take the blanket off of them. Then the horses were rubbed and curried until they shone fairly. The tenders would feed the horses .... then they'd blanket them again and put straw down for them so they wouldn't get dirty.35 Esther Scarff stressed the importance of extreme care taken with the horses as she told her daughter that Barlow and Sanderson "didn't buy cheap horse s."36 With 143

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N Oro City (Leadv ille) ColoNJdo City Trinidad Figure 5.8. Map of Rout es in the San Luis Valley. Map drawn by author. 144

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over forty head of horses in th e nearby pasture, Jacob Scarff rotated the teams with every run to maintain fresh team s for the stagecoaches. Near the bam, the stage company built a fifteen-foot by twentyfoot structure to serve as the stagecoach station. The company used hand-hewn, red spruce log s to construct the front gabled, dirt roofed building. This was a typical exan1ple of the stations Barlow and Sanderson built in the San Luis Valley. When the train arrived in Del Norte in 1881 Sanderson sold the station and surrounding land Many own ers occupied the station as their home over the next sixty years. In the 1940s the owner disassembled the station, and th en r eassembled it as an open-ended car garage. The own er used some of the extra logs as roofin g material for a nearby root cellar. In 1972 the San Luis Valley Historical Society members hop ed to acquire and r estore the station. The owner agreeably gave the station and lo gs found on the property to the society With loans and contributions the society restored the station and mo ved it to the town's Centennial Park locat ed on the north side of Del Norte.37 (See Figure 5 9) San Juan Mountain Stagecoaching With toll roads carved supp l y centers estab lish ed and passengers and mail deliv ered to the newly discovered towns, Del Norte and Saguache became the gateways to the San Juans. The San Juan area contained high majestic mountains with pla t e aus and p a rk s scatter e d throu g ho u t providin g idea l l oc ati o n s f o r sm all 145

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Figure 5.9. Photograph ofthe Del Norte Stagecoach Station. Jun e 2000. Peterson Coll ec tion 146

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mining communities. Early settlers found it challenging enoug h to carry provisions into the San Juans during fair weather; howeve r with hea vy winter snowfall, a miner or sett l e r found even more harsh challenges in n egotiati ng trav el. F requentl y the y r ep lac e d their wagon wheels with ski runn ers or donn e d snowshoes or skis. During winter of 1873-74, the area near Baker s Park had three feet of snow on the ground while the nearby ranges had nearly double that amount. Early Stagecoaching Altho u gh mail delivery was sporadic at best, early mai l carriers typically utiliz ed a horse in fa i r weat h er and snowshoes in the rough w inters. With no government mail service, private carr i ers continued to charge fees above the post age rate s for irregular delivery that some called try week l y" descend to Del Norte one week and try to get back th e following one "38 On January 12 1875 th e Post Office Department aut hori zed Barlow and Sanderson to carry mail from Del Norte to Howardsville a small mining communi ty northeast of Silverton. Barlow and Sanderson's s ub sidiary Southern Overland Mail & Express C ompan y delivered the mail as far as Antelope Springs, a tollgate and stage station eas t of Howardsville. F rom there mail delivery became the responsibility of individuals experienced in s now shoeing to continue the route to Howardsville.39 This route, lat er called th e Rio Grande Route extende d west from Del Norte and included sta gecoac h stops at Wagon Wheel Gap An t e lop e Springs Franklin's Ranch Jennison (Carr's Cabin) 147

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Timber Hill and Grassy Hill. The route then traversed over the most difficult section over either Cunningham Pass or Stony Pass to Howardsville. One travel er called the Cunningham Pass section "a devilish bad road. "40 George Howard, founder of Howardsville, and his companion George Ingersoll found Stony Pass equally difficult in 1871, We found it a most miserable (alternative) being very steep and wet. I don't want any more of it .... "4 1 Althou g h Barlow and Sanderson advertised its plans to run its coaches to the early-established San Juan mining camps more than once, it never made it to Silverton or to the area immediatel y surrounding Silverton. Sanderson's coaches even tually serviced th e areas north and west of Silverton from Gunnison west to Montrose then south to Ouray, Telluride and Rico.42 Stage Lines Altho ugh r ailroad building along the Fron t Range and into the Arkansas and San Luis Valleys significantly reduced the stagecoaching business it continued for a longer period in the San Juans where the steep terrain challenged the engineering of roads suitable to a narrow gauge train. Desi gni n g the rout e, building the rail bed or laying the track over and through 12, 000 to 14 000-foot high solid rock mountain passe s was much more difficult than quickly laying rail on the relatively flat plains While waiting pati ently for the railroads to connect the new towns with supply centers the communities resident s miners and business es resorted to other mod es 148

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of transportation. Rather than utilizing costly Concord coaches the first passenger service beyond Lake City in the San Juans was a passenger buckboard wagon In the spring of 1880 the Post Office Department awarded Fred Steineger the mail contract for the Animas Canyon Route between Silverton and Animas City, a mining community south of Silverton absorbed by Durango in 1948 Steineger owned two livery stables one at each end of the line and established the most dependable transportation service between the two towns. He equipped his line The Pioneer Stage and Express Line with buckboard wagons and for winter use horse-drawn sleds He provided daily passen ge r transportation mail and express delivery. As the Pioneer's stagecoach driver s ascended the mountains from Animas City to Silverton, th e stage station tenders along the way improvised as the snow and inclement weather increased The carriers strapped on their snowshoes or saddled a horse in order to continue the mail delivery, leaving passengers behind at the station until a wagon with ski runners arrived. (See Figure 5.1 0) Ten miles south of Silverton Franz Schneider the stage station tender at Ten Mile Stagecoach Station made the last mail run in deep snow by hitching his four Newfoundland dogs to a sled. On May 13, 1881, the first four-horse coach entered the area near Silverton replacin g the buckboard wagon .4 3 New owners ofthe stage line implemented the arrival of an actual stagecoach. Horace Austin Warner Tabor and his business associate Perley Wasson 149

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VI 0 _..__ .. ....... ..... ,...;.. .... ...,.,.... ... .. .....k .... -.>-;...."'.. ':-,.., .. Figure 5.10. Photograph of a Stagecoach with Ski Runners. Courtesy ofthe San Juan Historical Society, Silverton, Colorado.

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bought Steineger's line and renamed it the Pioneer Stage and Express Company. Wasson previously owned the Leadville stage line. Tabor, known for his status and wealth from Leadville's mines and many business ventures dabbled in San Juan mining investments. This purchase provided Tabor a new opportunity to reap a quick profit before the railroad reached Animas Canyon. The new line ran a six horse team between newly established Durango north to Rockwood, the steepest section of the route and a two or four-horse t e am the rest of the way to Silverton. (See Figure 5.11). By August 1881 Tabor purchased Wasson's interest and changed the name to H. A. W. Tabor Pioneer Stage and Express Line which focused primarily on the needs between Rockwood and Rico Within a year Tabor found that the relatively small returns three lawsuits against his stage line and the imminent railroad arrival provided ample causes to sell his line to Daniel F Watson.44 Kalamazoo House and Stagecoach Station As more mining communities emerged individuals formed other routes. North from Howardsville, area miners founded Animas Forks as the first San Juan County municipal incorporation outside of Silverton The residents demonstrated their community pride by building one of the more impressive San Juan County buildings outside o f Silverton. The Kalamazoo House and stage station was Animas Forks's finest hotel. Brothers Ed M. and Squire L. Brown Animas Forks sawmill 151

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Vl N Figure 5.11. Photo g r ap h of Stagecoach with a Team of Six Horses. Courtesy of the San Juan Historjcal Society Silverton, Colorado.

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operators, built the hotel tow ard the southern end of the town's main thoroughfare. Lucius B Kendall, owner of the Bonanza lode and other nearby minin g interests partially financed the construction and named the hotel for his homet own of Kalamazoo, Michi gan. Originally Kendall built a humble frame buildin g with a false front opening it for the lod ging business in June 1881. He later expanded the structure creating an L-shaped building with a veranda extending from the interior of the L-shape. R esidents found the only telephone in Animas Forks at the Kalamazoo Hou se. The hotel closed its door s during inclement weather due to few patrons and poor heating which included most winters. Charles W Bowman, one of three broth ers to arrive in Animas Forks, first operated th e Kalamazoo concurrently with his mayoral duties. He was the inau gura l mayor of the community. Conveniently for Bowman, the sa me month that the hotel opened, the North Animas Stage Line incr eased its stagecoach services to daily and the Kalamazoo opened its door s as a stage station and hotel. From 1880 to 1881 W. G. Weston, th e owner of the line ran seasonal service from Silverton to Animas Forks Daniel F. Watson the new owner of the Tabor stage line, reali zed the fate of his Duran go to Silverton line and relocated it in 1882 to the Silverton -Animas Forks Route. This created stiff competition with the North Animas Stage Line and the North Animas eventually succumbed to Watson's superior line. When the hotel closed for the season in the fall of 1881, Bowman left to operate the Walker House in Silverton. Jam es L. Stanley took over operations be ginning in the spri n g of 1882 153

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Stanley continued to make the hotel and stage station a popular stopping place for travelers of all transportation modes and locals In July he introduced the community's first piano into the station lobby for local residents guests and stagecoach travelers to enjoy The piano was a Haines Brothers square piano from New Orleans. Stanley operated the post office from the stage station until October 1883, when he too left for Silverton.4 5 The Kalamazoo House continued serving the community for many of its needs In August 1882, the Pioneer Stagecoach encountered a serious accident about one half mile south of Animas Forks. The driver, Frank Dennis suffered severe injuries. Dr. T. J. Murray who opened his medical practice in Animas Forks in May 1882 amputated Dennis foot at the Kalan1azoo House. The amputation was not curative and Dennis died at the Kalamazoo House August 14, 1882. On October 22 1891 a fire, which began in the kitchen, destroyed the Kalamazoo House along with thirteen other Animas Forks buildings.4 6 In January 1881, United States Senator Nathaniel P. Hill announced plans for Silverton and the surrounding towns to receive mail by railroad as soon as a southern rail route was in place near the Rio Chama, in New Mexico. However, due to political and geographical complexities along with treacherous winter conditions the rails did not arrive as quickly as hoped. Due to the difficulty of providing stagecoach services over the rough terrain from the eastern side of the San Juans and with rails not in si g ht Barlow & Sanderson reported it s plans to accommodate the 154

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San Juan mail routes by establishing an operations center in Chama New Mexico Durango and Animas City received mail from Chama by the Barlow and Sanderson stagecoach, however the service did not continue to other s e ctions of the San Juans.47 (See Figure 5.12). Pine River Stagecoach Station Along Sanderson's route between Chama and Durango Charles Johnson Sr. Chas or Charle y Johnson as locals called him, provided a stagecoach station that evolved into a community center. Johnson was no strang e r to tending a stagecoach station During the early 1870s he tended the Greenhorn Stagecoach Station south of Pueblo a swing station at the base of the Greenhorn Mountains Johnson's sonin law indicated that Charley had fresh horses standing harnessed and ready to hitch onto the stage when it arriv e d and the previous teams had been unhooked from it. Then the dri v er would crack his whip and they would be off.48 By 1876 Johnson relocated to an area referred to as the middle bridge on Pine River (Los Pinos River) Johnson and his family homesteaded th e area that was on the Animas City Route approximately twenty miles east of what later became Durango and four miles north of Bayfield Johnson established a roadhouse, store and saloon and contracted with the stage line to serve as a stage station. The Post Office Department appointed Johnson as the postmaster in 1878 and named the stage station an official post 155

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N Montrox Gunnison Animas Forks r---T elluride SiiYerton R ico J\nimas C ity Durongo Chama. Figure 5.12. Map ofthe San Juan Mountain Sta gec oach Rout es. Map drawn b y a uthor. 156

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office.49 Isolated from major settlements it became the area's community gathering place A 1929 Durango Herald D e mocrat article recalled the Pine River station during its peak. Soon the Johnson place came to be known as general headquarters for the whole countryside on Saturday nights and Sundays cowmen and ranchers were there in force. Our mail service was only weekly but came in for lively patronage at that. Postmaster Uncle Charley quiet, reserved every inch a man, and wea l thy in cows and horses to boot suffered but the one sad handicap of his life He had never learned to read writing so when on these occasions the crowd would rush him for the mail then in the absence of his trusted assistant, Poney Pollock who might at that time be sitting in on an important poker game in the rear then he Uncle Charley, would be obli ged to function in his own behalf and make no mistake. The crossroads pioneer post office affair was alto g ether simple if not so effective our postmaster when about to officiate would climb to the top of his counter reach up for a big cracker box on the shelf and with the bang, bring down the whole post office upside down now fellows help yourselves and hurry I can't wait here all day. But the delinquent assistant Poney Pollock would in the end turn up to relieve his chief all flushed and bean1ing he would insist that all hands take just one .... so it came to pass that firewater, poker players, gun toters and Uncle Sam's post office were all snugly housed under one roof-if this had any undesirable e f fect on this particular community it was never noticed. 5 The activities hosted by the Pine River sta g e station did not seem to discourage fan1ilies from settlin g in the area. While Charley Johnson served liquor and played poker in the back portion of the stage station the community planned the construction of a school nearby and utilized the stage station as a voting precinct. Johnson became known for his hospitality to travelers and locals alike and as a successful rancher with 1500 cattle and 400 horses. The stock provided the 157

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stagecoach company ample choic e for matched stagecoach teams and plenty of fresh beef to serve to the passen ge rs. With such a large operation John so n hired Nehum (Nim) Hammond (or Hammonds) as the smithy, the stock tender and general assistant for th e stage station. 5 1 Fred Tycksen worked at the stage station and recalled that room s were available for travelers overnight accommodations. He r e m e mber e d the Brooklyn Cattle Company th at operated n ear Pagosa Springs, wa s a g roup of wealthy eastern peopl e who sent their sons out to run the cattle ranch.v5 2 On supply trip s to Durango the young cowboys frequently stopped at the station wher e th ey played pok e r or according to Tycksen had "a goo d time any way that offe r ed They did not know much a bou t Poker or cattle either, a nd los t mo ney a t both as a lot of th ei r stock was stolen."5 3 A stagecoach passen ge r Dr. W H. C Folsom r eme mbered th e g un s lingers who freque ntly visited Johnson 's. When Fo lsom's stage stop p e d ther e to chan ge horse s and allow pas senge rs to h ave dinn e r h e r ecalle d The Stockton Eskeridge boys were the re th ey ate with the ir guns in th eir l a p s."54 Ev en aft e r th e s tage line discontinu e d the use o f th e Pine Riv er station it continued to b e a community-gathering place. Rob e rt I sackse n assumed the role of postmaster until 1895 when the Po s t Offic e Department cancelled th e Pine River Post O ffi ce desi gnation Isacks en added sid e board s to th e logs of the sta tion and to the blacksmith shop His dau ghte r Mary H anso n recall ed that it continued as a 158

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Hotel and was a social center and a polling place. On some occasions candidates of both parties stopped there and one time my father (Robert Isacksen) had to keep the partisans in separate ends of the room. I heard much political strategy hatched out there some of it was funny, some rank all very interesting. 5 5 South central and southwestern Colorado stagecoach routes and stations differed from those on the plains. The plains routes received more publicity from Pikes Peak guidebooks Denver newspapers eastern journalists the government and travelers. Three primary routes on the plains carried stagecoaches to the major supply centers on relatively flat terrain. Conversely there were numerous routes in south central and southwestern Colorado often navigating through geographical barriers to reach a mining settlement or supply center. Settlements often grew from stagecoach stations on the plains. In contrast the stations in south central and southwestern Colorado typically adapted an existing settlement to host the stage line and essential stage station. Regardless of the differences, the stage stations in south central and southwestern Colorado Territory provided similar functions to travelers and to their communities. Whether the stations provided an eating place an elegant veranda a high stake poker game, a gathering place, or simply shelter from a blinding blizzard they were essential dwellings in Colorado's first fifty years. 159

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CHAPTER6 NORTH CENTRAL AND NORTHWESTERN COLORADO STAGECOACH STATIONS North central Colorado Territory boomed when prospectors found valuable silver ore in Leadville in 1878. In the 1860s Georgetown and Empire attracted prospectors for their silver and gold discoveries in north central Colorado Territory. Unlike other areas of Colorado Territory, northwestern Colorado Territory remained largely unsettled by whites in the first two decades after the Pikes Peak gold rush. Ute Indian tribes populated the northwestern portion of Colorado Territory until the government forced them out leaving very isolated communities. Only a few farms scattered on the western side of Berthoud Pass and the tiny resort town of Hot Sulpher Springs comprised the white population in Middle Park during the 1870s. Once prospectors found minerals in north central and northwestern Colorado Territory, stage routes and stations followed Routes and Stagecoach Stations to Empire, Georgetown, and Leadville In 1860 prospectors continued their search for gold near the present day sites of Georgetown and Empire. The areas revealed large quantities of good gold and silver discoveries. A group of the earliest miners to the Empire area called the 160

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mining camp Valley City after forn1ing the Valley City Company. They dissolved their company shortly after its emergence and briefly the mining camp remained nameless A group ofNew York miners organized and named the settlement after their home state by calling it Empire City. The Western Stage Compan y arrived in Empire City in early 1861 usin g a road extending southwesterly from Central City to an unauthorized, unchartered toll road with the toll collected at Edwards Stagecoach Station at Fall River Road. The road then turned northw est to Empire and th en south to Georgetown. The stage made the trip tri-weekly. With Wells Fargo & Co operating a stagecoach line from Denver to Central City and Black Hawk in 1867 it extended its route to Georgetown and Empire after purchasing the United States mail contract for delivery betw een Central City and Geor ge town. The company advertised that passengers who left Denver early in the morning arrived in Geor getown in time for afternoon tea. After delays du e to bridge repair the new route began in late spring of 1867 The route extended from Central City over Virginia Canyon into Idaho Springs, then to the stagecoach stations at Fall River Mill City (now known as Dumont) Downieville Empire and Georgetown Well s Fargo barely established their new rout e when a competitor the Idaho and Georgetown Express Company debuted June 20, 1867 running a passen ge r and freight buckboard wagon from Denver dir ectly west to Georgetown. By-passing Central City, it travel ed throu gh Mount Vernon. A con cerne d Wells Fargo fou ght back b y offerin g two stagecoaches on the Mount V ernon route in addition to it s 161

