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The development of the American Catholic Church

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The development of the American Catholic Church its integration into the modern American suburb : a focus on the Archdiocese of Denver comparing the Basilica of the Immaculate Conception and the Queen of Peace
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Bergles, Matthew Paul
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English
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90 leaves : ; 29 cm

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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 88-90).
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Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree, Master of Arts, Department of History.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Matthew Paul Bergles.

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University of Florida
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Full Text
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AMERICAN CATHOLIC CHURCH
ITS INTEGRATION INTO THE MODERN AMERICAN SUBURB
A FOCUS ON THE ARCHDIOCESE OF DENVER
COMPARING THE BASILICA OF THE IMMACULATE
CONCEPTION AND QUEEN OF PEACE
by
Matthew Paul Bergles
B.S., University of Southern Colorado, 1979
A thesis submitted to the
Faculty of the Graduate School of the
University of Colorado in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
Department of History
1990
r-i f *
i -1 * 9


This thesis for the Master of the Arts degree by
Matthew Paul Bergles
has been approved for the
Department of
History
by
Mark S. Foster
Date^l nfao


Bergles, Matthew Paul (M.A., History)
The Development of the American Catholic Church
Its Integration Into the Modern American Suburb. A Focus on the
Archdiocese of Denver Comparing the Basilica of Immaculate
Conception and Queen of Peace.
Thesis directed by Professor Thomas Noel
The development of the Catholic Church in the United States has
been affected by the phenomenon of suburbanization. Suburbanization has
made a distinctive impact on the cultural and social development of American
society since the end of World War II, and has been responsible for the
restructuring of many traditional institutions including government, education,
and religion. The impact of suburbanization on the American Catholic Church
is nearly equal to the phenomenal consequences that immigration brought to
bear on American Catholicism in the first half of the twentieth century. To build
an understanding of the implications of massive migration to the suburbs and
to apply it to the Denver Archdiocese this thesis attempts to explore
Catholicism in a national, regional, state, diocesan and local parish context.
During the first half of the twentieth century little change took' place
in the Catholic parish in terms of liturgy, leadership, and education. The parish
pastor was revered much as a monarch and held his position for extended
periods. Devotional Catholicism was supreme as novenas and missions
became the most popular expressions of people's piety. Parochial schools


rv
increased in number and, though they never reached more than half of the
Catholic school-age population, they still remained one of the distinctive
features of the immigrant church into the first half of the twentieth century. In
the American West, the Catholic Church has had a presence since 1600.
When European immigrant restrictive legislation was passed in the
1920's, a new immigration developed northward from Mexico. Blacks also
began a migration to northern American cities. As all of these new immigrants
settled in the inner cities where the old immigrants had lived, the city began to
expand outward to the crabgrass frontier the suburb.
The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its
publication.
Signed_


DEDICATED TO MARY,
THE QUEEN OF PEACE,
AND ALL OF HER PARISHIONERS
IN SOUTH AURORA


VI
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Father Bill Breslin and the Parishioners at Queen of Peace for
keeping me focused on the topic at hand, and for providing the initial
inspiration for such a topic.
Marian Eskridge whose voluntary and diligent proofreading brought
me out of the rough-draft stage.
Sister Ann at the Archdiocese Archives who kept a sense of humor
with me, and provided instant expertise.
Super-students Andrew Schiebler and Padraic Romfh at Perfect
Pages Printing who patiently and inexpensively solved my computer illiteracy
problem.
And, my mother, whose patience and encouragement sustained me
during this project, and throughout my life.


CONTENTS
OHAPTER
I. AMERICAN CATHOLICISM: AN HISTORICAL OVERVIEW .................1
Introduction...... ...... ............................. 1
General Observations...........................................3
Colonial Period .............................................. 5
Citizen Period ...............................................17
Immigration Period......;...................................20
Maturation Period....................................... 25
The Modern Era ........................................... 28
Notes...................................................... 31
II. A SYNOPSIS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE
INTERMOUNTAIN WEST EMPHASIZING COLORADO ................... 34
Introduction.................. .................. ......34
The Intermountain West....................................... 35
Colorado.................................................. 40
Notes ..................................................... 53
III. A BRIEF HISTORY OF TWO DIVERGENT DENVER ARCHDIOCESE
PARISHES: BASILICA OF THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION AND QUEEN OF
PEACE.................................................. 55
Introduction .. ........... .........................55
The Basilica of the Immaculate Conception ................. 56


VIII
Queen of Peace............................................ 62
Notes ..................................................... 69
IV. THE IMPACT OF SUBURBANIZATION ON "THE DENVER CATHOLIC
ARCHDIOCESE COMPARING THE BASILLICA OF THE IMMACULATE
CONCEPTION WITH QUEEN OF PEACE ... .................. ............ 71
Introduction.............................................. 71
American Urbanization........................ .........V / 72
American Suburbanization .................................... 74
Catholic Suburbanization: A National View ................... 78
Immaculate Conception-Queen of Peace:
Comparison-Conclusion........................................ 81
Notes ....................................................... 85
BIBLIOGRAPHY ...................................................... 87


CHAPTER I
AMERICAN CATHOLICISM: AN HISTORICAL OVERVIEW
Introduction
John Fitzgerald Kennedy's election to President of the United States
in 1960 began a new era in United States history and American religious
history. Catholicism, although long the largest single religious group in the
United States, had nonetheless suffered the prejudices of a minority. Alfred E.
Smith's failed presidential candidacy in 1928 created the popular assumption
that to be Catholic was to be disqualified from the nation's highest office.
Kennedy's election shattered that assumption. The martyred presidency of an
American Catholic stands symbolically as the beginning of the full assimilation
of millions of American Catholics into the American political and social
mainstream. At the same time the burgeoning of the American suburb brought
Catholics and other Americans unprecedented social mobility and professional
opportunity. American Catholic history is, then, an important aspect in the
growth and fulfillment of American institutions.
In the United States the Catholic Church has always been a complex
phenomenon. Its predominantly European heritage, ethnic diversity, frontier
expansions, and regional variations have made it unique among American
institutions.


2
European Catholics have long contended and to some degree still
contend that the American Catholic Church is too democratic, too pluralistic,
too American and therefore not sufficiently Catholic. While American Catholics
attempted to show the Vatican that the United States was becoming a powerful
force to be reckoned with, and that the worldwide church should take a lesson
from the Americanization of Catholicism in the United States, European,
conservatives were looking at the American Catholic Church quite differently.
Events in the United States, coupled with challenges to traditional power
structures in Europe, led Pope Leo XIII to side with American conservative
Catholics and in 1899 to issue a letter, Testem Benevolentia, condemning a
constellation of ideas he labeled "Americanism."1 In this letter the Pope
condemned the idea of adapting Catholic doctrine to the modern age, and he
warned against the idea that the Church in America would be "different from
that which is in the rest of the world."2 He also labeled as "suspicious ideas"
such notions as the rejection of external guidance in the spiritual life, the
placing of natural virtues ahead of supernatural virtues, the stability of active
virtues for the present age, a disdain for religious life, and the desire for new
techniques in recruiting converts. Time, Vatican II, and more progressive
popes such as John Paul II have done much to allay these concerns.
Ironically, the Catholic Church in the United States has had to
regularly defend itself against the Protestant charge of being too Catholic and
Roman and not American enough. John F. Kennedy, other prominent


3
Catholics and a new Protestant-Catholic dialogue among other things have
done much to change this attitude.
This chapter provides a sociohistorical overview of Catholicism in the
United States. A knowledge of the past underlies an understanding of present
trends in urban and suburban Catholicism. This overview is of course no
attempt to cover the entire scope of United States Catholic history, Gibbons,
Ellis, Greeley and more recently Dolan, the Notre Dame University staff and
others have sufficiently chronicled American Catholic history. It is then a
sociological interpretive historical sketch that will best lend credence to the
study of American Catholic development, especially the suburbanization
process.
General Observations
Like all religions in the United States, Catholicism has its roots in the
immigrant experience. However, with the exception of the Maryland colony,
Spanish settlements in the Southwest and a French presence in the Great
Lakes region, those roots were not implanted until after basic institutions of the
American republic had already been established in a Protestant Culture, one
basically anti-Catholic in thought and in practice. This Catholic immigrant
religion was therefore caught in the dilemma of becoming American enough to
survive in the new society yet remaining Catholic enough to remain loyal to the
Old World's traditional Catholic teachings. John Carroll, appointed as first
bishop of. the United States in 1789, found Catholics divided about the future


4
path that the Church should take. The noted Catholic historian and sociologist
Andrew M. Greeley calls the groups that resulted from this schism the
"Americanizers and the anti-Americanizers.''3 Americanizers have believed the
Catholic Church should rejoice in the freedom America offers because of the
opportunity for their religion to grow and flourish as it has nowhere else. This
viewpoint comes from the opinion that American democracy offers only
opportunity for the Church. According to Americanizers, Catholicism in the
United States must become as American as possible and then proclaim the
benefits of cooperation with a society believing in human freedom and political
democracy to the rest of the Catholic Church.4
The anti-Americanization tradition has been that Catholicism is a
minority religion in a country unfriendly to it. Aware of anti-Catholic religious
bigotry and the threat to the faith of immigrants, this position views the Catholic
religion as a subculture having values differing from the values of the larger
society. It advocates that the Church guard its values against corruption by
materialism, secularism, and paganism in American society. Any goodwill of
non-Catholics has to be proven. The Church's role therefore, in American
society must stand apart. Only a vigorous denunciation of the evils of
American culture will protect the faith of Catholics from corruption by the
immorality of the society around them contended Carroll. While the
Americanizers do not see the possibility that by becoming thoroughly American
the Church would become any less Catholic, the anti-Americanizers, fearful of