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route from Central City However Wells Fargo s stint on the direct route lasted only briefly.1 (See Figure 6.1) The Peck House Stagecoach Station In 1862 James Peck and his nineteen-year-old son Frank Peck found excellent mineral possibilities at Emp ir e Peck made claim to a large piece of land on a steep hill. The property s incline and its attraction to worthless boulders created an undesirabl e site for agricult ural or mining prospects. Peck however found the valley view from the hillsid e spectacular and a perfect place where he built a two-story frame house with four rooms. Peck soon found the Atlantic Mine a l arge producer of gold and the first of many mining ventures eventually comprising the Peck Gold Mining Company. Within a year, Peck expande d the four-room house by adding many spacious rooms including a twenty-four foot l adies' drawin g room creating a luxurious home restin g on a stone founda tion Concurrently Peck's wife, Mary Grace Parsons Peck and their other children joined Peck after selli n g their Chicago h ome where Peck owne d a forwarding and commission bu siness until 1861. Mary Peck, accustomed to finer modes of living hir ed a freighter to transport her solid walnut and oak furniture showpieces along with her elegant china linen and books to grace her new home.2 With few eating establishments in Empire the P ecks opened their home as a sta gec oach station and provid e d meals to stagecoach tr ave lers l ocals and other 162

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->' '0 Georgetown To JJI' South Pork Springs Bergen Park Stage St-ation Golden City House Figure 6.1. Map of th e Routes t o Empire and Geor getown. Map drawn by author. 163

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travelers. Emma Shepard Hill recalled her visit to the white clapboard Peck House when she was thirteen . . a large living room with open fireplace piled high with blazing logs, dimming the light of the several kerosene lamps and a glimpse into the room beyond where a bounteous meal was spread on a table, a real table, around which one could sit in a real chair not on a box or a wagon seat as we had done for the past ten weeks. Two or three half-grown boys lounged about the room playing with a little creature the size of a rat but with long legs, that frisked from one boy to the other. Myself a timid girl, hesitat e d to inquire what the thin g might be, finally gathering courage from the smile of the younger boy a lad of my own age I ventured to ask. The boy did not laugh at my ignore ance but proudly told me it was a dog, his dog a black and tan terrier. . I have never seen so small a specimen of a full gr own do g .... This commodious dwelling was the Peck House .... 3 With minin g companies experiencing difficultie s reducing ore for gold extraction, the late 1860s left most gold mining companies in Empire and other regions at a stand still. With no income from the Peck mines and no v isitors to the Peck dining room the Peck House and Peck's gold minin g property appeared on the Clear Creek County's 1869 delinquent tax list. To redeem their interests James Peck sold his silver mining property By 1870 the spacious Peck House dining room resembled a ghost town with only one family friend David J. Ball, joining the family for daily meals. When th e stagecoach came, it was typically only to deliver mail. Few passengers made the trip during this trying period. Glory returned in the mid 1870s when area mining companies began shipping their ore to the Boston and Colorado Smelting Company in Black Hawk for reduction With the renewed mining activity, the Peck family turned their home into a hotel and continued 164

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serving as a stagecoach station. Mining company executives from the East, investors and others began to stay at the luxurious inn. A slow and steady business emerged with notables inc l uding General Grenville M. Dodge, Phineas T. Barnum, and General William Tecumseh Sherman signing the guest register. Most of the business came from the dinin g room, with Mary Peck and her daughter-in-law, Malvina Mcintire Peck (Frank's wife), cooking. The Colorado Central Railroad terminus arrived at the foot of Floyd Hill by the early 1 870s. The United States stage line with six-horse coache s met the train at Floyd Hill to take the mail and passengers to Idaho Springs, Empire, and Georgetown.4 During the 1870s the Peck House enjoyed profitable times with a closer railroad access at Floyd Hill. With the Colorado Central Railroad reaching Georgetown by 1877 a stage line was no longer needed from Denver to Empire or Georgetown. However a new stage route opened over Berthoud Pass. It began at Georgetown continued to the Peck House and then ascended Berthoud Pass to Hot Sulpher Springs. The new rout e coupled with the nearby railroad generated more exposure for tourists to see the Peck House. The tourists along with area miners investors mining company executives, and stagecoach passengers who were regulars at the Peck House created a good business for the Pecks. The Pecks their guests and many locals frequented the hillsides near Empire where they harvested a variety of wild berries includin g ra s pberries huckleberries choke cherries and gooseberries when they were n ot dissuad e d by bears that frequented the hillsides for 165

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the same reasons. Mary Peck's house specialty was mountain trout served with wild mountain berries or a wild mountain berry torte In January 1880, James Peck died from complications after falling from his buggy. His son and daughter-in-law, Frank and Malvina Peck, moved into the Peck House to assist Mary Peck in operating the inn In the fall of 1880 Frank Peck commissioned Lewis Herrington (the carpenter who built the Peck House and previous addition in 1862 and 1863 respectively) to add a thirty-five foot by forty foot two-story addition. Completed by December 1880 the second story housed g u est rooms each with a pot belly stove, the lower story housed a reading room, office, and billiard room with a fully stocked bar for guests and locals The Rocky Mountain News reported that the addition cost Peck $2 000. (See Figure 6.2). While Frank and Malvina Peck lived with Mary Peck, they continued the grandeur she knew in the 1870s by holding various social events. They hosted several balls inviting only the prominent citizens of Empire and a select few from Georgetown. Although Mary Peck was a well-educated socialite of the town, she was no stranger to the miners and everyday people. During slow times the Peck House transformed into a miner s boarding house. Mary rang the steamship bell above her porch to summon the miners to dinner. 5 The Peck House was the first building in town to have e l ectric lights in the late 1890s. The Pecks placed red white, and blue lights over the porch for everyone in town to enjoy. A waterwheel on the Peck property generated the electricity until 166

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Figure 6.2. Ph otogra ph of t he Peck House Stagecoach Station. Courtesy of the Western History D e part ment D enver Pub lic Library. 167

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Frank Peck installed a gasoline motor to fully generate the electric power. The rest of the town received electricity at the turn of the twentieth century when the Empire Power and Light Company formed. In 1900 Mary Peck died at the age of 90. The Peck children leased the Peck House to a Mrs J. J. Quinn to manage and continue operating the inn and restaurant.6 The Denver Northwestern and Pacific Railroad reached Middle Park in 1905 traveling near the former Rollins Road rather than over Berthoud Pass. Although this decreased the number of tourists passing the Peck House many individuals continued to use horses and wagons over the former stage road. Although occasional renewed mining activity near Empire provided few vacancies at the Peck House its glory days of the late nin e teenth century were gone Frank Peck's son Howard moved to the house after Frank s death in 1917. Although Howard continued renting rooms operating an inn was not one of his primary interests. He preferred spending time in the mountains fishing making money by bootlegging liquor, or playing poker with local friends. He sold most of the elegant antiques furnished by his grandmother (Mary Peck). His divorced sister Mabel Peck Lake joined him in the 1930s to operate the inn. Mabel s goal was to recapture the lively times she remembered at the Peck House in the 1880s and 1890s. She invited well-established Peck friends to a dance at the house however the general consensus of the guests was that it "wasn't like it used to be ," especially without the hospitality of Mary Peck and the beautiful furnishings. As the house 168

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fell to disrepair and business dramatically decreased during the thirties neither Howard nor Mabel owned sufficient funds to make the repairs. They converted the inn to apartments and installed bathrooms and wood burning cook stoves for warmth and cooking. Those who remembered the Peck House in the earlier days had no kind words for the house by the late 1930s. Four years after Howard s death Mabel sold the Peck House in 1945.7 Chapter seven details the preservation of the Peck House with its owners since 1945. Georgetown to Leadville Route The rush to Leadville s riches in the late 1870s prompted road builders to extend their current routes to meet the new business needs. The Denver South Park and Pacific Railroad arrived in Buena Vista by 1880. A stage continued from Buena Vista north to Leadville. The Union Pacific Railroad s route through South Park stopped at Como before climbing Boreas Pass and Fremont Pass to Leadville by 1884. However the Colorado Central Railroad directly west of Denver stopped at Georgetown by 1877. Although Jay Gould financier ofthe Colorado Central planned to extend the Georgetown rail directly to Leadville his Georgetown Loop Railroad halted at Silver Plume.8 Striking at the opportunity Silas W. Nott established a stagecoach line to operate on a wagon road over Argentine Pass from Georgetown to Leadville He planned the route to cross Ar ge ntine Pass the Snake River the Blue River Ten 169

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Mile Creek, and Fremont Pass to Leadville in 1878. However, by February of the following year he revised his plan as the Georgetown Courier noted "The new road will cross the range over 1500 feet lower than Argentine Pass, and it can be kept open through the winter at a comparatively small cost."9 The new road called the "High Line," was a toll road. The Union Pacific Railroad and the Colorado Central Railroad pledged to transport their passengers from the East directly to Georgetown on Nott s stage service to Leadville. The new route was seventy miles shorter than any other route from Denver to Leadville. On June 1 1879 Nott operated the first passenger and express line from Georgetown to Kokomo three times each week. By July, Nott received the United States mail contract between the two towns a distance of forty-five miles. At Kokomo, the passengers and express transferred to the Cooke and Wasson stage line (owned by Ed Cooke and Perly Wasson) that continued to Leadville a distance of fifteen miles.1 0 As newcomers to Leadville rapidly filled the seats of the stagecoaches Nott started daily lines from Georgetown to Leadville Fares were $7 from Georgetown to Kokomo and an additional $3 to Leadville. Nott advertised his line as one that provided the passenger s "no walking no dust no danger. By September of 1879 Nott bought three new coaches owned one hundred horses and employed nine stagecoach drivers to support the demand of passengers swarming to Colorado s most promising silver camp. He added branch lines of his passenger and expres s service to the mining towns of Montezuma Chihuahua, Decatur and Breckenridge.11 As with many mountain sta g e companies 170

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Nott used sleighs and wagons during winter months. The Leadville Weekly Herald gave a cautionary statement to passengers in January 1880 Trusting one's life in the sleighs and wagons that are now crossing the range is almost as dangerous an undertaking as walking out after dark in the street of this city used to be some months ago. This does not arise from the carelessness of the drivers or from the insecurity of the vehicles, which are used for the business, but almost entirely, from the dangerous character of the road It is full of ice and snow and despite the greatest care exercised, accidents will sometimes happen.1 2 Nott periodically switched his route from the High Line to Argentine Pass when the High Line had too much snow. Since the Argentine Pass Route had sharper curves than the High Line, Nott used Stoddard wagons instead of coaches for passengers and mail. Nott's son Frank Nott indicated in an interview several years later that befor e reaching the summit of th e Argentine Pass the stage driver stopped, allowed the hor ses to catch their breaths and then made a "fast dash to the summit." Frank Nott recalled that th e stage tenders avoided shodding the horses during winter months since th e hors es cut themselves when they slipped on the icy road. During the summer months the stage tenders shod the horses with heavy shoes containing b l unt corks .13 171

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Middle Park Routes and Stagecoach Stations Middle Park Routes During the 1860s, railroad executives road building entities individuals, and government agencies surveyed, studied and analyzed the possibility of constructing a road or railroad over Berthoud Pass and on to Salt Lake City. Each found that it was not a feasible task. William H. Russell former principal ofthe defunct Central Overland California & Pikes Peak Expres s, was one ofthe individuals determined to find a travelable road over the pass. In 1863 Russell's party using the route that Edward Berthoud surveyed in 1861, built a trail within three miles of the summit of Berthoud Pass. Keeping to his reputation Russell ran short of capital before his group finished cutting the trail. Finding no stage company railroad, or individual to rescue him from his financial woes Russell moved on to other ventures. 14 During 1873 road builder John Quincy Adams Rollins financed a road from Rollinsville west over South Boulder Pass (11 ,680 feet) that descended into Middle Park near present day Tabernash He completed his road the Rollinsville and Middle Park Wagon Road, in June 1874 This provided an a lt ernate and better route to Hot Sulpher Springs rather than negotiating the rough trail from Empire over Berthoud Pass. Some concerned Georgetown and Empire citizens decided to revisit the old idea of buildin g a wa g on road over B e rthoud Pa ss. Henry D e Witt Clinton 172

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Cowles explored the trail with others and found that previous attempts by William H. Russell provided a significant trail that they could extend, improve and complete. William H. Cushman Georgetown s First National Bank president, financed the road by selling stock in the new company, the Georgetown Empire and Middle Park Wagon Road Company. Lewis De Witt Clinton Gaskill supervised the road building The road opened November 18, 1874 Both the Rollinsville and the Berthoud Pass roads opened only seasonally. The Colorado Stage Company operated the Georgetown to Hot Sulpher Springs route twice weekly and by July 1876 established initial stations between Georgetown and Hot Sulpher Springs including the Peck House, Freeman's Saw Mill Pinnacle Cozens Ranch (where passengers bought a noon meal) Junction (the Junction of the Berthoud Road and the Rollins road near present day Tabernash) the George Phillips Ranch and Hot Sulpher Springs at the Ganson House The distance between Georgetovm and Hot Sulpher was approximately forty-five miles which took about nine hours. (See Figure 6.3) The Colorado Stage Company continued the route Wells Fargo previously established from Floyd Hill, where in 1874 the Colorado Central Railroad located its terminus.1 5 Cozens Ranch Stagecoach Station In 1842, Mary York sailed from Ireland to Canada with her parents and her brother. Her father died durin g the journey and her mother died three months after 173

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Middle Park Hot Sulpher Springs N Cozens Ranch Georgetown Figure 6.3 Map of Rout es to Middle Park Map drawn by author. 174

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arriving in Canada Orphaned, Mary worked as a servant for families in Canada. At age twelve, she moved to New York and continued her servant trade. The family for whom she worked in 1860 was the McGee fami ly. They convinced Mary to accompany them west to find their fortune in the Pikes Peak Gold Rush. During their travels, Mr. McGee conceived a scheme to make him rich whether or not he found gold. When Mary overheard McGee revealing his plan to his shocked and dissenting wife she learned his true intentions. He planned to seduce Mary then solicit her as a prostitute in the gold mining camps. Mary's first thought was suicide. Being a devout Catholic though she did not beli eve in suicide and decided instead to flee from their South Platte River bivouac the on plains. Within a few hundred yards of the McGee camp Mary York found John H. Gregory's camp. He was l eading a group of gold prospectors to the Rocky Mountains. Listening to her dilemma, Gregory assured her safety while she was in their company. She cooked and laundered the group's clothing as payment for her food safety, and passage They arrived at Gregory Diggings in the spring of 1860. She found work in Central City as a laundress at a boarding house until she met and married William Cozens, a board e r where she worked.16 Six-foot-two inch tall William Zane Cozens served as the Central City sheriff during the 1860s. Before Central City had a jail legend claims that William once handcuffed two horse thieves to his and Mary s bedpost. He threatened their lives if they dared to stir his sleeping wife and baby. His threat alone deterred the 175

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thieves. Alarmed by the entire incident, Mary convinced him that the city needed a jail. The Cozens' visited Middle Park for outings and fishing and fell in love with the solitude it offered. As Central City grew, Mary (only five feet tall, yet ruler of the household) insisted they raise their three young children away from the wild and h e ctic city. Middle Park was the logical choice In 1872, they bought 160 acres of Grand County property for $519.72 from squatter George Grimshaw. Grimshaw previously used the land for producing hay however he quickly learned that it was premature for a hay market in the area. For several years, two lar ge haystacks rotted in hjs meadow. Locals identified the property as Two Sta c ks Ranch or "The Ha y Stacks Cozens, a New York carpenter's apprentice before he journeyed west, built a small cabin and prepared the meadow for farming and rancrung. Cozens eventually bought adjoirung land to create a farm and ranch extending over 700 acres.17 With the Berthoud Pass road accessible to traveler s by 1874 travelers found Cozens as the first sign of civilization after they descended Berthoud Pass into Middle Park. The ranch soon becam e a popular stopping place for travelers and locals. To accommodate their growing enterprise William Cozens built a larger house and additional buildings on the site in 1874. Constructed of six-inch thick planked logs, a one and one-half story, vernacular house became Cozens s new home. White vertical boards and battens covered the planks. He built the rectan gu lar house with a stone foundation and a front gabled roof. Additionally he 176

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built a small stone room at th e back of the house for cold storage. Cozens buried the bottom two feet of this room's walls allowing for an indoor ground cellar. Two four-over-four windows flanked a centered fro nt door to the house The window design continued throughout th e house. Only two windows existed in the upper story, one at each end of a hallwa y with three bedrooms on each hall side. According to Cozens since guests used th ese b e drooms only at night for sleeping windows were unnecessary. A one-story shed roofed porch extended across the front of the house and wrapped around to the east side. Pl a in square posts supported the porch. The first floor of the hou se contained a kitchen, parlor, two bedrooms, and a long hallway in which a staircase ascended to the second floor. Extending to the side and back of the house Co zens constructed a one-story shed addition containing two rooms one for the post office and the other for the stagecoach station. Construction of the addition matched the board and batten material used for the house. An attic existed above the stage station. Today, ghost markings of an exterior stairway reveal the form e r access to the attic. Outbuildings including a large barn and water tower locat e d in front of the house no longer exist. 1 8 (See Figure 6.4) The family operated a stage station post office and inn from their home beginning in 1876. Ladies staying with th e Cozens rec eive d priority to th e six room s on the second floor whil e men stayed in the ha y loft of the lar ge log bam. 177

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F i g ur e 6.4. Photograph ofthe Cozens Ranch Stagecoach Station Courtesy of the Western History D e p a rtm e nt D enve r Publi c Library. 178

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Travelers' livestock along with the ranch stock shared the barn accommodations with the male travelers. The stagecoach ran daily from Georgetown to Hot Sulpher Springs with a stop at Cozens home station. Passengers paid $10 for the one-way trip. During the 1880s and through the tum of the century railroad financiers analyzed the feasibility of establishing a route over Rollins Pass and into Middle Park to Hot Sulpher Springs. A surveying team drove stakes down the middle of the Cozens's hay meadow. When William Cozens found the stakes, he immediately removed them and placed them on the other side of his fence. The next day when the surveyors returned to replace the stakes Cozens was ready for them Armed with his rifle he sat on his front porch. Each time a surveyor drove a stake into the ground Cozens shot it out of the ground. The railroad quickly decided to reroute the line beyond the Cozens's property where the railroad still exists today.1 9 As Charles Kassler and his friends journeyed to Middle Park he noted in his diary for July 11, 1885 "went to Cozzens [sic] after some butter. Some men were shooting at a target and it scared spotty [his rented horse] every time and made her jump."2 0 William Cozens never saw the train enter Middle Park He died in 1904. In 1905, the Denver Northwestern, and Pacific Railroad reached the north side of Middle Park eliminating the need for the stage line and station. The Post Office Department relocated the post office to a ranch closer to the town of Fraser. Mary York Cozens died in 1909. The Cozens's ranch stayed in th e family until 1924 179

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when the surviving two unmarried children deeded the property (over 700 acres) to the Jesuits of Regis College for the use by the Jesuit Fathers. The new owners renamed the ranch Maryvale in memory of Mary York Cozens and her daughter Mary Elizabeth Cozens. The Fathers used the peaceful acreage as a retreat and by removing the walls ofthe first floor of the house used it as a Catholic chapel until 1980. In 1980 they relocated the chapel due to the large number of parishioners. The Jesuits used the second floor stage station and post office mostly for storage and did not maintain the property very well.2 1 Today the stage station serves as a community pioneer museum. Chapter seven details the restoration and preservation of Cozens Ranch Stagecoach Station. Ganson House Stagecoach Station/Stagecoach Inn Hot Sulpher Springs was the resort town that Rocky Mountain News editor William N. Byers founded as his playground in Middle Park. He promoted the town as a health resort with hot sprin g s containing healing minerals The stagecoach arrival in 1874 facilitated the town becoming a popular resort area. Built in 1874 for W. H. Ganson the Ganson House operated as a stagecoach station and hotel. Originally a two-story, front gabled structure Ganson enlarged the hotel and stage station in 1876 to accommodate his growing business. An advertisement in the Rocky Mountain Ne w s noted that the Ganson House offered daily, weekly or monthl y boardin g with or without lod ging Fr es h trout and g ame w ere hou s e 180

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specialties. Walker McQueary bought the established stop in the 1880s and continued the hostelry business.22 Charles Kassler born in Denver in 1870, never experienced a stagecoach ride and rarely if ever, saw the stagecoaches leaving Denver to Central City or other locations during the 1870 s When he and his three friends followed the main wagon and stagecoach routes to Middle Park in 1885, he found a fascination that stagecoach travel provided. Tues. July 14, 1885 went to Hot Sulpher Springs to see ifthere was any mail. About supper time we enjoyed the novelty of watching the coach come in as yet ov er in that country, travel by rail, had not been extended. As the coach with its great red and black body and yellow trunk came thundering down the hill it made rather an interesting spectacle to one to whom it is not an everyday occurance [sic].23 Although the inn was simple and rooms were small, guests came to the Ganson House for hunting excursions and the hot springs near Hot Sulpher Springs. The July 20 1876 Rocky Mountain News indicated that the buildings in Hot Sulpher Sprin gs were put together in the most primitive manner and had "very rough exteriors, which render them anything but inviting to the tourist." However, the article continued by noting that the medicinal springs attracted more tourists and invalids each year. The inn's noted guests included Teddy Roosevelt William Howard Taft, Wyatt Earp, and Doc Holliday. The current owners claim that the honeymoon suite houses the bed in which Roosevelt slept. Since 1900 the inn changed hands many times along with its name that changed to The Stagecoach Inn. Today it continues to offer guest accommodations as a bed and breakfast called The 181

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Stagecoach Country Inn with fourtee n g uest rooms and a restaurant open to the bl 24 pu IC. North Park and Northwestern Colorado St agecoac hing The M eeke r Mas sacre As white settl ers invaded Native American land s in the Rock y Mountains the United States governme nt forced the trib es into smaller and smaller restricted areas. By the 1870 s the Uncompa g hre Ute tribe occupied North Park and Northw estern Colorado Territory. Nathan Meeker former agr icultural ed itor of th e New York Tribune and co-found e r ofUnion Co lon y (lat er Greeley), accepted th e appointment as th e Indian agent at the White River Agency in 1878. Meeker's philosophy was to colonize th e Indians in a plann e d agricultural society teach them white farmi ng m ethods and educate yo un g Indian children the "whit e way." His plans slowly ricoch ete d on him T h e northern Ute tribes protested his cultural ref01m Wh e n M eeker or d e r ed his men t o plow over the tribes' r acetrack where t he trib es h eld wild hor se races and wageri ng, it was the b eginni n g of th e end to Meeker's r e i g n. By the summ e r of 1879 many Ut es l eft the reservation agains t Meeker's strict orders to rem a in A few retaliated b y committing minor depr edations, setting forest fires and occa s ionally burnin g w h ite sett lers' ho mes. Other dis g runt l ed trib e 182

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members went to the Denver office of the newly elected governor, Frederick Pitkin to file complaints against Meeker and his reform policies. After a Ute leader, Johnson, physically attacked Meeker Meeker requested military protection from Fort Garland in southern Colorado and Fort Steele in Wyoming for his own and the agency employees safety As a group of Fort Steele soldiers led by Major Thomas T. Thornburgh, traveled to the White River Agency in the fall of 1879 a group of Utes ambushed them killing thirteen soldiers' and Major Thornburgh With the persuasion of Chief Ouray, the Utes raised a white flag surrendering. However, it was too late for Meeker. Troops found Meeker and eleven other white men dead at the agency when they arrived Although some citizens along with United States Senator Henry M Teller wanted punishment for the attacks United States Senator Nathaniel P Hill believed punishment was less important than the removal of the Utes from the state. Hill's stance seemed to be a popular view with Coloradoans as the Denver Times offered the editorial that Either they [the Utes] or we must go and we are not going. Humanitariani s m is an idea. Western Empire is an inexorable fact. He who gets in the way of it will be crushed?5 Many white settlers of Colorado s Western slope used the slogan "Utes must go in referencing the situation A group of Ute Indians accompanied by Chi e f Ouray met with representatives in Washington in 1880. They entered a treaty relocating the Southern Utes to a reservation on the border of southern Colorado and northern 183

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New Mexico and relocating the Uncompahgre Utes to land near the junction of the Gunnison and Colorado Rivers?6 Pinkhampton Stagecoach Station Since the settlers initially found no mineral value in North Park it remained isolated to the white man and home to many Ute tribes prior to their relocation and some after the relocation. Individuals from Laramie Wyoming the largest settlement near North Park instituted trading operations with the North Park Utes. Typically the Utes appreciated the trade and befriended the whites. James 0. Pinkham, from Octonvale, Canada left his family in 1868 to work for the railroads in various locations arriving in Laramie in the early 1870s. He trapped and hunted in North Park returning to Laramie to trade the hides and furs for gold. With little white exploration into North Park no one yet unveiled its mineral possibilities. Pinkham discovered good placer mining in the streams and creeks throughout the park. He knew the area so well that the United States government employed Pinkham in 1874 as a scout and guide to government surveyors into the North Park region. By 1875 Pinkham moved to North Park established a trading operation with local tribes and easily created a monopoly for his business. In History of Larimer County, Ansel Watrous claimed Pinkham was the sole occupant living in the extreme north end of what is known as the neck of the Park. This trapper, prospector and hermit was a man by the name of Pinkham hardy of nature and rustic of habit.2 7 184

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Pinkham enjoyed North Park so much he wrote to his wife and six children requesting that they join him. His wife refused however his grown son James arrived in 1876. Together they built a homest ea d in 1876 within ten miles of the Colorado-Wyoming border and fifty miles from Laramie Another son William a daughter Rosalie Pinkham Allard and son-in-law, George Allard, joined Pinkham in 1889 Although Pinkham found the Indians with whom he traded always friendly, he held some safety concerns with the ongoing tensions between the whjtes and Indians. As a precaution, he built his one story log house in a blockade style resembling a small fort. Locals later referred to it as the block house ." After the Meeker Massacre in 1879, his concerns heightened. Pinkham added a second story over a portion of th e block house that extended slightly over the first level. Pinkham accessed the second story from an exterior staircase. Windows offered limited views of the surrounding areas for any suspicious activity and if needed, portholes in the second story provided holes from which occupants could fire guns. Pinkham never need e d to test the security of his house. Pinkham added several out buildings and the tiny communjty becan1e known as Pinkhamton. On October 24, 1879, the Unjted States Post Office Department designated Pinkhamton as a post office with Pinkham as the postmaster. His postmaster skills included gathering mail in a box that he kept under his bed then allowing the patrons to shuffle through the box to obtain their mail. In 1881 the Grand County Tim es indicated that 185

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Pinkham ton was "a cluster of buildings generally crowded with man and beast . where the traveler can be assured of a game supper any season of the year. "28 By the late 1870s miners drifted into the southern portion of North Park looking for new mineral discoveries. Madore Cushman found silver at Jack Creek southwest of Cameron Pass and nearly fifty mjles south ofPinkhamton in 1879. The strike prompted the formation of Teller City by 1881 with 300 residents. By 1882 the town boasted 1300 residents. A new rush for silver began with few passable trails for prospectors. The Patrick Brothers Stage Company quickly turned a primitive trail from Laramie into a stagecoach route and wagon road. The stage company commissioned Pinkham to offer his home as the first stagecoach station south of Laramie and established a few more before reacrung the Yates House in Teller City one hundred miles from Laramie. The fare for the one-way trip was $11.29 (See Figure 6.5) In his autobiography Clement C. Carter recalled traveling on the Laramie and North Park route when he was eight years old to Teller City. He traveled with his parents during the winter of 1883. With deep snow the stagecoach company offered its passengers seats on the mail sleigh. Coaches or wagons presented risks of getting stuck in the deep snow or sliding out of control. Carter's group witnessed such a traveler. Halfway up [the pass] we passed the covered wagon of a new settler with his mule team stuck up to their bellies in snow. He was digging 186

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Wyoming Colorado I Pinkhamtof\ 1 Virginia Dale North Par k Teller C ity Fort Collins Hot S ulpher Figure 6.5 Map of the Route from Laram i e to Teller C ity. Map drawn b y author. 187 I

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them out and with the true self-reliance of a frontiersman refused any offers of help and said he would get through .30 The mail sleigh reached Pinkhamton in the evening where the Carters and other passengers spent the night at the block house." Although Carter called the stage station "fairly primitive," he distinctly remembered pink curtains in the windows and that it was very clean."3 1 H e called it a log building surrounded by a few shacks and stables. The following afternoon the frontiersman with the wagon and mule team found his way to Pinkhamton Although Carter was curious he refrained from asking the man how he mana ge d to survive the sub-zero temperatures and to maneuver over the snow and drift plastered pass. The Carter family settled ten miles south ofPinkhamton on the Canadian River near the Canadian post office. By 1884 the resident s of Teller City quickly deserted the town to find new riches in oth er parts of th e state, such as Leadville. The Grand Lak e Prospector stated in 1883 that the vicinity had "enough ore in these hills to support thousands for years to come."32 However, the nearest smelter in Georgetown caused great inconveniences and exorbitant transportation costs for the mining companies to prosper or even maintain operating costs Although the stage line discontinued service once Teller City died the Pinkhamton post office continued to serve the community's rancher s until 1904 By 1938 the house continued to stand in good condition Years later, several local residents dismantled the house hauled the logs to Walden, and hoped to reassemble and preserve it. 188

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However without appropriate protection locals removed the large logs and used them for firewood. Nothing remains of the blockhouse today.33 Rock Creek Stagecoach Station Although Joseph Hahn and his companions found placer gold near what is today Hahn's Peak in the 1860s, it was nearly ten years before a mining company turned it into a mining community. By the mid 1870s a mining company introduced large-scale hydraulic mining techniques to the area and beckoned gold hungry prospectors. By 1877 the town was large enough to warrant a post office. For investors and miners to investigate the prospects by stagecoach, they started their joumey over 130 miles at Georgetown or Rollinsville. From Georgetown the stagecoach traveled over Berthoud Pass and from Rollinsville it traveled over the Rollins and Middle Park road. The routes converged near present day Tabemash and continued to Hot Sulpher Springs Gore Pass Steamboat Springs and ended at Hahn's Peak. On the westem descent of Gore Pass, forty miles south of Steamboat Springs, the stagecoach stopped at the Rock Creek Stagecoach Station by 1882 (near present day Oak Creek). Although some sources indicated that the stage station was present by 1880, neither the station nor the route reveal themselves on an 1881 government land map. However it is unknown in what year the government gathered the information for the 1881 publication date. In an 1881 189

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entry to Lulie Crowford's diary she indicated that she met the "mail carrier at the half-way station on Rock Creek just at the foot of the Gore Pass on the west side."34 Although little is known about the Rock Creek Stagecoach Station it remains a unique example of creative use architecture. The station was a two-story hand hewn log structure with a side gabled roof. The large shell of a building that remains revealed partitions on the ground floor consistent with animal stables. A stage tender, or oth e r residents, accessed the second floor from an exterior staircase, no longer attached. Living quarters on the second floor contained a central hall plan and evidence of a b alc ony or deck that extended from a second floor opening. No windows windowsills or doors remain intact. A staircase from the second floor living quarters ascended to a large attic. Owners made two or three additions to the structure over time. It is very unusual to have animals and humans occupy the same structure. Perhaps it provided convenience for the stage tender in accessing the stage horses in the midst of winter. The Denver Northwest and Pacific Railroad reached Oak Creek and Steamboat Springs in 1909 eliminating the need for the use of a stagecoach in this isolated part of Colorado. The stage station received a National Register of Historic Places listin g in 1982 and continues to stand in fragile condition in Routt National Forest.35 With the railroad reaching remote towns well after the tum of the twentieth century stagecoach stations on main railroad-less stagecoach routes served miners executives, investors farmers, local resident s and travelers during and extending 190

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beyond Colorado's first fifty years Additionally, stagecoaches were vital partners with the early railroads in providing the last link of passenger transportation to important supply centers, prosperous mining towns, and healthful resort centers An industry that often carved trails for railroads roadways and hig hways, the stagecoaching indu stry and the stagecoach stations offered a synthesis and bonding of Colorado residents and visitors. Although many sta gecoac h station tenders did not build their homes as stagecoach stations, they opened their homes to the community and to stra ngers providing th em with food, shelter, libations, post office s religious services entertainment, protection, campsit es, direc tio ns landm arks, supplies camaraderie, and occa siona l lod g ing. They facilitated in the growth and prosperity of the re gio n by providin g services for the newcomers visitors, and community. It is th e only tran spo rtation bu siness that offered such a broad spectrum of services, and many for no charge to the traveler or resident, but as a communal response for th eir need for community. 191

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CHAPTER 7 COLORADO STAGECOACH STATION PRESERVATIO Colorado's early inhabitants practiced preservation of their cultural tradition s and histo ry orally and in rock art. However, only within the last forty years have Coloradoans actively concerned themselves with historic building preservation. Among the best preserved stagecoach stations in Colorado today are Cozens Ranch Four Mile House the Peck House and the Cliff House. This chapter will examine the preservation of these stagecoach stations that surv i ved the elements for over 120 years and now include preservation as part of their purpose. Additionally it will explore the stagecoach stations' uses, once they became obsolescent. Rehabilitated and Recycled Stagecoach Stations wit h Uses for the Twenty-First Century Cozens Ranch Stagecoach Station The Jesuit Fathers of Regis College of Denver used the Cozens property left to them as a retreat. Event ually, they removed the first floor walls of the house and transformed the area into a Catholic chapel. The parishioners outgrew the popular 192

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chapel's accommodations b y 1980 r e quirin g Regis to rel ocate the chapel. The Jesuits u se d the second floor, sta ge station, and post office mo s tly for storage. Basic maint enance and r epai r s were not a priority to th e Fathers an d the property suffered.1 A Fraser Valley newspaper journ alist, Patrick Bro wer, expressed his concern ofthe n eg lect by titlin g an articl e Please Shovel th e Roof at Cozens Ranch." He publicly pleaded to the owners to c l ear the already sagging porch roo f topped with e i g ht een inches of snow. The possibility of the roof withstanding another hea vy s now storm was doub tful to Bro wer. Every da y it snows, and every tim e I drive into Winter P ark, th at sick fee lin g at the pit of my stomach returns It's b eg innin g to seem as i f we won't need t o wor ry abo ut preserving the buildin g at all i f the porch caves in. We 'll just have to worry a bout pr eserv in g it and r e buildin g it a n ee dless waste of tim e and money .... Becau se the roof wasn't shove l e d b ack in th e wint er. . 2 T h e Grand Co unt y Histo ric a l Associat ion watche d thi s historic build ing closely as the lack of maint enance j eo pardi zed its future. When th e Frase r Fire Department condemned th e site in 1979 th e Association appea led to Regis to either restore th e buildin g or don a t e it to th e A ssoc i a tion. The Assoc iation's goa l was t o preserve th e buildin g and nomin ate it as a Nationa l Historic Site, and if acq uired, convert it to a museum.3 However the property owner's prim ary concern was the d eve lopment opportunities th e acreage offered. Regis and the Fraser Pla nning Commission 193