5
this problem, maintain that compromises with American institutions will make
the Church less Catholic5
With Carroll's late-eighteenth century assessments in mind, this
thesis examines events prior to Carroll's contention if only to analyze the
sociological impact of Carroll and those, following him. Catholic historians
generally divide American Catholic history into a colonial period, approximately
1492-1790; a citizen period, approximately 1790-1850; an immigrant period from
approximately 1850-1908, a maturation period from about 1908 to 1960 and a
post-Vatican II or modern period from the early 1960's up to the present time6
A brief historical overview follows:
Colonial Period
American history wrongfully examines the British colonies on North
America's eastern seaboard and usually overlooks the Hispanic Southwest.
However the basic American social institutions of government, law, education,
and, of course, religion stem from these English settlers. By the time of the
establishment of Jamestown and later Plymouth, England was Protestant, and
so a study of American Catholicism must include colonization by the New
World Catholic powers, France and Spain; therefore, not only England but
France and Spain's colonies must figure in this examination. Differences in
time and geographic location are noteworthy of these above mentioned
countries. Spain entered the new world nearly a century before France and
England. The Spanish Empire colonized primarily Central and South America


6
beginning in the late fifteenth century; the French began extensive colonization
of what is today the nation of Canada, and the Mississippi Valley; the English
were on the eastern seaboard; and all three powers had a limited stake in the
Caribbean islands.
Since Spain was the first great European colonizer, and much of its
activity extended into the Rocky Mountains and the present-day state of.
Colorado, Spanish activity in the New World starts this overview. As
background, Spain was, of course, a major Catholic power. The conquest of
the Moors, the concessions granted to the Spanish crown by the Vatican over
ecclesiastical affairs and the fact that Spain was the greatest Catholic power of
Europe caused conflict with the rising Protestant states and helped to stamp
upon every Spanish enterprise the seal of Catholicism.7 Such religiousity
appears in the first entry Columbus made in his famous journal, where he
remarked that among the principal aims of his voyage was to contact natives
to observe what he called "the manner in which may be undertaken their
conversion to our holy faith."8 In fact, in most every patent issued by the
Spanish crown concerning New World settlement, the conversion of natives to
the Catholic faith was described as the chief motive for exploratory ventures.9
Religious conversion motivated Spain in its New World ventures, as it did to a
lesser extent France and England. In approximately 1480 there had begun with
Pope Sixtus IV a series of concessions to the Spanish kings culminating in
Julius Il's bull Univeralis ecclesiae of 1508 which made state approval


7
necessary for all churches, monasteries and religious homes opened in the
colonies.10
The union of church and state was simultaneously advantageous
and disadvantageous for the success of Catholicism in the Spanish New World.
Political and ecclesiastical authorities clashed frequently over control of natives
and other problems spanning more than three centuries of Spanish colonization
from Ponce de Leon in Florida in the early sixteenth century to the opening of
the last California mission in 1823. The positive side of a shared secular-
ecclesiastical administration of Spanish interests and the native "Indians" within
them was the Catholic mission system established throughout the entire
Spanish rim from Florida in the east to northern California in the west. The
missions were dependent upon the civil and military structure for finances and
protection. These secular institutions were in turn grateful for the convenience
of spiritual sustenance the missionary system afforded them. The negative side
of such an arrangement was the constant perceived instability of real patronato,
the term used to. describe the State's control over the Church. A papal bull
issued in 1537 by Pope Paul III, Siiblimus Deus, and a successive bull in 1538
further illustrate the Church-State controversy, and also illustrate that Spanish
Conquistadors had enslaved thousands of American natives. Sublimus Deus
was issued to combat the charge that "Indians" were not capable of receiving
the Catholic faith. Pope Paul III, under pressure from New World Dominican
missionaries reaffirmed the traditional teaching of the Catholic Church


8
concerning the spiritual equality and brotherhood of all men.11 This document
underscores the controversy over the intellectual capacities of American
..Indians. Many conquistadors believed the Indians simply to be animals. Had
ecclesiastical or secular authorities allowed this belief to prevail it would have
allowed the Spaniards to use the lives and property of the defenseless natives
unchecked by the protective hand of the church. The task of the missionaries
would therefore have been much more difficult. However, because of Charles
Vs concern over Sublimus Deus he successfully pressured Paul III to revoke
it, and Paul III issued another bull on June 19, 1538. This bull revoked all
previous papal briefs and bulls that may have compromised the king's power
in the dominions of New Spain. The Pope did not actually revoke the
provisions of Sublimus Deus concerning the Indian's capacity for conversion,
but he did declare all ecclesiastical censures and penalties imposed by the
missionaries on the conquistadors to be null and void. The Sublimus Deus bull
did receive longstanding allegiance because the New World Spanish rarely
knew of the nullification.12
The Spanish missionaries showed an element of compassion for the
American natives lacking among English Protestants along the Atlantic coast.
This Christian ideology was apparent even after several Spanish priests were
brutally killed by the native "savages." Indeed, the Spanish Jesuits and
Franciscans became a force working for the preservation of American
Indians.13 Unfortunately, there were often abuses of the natives by religious


9
and secular authorities, and the natives often found themselves useless pawns
in an ongoing quarrel between church and state. Natives, consequently, felt
demoralized and showed less respect for their Catholic faith they had been
pressured to embrace. Under the realpatronato system, jurisdictional authority
over the Indians often became blurred between church and state. This
unfocused administration of the natives, and thus of New Spain led to a general
awakening of Spain's efforts at colonization and its empire. Today the legacy
of the Spanish conquistadors, missionaries, and thus the Spanish Catholic
Church is quite visible from St. Augustine, Florida, to San Antonio, Texas, and
on to Los Angeles and San Francisco, California. Geographic names,
architecture and the culture of the Mestizo/Hispanic people endure and are
growing with the focus of that Catholic legacy.
France's colonization in the New World had many similarities to
Spanish colonization. In short, church and state were united, and the missions
became the dominant institution of French colonial activity. Desire for a
Northwest Passage and pursuit of gold and furs brought French explorers to
the Great Lakes region. Gold was never found. Beaver became an abundant
fur, and codfish was harvested as a less precious commodity. These
commodities sustained a trade with the native Indians but were insufficient in
quenching the thirst for economic equality with Spain. Jacques Cartier became
the French Coronado as he scoured the St. Lawrence River in search of his.
objectives. By 1541 Cartier realized such gems to be only legend and returned


10
home. By the beginning of the seventeenth century, however, the French
returned, this time for a sustained duration to persue the fur and fish trade
and to convert native Indians to Catholicism.
Since a concordat signed by Pope Leo X and Francis I in 1516, the
crown enjoyed the right of nominating clerics to vacant bishoprics and newly
established sees. However, the Gallican tendencies, which by the time of Louis
XIV had brought about so tight a national control over the Church in France,
could not effect quite the same results in North America.14 This was due to
precedents set by the first bishop in New France, Fancois de Montmorency
Laval, a strong-willed man of great determination. Laval was willing to fight with
state officials anytime they threatened the rights of the Church. Mason Wade
has written of the bishop: "In all, Laval guided the destinies of the Church in
New France for thirty four years, ruling in a more authoritarian and absolute
fashion than any representative of the all-powerful Sun King. He left more of
a mark on the colony than any governor except the great Frontenac, with
whom he quarreled violently."15 A union between church and state did,
however, exist, and it became the basis for several contests still active in
Quebec between the two for the entire duration of French activity in the New
World.
Apart from church-state relations other similarities between Spain
and France in the New World existed. Both asserted the worth of the Indians
as a people whose soul was of equal value in the eyes of God. The other


11
obvious similarity is the missionary zeal with which the French approached the
native population.. The French Recollet and Jesuit orders stand out in
missionary work in New France. Along with Capuchin and diocesan priests
these orders attempted to bring an end to the intense hatred and warring
between the Iriquois and Hurons. This seventeenth century quest helped
create one of the more vibrant periods of Catholicism in France. It helped
produce such religious giants as St. Francis de Sales, St. Vincent de Paul,
Jacques Olier, and others. Unfortunately, meddling in Indian affairs also
brought torture and death to many French clerics.
Though many early French efforts to work with the eastern natives
failed they did not give up. Undaunted, many moved westward toward Lake
Superior where church officials would participate in ceremonies in 1671 which
claimed the entire known western country in the name of God and the Sun
King. At these ceremonies the priests explained to the natives the doctrine of
Christ's redemption of mankind on the cross. The priests also stressed that
King Louis XIV was "Captain of the greatest Captains and has not his equal in
the world."16 Thus church and state were united in the remoteness of Lake
Superior to help advance the policies of the King and his government. For
much of the next century great success was enjoyed by the Jesuit missions.
Other orders also began to appear in the Lake Superior region as supplements
to the Jesuits to provide a ministry to the white settlers in the wilderness and
to seek converts among the Indians. After the French had explored the entire