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worked together on a property sales proposal for residential and commercial use Representatives for Regis made ambivalent statements for their plans. Father Ralph Houlihan noted in 1985 We would anticipate those people (the historical association] would put mone l into the project. We are not in the business ofrunning a museum. In February of 1986 he stated, I don't think it (the hou se] should be demolished but we don't want to say it has to be saved,"5 making it clear that the owner would not place any restrictions on saving the house in a sales contract.6 In a December 6, 1985 article in the Sky High News, Patrick Brower wrote "Ye p I mu st admit, next to all those contemporary structures nearby the old Cozens Ranch Building looks well, out-of-date. It is. And that's why it should be saved ." His article reminded readers that "not all people live in condos ," and that Cozens Ranch provided an important history Jesson. There was more to Fraser Valley than golfing and skiing. Ranch e rs, farmers, and other pioneers worked hard for their living and appreciated land "not for it s r esa le value, but for what they could cull from it."7 Regarding the Regis Fathers, Brower stated, And now the Regis Jesuit community, which was given what is called the Maryvale property ... by a grateful rancher isn t exactly paying a whole lot of attention to that building. Or to couch it in almost religious terms they aren t really considering th e value of a building that could remind u s and future generations of our mortality. 8 In 1986 after much negotiation, Regis deeded the house and a small portion of land totaling approximately one-quarter acre to the town of Fraser. In 1987 the 194

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town gave the property, including the Cozen family cemetery and the house, to the Grand County Historical Association. The Grand County Historical Association raised over $300,000 to restore the Cozens Ranch after acquiring the property. The association hired Long Hoeft Architects for the restoration project. They replaced the sagging roof over the porch, replaced most of the lath and plaster walls with drywall replaced the walls remo ved by th e Jesuits when they enlarged their chapel, and replaced the deteriorated wooden stage station floor with red linol eum. Additionally they added electricity a central heating system running water and public restrooms.9 The Grand County Historical Association converted the original kitchen into a gift shop where visitors begin their tours. The parlor and main floor bedroom contain period furnishings and many descriptive photographs educating the visitors. The room that the association believed to be the Cozens dining room now hosts captioned photographs ofthe Cozens family and of Fraser Valley pioneers. The room includes artifact cases, a diorama of the Cozens Ranch as a stagecoach station and post office and a relief map of Fraser Valley, the Continental Divide, and Berthoud Pass. Members of the historical association found carpet r emna nts original to the house stored on the site that they now display. The second floor originally offered six rooms for travelers' use. The association transformed these into six different exhibit rooms. Eac h room now presents a different aspect of the area's history. Topics included in the room exhibits are Edward L. Berthoud and 195

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Berthoud Pass history, Doctor Susan Anderson ("Doc Susie") who lived and practiced medicine in Middle Park from 1909 to 1956 and Middle Park's log ging industry that reveals the home's original hand-hewn walls. One room depicts the accommodations that Cozens stagecoach station offered an overnight guest. 10 The Grand County Historical Association owns Cozens Ranch Museum and manages it. It reli es on various spec ial events daily public tours, school tours, and grants for funding. The towns of Fraser and Winter Park along with Grand County supply addi tional funding to th e museum. For its preservation and rehabilitation accomplishments, the historical association received the Colorado Historical Society's Bancroft History Project Award for the greatest contribution to Co lorad o history in a rural community during 1990. The National Register of Historic Places listed the site in June 1988.11 Four Mile House Stagecoach Station Millie Booth expressed her initial dislike for Colorado Territory in a l etter to an unidentified relative in the East, "This is an awful country to liv e in and only good to die in to fertilize the grass-and the sand bank s."1 2 However she grew to like it enough to spend the rest of her life at the Four Mile House. Through the years the Booth family changed the house to meet their needs. In the 1860s they covered the twenty-two foot by thirty-two foot hand-hewn log house with white clapboard and added a wood fram e st ructur e from a n earby house. Keeping with 196

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Victorian styles, in the 1870s they added omately decorated porches and bay windows. In 1883, the Booths built a steeply pitched brick addition to the white clapboard portion. The Booths eventually bought surrounding property creating a 600-acre farm. The Booth's youngest child Ella Grace Booth Working, and her family lived on the property until 1946 when they sold the house and part of the acreage to Glen Boulton.13 The significance of the Four Mile House was evident during the 1930s when the Historic American Building Survey (HABS) recorded the house. Of the twelve Denver buildings recorded by HABS in the 1930s the Four Mile was the first residential structure.14 In 1941 the Peace Pipe Chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution placed a marker at th e Four Mile House as part of their annual convention of the American Pion eer Trails Association. The Madam e Regent of the organization clearly indicated in her speech that the orgaruzation hoped that the house and trees around it "might be kept ... as a memorial to the Pion ee r Spirit. ... "15 Not until 1950 did various individuals begin seriously discussing the possibility of preserving the Four Mile House. Edgar McMechen Colorado's Curator of Museums hoped to interest a local group in preserving the property as a tran sporta tion mus e um. However the acquisition and pre serva tion costs were not attractive to non-profit groups at the time. A few years later Dr. Nolie Mumey, a local physician and historian considered buying and establishing a museum surrounded by picnic grounds. However, Denver's expansion in the Four Mile 197

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neighborhood caused property prices to increase to a point that it was not feasible for one person to purchase the property and restore the stage station.16 The interest in the Four Mile House prompt ed the Denver Landmark Commission to designate it as a Denver Landmark in 1968. The National Re g ister of Historic Places listed the property in 1969. Land dev e loper Don Vest a l offered to buy the acreage in 1971 and gift two acres on which th e Four Mile House stood to the city or state with the contingency that the city zone the remaining ac reage as R-2A (high d ensity residential). If approved Vestal planned to build a four and one-half story apartment building with 244 apartments complete with penthouses t ennis courts fountains and parking. Area residents voiced their concerns that sufficient R 2A housing existed in the area and with the thou ght of overcrowding adamantly reject ed Vestal's id ea. Residents questioned why the city overlook ed the obvious purcha s in g the property for an historic city park This prompt ed inspiration to the city's Landmark Commission. In 1976 Boulton sold the hou se and twelve remaining acres to the City and County of Denver's Park s and Recreation Departm ent to develop as a park and museum. The parks department used parks and recreation bond funds and Community Dev elopme nt Act money for the purchase 1 7 The Denver Parks and Recreation Foundation Inc. spearheaded the restoration and pre serva tion project of the Four Mile House. They hired Edward D. Whit e Jr. as th e architect in char ge of re s tor a tion. Th e Park People a private group 198

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of individuals interested in th e house's preservation, raised money and assisted in the interior restoration. Included in the major restoration project was the removal and repair (or replacement if necessary) of the clapboard siding, wooden floors, wallpaper, roof, and electrical components. The hous e never had running water, except through an outside well and a hand pump located in the kitchen; the renov ation pr eserved this aspect. The r estorat ion team removed many layers of paint and wallpaper in the hallway between what was the tavern and the parlor. They found two-foot square wallpaper samples, all of a simi lar color, as the first layer of wall covering. They speculated that a paperhanger or wallpaper dealer provided these samples to Mary Cawker, the owner of the Four Mile House from 1860 to 1864, either gratis or at a very low price. Sometime after the Booths sold the house, the ne w owner painted the 1880 brick exterior addition white with green trim. Although the restoration team carefully removed the paint, white paint markings remain on the brick along with flecks of green paint around the window frames. Once the Denver Parks and Recreation Department purchased the property many local indiv iduals donated furniture and artifacts original to the house. The Four Mile House received a $75,000 grant from the State Historical Fund in 1997 to make repairs and improve the heating and venti l ation system. The Four Mile Historic Park preserved other aspects of the site. The yellow rosebu shes surrounding the house are original to the Booth's ownership during the 1870s or 1880s. A Victorian garden on one side of the house g row s the same types 199

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of herbs and flowers that the Booths grew in their garden. Levi Booth and his family traveled to the Rocky Mountains to choose the stately coniferous trees that still shade the front of the house .1 8 In the 1970s the Four Mile Historic Park received a circa 1900 stagecoach as a donation. Colorado Spring's rodeo personnel acquired the coach in the 1950s and used it to escort rodeo queens and community dignitaries to the rodeo arena. The Colorado Historical Conservancy trained correction center inmates in Ordway, Colorado to restore stagecoaches. In 1996 inmates restored Four Mile's stagecoach. The park uses it today for it s many special community events by providing stagecoach rides around the park. The City and County of Denver owns the Four Mile Historic Park and the board of directors of the park manage s it.19 The significance of the Four Mil e House include s it being the old est surviving house in Denver and an important stagecoach station and stopping place on two important historic routes into Denver. Preserv e d, Restored, and Reconstructed Stagecoach Stations The Peck House Lillian Rice Brigham described the Peck House in her 1938 Colorado Trav e lore as "Empire s shabby Peck Hotel"' that was th e 'stylish stopping place of the rich old camp on the route NW."20 Although the Peck family sold the Peck House in 1945 to Mrs. Eudocia B ell Smith a former Colorado Democratic State 200

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Senator it continued to receive little or no attention. Smith, who resided in Silver Plume neither operated the Peck House as an inn nor occupied the house. Weather time, and neglect preyed on the former inn and stagecoach station. The Rocky Mountain Herald called it "dilapidated." Finally in 1955 sisters Louis e (Collbran) Harrison and Margaret Collbran granddaughters of Adolph Coors and Henry Collbran,21 purchas e d the Peck House for an undisclosed price. After their acquisition, they spent $40,000 updating and remodeling the Peck H ouse They held a grand openin g on January I 1956 calling their hostelry Hotel Splendide (pronounced Splend e ed).22 On openin g day Empire residents and hotel guests found a cocktail loun ge, a streamlined kitchen a breakfast room a larg e dining room a dance hall, and nine guest rooms. A window behind the bar framed a view of Clear Creek Valley which Harrison and Collbran believed was splendid. This led to the nam e change. Claret carpets, de ep red drape s, and gilt figur e d wallpaper g ave the hotel Victorian charm once again Lam p globes found in the hallway and lounge were originally gas lamp globes lo cate d in the Colorado State Capitol. When the state converted the capitol to electric l a mps Harri son salvaged the globes etched with Colorado s state seal. The owners' goa l was to provide mod e rn conveniences with th e historical background of th e original Peck House Th ey installed thr ee new gas furnaces new electrical wiring and modern plumbing. In the powerhou se next to the hotel the sisters found some of th e ori ginal furnishings water stained and soiled. With 201

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cleaning and restoration pictures and furniture found their way back into the parlors of the hotel. A fresh coat of paint to the exterior and repairs to the decorative wood balustrade on the upstairs porch completed the renovation.23 On January 13, 1956 The Clear Creek Mining Journal indicated that A remarkable and imaginative job of renovation has taken place at the old Peck House, now known as Hot e l Splendide ." Some residents of Empire Colorado opposed the town board granting liquor lic enses to the new owners With one liquor store in the small town, the lounge created potential competition that concerned the citizens Another touchy issue for some Empire residents was when Harrison and Collbran changed the name to Hotel Sp l endide. Among Louise Harrison's notes and papers she wrote of the sensitive ISSUe. There are those an impressive group o f those, especially those who have lived a long long time most of their lives in fact [in Empire], who sternly unhesitatin g ly and audibly disapprove of changin g the name of a revered familiar and historic old J andmark ?4 Harrison indicated that the restoration pleased the residents since someone was finally taking care of the old hotel and sta g ecoach station. However they were adamant that it had always been the Peck House and to change the name was unwarranted. Some locals critici z ed the name as being fancified" and "mispronounceable "25 Harrison and Collbran refused to allow the local critics to 202

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influence their decision in namin g Hotel Spl e ndide. In Harrison's papers she noted her commitment to th e new nam e So . when one has given everything one has to making a place once again liva ble even sp lendidly livable we modestly add after so many many years of abject neglect ; when one has given one's all every thou g ht every waking and working hour every dollar rig ht down to the last few cents; surely ... one b as e arned th e right to call one's pride and joy what one pleases ... eve n though thi s pride and joy happens to b e a revered familiar, and historic old landmark .26 Harrison and Collbran wanted their hot e l to mak e its own nam e and fame" followin g th e example th e Peck fa mil y established.27 The not e under Hotel Splend i d e in the 195 6 Colorado Business Dir ec tory stated Dining here b ec omes an art and ple as ur e with a stimulating variety of d e liciou s meals. Close to man y fine sk i areas a ll winter and summer sports. Huntin g and fishing in season. A foca l point for d h 2 8 WI e range s1g t-seemg. Due to failin g h ea lth Harrison and Collbran sold their hotel and the prop erty site totalin g approximately on e and one-third ac r es in 1970. In 1972 th e new own e rs reclaimed th e P e ck Hous e name a chan ge that th e local resident s warml y welcomed. Durin g the 1970 s the hot e l ownership chan ged at l e ast four times thoug h n eve r quite r ega ining it s pr ev iously es t a bli s hed gra ndeur and reputation. In 1977 th e sales pri ce reached a n ew hig h of $250 000 Frequent guests during the 1970 s were reportedl y the ghosts of Frank P eck and Graci e P ec k (son and granddaughter of Jam es Peck founder of the Peck Hou se). Owners and hotel staff report ed seei n g a spirit of a youn g girl about fourteen years old Gracie's age when 203

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she died in the house of tuberculosis. They reported that up to four different spirits, including a bearded man in a blue coat (believed to be Frank Peck) visited guests. More often owners and staffers felt "a cold mass" or "a cold presence. "29 Vernon Hines and Rick Norton purchased the hotel in 1978. They made major repairs to th e hotel the first made in nearly twenty years. Amon g the repairs they replaced the decorative wood balustrade on the upstairs porch that extended th e length of the hous e They replaced and in some cases relocated the conspicuous plumbing in the guest rooms with modern facilities without jeopardizin g the integrit y of the historic inn. Hin es and Norton refurbished the dining room and rebuilt the kitchen for modem efficiency. Ghosts reportedly continued to live at the Peck House und er this new own e rship and restoration.3 0 Gary and Sally St. Clair honeymooned at the Peck House in 1980. The inn enchanted them so much they r et urned monthly for a weekend stay. In 1981 the St. Clairs purchased th e inn for $300 000, makin g it the larg est real estate transaction ever to transpire in Clear Creek County until that time. The St. Clairs continued the traditions of the elegant inn while adding cont e mporary features. They added two restrooms near the lounge and a twelve-person hot tub. To retain its quiet ambiance the St. Clairs as with previous owners refrained from adding telephon es or televisions to the guest rooms. According to a Rocky Mountain News article Gary St. Clair indicated "My wife and I are Christians and we threw the ghosts out." He continued by statin g "we have the best food around, so we don t need g hosts" to 204

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attract visitors.31 On March 25, 1983 the hotel received its place on the National Register of Historic Places.32 Today the St. Clairs continue offering the hospitality Peck House guests and stagecoach travelers knew over one hundred years ago keeping a mindful eye on the maintenance and preservation of the historic stagecoach stop. The CliffHouse A 1982 fire that gutted the fourth floor and attic of the Cliff House Apartments started as a result of a fourth floor apartment resident smoking in bed. The fire completely destroyed the distinctive Queen Anne style twin turreted roof known as a local landmark. Early damage estimates were one million dollars, which included repairs to the water damaged first, second, and third floors and the reconstruction of the fire gutted fourth floor and attic. At the time of th e fire the apartment managers leased only the third and fourth floors. Owner James Morley intended to renovate the first and second floors converting them into a bed and breakfast. His long-term goal was to return the apartment house into its original use as a luxurious turn-of-the century hotel."3 3 A Manitou Springs firefighter Steve Schopper believed that "More than likely it's a totalloss. "34 Local firefighters indicated the apartment house formerly a Victorian hotel was a fire hazard prior to the blaze and was the site of several fire training drills. The future of the Cliff House appeared dim 205

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However, in 1983 the Ro cky Mountain News announced the owner's decision to rebuild and refurbish the building rather than demolish it. The article reiterated Morley's goal to restor e the building to its original use of a 1900 e l egant hotel. The community supported the decision since the hotel exemplified the town's history. Morley receiv e d renovation estimates of between six and eight million dollars. 35 With the windows boarded, the roof barren of shingles, and the site enclosed by a chain link fence the old hotel and stagecoach station remained vacant and ne g lected for another fourte en years. The Colorado Springs Gaz e lle Telegraph report ed on May 6 1996 that the Manitou Springs City Council gave Morley an ultimatum "Either do something with the site or have it condemned." Due to the Cliff House's lo cation in a floodplain the Federa l Housin g and Urban Deve lop ment (HUD) declined a loan app li cation from Morl ey to finance the conversion of the buildin g to a ninety-nine r esident, assisted l iving center. On September 5, 1997 the Gazette Telegraph disparagingly made not e that th ere still were no changes to the Cliff House site. Stop us if you've heard this one befor e The owner of the Cliff House in downtown Manitou Springs has big plans for r enova ting the 125year old hotel which ha s sat empty since a 1982 fire .... This time it is no joke, according to owner Morley having a record of other proposals fail while city officials prod him for action ... Morley would appease the city barely when they would threaten condemnation by sporadically cleanin g up the site and doing a little work. 206