12
length of the Mississippi River and had established the new colony of Louisiana
in the early eighteenth century, an agreement made in 1722 brought the
Capuchins to that colony where they would remain even after the Louisiana
Purchase.
The persistence of the French missionaries is difficult for the modern
mind to comprehend. They were specifically trained to deal with hardship and
failure. To the French Jesuits, even the incidences of torture, were simply
viewed as obstacles to be overcome for the advancement of the Lord. These
men were, after all, consumed with living a genuine faith that was strong
enough to carry them, perhaps blindly, through any and all adversity.
Historians Charles and Mary Beard have remarked of such fortitude: "The
heroic deeds of Catholic missionaries, daring for religion's sake torture and
death, bore witness to a new force in the making of world dominion."17 As
with Spain's rim of influence from Florida to Northern California, the influence
of the French and their missionaries is still evident from the Great Lakes region
southward along the Mississippi to the state of. Louisiana. French names,
traditions, and institutions are prominent.
The New World colonization efforts of the English are, of course,
different from those of Spain and France. England was by the time of
colonization a Protestant country which had harbored more than a century of
official anti-Catholicism. John Tracy Ellis makes four major points about
Catholic history in colonial English America. First, the Jamestown colony


13
brought an anti-Catholic bias in 1607 which would be apparent in all thirteen
colonies. Second, the small group of Catholics who settled along the Atlantic
coast in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries after being
persecuted in their European homelands for more than a century, still clung to
their faith. Third, the Catholic minority in their brief holding of power in
Maryland introduced the new concept (in the New World) of religious tolerance.
Finally, the absence of domination by any one of the different Protestant
churches fostered principles, of religious tolerance.18
Even though colonial English Protestant sects displayed major
differences among themselves they became strong allies in their opposition to
the church of Rome. Virginia passed a law against Catholics in 1642. In 1647
Massachusetts Bay followed suit with a similar law designed to discourage
Catholic settlement and to prohibit the practice of Catholicism. In short, New
England held its colonial Catholics in subjection and contempt.
An obvious reason for such strong anti-Catholic sentiment in New
England, in addition to the carry over from the mother country, was the
overwhelming majority of Protestants in the British colonies. As late as 1785
when the United States population measured four million scarcely 25,000 were
Catholics.19 Even in Maryland where Catholic concentration was most dense,
the total Catholic population was only about eleven percent.20 Catholics came
to the New World for the same reasons as others namely to worship God
according to their own consciences and to escape the brutality of England's


14
penal laws. However, for an extended duration they found conditions the same
as, and in some cases worse than, those they had fled in England.
The high point in early New England Catholic history began in
March, 1634, when the Ark and the Dove sailed up the Potomac River. Aboard
was a gathering of Jesuit priests, Catholic nobleman, and Protestant servants.
This group of about 150 had reached Maryland to engage in a joint effort to
establish a colony in which Protestants and Catholics could live together in
"mutual love and Amity." 21 Although the love and amity soon vanished
Maryland did prosper and become home for thousands of American Catholics.
The man responsible for a Catholic haven in Maryland was the first Lord of
Baltimore, George Calvert. Calvert is one of history's exceptional political
figures because he relinquished a promising political career (he was a royal
secretary to James I) for his religious convictions. A convert to .the Catholic
faith, Calvert took advantage of his favor with the king to attempt to secure at
court a safe haven for Catholics in the New World. After having failed at
attempted settlements in Newfoundland and Virginia, he died and left the task
to his son, Cecilius. It was to Cecilius whom Charles I granted a charter stating
that churches in Maryland were to be "dedicated and consecrated according
to the Ecclesiastical Laws of our Kingdom of England."22 A loyal Catholic,
the second Lord Baltimore abided by the charter and Maryland did become a
tolerant refuge for people of all Christian faiths.
Life was tranquil for Maryland Catholics until the English Civil War


15
began in 1642. Then neighboring colonial Virginians who resented their
Catholic neighbors in Maryland, especially the Calverts, caused chaos in
Maryland. As anti-Catholic resentment grew in England over the suspected
Catholic sympathies of Charles I, so too did Maryland face this sentiment. The
Protestants resented Maryland Catholics holding most leading offices, and the
Jesuits' Indian evangelism and ministering to white settlers. Such antipathy led
to the creation of one of colonial America's most fundamentally important
documents, the Act of Religious Toleration of 1649. Since religious tolerance
had been practiced in Maryland, the act did not establish it, but it did provide
it with the force of law. The law, passed by a body of Protestants and
Catholics, made blasphemy and the calling of approbrious religious names
punishable offenses. The spirit of the act was captured in the following
passage:
And whereas the inforceing of the conscience in matters of
Religion hath frequently fallen out to be of dangerous
consequence in those commonweathes where it has been
practised... Be it therefore enacted...that noe person or psons
whatsoever within this Province... professing to believe in
Jesus Christ, shall from henceforth bee any waise, Molested
or discountenanced for or respect of his or her religion nor in
the free exercise thereof [sic].23
For all of the foresight such a previously unheard of liberal innovation
demonstrated, it was, unfortunately, short-lived. An unsuccessful struggle with
Puritans allowed the overthrow of the proprietor's political majority, the repeal
of the act, and outlawed Catholicism within the colony. Four priests were
executed, Jesuit property plundered, and priests forced to relocate. Calvert


16
regained short-lived control that ended with another major political uprising in
1689.
Under Charles Calvert, the third Lord Baltimore, events in England
during the Glorious Revolution once again caused discontent in colonial
Maryland. By 1691 Maryland was made a Royal Colony with a crown-
appointed governor. A Maryland assembly ended religious toleration,
established Anglicanism as the official state religion and forced Catholics to pay
a tax. Complete disenfranchisement followed in 1718 and lasted until the
beginning of the Revolutionary War.
Also during this period (1664 until the War for Independence) penal
status was given most Catholics in the English colonies. Catholic Church
administration was virtually non-existent, since such an anti-Catholic
atmosphere prevented the Vatican from appointing bishops and other
administrative officials to posts in the English colonies.24 This led to a period
of sacramentally deprived lay people in the area with little or no knowledge of
church governance. One prominent Catholic name comes to the forefront of
such an atmosphere in the 1770's: Charles Carroll.
A Jesuit-educated lay Catholic aristocrat, Carroll, under the pen
name of "First Citizen," began a series of letters in the Maryland Gazette in 1773
against the arbitrary actions of the royal governor, Robert Eden. Carroll's
eloquently worded letters declared the sacredness of religious freedom and
argued that separation of church and state was not only successful in toppling


17
the royal governor but also incited Catholics to stand up and fight for similar
ideas. Such a bold proclamation by a Catholic patriot brought colonial
Catholics out of social and political isolation to unite with other colonists against
a common enemy the Crown of England. Three years later Carroll proudly
added his signature to the Declaration of Independence.
Religious bigotry and discrimination were by no means squelched
with the declaration, but the patriotic role played by numerous Catholics in the
War for Independence, the influence of the colonist alliance with the French and
increasing awareness of America's growing pluralism helped alleviate the anti-
Catholic bias. Also, the broad-minded statesmanship of George Washington
along with a few other secular officials, coupled with the efforts of Father John
Carroli (a distant cousin of Charles Carroll) helped eliminate official religious
intolerance with the guarantee of freedom being embodied in the Constitution
of the United States.
Citizen Period
The period between approximately 1790-1850 is known as the
"Citizen Period" because during this time Catholic Americans began to take
advantage of their new-found constitutional rights and settle into an uneasy
assimilation as citizens in American society. Thus the label "Citizen Period."
In 1783 the Holy See in Rome began a basic organizational structure
for its American church. First and foremost in such an effort was the


18
appointment in 1784 of John Carroll as "Superior of the Mission in the thirteen
United States." In more practical terms Carroll was now the first Bishop of the
United States. In his new position Carroll did not hesitate to speak out and
write eloquently for his church's position in the new country. In letters and
essays the bishop wrote to the Vatican, to his peers, and in his publications,
he championed separation of church and state, freedom of worship, and a
bright and prosperous future for a new country adhering to such principles.
With the 1791 opening of Georgetown Academy, a Catholic seminary
on the outskirts of Washington D.C., a separate, distinctively American
generation of Catholic scholars began to disseminate the American Catholic
faith. Such activity continued well into the next century and was significant!)
enhanced by nineteenth century leaders of the newly-structured American
church. Most notably, John England, Bishop of Charleston, founded the United
States Catholic Miscellany, the first American Catholic weekly newspaper.
England used his newspaper as a lively vehicle to respond to the anti-Catholic
condemnations so prominent in popular publications of the time.
The other phenomena that evidently influenced the growth of
American Catholicism were the gradual yet dramatic rise in the number of
Catholic schools, charitable institutions and Catholic immigration in the first half
of the nineteenth century. These developments broke down religious and
social barriers and are still making their impact felt in the United States today.
A simple testament of these institutions can be found in the writings of Gustave


19
de Beaumont, who was a traveling companion in the United States of Alexis de
Tocqueville.
I am not a Catholic, but I can suffer prejudice of any sort to
prevent my doing justice to a body of Christian ministers,
whose zeal can be animated by no hope of worldly reward,
and whose humble lives are passed in diffusing the influence
of divine truth, and communicating to the meanest and most
despised of mankind the blessed comforts of religion... The
amount, and the success of their silent labours, is not
illustrated in the blazen of missionary societies.... And. yet we
may surely assert, that not the least of these labours is
forgotten. Their record is, where their reward will be.25
As de Beaumont and other foreigners would testify, no one could calculate the
success of the spiritual life of Catholicism. Yet to ignore it would be to omit an
important factor in the molding of both native-born and foreign-born Catholics.
Nineteenth century Catholic leaders also began to seek ways to
defend themselves and advance their cause. The .publication of more
newspapers provided one solution. Debates with Protestant clergy became
more commonplace, and in 1837 the church hierarchy assembled all American
Catholic bishops in Baltimore for the Third Provincial Council. The council
stated that all Catholics were being "painfully constrained to notice the
misrepresentation and persecution" marking the years since they had last
met.26 The bishops, however, advised Catholics to have patience, lead
exemplary lives, and go about their business.
In the Citizen Period, Catholics for the first time participated in
partisan politics. Upon the dissolution of the Federalist Party the majority of
politically active Catholics threw their support to the Jacksonian Democrats
following the example of Roger B. Taney, the Catholic Supreme Court Justice.


20
Yet, following John Carroll's example, most of the Catholic clergy stayed out
of politics, refusing to mention political matters from the pulpit.
The anti-Catholic mood notwithstanding, the Church was constantly
expanding. As the spirit of manifest destiny spread across the continent,
Catholics numbered upwards of two million. Priests numbered 1,421;
churches, 1,411; mission stations, 681; archdioceses, 6; dioceses, 25; and
vicariates apostolic, 4. These 1849 figures show that American Catholics still
accounted for only about one-twelfth of the population of the United States.27
In conclusion, the first half of the nineteenth century brought new
American Catholics, but Catholicism was still a minority religion within the
expanding nation. Because of organized opposition, Catholics were separated
from the American mainstream, but were gaining a voice through several
publications and an. increased political participation, especially in the
Democratic Party.
Immigration Period
Immigration is. the largest factor in the history of American
Catholicism because it supplied the fuel that kept American Catholicism burning
well into the twentieth century. Most European Catholics who emigrated to the
United States in the nineteenth century came from Ireland. Most Irish Catholics
began entering America in the 1840's (potato famine years) and continued into
the twentieth century. However, well over a quarter of a million came to the
east coast between 1820 and 1840. Pre-famine reasons for the Irish exodus


21
include general poverty, population overwhelming an outmoded economy, and
traditional yearnings for adventure, religious freedom, and the opportunity for
a better life.
Such immigration was cause for a great alarm among the Protestant
community. A scarcity of employment opportunities, a drop in American
shipping trade, and the lingering of long-harbored anti-Catholic prejudice
resulted in a festering agitation that came to a head in 1830 with the publishing
of The Protestant, an openly anti-Catholic newspaper. As this Protestant
movement spread throughout the country Protestant ministers began to join
forces to form the American Protestant Association, in the same year declaring
that the principles of Popery were "subversive of civil and religious liberty" and
that it was necessary for them to unite to defend Protestant interests against
"the great exertions now making to propagate that system in the United States."28
Such organizations inflamed the near-dormant anti-Catholic passions of many
normally quiet Protestant Americans. Of course not all Protestants were so
)
easily swayed. President Abraham Lincoln is a noteworthy American Protestant
who spoke out vigorously against anti-Catholic sentiment.29
The second half of the nineteenth century saw the creation of still
more anti-Catholic organizations both in and out of the political party structure.
The most prominent arose in 1854 as the Know-Nothing Party. Books,
pamphlets, and newspapers helped make this party more influential than any
previous anti-Catholic organization. A national crisis, the Civil War, broke the


22
power of the Know-Nothings but they would be replaced a generation later by
an equally destructive organization, the American Protective Association which
was to carry on the Nativist tradition until the turn of the century.
The antebellum period saw an increase in European-Catholic
migration with the bulk coming from potato famine Ireland and a post-revolution
and pre-Kulturkampf Germany. By 1900 this influx boosted the U.S. Catholic
population to just over twelve million compared to a total United States
population of about seventy five million. As these newcomers found anti-
Catholic hostility on the East Coast sometimes 'oppressive, many took
advantage of a westward movement to new settlements where, anti-Catholicism
was not nearly so well organized.
Italians and Poles were the next European Catholic groups to spill
across the Atlantic and establish social and religious roots in the United States.
Between 1880 and 1900 nearly one million Italians had settled in America.
From 1900 to 1920 three million more emigrated to America. Nearly all were
Catholic.30 Polish Catholics were nearly as prolific as the Italians in their
exodus to America. More than two million Poles entered the United States
between 1870 and 1920. Reasons for Polish and Italian migration were similar
to those of the Irish an outmoded unindustrialized economy, overpopulation,
and the adventure of a new life and possible prosperity. Other prominent
European Catholics seeking America in the latter part of the nineteenth century
were Slovaks and Lithuanians. Both groups combined totaled nearly one


23
million with upwards of eighty percent being Catholic. Other eastern European
Catholics entered the United States at this time but not in such significant
numbers as those mentioned.31
Non European Catholic groups entering the United States at this
time were French Canadians and, more significantly, Mexicans. A failing
Canadian economy along with a population increase spurred a natural
movement to its close southern neighbor. The Southwestern United States
experienced a similar immigration from Mexico. With the U.S. victory in the
Mexican-American War in 1848 came an acquisition of New Mexico, much of
Colorado, Arizona, Utah and Nevada and an inheritance of over eighty
thousand Mexicans. Although migration to the United States was slow for the
rest of the century, nearly a quarter of a million people moved northward into
American Catholic parishes between 1900 and 1920.32
These six immigrant groups Mexicans, Irish, Italians, Germans,
Polish, and French Canadians accounted for just over fifteen million U.S.
Catholics by 1920; or about 75 percent of all American Catholics.33 These
statistics emphasize the impact on American Catholicism immigration had
during the first twenty years of the twentieth century. Second, third, and fourth-
generation American Catholic immigrants, although diminished ethnically and
religiously through marriage, are still representative of these immigrant groups.
As the "brick and mortar" building phase of the American Church
escalated between 1920 and 1960, European Catholic immigrants and their


24
descendants enjoyed the benefits of economic prosperity by moving into the
middle class, and to a large degree, achieved economic parity with their
Protestant brethren. This is the time of the emergence of the modern suburb,
the basis of this study. By 1920 the city had replaced the farm as home for
most Americans. By 1970 the suburb would displace the city in the same
fashion.34 The automobile, shopping centers, generous post-World War II
veteran housing programs and immigrant-Catholic descendent's hard work and
thrift all contributed to the construction of numerous suburban parishes and the
natural following of suburban parishioners to fill them. With such change, the
Church began to shift its focus from an immigrant-city constituency to an
American-born suburban constituency.
The other major groups affecting the Church were an inner-nation
movementthe northward movement of southern blacks, and the Puerto Rican
movement to large eastern, cities, especially New York. By 1960 about half of
the American black population lived in the northern part of the United States,
three out of four of them in the cities. Blacks have never been strongly
attached to Catholicism and by 1928 they made up less than two percent of the
American Catholic population.. For varied reasons that figure has remained
relatively constant to the present time. Puerto Rican unemployment at home
spurred over a million inhabitants of the islands to migrate to the United States.
Most were Catholic and unfortunately joined other Hispanic groups and black
Americans on the bottom end of the socio-economic scale, and received the


25
brunt of the prejudice and discrimination both within and without the Church35
The story of the ethnic-Catholic immigration to the United States is
unique in the American story because a minority religious group exposed to
every form of severe prejudice, discrimination, and bigotry, fought through hard
work, determination, and American patriotism to pull itself up the socio-
economic ladder of success and take its rightful place alongside the Protestant
majority. More importantly, Catholic immigrants and their offspring have
provided a rich and diverse contribution to all aspects of American society.
Maturation Period .
From 1908 until roughly 1960 the American Catholic Church matured
as an American institution in its own right. Prior to 1908 the church struggled
to be accepted into the American mainstream and began to establish roots.
After this date the Church began to prove its establishment in the United States
as a force to be reckoned with. On June 29, 1908 Pope Pius X issued the
apostolic constitution Sapienti consilio declaring that the church in the United
States had been removed from the jurisdiction of the Congregation de
Propaganda Fide and had been placed on a basis of equality with such ancient
churches as those in Italy, France and,Germany. America would no longer be
regarded as simply missionary territory.36 By the beginning of the twentieth
century the Holy See reminded American Catholics of innumerable benefits,
afforded them through past missionary work and gently demanded American
repayment. U.S. Catholics responded generously and by 1920 were


26
contributing well over one million dollars annually to the Vatican.
One indication of the maturing process in the American Church
came in 1926 when Chicago hosted the International Eucharistic Congress37
Such an international meeting gave Catholics from all over the world an
appreciation of the advancements of the American Church, while giving
American Catholics a sense of international solidarity with their church.
Similarly numerous Americans had been appointed to the College of Cardinals,
the Holy See, and the Vatican Diplomatic Service by the 1920's. Also,
additional American clergy were appointed to numerous church administrative
positions throughout the world.
The rise of contemplative communities just prior to, and more
dramatically just after World War II, marks another measure of American
Catholic maturity. Contemplatives are people who devote themselves almost
exclusively to the worship of God through prayer, penance, and isolation from
the outside world. American Thomas Merton's The Seven Storey Mountain
became a best-seller in 1948 and was at least partly responsible for the
entrance of hundreds of men and women into the contemplative life. Such a
movement is analogous within the framework of the Church to the back-to-
nature movement among American young people starting in the 1960's.
Other indications of a maturation process were the English language
publications of missals, texts, and articles explaining in layman's terms the
meaning, symbolism, and importance of Catholic doctrine, liturgy, and Mass.