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Morley demonstrated his sincerity b y spending nin e million dollars over the next two years to rep a ir restore preserve and on the fourth floor recon s truct portions of what loc a l s once called "The Grand Lady." In previous years Morle y found financing difficult in the Colorado Sprin gs' and Manitou Sprin gs' weak economies. By 1997 the economy recovered and stimulated growth. To r e turn the Cliff House to its grandeur of a 1900 luxury resort hot e l the architect Michael Collins and Morl ey wanted to r etai n as much historical integrity as feasible. Collins researched the original hot e l layout and examined th e remains. With the fire and water dama ge coupled with years of vacancy, man y obstacles were present. They r eplace d nearl y the entire fourth floor by r emov in g the walls do wn to the studs. As Morley noted, Reall y we started from scratch."3 6 Although the contractors salvaged and reus ed some of the original ornate woodwork they r e plac ed all of th e plumbing he ating, and e l ec trical systems. A flood f rom 1921 along w ith the water dama ge from the fire buckled th e woode n ballroom floor. As the construction workers remov e d a portion of th e floor the y found that the original build e r constructed the floor dir ectly over the dirt foundation They r eplace d th e floor and added a s ub floor. Many rooms originally housed wood burnin g Van Bri ggle tiled fir ep la ces However to comply wit h buildin g codes, Morl ey r e plac ed thes e with new gas-burning fireplaces replicat ed to look like the Van Briggle fireplaces. 207

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Contractors saved man y original amenities including the large stone fireplace in what is now the ballroom and many of the hand-carved mantels. The former music room is now a large lobby where a butler serves tea or cocktails to guests. Fifty-seven guest rooms offer various prices and amenities. Suites provid e heated toilet seats, heated towel racks and a second television in the bathrooms. All rooms have views and closet safes. A new state-of-the art "open kitchen allows guests to watch an award-winning chef prepare gourmet cuisine.37 By adding new amenities, the hotel entered the twenty-first century and Morley hop ed to "make it all thin gs to all people. "38 By adding fiber optic cable in every room and technology for high -speed Internet connections and interactive tele visions, Morley provided an attraction for bu siness travelers and small conventions. With its Victorian charm elegance, and romance it attracted newcomers. For its historical significance to Manitou Springs and the stagecoaching era the restored boutique hotel attracted thos e interested in history and those who remember th e hotel in its glory days. Outside the ballroom Morley publicly displayed historic photographs of the hotel items found during the restoration and clothing worn in the late nin eteent h century remindin g guests of the gilded age opulence the Cliff House once bo asted. Former Cliff House historian Betty Jo Cardona praised the restoration calling it an understated elegance."39 Morl ey proudl y hosted the g rand re-opening of the Cliff House in July 1999. In preparing for the event, Morley told th e Colorado Springs Gazette that 208

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We want [guests] to come and remember their stay the rest oftheir I ives. It s all about romance-not just between people, but in things that are memorable and specia!.4 0 Morley recognized the community's support by offering a reduced rate to Manitou Springs' residents during the summer of 1999. Of these residents Morley stated One of the big things we have going for us is the support of the people of Manitou Springs. Nobody can top that. "41 Paradoxically today communities rally around the stagecoach stations to protect and preserve th e same structures that often protected and preserved community members and travelers against untoward circumstances over one hundred years ago The structur e s that once opened their doors as community centers opened again with recycled uses by preservation minded individuals Cozens Ranch and Four Mile House Museums both the oldest surviving structures in their communities serve as vehicles that heighten the public's awareness and publicly offer education of the ar ea's heritage and the stagecoaching industry Visiting the place where the fir s t woman of Gregory Gulch lived or the oldest surviving house in Denver creates a public appreciation and a new sense of place for the visitor. The Peck Hous e is the oldest operating hotel in Colorado with the Cliff House continuing its original purpose as a luxury hotel. Preserving these sites is symbolic of the hard working ranchers stage tenders resort owners and travelers to the West. They create vast learning experiences and boost community pride throu g h their h e ritage To maintain a balance between th e se goals is a lar g e task 209

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These stage stations continue to survive because of community support and owners' tremendous care and efforts, the history that enthuses the public, the community spirit that each evoke, and th e preservation that continues. Conclusion Robert V. Hine in Community on the American Frontier indic ated that a sense of place was a common component of community and that "the group must exist in a definable space.'.-42 Many individuals traveling to Colorado maintained common objectives and found that Colorado stagecoach stations provided local residents and the traveler a sense of place regardless of the transportation mode. By providing this sense of place a sense of community emerged at the stagecoach stations. Stage stations often l ent themselves as the community-gathering place. Although the sense of place and sense of community ranged from a warm hospitable welcome at such places as Church's Ranch Stagecoach Station, or the Twenty Mile House Stagecoach Station, to a guarded sense at Virginia Dale Stagecoach Station with Jack Slade in charge each provided community. Perhaps the most comfortable community at Slade's station was his questionable company. However a community festering wit h outlaws it was. Similarly, Bales Stagecoach Station provided a dichotomous sense of community. Bales stage station served the stagecoaching business in addition to serving part of the community in other ways. It was the thread that bound citi ze ns to ge ther against the vigilante groups and 210

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concurrently served as the vigilantes southern headquarters Ironically Bales invited the community to his ranch to celebrate the arrival of the Denver and Rio Grande Railroad Hine indicated that hard s hips along the trail "planted seeds of community through the shared experience.'"'3 Daniel Boorstin in National Experience additionally noted that a group in transit that shared external threats s uch as Indian scares los s of direction and extreme w ea ther conditions coupled with int e rnal threat s s u c h as illnesses accidents, or lo ss of l ea dership r es ulted in a "co mmunal respon se to reduce th e hazards. By joining to ge ther th ey reduced the hazards and formed community.44 Although this theory fits any of th e stage rout es the Platte Rout e and the Smoky Hill Route especially exemplify this theory. With Indian depred ations, worthl ess maps and often a wat er scarcity (to name a few hazards) the tr avele rs and locals alike found stagecoach stations a community-gathering place for d anci n g poker games, votin g mail supplies, and simply camarad erie. This creat e d a sense of place and a sense of community. The individuals legends an d stations help e d build Colorado's important role in the West. Each site has great historical significance to Colorado's transportation minin g farming and to it s communities. The history is only a part of the stage stations' importance The architecture, mat eria ls styles t ec hniques and t a l e nts in constructing the stations are equa lly import an t to th e ir significance. Oft e n th e stagecoach station was a critical component of the town's b egi nnin gs. 211

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Many continue to stand as the oldest home hotel or building in the community. Stagecoach stations are symbol s not only of Colorado's heritage but more importantly the essential role they played in Colorado s stagecoaching era and in the community building they originally offered continued to offer after stagecoaching was obsolescent and that many offer today 212

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Chapter 1 E ndnotes 1 Robert V. Hine, Community on th e Frontier: S e parate but Not Alone (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press 1980) 13. 2 Ibid., 2. 3 Michael G Lay, Way s of th e World : A History of the World's Road'i and of th e Vehicl es That Used Them, (New Bnmswick New J e rs ey : Rut gers University Press 1992) 28-30 122-125. Oxford English Dictionar y, 2 d ed., s.v. Coach (Oxford: O x ford University Pre ss, 1989). 4 William E Lass Sta gecoa ches in Encyclopedia of th e American W est, Charle s Phillips and Alan Axelrod eds., Vol. 4 1996. 5 Oscar 0 Winther, The Transportation Frontier : Trans-Mississippi West 1 865-1890 (New York: Holt Rin e hart and Winston In c 1964) 60-61. 6 Ibid. 47. 7 Richard White It s Your Misfortun e and Non e of My Own. (Norman: University of Okl ahoma Press 1991 ), 246 8 Winther 47 9 Winther 48. 10 Ibid 11 Winther 47-48. 12 Winther 50. 13 Ibid. 14 Winther 51. 15 J. V. Fred e rick Ben Holladay The Stagecoach King, (Glendale California: A.H. Clark Co. 1 940; Reprint Lincoln: Uni ve rsity ofNe braska Press 1968) 257-258. 213

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1 6 Mark Twain [Samuel Clemens], Roughing It (Hartford, Connecticut: American Publishin g Company, 1872 ; Reprint New York: Harper & Row Publisher s, Inc 196 2), 33. 17 Winther 66. 1 8 Colorado Stage Company, Financial Journal April 1 1875-March 22, 1887 Colorado Historical Society. 1 9 Winther 65. 20 Theodore Davis "A Stage Ride to Colorado, Harp er's Ne w Monthly Maga zi ne, July 1867 138. 21 Winther 65-66. 22 Wee kly Rocky Mountain News, October 4 1865. 23 Twain 33. 24 The Wee kl y Ro cky Mountain News October 4 1 865. 25 Samuel Bowles Across th e Continent, (Ann Arbor: University Microfilms Inc., 1966) 21. 26 The W ee kl y Rocky Mountain News October 4 1865. 27 Lass. 28 The Weekly Rocky Mountain News October 4 1865. 29 Winther 69. 214

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Chapter 2 E ndnotes Charles W Henderson Mining in Colorado: A History of Discovery Dev e lopm e nt and Production (Washington D C : Government Printing Office 1926) 2-3. 2 Carl Ubbelohde, Maxine Benson and Duane Smith A Colorado History 7th ed., (Boulder: Pruett Publishing Company, 1995) 61; Wayne C. Lee and Howard C. Rayn esford, Trails of th e Smoky Hill (Caldwell Idaho: The Caxton Printer, Ltd 1980) 19. 3 Henderson, 7 8 ; Ubb e lohd e, 65; James Fell Ores to Metals: The Roc ky Mountain Smelting Indu stty, (Lincoln: Univ e rsity of Nebraska Press 1979) 2 3, 4 4 Leslie Linville The Smoky Hill Vall ey and Butt erfield Trail (Decorah, Iowa: Anundsen Printing Co. 1983) 28. 5 Ibid. 32-34. Station 25 was one of the stagecoach stations on the first stagecoach route from Kansas to th e Cherry Creek area. T he Leavenworth & Pikes Peak Express Company built these stations for their route completed in the spring of 1859. See page 20 et seq. ofthis chapter for details. 6 Charles A. Johnson Stagecoach es A long Cherry Creek, (Den ve r : Gold e n Bell Press 1980) 6-7. 7 Margaret Long The Smoky Hill Trail (Denver: W. H. Kistler Stationery, 1943) 21. 8 William H. H. Larimer Reminisc e n ces of Gen e ral William Larimer and of Hi s Son William H H Larimer, Two of the Founders of D e nver compiled b y HermanS. Davis, (Lancaster PA: New E r a Printing Co. 1918) 97 106 174; Thomas J Noel, The City and th e Saloon (Lincoln: University ofNebraska Print 1982; Reprint Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 1996) 8. 9 Raymond W. Settle and Mary Lund Settle, "Th e Early Care ers of Willi am Bradford Waddell and William H e pburn Ru sse ll: Frontier Capitalists ," Kansas Historical Quart e rly, Winter 1960 377-379 ; The Mis sour i R e publi can March 28 1859. 215

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10 Lee and Raynesford, 22-23; Henry Villard, Memoirs of Henry Villard, Journalist and Financier. 1835-1900, Vol. I. (Cambridge: The Riverside Press 1904) 11 0; Glenn R. Scott, Hi storic Trail Map of th e Limon 1 X 2 Quadrangle Colorado and Kan sas, Map 1-2468 (Washington: U.S. Geological urvey 1994) ; George A. Root and Russell K. Hickman Pikes Peak Express Companies part II, Solomon and Republican Route ," Kansas Historical Quarterly, Vol. 13, November 1944,214. 11 Villard 99, I 07. 12 Ibid., 114 13 Ibid. 14 Leroy R. Hafen The Overland Mail1849-1869, (Cleveland: The Arthur H. Clark Company 1926), 146 155; Noel, The City and the Saloon 7-8. 15 The Missouri Republi can, March 28, 1859 ; Rocky Mountain News, May 14, 1859 16 Villard, 109. 17 Ibid. 18 The Mi souri R epublican, March 28, 1859 ; Rocky Mountain News, May 14, 1859 19 Paul Miller Scrapbook and Sketches, 1951-1965 Paul Miller Collection Colorado Historical Society, Denver Colorado. 20 Horace Greeley An Overland Journey from New York to San Francisco in th e Summer of 1 859, (New York: C. M. Saxton, Ba rker & Co., 1860; Reprint, New York: Alfred Knopf, 1964 ), 85. 21 Miller. 22 Root and Hickman "Pike s Peak Ex pre ss Companies, part JI, Solomon and Republican Route ," 235. 23 Ibid. 235, 240. 216

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24 Ibid., 237 25 Hafen, The Overland Mail 1 849-1869, 150 ; Leroy R. Hafen "Early Mail Service to Colorado 1858-1860 ," Colorado Maga zine Vol. II, No. 1 Janu ary 1925,27. 26 Root and Hickman Pikes Peak Express Companies part II, So lomon and R e publican Rou te," 221. 27 Rocky Mountain News August 1 3, 1859. 28 George A. Root and Russell K Hickman Pik es Peak Express Companies part III, Platte Rou te," Kansas Historical Quart e rl y Vol. 14, Fe bru ary 1945 495 29 Raymond W Se ttle and Mary Lund Sett l e, War Drum s and Wagon Whee ls: Th e Story of Russell Majors and Wadde ll (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press 1 966), 101-102. 30 Morris F. Tay lor First Mail West: Stagecoach Lines on th e Santa Fe Trail, (Albuquerque: U ni ve r sity ofNew Mexico Press, 1 971), 73. Glenn R. Scott Histori c Trail Map ofthe Ster l ing 1 X 2Quadrang l e Northeastern Colorado Map I-1894 (Washington: U S. Geological Survey 19 89), 8. 31 Bela M. Hughes to John Doniph an St. Jo se ph Missouri, TLS, May 2 1892 Stage Company Collection Colorado Historica l Society, 1. 32 Hughes 2 3; Frank A. Root and William E ls ey Conne lley The Overland Stage to California, (Glorieta, New Mexico: The Rio Grand e Press Inc 1901 ; r e print Glorieta New Mexico The Rio Grand e Press, Inc. 1970) 584 33 Root and Connelly, 56; Glenn R. Scott, Histori c Trail Map of th e S t e rling 1 oX 2 o Quadrangle 12; George A Root and Russell K. Hi ckman, Pikes Peak Ex pr ess Companies part IV, Platte Route ," Kansas Hi storica l Quart erly, Vol. 17, February 1946 91. 34 Glenn R. Scott Histori c Trail Map of the Sterling 1 X 2 Quadrang le; Root and Hickman Pikes P eak Express Companies, part III Platte Route, 506. 217

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3' 'Root and Connelly 64 ; J J. Thomas "In the Days of the Overland Trail, The Trail Vol. II, May 1910, 1. 3 6 Root and Hickman Pikes Peak Express Companies, part IV, Platte Route ," 89 ; Glenn R. Scott, Historic Trail Map of the Sterling 1 X 2 Quadrangle 8; George Hyde ed. Savoie Lottinville, Life of George B e nt : Writt e n from His Letters (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press 1968) 168169. 3 7 Glenn R Scott Historic Trail Map of the Sterling 1 oX 2 o Quadrangle, 12. 38 Jonah Girard Cisne ed A T. Cisne Across the Plains and in Nevada City ," The Colorado Magazine, Vol. XXVII January 1950 50 53, 54 3 9 E z Stahl 1860 Trip to Colorado, Diary 1860-1862 Western History Collection Denver Public Library. 40 "S. Platte By Wagon: A Diary of an Overland Journey in 1863 Diary 1863 We s tern His tory Collection Denver Public Library. 4 1 Ibid. 4 2 Ibid. 4 3 Root and Connelly 67 Nell Brown Propst, Forgotten People : A Histor y of the South Platte Trail (Boulder: Pruett Publishing Comp an y 1979) 47; Mary Ellen Jackson Bailey ed. Agnes Wright Spring "The Diary of Mary Ellen Jackson Bailey ," The D e nv e r West e rn e rs Brand Book of the D e nver Posse, Vol. 18, 1962 110 4 4 Elliott West The Cont e sted Plain s : Indians, Goldseekers, and th e Rush to Colorado (Lawrence Kansas: University of Kansas Press 1998) 233. 45 Ibid. 233 291. 4 6 Ubbelohde, A Colorado Histor y, 107 47 0 West 3 5 218

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4 8 George and Charlie Bent were the sons of William Bent, builder of Bent's Fort in Southeastern Colorado and Owl Woman a Southern Cheyenne. Although they attended schools in Missouri they later joined their mother s people in the midst of th e conflicts on the Plains 49 Hyde 168 170-175 180. 50 Propst 65 77-79; Glenn R. Scott, Historic Trail Map ofthe St e rling 1 X 2 Quadrangl e 18. 5 1 A Co a ch Trip in 1865 ," The Trail March 1909, 1. -z ) Hyde 174 181. 53 Ibid. 181. 5 4 Dallas Williams Fort S e dgwick Colorado Territor y : H e ll Hol e on th e Platte, (Sedgwick Colorado: F S. R. Tru s t) 1993 1. 55 Civil Works Administration Interview Collection Pamphl e t 344 document 42 16 2, Colorado Historical Society Denver Colorado; Ibid. Pamphlet 341 document 9 3 5 56 Ibid., Pamphlet 341, document 9 35 57 Lee Whitely The Ch e rok ee Trail : B e nt s Old For/to Fort Bridger (Boulder : Johnson Publishing Co 1998) 83 124; Richard S.Baker Overland Stage Routes and Stations in Larimer County ," The Fort Collin s Chr onicle Summer, 1975. 58 Civil Work s Admini s tration Int e rview Collection Pamphl e t 353 Document 6 2830. 59 Ibid. Pamphlet 361 Document 32 289. 6 0 Ibid. Pamphlet 361 Document 35 303. 219