27
Begun in the 1920's, millions of such publications were sold and distributed by
the mid-1950's. Obviously, American Catholics were becoming more
knowledgeable about the meaning of their faith.
An important piece of evidence of maturation came on the eve of
America's commitment to World War I in 1917 when American Cardinal
Gibbons stated in an interview: "In the present emergency it behooves every
American citizen to uphold the hands of the President... in the solemn
obligations that confront us. The primary duty of a citizen is loyalty to country.
This loyalty is manifested more by acts than by words, by solemn service rather
than by dedication. It is exhibited by an absolute and unreserved obedience
to his country's call." 38 Such a statement was reflective of the general
Catholic patriotism and of the fact that the Secretary of War, Newton D. Baker,
estimated that as much as thirty-five percent of the American fighting force in
World War I was Catholic.39 This is a noteworthy estimate considering the
general. United States population was only one-sixth Catholic, and a large
number of their German and Italian enemies were also Catholic.
Patriotic organizations such as the National Catholic War Council
sprang up during the war under the auspices of American Catholic prelates.
This organization continued to exist after the war and was divided into five
departments including Lay Activities, Education, Press, Social Action, and
Missions.40 The Social Action department became the most controversial
because it focused its activity on an advocacy of social goals that for the time


28
were very unpopular and even considered socialistic or communistic: A
minimum wage, unemployment and health insurance, child labor laws, and the
right of labor to organize. Also, Father Coughlin, the reactionary radio priest
tarnished the Church's reputation with his radical proposals. The Church
vigorously defended itself against charges of socialism and radicalism, but it
had nonetheless set a precedent for a social movement that would culminate
in Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal.
These examples underscore the maturation process of the Catholic
Church in the first half of this century. Such a process integrated the American
Catholic Church and its people into the mainstream of American society. The.
election of John Kennedy in 1960 symbolized that American Catholics had
finally secured a niche in American society. With the advent of Vatican II the
Church entered into an entirely new era which leads to the present.
The Modern Era
Since this thesis includes a case study of the suburbanization of the
Denver Archdiocese, most of which occurred in the late sixties and throughout
the seventies after the Second Vatican Council, this section will only outline
some of the significant changes in Catholic doctrine, liturgy and practice.
Chapters III and IV will detail the Council's impact on the local Church.
Some changes in. the American Catholic Church occurred in the
1950's: for example, some English in the Mass and Sacraments, evening
Masses, revised fasting practices and lay involvement was permitted. Pope


29
John XXIII's summons for a council in 1962 called for a massive updating of
Catholicism to bring it into the twentieth century. The vernacular language was
approved for the Mass, the altar was rearranged, symbolism was eased (such
as Friday fasting) and the Tridentine tradition ended.41
The Council, which was observed by Protestants, called for the first
time for Christian unity instead of separation. The Council also looked toward
a revolution in parish life. The parish was viewed as the sign of mutual unity
or fellowship of all mankind through, and in union with, God. The parish thus
was given a twofold mission: one within the Church, constantly reforming,
renewing and redefining its methods for every generation; and another,
reconciling the Church to the world. Through this view of the parish the
Church was attempting to transform the world to its view of "true values by
witness." 42 Clergy and laypeople both were called to the ministry of faith.
The idea of merely leading a good life was no longer sufficient.
The time of the Council and the years immediately following it were
confusing times for American Catholics. Gone was the time when a Catholic
could go to Mass anywhere in the world and find it exactly the same as they
had always known it. It seemed every parish had its own particular variation.
In some parishes people stood to receive communion, some used their hands;
some parishes stressed music, others didn't. Many other patchwork reforms
were instituted.
The stability that the American Catholic parish had once offered its


30
parishioners seemed to be going the way of other American institutions.
Assassination ended the Kennedy presidency in 1963 and the civil rights
movement was dealt a severe blow with Martin Luther King's murder in 1968.
The media emphasized the Tet Offensive as proof that America was losing the
war in Vietnam, and the hippie movement was prodding the establishment to
re-evaluate itself.
The Catholic Church had completed the initial phase of its re-
evaluation with the close of the Second Vatican Council. The reforms dictated
at that council are generally accepted today by most American Catholics,
including, of course, those in Colorado. An understanding of the rapid
suburbanization of Denver and its archdiocese taking place at the same time
of such a domestic revision of the Catholic faith is essential to a comparison
between specific urban and suburban parishes within that archdiocese. Having
established a broad historical sketch of American Catholicism in Chapter I,
Chapter II will provide such a sketch for Colorado Catholicism, thus leading
toward a comparison of the suburban Gueen of Peace Parish and the urban
Basilica of the Immaculate Conception.


31
NOTES CHAPTER I
I Jay P. Dolan, The American Catholic Experience (Garden City, New
York: Doubleday and Company, 1985), p. 315.
2Ibid., p. 315.
3Andrew M. Greeley, The Catholic Experience (Garden City, New
York: Doubleday and Company, 1967), p. 13.
4Ibid., pp. 19-20.
5Ibid., p. 20.
6John Tracy Ellis, American Catholicism (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1969), p. vii.
7Ibid., p. 3.
8Samuel Eliot Morison, Admiral of the Ocean Sea: A Life of
Christopher Columbus (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1942), p. 204.
9Martin Fernandez de Navarrete (ed.), Colleccion de los viages y
descubrimentosque hicieron por mar los Espanoles (Madrid, 1829), III, p. 156.
10John Tracy Ellis, Documents of American Catholic History
(Milwaukee, Wisconsin: The Bruce Publishing Company, 1956), pp. 5-6.
II Ibid., pp. 7-9.
12Ibid., p. 7.
13 Ellis, American Catholicism, p. 6.
14lbid., p. 10.
15 Mason Wade, The French Canadians, 1760-1945 (New York:
MacMillan and Co., 1955), p. 39.
16A description of the ceremony is contained in the relation of Claude
Dablon, S.J., for 1670-71 in Thwaites, op. cit., LV, III.
17Charles Beard and Mary Beard, The Rise of American Civilization
(New York: MacMillan Company, 1931), I p.9.
18 Ellis, American Catholicism, p. 19.


32
19Ibid., p. 21.
20lbid.
21 Dolan, The American Catholic Experience, p. 69.
22Ellis, Documents of American Catholic History, pp. 97-100.
23Ibid., pp. 115-117.
24Ellis, American Catholicism, p. 19
25lbid., pp. 60-61.
26Ibid., p. 66.
27lbid., p. 81.
28Ibid., pp. 63-64.
29 Ibid., pp. 64-65.
30Dolan, The American Catholic Experience, p. 131.
31 Ibid., pp. 132-133.
32Ibid., pp. 133-135.
33Ibid., p. 135.
34 Daniel J. Boorstin and Brooks Mather Kelley, A History of the
United States (Lexington, Massachusetts: Ginn and Company, 1983), p. 625.
35"I'm Black and I'm Proud," Denver Catholic Register, February 14,
1990, p. 1.
36 Ellis, American Catholicism, p. 124.
37This Congress honored Catholic belief in the presence of Christ's
body and blood in the Blessed Sacrament. Held June 20-24, 1926.
38Ellis, American Catholicism, p. 158.
39Ibid., p. 139.
40Ibid., pp. 141-145.


33
41 The "Tridentine tradition" refers basically to an early Mass-form of
the Church.
42 Jay P. Dolan, The American Catholic Parish (New York:
Press, 1987), p. 88.
Paulist


CHAPTER II
A SYNOPSIS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE
INTERMOUNTAIN WEST EMPHASIZING COLORADO
Introduction
The history of the Catholic Church's, development'in Colorado and
the other seven states (Idaho, Wyoming, Utah, Nevada, Montana, New Mexico,
and Arizona) that comprise the Intermountain West is one of diversity: Diversity
of geography, culture, ethnicity, vocations, and religion combine to make this
region the most interestingly complex of any in the development of American
Catholicism. Struggle marks the spread of Catholicism in the Intermountain
West against the brutal force of a hostile climate, an indigenous non-Christian
culture, and a constant resistance from an evangelical Protestant and militant
Mormon population. It is a history of predominantly Hispanic and Indian
culture, one today's white suburban Catholics tend to forget or probably never
knew. The fact that suburbs exist begotten of cities belies the fact that western
Catholicism was originally a predominantly' rural phenomenon. The rural
church survives, but the major urban centers of Denver, Salt Lake City,
Albuquerque, Phoenix, and Tucson have absorbed most of their respective
state's Catholic population. The remaining four states, (Idaho, Wyoming,
Nevada and Montana) as well as the vast rural regions of Colorado, Utah, New
Mexico and Arizona; are finding resources, especially priests, increasingly hard


35
to come by. That this eight state region accounts for one-fourth of the nation's
total land area further accentuates this rural problem'.
The early history of Catholicism in Colorado is for the most part a
history of Reverend Joseph P. Machebeuf. The unlikeliness of this frail
Frenchman pioneering, in the name of the Church this rugged territory of
Colorado, and indeed much of the West is due to his unwavering loyalty and
dedication to his faith and vocation. Such loyalty and dedication is not only
responsible for the organization of the Catholic Church in Colorado but can be
given credit for the existence of the Rocky Mountain Church in general. This
synopsis of the growth of the Church in the region is by no means complete,
but rather will build a general foundation for a discussion of the impact of
suburbanization in the Denver Archdiocese.
The Intermountain West
In 1848 the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo increased the size of the
United States by adding California, Utah, Nevada and parts, of Colorado, New
Mexico and Utah. The negotiation process involved in these acquisitions
delayed the actual development of a formal Catholic parish life. The Lousiana
Purchase in 1803 and a treaty with Great Britain adding the Oregon Country in
1846 created similar problems. Ecclesiastical divisions from Rome of the
territory were slower in coming than civil divisions out of Washington D.C.
Since most of the area was still considered missionary territory and
ecclesiastical divisions seldom matched civil divisions the ensuing attempt to


36
create Vicariate Apostolics, or dioceses, was confusing at best. Several areas
in this Southwest region did become dioceses in the latter part of the
nineteenth century, but most of this region as well as the entire Rocky Mountain
area did not achieve such status until well into the twentieth century.
In 1850, New Mexico, the only Vicariate Apostolic in the region,
included the territory conceded by the Treaty of Guadulupe Hidalgo. In 1851
Bishop John Baptist Lamy announced to the New Mexico Hispanic clergy that
he had been appointed their vicar. Simultaneously, eastern Montana and all
of Utah both which had been a part of the San Francisco Archdiocese, were
placed under the jurisdiction of the Santa Fe Diocese. Nevada, was divided in
1860. Territory south of the 39th parallel was left in the San Francisco
Archdiocese, and the area north was placed in the Vicariate Apostolic of
Marysville, California.1
On July 19,1850, Pope Pius IX erected the Vicariate Apostalic of the
Indian Territory which included those parts of Wyoming and Montana lying east
of the Rockies and the section of Colorado that was part of the Louisiana
Purchase. Idaho and western Montana where administered by the Archdiocese
of Oregon City, while Utah and Nevada fell under the jurisdiction of the Diocese
of Monterey. In 1853 the New Mexico Vicariate Apostolic was elevated to the
Diocese of Santa Fe, with John Baptist Lamy appointed as its first bishop, while
the Archdiocese of San Francisco was created and included Nevada and Utah.
The Vicariate of Nebraska was created in 1857 out of the Vicariate Apostolic of


37
Indian Territory. In 1859 the portions of Arizona and New Mexico obtained
through the Gadsen Purchase were annexed to the Diocese of Santa Fe. The
following year brought the transfer of all of Colorado to the Diocese of Santa
Fe2
Colorado and Utah were removed from the Santa Fe Diocese and
joined into a single Vicariate Apostolic in 1868 until 1871 when Utah once again
was placed under the jurisdiction of San Francisco. Eighteen-sixty-eight saw
still more shifting of ecclesiastical jurisdicitional lines as Arizona and southern
New Mexico became a vicariate, and the Vicariate Apostolic of Idaho was
created. The northern part of Nevada was transferred to the Diocese of Grass
Valley, California; western Montana was organized into its own vicariate while
the eastern half of the state remained under control of the Vicariate of
Nebraska. In 1875 western Montana and Idaho were again shifted back to
Oregon City, Oregon.3 .
Such examples of ecclesiastical jurisdicitional line manipulation are
presented to point out the confusion of and hinderance to the spread of the
faith. Such constant interference perpetuated a self-image among Rocky
Mountain Catholics of extreme dependence on outside recognition and
support, although it is questionable how much stock the region's Catholics put
into the hierarchical order.
In 1887 Wyoming received its first self-contained eccleseastical
status with the creation of the Diocese of Cheyenne, and both halves of


38
Montana were ecclesiastically joined for the first time under the banner of
Vicariate Apostolic of Montana. Such huge jurisdictions created numerous
obstacles to successful administration as a letter from Bishop O'Connor of
Nebraska in the late 1880's, to John B. Brondel, newly appointed Vicar
Apostalic of Montana illustrates.
On my return from Philadelphia yesterday I received the formal
notification.... of your appointment to Montana. This news
was a great relief to me, and I rejoice to think that the charge
of that territory has been given to one well-acquainted with
Western life, and who will not shrink from the lordships... the
trials and privations of such a place... In a short time, no
doubt, your difficulties will be overcome, but for four or five
years you will have distress."4
Shortly thereafter the Montana Vicariate was elevated by Rome tc
the Diocese of Helena. The Vatican also created the Utah Vicariate in 1866, it
transferred northern Nevada from Grass Valley to the Diocese of Sacramento,
and a year later the Dioceses of Cheyenne and Denver were formed by the
Vatican. These decisions added to church stability in the region and within the
decade Dioceses of Salt Lake, Boise, and Tucson were erected. By 1893 each
of the Intermountain states except Nevada had its own diocese. From this
point on jurisdictional changes came less seldom, making the Western Church
relatively stable.5 The severity of the climate and the great distances between
settlements hampered development of parishes but Indian missions and
agricultural settlements formed the region's first Catholic parishes. The Spanish
and the French had established these as missionary settlements as much as
250 years earlier. Hispanic groups having received land grants from Mexico


39
or Spain, founded most of the early Catholic settlements. The Homestead Act
of 1862 encouraged white settlers to settle the West. As well as farming,
mining attracted people to the region in search of jobs, especially eastern
Europeans. The establishment of parishes in these mining areas was unstable
at best since played-out mines usually caused mass exodus of people. Mining
communities in Nevada provide the best evidence of the boom and bust
pattern characterizing most of these towns and, consequently, their churches.
In conjunction with mining and farming railroads brought hordes of immigrant
miners westward seeking employment. The federal land grant subsidy program
induced the railroads to expand westward bringing even more immigrant
settlers gullible to land speculators' schemes.6 The Central Pacific and Union
Pacific were most responsible for bringing Catholic families to Utah, Nevada,
' California, Montana, and Wyoming. Other railroads eventually found their way
into these states and the rest of the West, bringing Catholics with them.
Protestants, of course, were also very active in the pioneer stage of
Western development, not only in missionary work with Indians and Hispanics
to spread the Christian word, but also in an attempt to take their perception of
"mystery" out of Catholicism which had already been deeply-rooted in both
cultures. Such an attempt by several Protestant sects was largely a failure
because today's western Hispanic population is overwhelmingly Catholic as is,
to a lesser degree, the Indian population.
The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (the Mormons) has


40
received perhaps more attention than any religious group in the Intermountain
West.7 The Church's arrival in Utah in 1847 pre-dated the arrival of both
Catholic and older, established Protestant churches. The antagonistic feelings
the Mormons seemed to provoke from secular as well as Protestant Evangelical
forces did not precipitate similar feelings from the sacramentally-oriented
Catholics and Episcopalians, who were apparently more interested in their own
flocks than in proselytizing others.
By the turn of the century Catholics had gained a secure foothold
in the Intermountain West: agriculture increased, industry grew up, military
installations and new methods of controlling water all combined to make the
West a viable part of the nation's economy. Also, Catholics had become a
sizeable, permanent part of the region.
Colorado
When French missionary priests under the leadership of Bishop Jean
Lamy arrived in the newly established Vicariate of Santa Fe in 1851, they did
so in the name of U.S. ecclesiastical authority. Ignorant of the circumstances
that Spanish and American neglect had wrought in the Southwest, these foreign
priests were appalled by the condition in which they found the Church. Lamy
had only ten priests in his vicariate which included New Mexico, Arizona, and
eventually parts of Colorado, Utah and Montana.
By the 1860's Lamy's supply of priests began to increase as he
accepted order priests from many European countries. It was however, a


41
Fellow Frenchman, Joseph P. Machebeuf, who he put in charge of the "Pikes
Peak Region" in 1860. Five years earlier, the Hispanic community at Conejos
had constructed the area's first Catholic Church, Our Lady of Guadelupe.
After selecting a newly ordained French priest, Father John Baptist
Raverdy, as his assistant, Machebeuf set out from Santa Fe northward into
Colorado to Pueblo and on to Denver by October, 1860. In December he said
Christmas mass at Denver's St. Mary Church located at Fifteenth and Stout
streets. The church and a small rectory were being built with funds supplied
in part by Mexican Catholics in New Mexico and the San Luis Valley of
Colorado. Father Raverdy headed south into the San Luis region to raise funds
and perform priestly duties for the Catholic people in that isolated area. With
increasing financial support Machebeuf began to transform the Colorado
"mission" into what would become in 1887 the Diocese of Denver.
It was during Machebeuf's settling in Denver that Plenary Councils
of Baltimore were meeting (1852, 1866, and 1874) to urge the erection of
parochial schools. Conflict between Catholic and Protestant social goals
certainly sparked the rationale for such plans. Catholics feared a loss of their
faith to a public school system which they perceived to be founded and
administered by Protestant tradition. Bishop Lamy, in attendance at the 1852
Baltimore council, vowed to bring a community of sisters back to the Santa Fe
Diocese. The Sisters of Loretto returned with Lamy and opened St. Mary's
academy in 1864. The Rocky Mountain News hailed the new school and


42
praised the qualities it anticipated the school would instill in its students and the
educational community including intelligence, grace, generosity of character,
and quality of temper.8 This compliment was given only after the paper
pointed out the "oddities" of the Catholic tradition. Catholic education would
become a cornerstone of Catholicism in Colorado as it had throughout the rest
of the country. In the early 1860's Machebeuf and Raverdy under direction
from Bishop Lamy began missionary pilgrimages to the mining towns of
western and southern Colorado. Central City was the benefactor of the first
mission church, St. Mary's. Georgetown, Colorado's pioneer silver mining town
constructed Our Lady of Lourdes. Church under the direction of Machebeuf and
the church's first pastor Reverend Nicholas C. Matz. St. Paul's Church was
constructed in nearby Idaho Springs in 1881. Machebeuf and Raverdy spent
much, of their time traveling their huge diocese, which included all of Colorado
and Utah, ministering to the needs of Catholics scattered among the mining
towns, farms and ranches.
The 1870's brought an expansion of rail service in Colorado, which
was responsible for the beginning of the state's southern urban center, Pueblo.
The railroads and mining operations, requiring steel led to the construction of
a mill in the city. The city sprang up in the 1840's as a trading center for
Spanish and French trappers at the confluence of the Fountain and Arkansas
Rivers. Machebeuf and Raverdy visited the town often to minister to its
Catholics between 1860 and 1872 when Charles M. Pinto, S.J., was assigned