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61 Ansel Watrous, History of Larim er County Colorado (Fort Collins: The Courier Printing & Publishing Company 1911; Reprint The Old Army Press 1972) 48 165-166. 62 Ibid., 33 63 Ibid., 38. 64 Ibid 65 Bailey 112. 66 Samuel Bowles, ed James H. Pickering The Parks and Mountains of Colorad o A Summer Vacation in the Switzerland of America, 1 8 58, (S pringfield: Samuel Bowles & Co., 1869 ; Reprint Norm an: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991), 58-59. 67 Root and Connelly, 217-218, 478 -479. 68 Watrous 66; Virginia Dale Community Club, Virginia Dal e Stage Station and Club House brochure undated ; National Register of Historic Place s Inventory and Nomination Form July 6 1985 State Historic Preserv atio n Office Denv er, Colorado. 69 National Register of Historic Pla ces In ve ntory and omination Form July 6 1985. 70 Root and Connelly, 478 ; Watrou s, 73-74. 71 Watrou s, 189-191; William H. Bau er, James L. Ozment and John H. Willard Colorad o Postal Hi story: The P ost Offices. (J. B. Publishin g, Co., 1971 ), 135. 72 Virginia Dale Community Club, brochure. 220

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Chapter 3 Endnotes 1 Morris F. Taylor, Fir st Mail West: Stagecoach Lines on th e Sa nta Fe Trail (Albuquerque: University ofNew M ex ico Press 1971) 18, 77. 2 Ibid. 81, 91, 94 113 3 William H. Ryus The Second William P e nn: Treating with Indians on the Santa F e Trail 1 860 -1866 ( K a nsas Cit y, MO: F rank T. Riley Publishin g Co. 1913 ), 1 2 -13. 4 Ibid. 83-84 5 Taylor, 95. 6 Robert M. Wright O ve rland Stage Road Between Fort Lamed and Sant a Fe.Reminiscences ," TMsS February 20-21 1907 Colorado Historical Society Den ver, 1. 7 George H y d e, ed. Savoi e Lottinville, Life of George B e nt: Writt e n from His L e tt e r s, (Norman : University of Oklahoma Press 1968) 93; Jack so n W. Moore, Jr., B e nt's Old Fort, An Arc heological S tud y, (Denver: State Historical Society of Co lor ado and Pruett Publi s hin g Company 1973) 1 5 6 ; Tay lor 68 8 Moore 26, 36. 9 Taylor, 110. 1 0 Ibid., 85, 96. 11 W. H. Sears, "Cowboy Life at B ent's New Fort and on th e Arkansas," Colorado Magazine Vol. XXXI, 193 12 Ibid. 1 3 Sears, 193 ; Moore 20, preface; Kenyon Riddle R ec ord s and Maps of the old Sa nta Fe Trail, (Raton, New M ex ic o: Raton Dail y Range 1949 ; Reprint Stuart Florida: Southeast Printing Co., Inc., 1963) 36 221

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14 Ryus 42-44 ; Pamphlet 360, document 2, 14, Civil Works Administration Interview Collection Colorado Historical Society, D enve r Colorado 15 Pamphl et 360, docum en t 2 12-14 C ivil Work s Administration Intervie w Collection. 1 6 Pamphlet 344, docum e nt 47 286 Civil Work s Administration Intervie w Collection. 17 Pamphl et 344 docum ent 47 287-288 Civil Works Administration Inter view Collection. 18 Taylor, 102 19 Wayne C. Lee an d Howard C. R aynesfo rd Trail s of th e Smoky Hill, (Caldwell Idaho : T h e Caxton Printer Ltd 1980) 42-43. 20 Ibid. 21 Lee, 44 51-52, 54; Ella A. Butte rfie ld Butt erfie ld s Ov erlan d Disp atch," The Trail, Vol. XVIII December 1925, 4-5 ; Rocky Mountain News September 11, 1865 September 23, 1865 22 R ocky Mountai n News, July 19, 1865. 23 Lee, 87, 89; Butterfi e ld 7 ; E dw ard Hungerford Wells Far go: Advancin g th e America n Fronti e r (New York: Bonanz a books, 1959), 89-91. 24 Lee, 89 ; Rocky Mountain News (Weekly edition), October 4 1865; W. Turrentine Jack son, Wells Fargo in Co lor ado Territor y, Monograph S e ries (Denver : Colorado Historical Society 198 2), 28 25 Jackson 2 8 ; Root and Connelly 167 ; Noel M. Loomis, Wells Fargo (New York: Cl arkson N. Potter Inc. 1968 ), 181. 26 Paul Mill e r ; Perry E b er hart Gh osts of th e Colorado Plain s, (Athens Ohio : Swallow Pr ess/ Ohio University Pre s, 1986) 109 222

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27 Margaret Long, The Smoky Hill Trail, (Denver : W. H. Kistler Stationery 1 943), 66; Eberhan, l 09. 28 Bayard Taylor, Colorado: A Sumrner Trip (l'-lew York: G. P Putna.'TI, 1867 / 31. 29 Betty Lou Mahlberg TMsS, Stat Historic Preservation Office, 1-2; Taylor, Morris, 1 36. 30 Mahlberg, 2 3 1 Mahlberg, 3; Record Group 49, "Records of the Grazing Service Civilian Conservation Corps, 1 933 .. 1945 Nati o nal Archiv..::s and Recor ds Service, Region 8 Lakewood, Co lor ado. :12 State Inventory Form, eptember JO, 197 5 Stnte His to ric Preservation Office, Dcnv r, Co lorado; McKean, Ka r lcne Eastern C'o'orado Histo:i ca l Society to the Co l orado Stat e Histo ic Prese rv a tion Officer D nver, Colorado. TLS. Oct o ber 25 I %3. State Historic Preservation Office, Denver, Color ado :,J rr } B ay o r ayare, .) 3 4 "Wild Ho rse History Springs from John Goodi e r s Memory." 197J, Cheyenn e W Colorado, d ipping file State Historic Preservation Offic;;:, Denver, Colorado. ) S 'Wild History Springe:; From John Goodier's Memoiy; Paul Miller, Sketc h ook. 36 Long, 70. 37 Inventory Dat a Form, March 28 1974, State Historir. Preservation Office, Denver, Colo r ado; Miller, Sketchbook; Architectural/Hi s to;ic Component Invento ry Fonn, July 1 2, 1982, State Historic Preservation Office, Denver, Colorado. 3!: Long, 1 28; Taylor Morris, 15, 21. 223

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39 Glenn R. Scott retired geo logist personal intervi ew by author, Denver Colorado September 20, 1996 ; Glenn R Scott Historic Trail Map of the Greater Denv e r A rea, Colorado Map I-856G (Was hington: U.S. Geological Survey 1976). 40 T h e Parker Press, Souvenir Ed ition June 20 -21, 1964. 4 1 The Park e r Pr e ss Souvenir Edi tion June 2021, 1964; Emma Doud Gould Pioneering Experie nce ," Colorado Maga z ine Vol. XIV November 1936 223 ; Long, 42. 42 Doud 223. 43 The Denv e r Post Jul y 11, 1981 ; Doud 224. 44 Richard B. Townshend A Tend e rfoot in Colorado (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press 1968) 56 45 Doud 224 ; The Par ker Press Souvenir Edition, June 20-21, 1964 46 Edit h Parker Low, History of the Twenty-Mile House on Cherry Creek ," Colorad o Maga z ine Vol. XII No.4 July 1935 142 47 Lloyd Glasier and Gloria Mills notes March 1983 Cherry Creek Vall ey Historical Society. 48 Lloyd Glas ier note s with affidavit attached Cherry Creek Valley Historical Society. 49 Mrs. Jan e Melvin, Th e Twelve Mile House-Recollection ofMrs. Jane Melvin as related to James Harvey ," Colorado Magazine, Vol. XII No 5 September, 1935 172-174; Photo coll ec tion Cherry Creek Valley Historical Society; Rocky Mountain News April27, 1873 and 1865 1873. 50 Melvin 176 ; E mily Fr e nch Emily The Diar y of a Hard-Work e d Woman ed. Janet LeCompte (Lincoln : University of Nebraska Press 1987) 28. 51 Long 45 ; Permit for Archeological Survey and Research Colorado Historical Society July 28 1977 Cherry Creek Valley Historical Society archive collection 224

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52 Bette D. Peters Four Mile House," TMs n.d Four Mile House Collection State Historic Preservation Ofiice, Denver, Colorado; Bette D. Peters D e nver s Four Mile House, (Den v er: The Junior League o f Denver Inc., 1980) 15-16 53 Long 47; Gertrude Brown Working Levi Booth of Four Mil e House, (published by the author 1986) 10. 54 Bayard Taylor 36 55 Peters D e nver's Four M il e House, 26. 56 Edward D. White, Jr. Denver Landmark to Become Unusual Park Rocky Mountain N ews, October 2 2, 1977 ; Working 41-44 225

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Chapter 4 Endnotes Charles Ramstetter and Mary Ramstetter ed John Gregor y Counny: Place Names and History of Ralston Buttes Quadrangle J e fferson County, Colorado (Golden: C Lazy Three Press 1999) 42, 111, 116, 117. 2 Western Mountaineer, December 28, 1859. 3 Jefferson County Historical Commission, From Scratch: A History of Jefferson County Colorado, (Go lden: Jefferson County Historical Commission, 1985) 24 ; W este rn Mountaineer December 7 1859 December 14, 1859 4 Thomas J Noe l "All Hail the Denver Pacific, Colorado Maga zine Spring 1973, 99 5 Ramstetter 1 1 9; Morris Tay lor First Mail West: Stag e coach Lines on the Santa Fe Trail (A lbuqu erque: University ofNew Mexico Press 1971) 203 212; W Turrentine Jackson, Wells Fargo in Colorado Territory (Denver: Colorado Historical Society, 1982), 50 51. 6 Ramstetter 191, 192 ; Colorado Historical Society Photograph Collection ; Rocky Mountain N e ws November 28 1 860 7 Theodore Francis VanWagenen, Colorado ," TMs 1922 Western History Collection Denver Public Library 9-10. 8 Theodore Davis, Harp e r s Wee kly, February 8 1868 87-88. 9 Rocky Mo untain N ews, November 21, 1865. 10 Ram s tetter 1 92 ; Rocky Mountain N ews, March 22, 1866 May 20 1868 11 Rocky M ou ntain N e ws, January 2 6 1869 ; F. W. Craigin,, E ar l y Far West Note book s 1903-1937 Originals in Pioneer Museum Colorado Springs, Colorado; copy in Western History Collection Denver Public Library. Vol. 24 Series C No 8 (31-32) Vol. 25 Series D No. 1. (1-2) 1 2 Central Ci ty Regist e r June 25 1871; Ramstetter 193. 226

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1 3 Louise Erb, Ann Bruning Brown and Gilberta Bruning Hughes, The Bridger Pass Overland Trail 186 2 -1869 (Published by the authors 1989) 25; Jackson 45 64. 1 4 Mrs. George Henry Church Church s Ranch: Written for the Chi l dren ," TMsS, December, 1913, Colorado Historical Society, I. 15 Mrs. George H.Church "Recollections of My Trip Across the Plains in 1861," TMsS, 1907 Colorado Historical Society 2. 1 6Ibid I8. 1 7 Ibid., 19. 1 8 Mrs. George Henry Church, "Church's Ranch ," TMsS 14. 1 9 G. H. Church, Ledger 1864 1865 Colorado Historical Soci ety, 15, I7; Frank Church "Colorado and Early Happenings ," TMs Colorado Historica l Society 1; Abner E. Sprague "My First Trip to De n ver ," Colorado Maga z ine Vol. XV November 1938 220. 2 Frank Church Colorado and Early Happenings ," 1. 21 Frank Church Colorado and Early Happenin gs," 1; Jackson, 47 22 Charles Moffat Kas s l e r Diary 1885, Western History Collection Denver Public Library. 23 Architectural and Historical Component Form September 29 I 988 Church Ranch Collection, State Office of Archeology and Preservation Denver Colorado 24 Jefferson County Historical Commission 24. 25 C. M. Hamilton Our Memories of B e r ge n Park ( Golden: Silver State Printers n.d.) 33; Thomas J. Noel, Building s ofColorado (New York: Oxford University Press 1997) 156-157 ; Georgina Brown, Shining Mountains (Gunni s on: B & B Printers 1976) 22 58 59. 227

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26 Hamilton 36 ; Department of the Interior Historic American Buildings Survey R W. Steele House 1936 ; Colorado State Offic e of Archeology and Preservation National Register List of Colorado Properties 27 Hamilton 9. 28 Hamilton 9 11; Cath e rine Dittm an, The Story of a Pioneer Family: The Thomas Ber gens of Bergen Park Part I ," Evergreen Magazi ne, FalVWinter 1977 5-6. 29 Dittman Part I. 6. 30 Ibid. 31 Hamilton 11. 32 Dittman Part I 6 33 Jefferson County Historical Commission 3-4. 34 J effe rson County Historical Commission 3-4; Dittman, Part I, 6 1 0; Catherine Dittman The Story of a Pioneer Family: The Thomas Bergens of Bergen Park, Part II," Evergreen Magazine, Spring/Summer, 1978 30 35 Samuel Leach, Early-Day Remini sce nces ," The Trail Vol. III May 191 1 5 ; Pamphlet 34 7 docum ent 17, 192 Civil Works Administration Interview Collection Colorado Historical Society; Elmer Burkey Interview with Mrs. William (Jane Oliver) Brubak e r," TMs, Colorado Historical Society 1 ; Architectural and Historical Component Form August 18, 1985 Colorado State Archeology and Preservation Office. 36 Rocky Mountain News July 4 1860; Frank A. Root and William Elsey Connelley The Ov e rland Stag e to Ca lifornia, (Glorieta New Mexico : The Rio Grande Press, Inc., 1901, Reprint Glorieta, New Mexico: The Rio Grande Press Inc. 1970) 180 -181; Mrs Daniel Witter Pioneer Life ," Co lorad o Magazine, Vol. 4, December 1927 169. 228

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Chapter 5 Endnotes Morris Taylor, First Mail West: Stagecoach Lines on the Santa Fe Trail (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 1971, Reprint, Albuquerque: University ofNew Mexico Press 2000) 78-80. 2 Taylor 81, 82, 91, 94, 113. 3 Pamphlet 346, document 9, 26, Civil Works Administration Interview Collection, Colorado Historical Society, Denver, Colorado ; Pamphl et 346, document 18, 70 ; Pamphlet 346, document 21, 97. Pamphlet 346, document 11, 33; June Shaputis and Suzaru1e Kelly, A History of Chaffee County, (Marce lin e, Missouri: Walsworth Publishing Company 1982) 154-155. 4 Lake County encompassed a lar ge section of the sout h central and southwestern portion of Colorado Territory until mining towns such as Leadville prompted a division into other counties includin g Chaffee in 1879 and Pitkin in 1881. 5 Kenneth Je sse n Ghost Towns Colorado Style Vol. II-Central Region (Loveland: J. V. Publications, 1999) 371-373; Richard Carroll, "Mary Nash Mear Pioneer," Colorado Magazine Vol. XI November 1934 215. 6 Jessen, 373; Tho m as J Noel, Buildings ofColorado, (Oxford: Oxford University Press 1997) 354 ; Pamphlet 346 document 21, 112, 120 Civil Works Administration Interview Collection 7 Carroll, 215; Reverend John L Dyer, J L. Dyer Snow-S ho e Itinerant (Cincinnati: Cranston & Stowe 1890 r eprint, Fort Collins: Robinson Press, 1976 ), 293. 8 Noel, 354; Dyer, 295; Pamphlet 346, document 26, I. 9 Shaputis 154-155. 10 G. Thomas Ingham Digging Gold Among th e Rockies, or Exciting Adventures of Wild Camp Life, (Philadelphia: Hubbard Brothers, 1888) 353. 229

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11 Shaputis, 154-155; Richard Carroll The Founding of Salida Colorado ," Colorado Magazine, Vol. XI July 1934 130-131; Pamphlet 346 document 11, 33. 1 2 h lng am, 350 13 Ibid 351. 1 4 Noel, 284 308; Clemma Mcilrath History of the Cliff House ," TMs, May 21, 1968, Penrose Public Library Collection Colorado Springs Colorado, 1. 1-) Colorado Springs Sun January 1 1971; Mcillrath 4 5 7 8. 1 6 Colorado Springs Sun January 1, 1971 July 23, 1972 ; Roberta Mcintyre "Hotel Records Recall Era of Luxury Resort ," Colorado Spring s Ga ze tt e Telegraph November 11, 1976 17 Ibid. 1 8 Colorado Springs Sun July 23, 1972. 1 9 Ibid. 2 Colorado Springs Sun July 23, 1972 ; Ga z ett e Tel e graph November 14 1976. 2 1 The Fr ee Pr e ss Colorado Sprin g s October I 1967. 22 National Register of Historic Places Inventory and Nomination Form, August 16, 1979; The Denver Post July 26 1998. 23 Charles W Henderson Mining in Colorado (Washington D C.: Government Printing Office, 1926) 56-57; Thomas J Noel, Paul F. Mahoney and Richard E. Stevens Historical Atlas ofColorado (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press 1994 ) 3 7. 24 William R Conte, The Old Cripple Creek Stage Road, (Colorado Springs: Little London Press 1984), 1, 2 4 11. 230

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25 Helen Hunt ( Jackson) A mong the Sky Lines A tlanti c Monthly, Vol. 49, M arc h 1882 377. 26 c ante, 4. 2 7 Mabel Barb ee Lee, Cripple C r eek Days (New York: Doubl eday & Company Inc. 1958 ; R epr int Lincoln: University ofNebras ka Press 1984), 182; Rob ert Tay lor Crippl e C r ee k (Bloomington: Indiana University Public a tions 1966 ) 42 -43 55-56. 28 Allen Nossaman, Man y More Mountains, Vol. 1 Silve rt on's Roots, ( Den ver Sun dan ce Publications Ltd. 1989 ) 35 36. 29 Carl Ubbelohde, Maxin e Benson and Duane Smith, A Color ado History 7d, (Boulder : Pruett Publishing Com p a ny, 1995) 175-176; Noe l Buildin gs of Color ado 347; Frances McCullou g h Barlo w and Sand erson Stage Line in the San Luis Valley ," The San Luis Valley Historian Vol. XXX No.3, 1998 32 30 Ubbe l ohde 175, 176 ; Nossa man Vol. I 106 1 35 3 1 McCullough 32. Morris Taylor, 178 180; Sarah Platt D ecker Cha pter NSDAR, Pione e rs of the San Ju an Count1y Vol. I, (Bountiful Utah: Fam ily History Publishers 1 995) 53. 32 Noel Historical Atlas ofColorado, 2 7 ; McCullough 31, 45. 33 McCullough 22. 34 Morri s Taylor 180 ; McCullough 17 20, 23. 35 McCullough 46. 36Ibid. 37 Ibid. 46-47. 38 Cathy E. Kindquist, Ston y Pa ss: The Tumbling and Imp etuous Trail (Silverton Co lor ado: T h e San Juan County B ook Company 1987 ) 32. 231

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39 Allen Nossaman, Vol. I 228; Nossaman Allen, San Juan County Historical Society Curator, Personal Interview with author June 22 2000 40 Nossaman, Vol. I, 214. 41 Nossaman Vol. I 121. 42 Nossaman Vol. I 232; Allen Nossaman, Many More Mountains Vol. II, Ruts to Silverton (Denver: Sundance Publications Ltd. 1993) 86; Noel, Historical Atlas 27. 43 Nossaman personal int erv iew by author ; Allen Nossaman, Many More Mountains Vol. Ill-Rails into Silver ton Denver: Nossaman Vol. ill 22, 97; Sarah Platte Decker NSDAR, Vol. I 100-101. 44 Nossaman, Vol. I 23; Nossaman, Vol. III, 114 ; Duane A. Smith Horac e Tabor: His Life and th e Legend, (Niwot, Colorado: University of Colorado Press, 1989), 160-161. 45 Nossaman, Vol. III, 114 115. 46 Ibid. 115 255 47 6 Nossaman, Vol. III, 1 48 Pamphlet 360 document 86 13. 49 Pamphlet 362 document 5 1 ; William H. Bauer James L. Ozment and John H. Willard Colorado Postal History : The Po s t Offices, (J-B Publishing Co., 1971) 105 50 Pamphlet 362 document 4 14. 51 Ibid 52 Pamphlet 362, document 7, 24. 53 Ibid. 54 Pamphlet 362 document 40 107 232

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55 Pamphlet 362 document 2 3. 233

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Chapter 6 Endnotes Louise C. Harrison Empire and B e rthoud Pass. (Denver: Bi g Mountain Press 1964) 36 7 3 -74 342; W. Turrentin e Jackson W e ll s Far g o in Colorado Territor y (D e nver: Colorado Historical Soci ety 1982) 29. 2 Harri s on 107 109 112, 114 3 E mma Shep a rd Hill "Empire in the Sixties Colorado Ma gazine Vol. 5 February 1928 23 25. 4 H a rrison 242, 2 52, 254. 5 Harrison 305, 320-21 324 ; The C olorado Pro s p e ctor (D e nv e r). Undat e d Clippin g Fil e Colorado Stat e Pr e s e rvation O f fic e, 4 5. 6 Harri s on 388 390 391. 7 Ibid., 4 2 9-430 449. 8 Carl Ubb e lohde Maxine Benson and Duane Smith A Col o rado His tor y, 7d ed ( B o ulder : Pruett Publi s hin g Company, 1995) 158-159. 9 Elme r Burk ey, "The G eorg etown and Leadvill e Stage, TM s Colorado Historical Society, 2; G e org etow n C ouri e r F ebruary 20 1879 1 0 Burke y Th e Geor g etown and L e adville Stag e," 1 3 ; G e o rge town Couri e r March 6 1879. 11 Burkey The Georgetown and Leadville Stage ," 5 8 12. 1 2 Ibid. 6. 1 3 E lmer Burkey Intervi e w with Fr a nk Nott ," TMs Colorad o Historical Soci ety 11. 1 4 James A. Wie r The Georgetown to Hot Sulpher Springs Stagecoach ," Pamphlet, (Hot Sulpher Sprin gs : Grand County Historical Association 1993). 234

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1 5 Harrison 267 27 1 ; Colorado Stage Company, Daybook, Apri11875-March 1887 Colorado Historical Society; Robert C Black III, Island in the Rockies (Boulder: Pruett Publishing Company 1969) 278. 1 6 Mayme G. Sturm MaryYork (Co z en) Pioneer Woman in Gr e gory Diggings ," Colorado Magazine, Vol. 22, May 1945, 109-110. 1 7 Sturm 111; Mary E. Cozens ed. Alice Reich and Thomas J Steele S J. Fraser : Hap s and Mishaps. The Diary of Mary E. Cozens, (Denver: Regis College Press 1990) 14, 15; Cale Kenney Cozen's Ranch: A Sa g a o f th e West ," A lp e nglo M ag a zine, 1996 12. 1 8 National Regist e r of Historic Plac es Registration Form, May 4 1988, Colorado State Office of Archeology and Pr es ervation ; Sturm 109-110. 1 9 Strum 111; Cozens 17; Lela M c Qu eary, Wid e n i n g Trails, ( Denver : The World Press Inc., 1962) 77. 2 Charles Moffat Kassler Diary 1885 Western History Department, Denver Public Libr ary. 2 1 Co z ens 16-18 ; Susan Ellis Museum staff Cozens Ranch Museum Personal interview with author February 14, 1998. 22 Wie r ; R oc ky Mountain N ew s Jul y 20 1876. 23 Kassler. 24 The D e nver Po s t January 19, 1997. 25 Ubbelohd e, 179-180 182 26 Ibid. 179 182. 27 Hazel Gr es ham North Park (Steamboat Sprin gs : The St e amboat Pilot 1975) 13. 28 Gresham 13-15 49 ; Stephen Payne The Early Days in North Park The D e nv e r Western e rs Brand Book of the D e nv e r Po s se, March 1967 5 235

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29 Kenneth Jessen, Ghost Towns Colorado Style, Vol. I Northern Region (Loveland: J. V. Publications 1998) 71; John Beecher Crosby, Looking Back (Denver : Logos, Ltd. 1983) 81. 3 Clement Cyril Carter North Park, Colorado : Exce rpts from the Autobiography of C l e ment Cyril Carter 1875-1949, ed. Ruth Carter Quirke and Terrence T. Quirke Jr. (Published by the Editors, 1991) 11. 31 Ibid. 32Ibid. 11, 13; Crosby,. 33 Crosby, 75; Payne 5. 34 Jessen 93, 95; National Register of Historic Places Registration Form October 22, 1982 Colorado State Office of Archeology and Preservation ; Post Office On Horseback Excerpt from Lulie Crawford's Diary." Steamboat Pilot February 19, 1981. 35 National Re g ister of Historic Plac es Registration Form October 22, 1982 236

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Chapter 7 Endnotes 1 Susan Ellis, Cozens Ranch museum staff, personal interview by author, Fraser Colorado, February 14, 1998 2 Patrick Brower "Please Shovel the Roof at Cozens Ranch Sky-Hi News December 19, 1985 6. 3 Ellis ; Teri Maddox "Jesuits Donate Cozens Home for Pres e rvation Wint e r Park Manife st April 17, 1986. 4 Winter Park Manifest December 12, 1985. 5 Joanne Ditmer Cozen's Ranch The Denver Post Contemporary Maga z ine, February 23, 1986. 6 Ibid 7 Brower Sky High News, December 19, 1985. 8 Ibid. 9 "GCHA Point with Pride to Myriad Achievements ," newspaper clipping file Cozens Ranch n.d. Colorado State Historic Preservation Office Denver Colorado ; Thomas J. Noel Buildings of Colorado, (New York : Oxford University Press 1997) 451; Ellis 1 0 Ellis 11 "GCHA Point with Pride to Myriad Achievements;" National Register of Historic Places Registration Form May 4 1988. 1 2 Millie Booth Denver, Co lor ado to unidentified friend in the East ALS n.d Booth Collection. Colorado Historical Society. 1 3 Edward J. White Jr. Denver Landmark to Become Unusual Park, Rocky Mountain N e ws October 22 1977; Gertrude Brown Working Levi Booth of Four Mil e House (pub lish ed by the author 1986), 10. 237

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14 Bette D. Peters, D enver's Four Mile House (Denver: The Junior League of Denver Inc. 1980) 15-16. 15 D W Working, Hi story of the Four Mile House," Colorado Magazine, Vol XVIII, November 1941,213. 16 Agnes Wright Spring, D e nv e r Colorado "Four -Mil e House," to Me ssrs. Maurice Frink, Marshall and George Ellis Burcaw, Denver Colorado ANS Four Mile House Collection, State Historic Preservation O ffice, Denver Colorado. 17 P ete rs ; Worlcing; The D e nv e r P ost Octob er 13, 1975 Jun e 17, 1976 1 8 Ray Thall Four Mil e Museum staff, Per s onal interview by author, April 25, 1998 ; Hi s tori c D e nv e r News February/March/April, 1998 5. 19 Scotty Wilkins, personal interview by author, November 1 1996; Thall. 2 0 Lillian Rice Bri g ham Colo rado Trave l ore: A PockeL Guid e (Denver: Th e P eerless Prin t ing Co., 1938) 234 21 Adolph Coors was th e founder of Coors Brew ery in Golden, Colorado Henry Collbran was on e of th e principals of th e Colorado Midland R ail road ; 22 The C l ea r Creek Mining Journal July 15, 1955 D e cember 30, 1955; The Rocky Mountain Herald, September 1 2 1964. 23 Joseph G Hodges Esquire, Den ver Colorado to Louise Harrison, Empire, Colorado, October 6 1955, TLS, Louise Harri son Collection Western Hi story D e partment D enve r Public Library; The C l ear Creek Mining Journal January 1 3 1956. 24 Louise Harrison, "Introduction," TMs, Louis e Harrison Coll e ction We s t e rn History D epa rtment D e nver Publi c Library 1. 25 Ibid. 26 Ibid., 2, 3. 27 Ibid. 238

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28 Colorado State Directory of Business and Industry 1956. Loveland: Rock y Mountain Directory Company, 1956. 29 Rocky Mountain News February 7, 1977; Ro cky Mountain News April 29, 1 979; Rocky Mountain News November 20 1977. 30 Ro cky Mountain News April 29, 1979. 31 Bill Gallo, "Ghosts Dropped from Hotel Menu Rocky Mountain News March 12, 1 986 32 Directory of Colorado State Regist ered Properties, Colorado Historical Society Office of Archeological and Historic Preservation January 1999. 33 Rocky Mountain News, April 17, 1983 ; Rocky Mountain News, March 27, 1982. 34 Ro cky Mountain News March 26, 1982. 35 Rocky Mountain News March 26 1982; Ro cky Mountain News, April 17, 1983. 36 The Gazette (Colorado Springs) May 23, 1999 37 The Gazelle, May 23, 1999; Rocky Mountain News, June 13, 1999. 38 The Denv e r Post July 26, 1998. 39 The Denver Post Jul y 26 1 998; Rocky Mountain News Jun e 13, 1999 ; Betty Jo Cardona, phone intervi ew by author Jul y 27 2001. 40 The Gazette May 23, 1999. 41 Ibid 42 Robert V. Hine, Community on the Frontier: Separate but Not Alone (Norman: University of Oklah oma Press 1980) 21. 43 Ibid. 35. 239

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44 Ibid., 50 240

PAGE 255

BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Govenunent Documents, Manuscripts, and Co llection s Architectural and Historical Component Forms. 1982 1988 Denver. Colorado State Office of Archeology and Preservation. Booth, Millie, Denver Colorado to unidentified friend in the East. ALS n.d. Booth Collection. Colorado Historical Society. Burkey, Elmer. Manuscript. "Interview with Frank Nott. Undated Colorado Historical Society Denver Colorado. Burkey Elmer. Manuscript. ('Interview with Mrs. William Brubaker. Undated. Colorado Historical Society. Denver Colorado. Burkey, Elmer. Manuscript. "The Georgetown and Leadville Stage." Undated. Colorado Historical Society. Denver Colorado. Church, G. H Ledger. 1864-1865. Colorado Historical Society. Church Mrs. George H. "Recollections of My Trip Across the Plains in 1861." TMsS 1907. Colorado Historical Society. Church, Mrs. George Henry. Church's Ranch: Written for the Children." TMsS December 1913. Colorado Historical Society. Church Frank. Manuscript. "Colorado and Early Happenings." TMs. n. d. Colorado Historical Society. Civil Works Administration Interview Collection. Colorado Historical Society, Denver, Colorado. 241

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Colorado Stage Company. Daybook, April 1875 March 1887. Colorado Historical Society Denver Colorado. Colorado Stage Company. Financial Journal. April I, 1875 -March 22, 1887. Co lorado Historical Society. Denver, Colorado. Colorado Historical Society. State Register of Historic Properties Nomination Form. November 8, 1 996. Cragin, F. W. 1903-1937 Early Far West Notebooks. Original in Pioneer Museum Colorado Springs Colorado; copy in Western History Department Denver Public Library. Vol. XXIV No. 8 Series C (31 )(32) and XXV No. 1 1 903 Series D (1) Department of the Interior. Historic American Buildings Survey. Robert W. Steele House Mount Vernon Jefferson County Colorado 1936. Director y of Colorado State R e gi s t e red Prop e rties. Colorado Historical Society Office of Archeolog i cal and Historic Preservation January 1999. Dolan Ruth Race. TM s 1983. Cherry Creek Valley Hi s torical Society Glasier Lloyd and Gloria Mills. Notes dated March 1983. Cherry Creek Valley Historical Society. Harrison Louise. Introduction. TMs. Louise Harrison Collection Western History Collection Denver Public Library Henderson Charle s W. Mining in Colorado : A Histm y of Discovery Development and Produ c tion. Washington D. C.: Government Printing Office 1926 Jos eph G. Hodges, Esqu ire Denver, Colorado to Louise Harrison, Empire Colorado October 6, 1955, TLS Louise Harrison Collection Western History :Pepartment Denver Public Library; Hom, Jonathon C., Gary M. Matlock, and Duane A. Smith. "An Archaelogicial and Historical Investigation of an Historic Cabin at Site 5LP1259. Montrose: and Associates. August 1984. 242

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Hughes, Bela M. to John Doniphan St. Joseph Missouri TLS. May 2 1892. Colorado Historical Society. Kassler, Charles Moffat. Diary. 1885. Western History Department Denver Public Library. Mcilrath, Clemma. "History ofthe CliffHouse." TMsS May 21, 1968. Penrose Public Library Collection Colorado Springs, Colorado Mahlberg, Betty Lou. "Cheyenne Wells Caves ." TMs. n.d. State Historic Preservation Office Denver Colorado. McKean Kar l ene, Eastern Colorado Historical Society to the Colorado State Historic Preservation Officer, Denver, Co lorado TLS. October 25, 198 3. State Historic Preservation Office Denver, Colorado. Miller Paul. Scrapbook and Sketchbook. 1951-1965. Colorado Historical Society Denver, Colorado. National Register of Historic Places Inventory Nomination and Architectural and Component Forms. 1972-1996. State Historic Preservation O f fice, Denver Colorado. National Register of Histor ic Places Inventory and Nomination Form dated April 20 1984. State Historic Preservation Office Denver, Colorado National Register of Historic Places Registration Form May 4, 1988 State Historic Preservation Office Denver Colorado. Peters, Bette D "Four Mile House." TMs. n.d. Four-Mile House Collection State Historic Preservation Office Denver, Colorado. Perrigo, Lynn I. The Cradle of Colorado: Early Central City in the Reminiscences of Pioneers 1935 TMs. 1973 Western History Department Denver Public Library. Record Group 49, "Records of the Grazing Service Civilian Conservation Corps." 1933-1945. National Archives and Records Service Region 8 Lakewood, Colorado. 243

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"S. Platte By Wagon: A Diary of an Overland Journey in 1863." Journal. 1863. Western History Collection, Denver Public Library. Stahl Ez. 1860 Trip to Colorado." Diary. 1860-1862. Western History Collection Denver Public Library. Spring Agnes Wright, Colorado State Historian to Messrs. Maurice Frink, Marshall, and George Ellis Burcaw employees of the Colorado Historical Society. "Fo ur Mile House." Memorandum n.d Four-Mile House Collection. State Historic Preservation Office, Denver Colorado. Wright, Robert M. Overland Stage Road B etwee n Fort Larned and Santa Fe. Reminiscences." TMsS. February 20-21 1907. Colorado Historical Society Denver, Colorado. VanWagenen, Theodore Francis. Colorado. TMs 1922 Western History Collection Denver Public Library. Interviews Cardona, Betty Jo. Former Historian of the Cliff House. Telephone interview with author. Jul y 2 7 2001. Ellis, Susan. Museum staff. Cozens Ranch Museum. Personal interview with author. February 14, 1998 Nossaman Allen Curator. San Juan County Historical Society. Personal interview with author. June 22 2000. Scott Glenn R. Retired U.S.G.S. geologist. Personal int erv i ew with author. September 20 1996 Thall Ray. Museum staff. Four Mile Historic Park. Denver. Personal interview with author. April 25, 1998 Wilkins Scotty. Four-Mile Histo ric Park. D e nver. Per sona l intervie w with author. ovember 1 1996. 244