43
as Pueblo's first resident priest. Reverend Pinto completed construction of St.
Ignatius Church in 1873, making it Pueblo's first'actual church.9 Two years
later Denver's Loretto Sisters opened a Catholic academy in Pueblo. The
Sisters of Charity from Cincinatti would become very active in Pueblo with
parochial schools, including Pueblo Catholic High School, and most importantly
St. Mary's Hospital and Convent. The Sisters of Charity also became active
further south in Trinidad where they became responsible for Catholic education
while Jusuit priests established missions throughout Las Animas County and
constructed Holy Trinity Church in the town of Las Animas.
By 1867 Colorado was growing too large for the jurisdiction of one
man so Archbishop Lamy recommended that Colorado and Utah be erected
into one Vicariate Apostolic. On February 5th, 1868 the-Vatican's Sacred
Congregation issued a decree that made the recomendation a reality. Father
Machebeuf was appointed Vicar Apostolic with the title of Bishop of Epiphany
in partibus,10 To most people this simply meant Father Machebeuf was Bishop
of Colorado and Utah. Machebeuf's origional church, St. Mary's, became a
cathedral for the new diocese. Utah was separated from Colorado February
12,1871, and placed under the jurisdiction of the archbishop of San Francisco.
Father Machebeuf was. consecrated as bishop in Cincinatti's St. Peter's
Cathedral by Archbishop Purcell, a fellow French immigrant. Father Raverdy
was immediately appointed Vicar General. Machebeuf immediately set forth to
procure more priests for his growing flock. Father O'keefe and Father Fourel


44
came in 1868, and Fathers McGrath, Guyot, and Percevault arrived in 1869.
Along with the influx of more people and more priests more churches were
being constructed throughout western Colorado from Boulder to Durango.
Leadville stands out because a silver boom made it Colorado's second most
populous city by the 1870's. Immigrant Slavs, Irish, Germans and Italians
helped build Leadville's St. Mary's School, Annuciation Church, St. Joseph's
Slovenian Church, St. Vincent's Hospital, a Catholic social hall, clubrooms and
a cemetery. In 1881 St. Mary's in Aspen became an independent parish, as
did St. Stephens in Glenwood Springs in 1885.11
While Colorado mining towns followed the boom-bust cycle, the
railroads gave Denver stability and growth to a population that had reached
over 35,000 by 1880. In the state as a whole, mining and the railroads boosted
the population to nearly a half-million people by 1890. Including, of course,
many Catholics. Such an increase required additional churches, schools,
orphanages and hospitals. Help with all of these projects was given to
Machebeuf by his Coadjutor Bishop, Father Matz, (consecrated in October,
1887) and the Sisters of Charity of Cincinatti, the Sisters of Mercy from St.
Louis, the Sisters of St. Francis and other religious orders. Also, in the late
1870's and into the 1880's. Bishop Machebeuf was busy establishing churches
in northern Colorado towns including Ft. Collins, Yuma, Brighton, Platteville,
and Longmont. In 1887, Colorado was erected into a seperate bishopric or,
the Diocese of Denver.


45
Age and poor health were taking their toll on Bishop Machebeuf by
1889. A buggy accident the night before Easter left him in shock, thus
weakening his already frail body. Death came on July 10; of the same year.
Father Matz would become bishop of the new diocese.
Machebeuf's critics have always condemned his financial ineptitude.
Although the bishop spent most of his years in office trying to get his vicariate,
or diocese, in financial order, he also made some shrewd deals in real estate
and investments.12 The duration, success and bravery that mark
Machebeuf's tenure as a Catholic leader in early Colorado are evidenced by his
ability to organize, bond and move it forward. Today, Bishop Machebeuf's
name is common in the Denver Archdiocese, mostly because of the high
school that bears his name. The bishop's name and accomplishments
attached to it extend far beyond present-day Denver into all of Colorado.
Because of his inauguration of all of the institutions of Catholicism, Reverend
Joseph Machebeuf is the patriarch of Colorado Catholicism.
Colorado's second bishop,. Bishop Matz is best remembered as
Colorado's builder bishop because of nearly fifty Catholic institution buildings
built during his reign from 1889-1917. Churches, schools, nursing homes,
orphanages, camps and perhaps most importantly, St. Thomas Theological
Seminary, were constructed during this brick and mortar phase of Colorado
Catholicism, St. Thomas (Aquinas) seminary was constructed in 1907-1908 by
Vincentian priests in cooperation with the Denver Diocese. The seminary


46
provided a valuable service to the Catholics of Denver the training of badly
needed priests. That the first major Catholic seminary of the region began in
Denver is significant for while Santa Fe was the original archdiocese for the
region, that city's failure to develop a major seminary, as well as Denver's rapid
population growth, would make Denver the hub of Rocky Mountain
Catholicism.13
Perhaps the most famous name in Colorado Catholicism is Mother
Frances Xavier Cabrini. The Italian nun first came to the Mile High City in 1902
to serve Mount Carmel Parish. She and her missionary sisters established a
school, converted a farm on North Federal Boulevard to an orphanage for girls,
and toured the mining towns to minister to the people. Legends abound
concerning Mother's miraculous powers including the moving of a rock on a
hilltop near Mt. Vernon Canyon to expose an artesian stream.14 She
somehow managed to purchase the Mt. Vernon property and made it a
summer home for orphaned girls. The spot has since become a shrine just off
Interstate-70 near the canyon whose directional road sign continues to spread
the fame of the nun who was canonized a saint by Pope Pius XII in 1946.15
Another important Colorado Catholic institution, Regis Jesuit College,
has its roots in Las Vegas, New Mexico. In 1877 Italian Jesuits established
their new college in Northern New Mexico but by 1884 were persuaded by
Bishop Machebeuf and others to relocate to newly-purchased property near
Morrison, Colorado where it was christened Sacred Heart College. Three years


47
later the college was moved to the Northwest Denver intersection of West 52nd
Avenue and Lowell Boulevard where it continues to operate and expand today
under the Regis College name which was taken from a seventeenth century
French Jesuit saint in 1921 to replace the obviously-Catholic name of Sacred
Heart. Such a change was considered necessary for a number of reasons,
not the least of which was the strong anti-Catholic sentiment in the area at the
time, heightened by the activities of the Colorado Ku Klux Klan during the
1920's.
Colorado's Catholic history is rich in ethnic diversity and rivalry. In
the southern part of the state Hispanics have always dominated among ethnic
Catholics. The two urban centers of the state, Pueblo and Denver, experienced
the development of distinct ethnic neighborhoods, and thus ethnic parishes and
churches. Italian, Slovenian, German and Irish, as well as Hispanic and less
populous groups were all prominent in the two cities.
Early in Machebeuf's tenure he was forced to recognize the need for
ethnic autonomy when he authorized the creation of Colorado's first national
parish, Denver's St. Elizabeth's German in 1878. The "national parish"
designation allowed a parish to incorporate the native tongue and culture into
its liturgy and other activities.17 Other parishes followed suit when an Italian
Jesuit Reverend John B. Guida, S.J. was chosen to preside over Sacred Heart
in Denver in 1879. Reverend Joseph P. Carrigan headed St. Patricks in North
Denver beginning in 1881. Other parishes sprang up with distinct ethnic


48
identities throughout Denver. Much of this was diluted in the late 1940's and
1950's due to post-war prosperity, the baby boom and inter-marriages which
also led directly to the suburbanization phenomenon. However, a few of these
churces still retain their ethnic identity today including St. Joseph's Polish,
Holy Rosary Slovenian, Our Lady of Guadalupe Hispanic, and the Ukranian
Catholic Church of the Transfiguration of Our Lord.
In Pueblo the southern Colorado mining activity and steel operations
brought large numbers of immigrants into the Steel City in the late nineteenth
century. The city was distinctly divided into three ethnic sections and
corresponding parishes. The Slovenian Catholics established roots in the
"Grove," Hispanics occupied the lower east side and Italians relegated
themselves mostly to the shale bluffs in between. In March, 1899, the Italian
Apostolic Delegate to the United States, Archbishop Sebastian Martinelli, wrote
to Bishop Matz that he had received complaints from Italians in the Pueblo area
that they were being spiritually neglected. In 1900 Italians formed a committee
to raise funds for an Italian church. After raising $4,238.00 construction began
on Our Lady of Mt. Carmel Church. The building was enlarged by 1911 and
staffed with Jesuit priests.18 Mt. Carmel Credit Union sprouted from the church
and survives today as the nation's third largest Catholic credit union.
In 1891, Bishop Matz sent to St. Vincent's Archabby in Latrobe,
Pennsylvania for Father Boniface Wimmer O.S.B., to come to Pueblo's "Grove"
and establish a parish for the Slovenians, Slovaks and Germans of the area.