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Secondary Sources Maps The New Rail Road and County Map. Arvada: CRMDS Circa 1883. Overland Stage Routes 1865. Presented by E. A. Butterfield, 1926. Colorado Historical Society. Burt, S. W. and E. L. Berthoud Sketch of th e Mining R egion of the Ro cky Mountains Denver: Rocky Mountain News Printing Co., 1860 Colorado Corps of Eng ineers. Cherry Creek Dam and R eservoir Lo cation of Historical Sites. Denver : U. S. Engineer Office. May, 1948 Nell's Topographical Map of th e State of Colorado. Denver 1 903. Names of rout es drawn on map by Dr. Margaret Long 1934. Colorado Historical Society. Scott Glenn R. Historic Trail Map of th e Greater Denv er Area Colorado Map I-856-G. Washington: U.S. G e ological Survey 1976. Scott Glen R. Hi storic Trail Map of th e Lamar 1 o X 2 Quadrangle Co lorado and Kansas. Map 1-2469. Washington: U.S. Geological Survey 1995. Scott Glenn R. Histori c Trail Map of th e Limon 1 X 2 Quadrangle, Colorado and Kansas Map I-2468. Washington: U.S. Geological Survey, 1994. Scott, Glenn R. Historic Trail Map of th e Sterling 1 oX 2 Quadrangle Northeastern Colorado. Map I-1894. Wa s hington: U.S. Geological Survey 1989 Scott, Glenn R. Historic Trail Map of th e Greater Denv e r 1 X 2 Quadrang le, Central Colorado Washington : U .S. Geo lo gical Survey 1999 Thay e r H. L. Thayer's Map of Colorado Denver: H. L. Thayer, 1 882 245

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Books Instructions to Agents and Employes of Wells Fargo & Co. 's Overland Express with Tariff of Rates, Etc. New York: J. 0. Seymour & Co, 1868. Bauer William H. James L. Ozment and Jolm H. Willard. Colorado Postal Hi s tory : The Pos t Offi ces. J B. Publi s hing Co., 1971. Bauer William H. James L. Ozment and John H. Willard. Colorado Post Offic es: 1 859-I 989 Golden: The Colorado Railroad Museum 1990. Black Robert C., Il1. I s land in th e Rockies. Boulder : Pruett Publishing Company 1969 Brigham Lillian Rice Color ado Trav e l ore : A Pocket Guide. Denver: The Peerle ss Printing Co., 193 1 Brown Georgina. Shining Mountains. Gunnison: B & B Printers 1 976. Bowles Samuel. Across the Continent Ann Arbor: Unjversity Microfilms Inc. 1966. Bowles Samuel. ed. James H. Pickering The Parks and Mountains of Colorado A Summer Vac ation in the Switzerland of America 1868 Sprin gfie ld: Samuel Bowles & Co., 1869. Reprint. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press 1991. Carter, Clement C North Park Colorado: Excerpts from the Autobiography of Clement Cyril Car ter I 875-I949. Ed Ruth Carter Quirke and Terrence T Quirke, Jr. Published by the Editors, 1991. Conte William R. The Old Cripple Creek Stage Road. Colorado Springs: Little London Pr ess, 1984. Colorado State Direct01y of Business and Indu s try I 956 Love l and: Rocky Mountain Directory Company, 1956 Cozens, Mary E ed. Alice Reich and Thomas J. Steele S. J. Fraser : Haps and Mishaps. The Diary of Mary E. Cozens. Denver: Regis College Press 1990. 246

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Crosby, John Beecher. Looking Back. Denver: Logos Ltd., 1983. Dodds Joanne West. Pueblo : A Pictorial History. Norfolk: Donning Company Publishers 1982 Dyer Reverend John L. J. L. D yer, Snow-Sho e Itinerant. Cincinnati: Cranston & Stowe 1890 Reprint, Fort Collins: Robinson Press 1976. Eberhart Perry. Ghosts of the Colorado Plains. Athens Ohio: Swallow Press / Ohio University Press 1986 E rb Louise, Ann Bruning Brown and Gilberta Bruning Hughes. The Bridger Pas s Ov e rland Trail 1862-1 869. Published by the author s, 1989. French, Emily. Emily The Dia ry of a Hard-Work e d Woman. ed. Janet LeCompte. Lincoln : University ofNebraska Press 1987 Fell James E., Jr. Ores to M e tals : The Rocky Mountain Smelting Indu stry. Lincoln: University ofNebraska Press 1979. Frederick J. V. B e n Holladay th e Stagecoach King Gl e ndal e, California: A. H. Clark Co., 1940. Greeley Horace. An Ov e rland Journey from New York to San Francisco in th e Summer of 1859. New York: C. M. Saxton Barker & Co. 1860 Reprint. New York: Alfred Knopf, 1964 Gresham Hazel. North Park. Steamboat Springs Colorado: The Steamboat Pilot 1975. Grinnell George. B e nt's Fort and Its Build e rs. Topeka Kansas: Kan sas State Historical Society 19 23. Hafen Leroy R. The Ov e rland Mail 1 849-186 9 C le veland: The Arthur H. Clark Company 1926. Hamilton C. M. Our Memories of Bergen Park. Golden : Silver State Printers. n.d. 247

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Harrison Louise C. Empire and Berthoud Pass. Denver: Big Mountain Press 1964. Hine, Robert V Community on the Frontier: Separate but Not Alone. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press 1980. Hungerford, Edward. Wells Fargo: Advancing the American Frontier. New York: Bonanza books 1959. Hyde, George. ed. Savoie Lottinville. Life of George Bent : Written from His Letters. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press 1968. Ingham G Thomas. Digging Gold Among th e Rockies, or Exciting Adventures of Wild Camp Life Philadelphia: Hubbard Brothers 1888. Jackson W. Turrentine. Wells Fargo in Colorado Territor y Monograph Series. Denver: Colorado Historical Society 1982. Jefferson County Historical Commission. From Scratch: A History of Jefferson County, Colorado. Golden: Jefferson County Historical Commission 1985. Jessen, Kenneth. Ghost Towns Colorado Style Vol. IICentral Region. Loveland: J. V. Publications, 1999 Johnson Charles A. Stagecoaches Along Cherry Creek. Denver: Golden Bell Press, 1980. Kindquist Cathy E. Stony Pass: The Tumbling and Imp e tuous Trail. Silverton, Colorado: The San Juan County Book Company 1987. Larimer Wj}liam H H. Reminisc e nces of General William Larimer and of His Son William H. H. Larimer Two of the Founders of Denver compiled by Herman S. Davis, Lancaster PA: New Era Printing Co. 1918 Lass William E. "Stage coaches. Encyclopedia of the American West Charles Phillips and Alan Axelrod, eds Vol. 4. Macmilliam Reference USA. New York: Simon & Schuster Macmillan 1996. 248

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Lay Michael G Way s of the World : A History of the World s Roads and of the V e hicles that Used Them. New Brunswick New Jersey: Rutgers University Pr e ss 1992. Lee Mabel Barbee. Cripple Cr ee k Days. New York: Doubleday & Company Inc., 1958. Reprint. Lincoln: University ofNebraska Press, 1984. Lee Wayne C and Howard C. Raynesford. Trails of th e Smoky Hill. Caldwell Idaho: The Caxton Printers Ltd 1980. Linville Leslie. The Smoky Hill Valley and Butt e rfield Trail. Decorah Iowa: Anundsen Printing Co. 1983 Loomis Noel M W e lls Fargo New York : Clarkson N. Potter Inc., 1968. Long Margaret. The Smoky Hill Trail. Den v er: W. H Kistler Stationery 1943. McQueary Lela. Widening Trail s Denver : The World Press Inc. 1962. Moore Jr. Jackson W. Bent's Old Fort A n Arch e olo g i cal Study. Denver: State Historical Society of Colorado and Pruett Publishing Company, 1973. Noel Thomas J. Th e City and th e Saloon. Lincoln: Un i versity of Nebraska Print 1982. Reprint. Boulder: University Press of Colorado 1996. Noel Thomas J. Buildings of Colorado. Oxford: Oxford University Press 1997 Noel Thomas J., Paul F. Mahoney and Richard E. Stevens. Historical Atlas of C olorado Norman : University of Oklahoma Press 1994. Nossaman, Allen. Many More M o untains. Volume 1 Silverton s Roots. Denver: Sundance Publications Ltd. 1989. Nossaman Allen. Man y More Mountains. Volume 2 Rut s to Silv e rton. Denver: Sundance Publications Ltd., 1993. Nossaman Allen. Many Mor e Mountains Volume 3 Rails into Sil v erton. Denver: Sundance Publications Ltd. 1998 249

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Oxford Englis h Dictionwy, 2d. s.v. "Coach." Oxford: O xfor d University Press 1989. Peters Bette D D enve r's Four Mile House. Denver: The Junior League of Denver Inc. 1980. Propst Nell Brown Forgo/len People: A History of th e South Platt e Trail. Boulder: Pruett Publishing Company 1979. Ramstetter, Charles and Mary, eds John Gregory Country: Place Names and History of Ralston Buttes Quadrangle, J effe rson County Colorado. Golden : C Lazy Three Press 1999. Riddle Kenyon. Records and Maps of the Old Santa Fe Trail. Raton New Mexico: Raton Daily Range 1949. Reprinted. Stuart Florida: Southeast Printing Co. Inc., 1963 Root, Frank A. and William Elsey Connelley. The Overland Stage to California Glorieta, New Mexico: The Rio Grande Press Inc ., 1901. Reprint. Glorieta New Mexico: The Rio Grande Press Inc ., 1970. Ryus W. H. The Second William P enn: Treating with Indians on the Santa Fe Trail 1860-1866 Kansas City MO: Frank T. Riley Publishing Co., 1913. Sarah Platt D ec ker Chapter, NSDAR. Pion ee rs of the San Juan Country. Vol. I IV. Bountiful, Utah: Family History Publishers 1995. Settle, Raymond W. and Mary Lund Settle. War Drums and Wagon Wheels : The Story of Ru ssell, Majors and Waddell Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1966. Shaputis, June and Suzanne Kelly. A Histor y ofChaffee Coun ty. Marceline Missouri: Walsworth Publishing Company 198 2. Smith Duane A. Horace Tabor: Hi s Life and the Legend. Niwot, Colorado: University of Colorado Press 1989 Taylor Bayard. Colo rado : A Summer Trip. New York: G. P. Putnam 1867 250

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Taylor, Morris F First Mail West: Stagecoach Lines on the Santa Fe Trail. Albuquerque: University ofNew Mexico Press 1971. Taylor, Robert G. Cripple Creek. Bloomington: Indiana University Publications, 1966. Townshend, Richard B. A Tenderfoot in Colorado New York: Dodd Mead and Company, 1923. Reprint. Norman: Univers ity of Oklahoma Press, 1968. Twain, Mark. [Samu el Clemens] Roughin g It Hartford Connecticut: American Publishing Company, 187 2 Reprint. New York: Harper & Row Publishers Inc., 1962. Ubbelohde, Carl, Maxine Benson and Duan e Smith. A Colorado Hi story. 7d Boulder: Pru ett Publishin g Company, 1995 Villard Henry. Memoirs of H enry Villard Journalist and Financier. 1835-1900 Vol. I. Cambridge: The Riverside Press 1904. Watrous Ansel. Hi s tory of Larimer County Colorado. Fort Collins: The Courier Printing & Publishing Company, 1911. Reprint.. Fort Collins: The Old Army Press 1972 West Elliott. The Con t ested Plains: Indian s Goldseekers and the Rush to Colorado. Lawrence, Kansas: University of Kansas Press 1998. White Richard. it's Your Misfortune and None of My Own : A New History of the American West. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991. Whitely Lee. The Cherokee Trail : Bent's Old Fort to Fort Bridger Boulder: Johnson Publishing Co. 1998. Williams Dallas. Fort S e dgwick Colo rado Territo1y: Hell Hole on the Platte. Sedgwick Colorado: F. S. R. Trust 1993. Winther Oscar 0. The Transportation Frontier: Trans-Mississippi West 18651890. New York: Holt Rinehart and Winston, Inc. 1964. Working, Gertrude Brown L evi Booth of Four Mile Hou se. Published by the author, 1986 251

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Periodicals "Colorado's Territorial Days By a Lady Pion eerA Co ach Trip in 1865. The Trail. Vol. I., March 1909. James Parker. The Trail. Vol. III. January 1911. Bailey Mary Ellen Jackson, ed Agnes Wright Spring. "The Diary of Mary Ellen Jackson Baile y," The D enve r Westerners Brand Book of th e D enve r Po sse. Vol. XVIII 1962 Butterfield Ella A. Butt e rfield's Overland Dispatch." The Trail. Vol. XVIII. D ece mber 1 925. Carroll Richard. "The Founding of Salida Colorado." Co lorado Ma gazine. Vol. XI. July 1934. Carroll, Richard. "Mary Nash Mear, Pion eer." Co lorado Magazine. Vol. XI. November, 1934 Cisne, Jonah Girard ed. A. T. Cisne Acros s th e Plains and in Nevada City ," The Co l orado Maga zine. Vol. XXVII, J an uary 1950 Davis T h eo dore "A Sta ge Rid e to Colorado." Harper's New Monthl y Magazine Jul y 1867 Davi s, Theodore. Harp e r's Weekly. February 8 1868. Dittman Catherine. "Th e Story of a Pion eer Family: The Thomas B erge ns of Bergen Park including r eco llections of Martha A. Greene." Eve rgr ee n Magaz in e Fall/W inter 1 977 Dittm an, Catherine. "Th e Story of a Pioneer Family : The Thomas Ber ge n s of Bergen Park including r eco llection s of Martha A. Greene. P art 11." Everg r een Magazine. Spring/Summer 1978. Doud E mma Gould. Pioneerin g Experience Colorado Magazine. Volume XIV. November 1 937. 252

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Hill, Emma Shepard. "Empire in the Sixties Colorado Magazine. Vol. 5, No. I. February, 1928. Hunt (Jackson), Helen "Among the Sky Lines Atlantic Monthly. Vol. 49 March 1882. Kenney Cale. "Cozen's Ranch: A Saga of the West." Alp e nglo Maga z ine 1996 Leach Samuel. Early-Day Reminiscences. The Trail. Vol. Ill Ma y 1911. Low, Ed ith Parker. History of the Twenty-Mile House on Cherry Creek." Colorado Maga z ine Vol. XII No.4 July 1935 McCullough Frances. "Bar low and Sanderson Stage Line in the San Luis Valley. The San Luis Vall e y Hi storian. Vol. XXX No.3, 1998. Melvin Mrs. Jan e The Twelve Mile House-Recollection of Mrs. Jane Melvin as related to Jan1es Harvey ." Co lorado Magazine. Vol. XII, No 5, September, 1935. Noel, Thomas J. All Hail the Denver P acific." Co lorad o Magazine Spring 1973. Payne Stephen. "The Early Days in North Park." The D e nv e r Western e rs Brand Book of the D e nver Posse, March 1967. Richardson Albert D. ed. Louise Barry. Albert D. Richardson's Letters on the Pike s Peak Gold Region Written to the Editor of the Lawrenc e Republican, May 22 August 25, 1860 ," Kansas Hi s torical Quarterly, February 1943. Root, George A. and Russell K Hickman. Pikes Peak Express Companies part II, Solomon and Republican Route." Kansas Historical Quarterly, Vol. 13, November 1944. Root, George A. and Russell K. Hickman. Pikes Peak Express Companies part Ill Platte Route." Kansas Historical Quarterly, Vol. 14, February 1945. Root, George A. and Ru ssell K. Hickman. "Pikes Peak Express Companies, part IV, Platte Route. Kansa s Historical Quarterly Vol. 17, February 1946. 253

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Settle Raymond W. and Mary Lund Settle. "The Early Careers of William Bradford Waddell and William Hepburn Russell: Frontier Capitalists." Kansas Historical Quarterly. Winter 1960. Sprague Abner E. "My First Trip to Denver. Colorado Magazine. Vol.XV November 1938. Sturm Mayme G. Mary York (Cozen), Pioneer Woman in Gregory Diggings. Colo rado Magazine. Vol. 22. May 1945 Thomas, J. J. "In the Days of the Overland Trail." Th e Trail. Vol. II, May, 1910 Witter, Mrs. Daniel. 'Pioneer Life." Colorado Magazine. Vol. 4. Decemb er 1927. Working D.W. "History of the Four Mile House ." Colorado Maga zine. Vol. XVIII ovember 1941. Newspapers The Clear Creek Mining Journal July 15, 1955 D ece mb er 30 1955 Colorad o Prospector (Denver) C olorad o Springs Sun Daily Cen tral City R egis t er. June 25, 1871. The Denv e r Post Contemporary Magazine. February 23, 1986. The D enver Pos t October 13, 1975 Jun e 17, 1976 : January 19, 1997 The Fort Co llin s Chronicle, Summer 1975. The Free Press (Gunnison). The Ga ze lle (Colorado Springs). May 1999. The Gazette Telegraph (Colorado prings) 1996-1997. 254

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Georgetown Courier 1879. The Missouri Republican. 1865 The Park e r Press Souvenir Edition. June 20 and 21, 1964. The Rocky Mountain Herald. September 12, 1964. Rocky Mountain N e w s Daily and Weekly. 1862-1887. Rocky Mountain News 1956-1975 March 12, 1986. Sky-Hi News (Granby). December 19, 198 5 Steamboat Pilot. February 19, 1981. W e stern Mountaine e r 1859. Winter Park Manifest. April 17, 1986. December 12, 1 985 Miscellaneous Publications and Collections Brochures, Pamphlets, Clippings, and Photographs Chen-y Creek Valley Historica l Society. Photograph collections. Co lor ado Historical Society Phot ograph Collection GCHA Point with Pride to Myriad Achievements newspaper clipping file, n.d., Colorado State Historic Preservation Office Denver Colorado San Juan County Historical Society Photograph Collection Virginia Dale Community C lub Virginia Dale Stage Station and Club House. Brochure. Undated. Wier, James A. The Georgetown to Hot Sulphur Springs Stagecoach" Pamphlet. Hot Sulpher Springs: Grand County Historical Association 1993. 255

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" Wild Horse History Springs from John Goodier's Memory. Cheyenne Wells Colorado 1973. Clipping file. State Historic Preservation Office Denver Colorado. 256