49
The first "church" was an abandoned broom factory which served the people
well until 1895 when a new $27,000.00 church could be opened on Clark
Street. The church was christened St. Mary Help of Christians. Because of the
distinct ethnicity of the parish it fell into disfavor with, and aroused the
suspicions of, many of Pueblo's citizens. However, such feelings were eased
when over three hundered male parishioners answered Pastor Cyril Zupan's
call from the steps of the Pueblo County Courthouse in 1917 to join their
country's fight in Europe.19 St. Mary's moved again, creating a new church
in Pueblo's Eiler Heights neighborhood in the early 1950's.
Pueblo's east side Hispanics received what would become their first
real parish when Bishop Matz sanctioned the. transfer of a Benedictine priory
from Canon City to Pueblo in 1902. Near the Fountain River in East Pueblo the
Benedictine Fathers erected a college that would continue to operate until 1927.
The area was separated from the existing St. Ignatius Parish and a school and
church were built and named "St. Leanders." Another east side area
"Dogpatch," was provided a parish when St. Leander's Benedictines
constructed St. Anne's Church between 14th and 15th Streets.20 Both
churches survive today.
The three major ethnic groups that established their distinct Catholic
parishes are still a large part of the Pueblo area today as are their churches.
However, the ethnic neighborhoods and parishes in Pueblo have followed the
national trend in the post World War II era in that suburbanization has diluted


50
the rich and distinct ethnicity so prominent in them in the first half of this
century.
Distance between Denver, the diocese's see city, and Pueblo and
the thousands of square miles in the southern part of the state convinced the
Vatican that a new diocese needed to be created. On Wednesday, November
26,1941, the official word from the Vatican brought the announcement from the
apostolic delegation in Washington that the Diocese of Denver had been
divided into two sections: one would become the Archdiocese of Denver, and
the other the new Diocese of Pueblo. The Diocese of Cheyenne, formerly a
suffragen of the Archdiocese of Dubuque, was made a suffragen of the new
province of the church, with the Archbishop of Denver serving as its
"Metropolitan."21
Of the 63 counties in Colorado, 30 southern counties were given to
the new Pueblo diocese, and 33 to the Denver Archdiocese. The Pueblo
Diocese contained a few thousand more people than the Denver Archdiocese,
many of whom were Spanish speaking. On December 8, 1941, the Vatican's
Apostolic Delegate to the United States, Amleto Cicogriani, announced that the
Right Reverend Joseph Clement Willging, pastor of Immaculate Conception
Parish in Butte, Montana, and Vicar General of the Diocese of Helena, had
been appointed as the first bishop of the new Pueblo Diocese. Bishop Willging
was consecrated February 24, 1942 in Helena, with similar ceremonies held in
the newly established Cathedral of the Sacred Heart, the new seat of the


51
Pueblo Diocese in downtown Pueblo. For seventeen years Bishop Wjllging
brought "vigorous and. uninterrupted progress" to the diocese due to his
zealous leadership.22 The energetic bishop died suddenly of a heart attack
in 1958 while attending the solemn closing of the 40 hours' devotion in St.
Thomas Seminary in Denver.
During Willging's reign, Pueblo, like Denver, experienced significant
suburbanization which required new churches, schools and other church
facilities. Not only the city of Pueblo, but the rural portions of the diocese also
constructed new facilities. By the time Willging's successor was named in 1959
the diocese had experienced slow but steady growth.
This trend would see its peak and its leveling-off under Bishop
Charles Buswell who would hold the Pueblo Bishopric until 1979. An Oklahoma
native, Buswell was appointed by Pope John XXIII as Bishop of Pueblo August
8, 1959, and was consecrated in that city on September 14, 1959, He took his
motto, "Pax Semper et Caritas," which he later shortened to "Pax," or "Peace."23
Bishop Buswell participated in all four sessions of the Vatican Council. He
served on the U.S. Bishop's Commission on Bishops and the Governing of
Dioceses and also on the Commission for the Unity of Christians. Buswell's
reign is recognized as one of the most progressive of any bishop anywhere.
He began immediately after the Second Vatican Council to implement its
decrees, emphasizing the renewal of the liturgy, the development, of the
priesthood of the laity, equality of all Christians and the need for the


52
development of collegial structures in the Church.24 A July, 1989 interview with
The Denver Post reveals the liberal reflection of Bishop Buswell ten years after his
retirement. Such ideology frequently put him at odds with the Church teachings
and its hierarchy: On women, "I believe in equality in society and in the Church.
Women should be eligible for the priesthood;" on celibacy: "It should be optional;"
- birth control: "Its a matter of conscience;" selective Catholicism: "People can be
good Catholics and not obey all of the rules, if they make their decisions from an
informed conscience."25 The bishop continues to live, minister and speak out in
Pueblo.
On July 1,1980 Pope John Paul II named Bishop Buswell's successor,
a quiet unassuming New Mexico Hispanic, Arthur Tafoya. Bishop Tafoya has
proven in his nine year ministry to have been a good choice for the Pueblo
Diocese. His Hispanic heritage and bilingualism have made him well suited to deal
with the large Hispanic poulation of the diocese. Although not as progressive as
Buswell, Tafoya is very visible and outgoing which makes him a favorite of southern
Colorado Catholics of all ethnic backgrounds.
The historical roots of Western American Catholicism differ from the
roots of the Eastern American church in that the rugged individualism of the frontier
west carried over to the Catholic Church. Because of this, western Catholics, have
developed with somewhat of a maverick attitude as compared to their eastern
coreligionists. Awareness of such an underlying attitude is important in
understanding the urban/suburban relationships of the Denver Archdiocese.


53
NOTES CHAPTER II
1Jay P. Dolan, The American Catholic Parish Volume II. (Mahwah,
New Jersey: Paulist Press, 1987), p. 146.
2lbid., pp. 146-147.
3Ibid., pp. 147-148.
4lbid., p. 148.
5lbid.
6Daniel J. Boorstin and Brooks Mather Kelley, A History of the United
States (Lexington, Massachusetts: Ginn and Company, 1983.), p. 338.
7Dolan, The American Catholic Parish, p. 163.
8"Catholic School to Open," Rocky Mountain News, 20 July 1864, p.
128.
9"Pioneer. Parishes of the Diocese of Pueblo," The Southern Colorado
Register Special Consecration Issue, 1959, p. 29.
10 Reverend William O'ryan and Reverend Thomas H. Malone, History
of the Catholic Church in Colorado (Denver, Colorado: C.J. Kelly, 1989), p. 57.
11 Thomas J. Noel, Colorado Catholicism and the Archdiocese of
Denver, 1857-1989 (Niwot, Colorado: The University Press of Colorado, 1989),
pp. 19-21.
12Ibid., pp. 39-41.
13lbid., pp. 59-60.
14lbid., p. 56.
15lbid., p. 53.
16Ibid., p. 60.
17lbid., p. 36.
18"See City Once Served as Miniature U.N.," The Southern Colorado
Register, Special Consecration Issue, 1959, p. 40.


54
19"Converted Broom Factory Served As First Church for 'Grove'
Area," The Southern Colorado Register, Special Consecration Issue, 1959, p.
45.
20llParish Story is Chapter of Benedictine History," The Southern
Colorado Register, Special Consecration Issue, 1959, p. 44.
21 "A History of the Diocese," The Southern Colorado Register,
Special Consecration Issue, 1959, p. 27.
22lbid., p. 26
23 "Bishop Buswell Resigns," Denver Catholic Register, September 26,
1979, p. 6.
24lbid., p. 6.
25"Retired bishop, familiar Pueblo figure, lends helping hand, Denver
Post, July 9, 1989, p. 3-B.


CHAPTER III
A BRIEF HISTORY OF TWO DIVERGENT DENVER ARCHDIOCESE
PARISHES: BASILICA OF THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION .
AND QUEEN OF PEACE
Introduction .
The history of a Catholic parish is more than a story of acquiring
land and erecting buildings. It is rather a story of people. People being born,
and people dying, of people achieving the sacramental blessings of their faith
and coming together as a parish community to determine the goals of, and
methods for building a parish, both physically and spiritually.
A parish history within the broader context of the events of America
at the time, may show how the formation of a new parish affected the social
and spiritual fabric of a specific community. Questions of how people reacted
to a new church and new priests, how Vatican II affected the parish, and the
significance of events during.the growth of Queen of Peace and the Basilica
must be answered in order to properly assess their history.
These two parishes offer an opportunity to assess two distinct eras
of American suburbanization turn of the century immigrant suburbanization,
and the 1960's-1970's westward movement of baby-boomers that so
dramatically increased the population of the Denver-metro area, especially the
city of Aurora. Even though this thesis has restricted itself to a specific religion


56
and its growth in the United States, the suburbanization process and its social
implications for the country as a whole are reflected here. A brief history of
each parish paves the way for an analysis of parish ethnicity, economics, goals,
the role of laity, effects of Vatican II, finances, and provides a sociohistorical
blueprint of where each parish has been and where it is going.
The Basilica of the Immaculate Conception
The Basilica of the Immaculate Conception, as a cathedral, has been
the seat of the Denver Archdiocese since 1912 but yet has always maintained
its identity as a neighborhood parish. It has seen both the gleaming newness
of urban sophistication and the slow physical and socio-economic downfall of
urban decay. Times have changed. It is no longer the tallest building in
Denver, or even the tenth tallest. Its not even the city's largest church. And
its parish which once served millionaires and stood in the midst of mansions,
now is home to many who are far less fortunate. But, it continues to serve its
purpose as a refuge and place of worship for all, whatever their station in life.
The origins of the Cathedral began in the 1890's when Bishop
Machebeuf's successor Bishop Matz recognized that an expanded St. Mary's
Cathedral simply was not adequate to serve the swelling Denver Catholic
population. Bishop Machebeuf had recognized the need for a new cathedral
in 1873 but was hesitant to undertake such a huge task and remarked: "After
all, a catheral is a question of money, of stone, and of mortar, while my work
was, and should have been, a question of souls."1 Even though Bishop Matz


57
faced the same dilemma he was well equipped to embark on such an
adventure, having supervised the construction of a church, a hospital, a rectory
and a school as a pastor in Georgetown.
A sharp downturn in the local economy from 1893 until 1900
postponed a building date until prosperity returned. The building site changed
several times, before the northeast corner of East Colfax Avenue and Logan
Street was chosen. The plot was never quite large enough as a homeowner
refused to sell. Years later, one architect would examine the Cathedral and
express the opinion that it was "too darned short."2
. While securing a site for the new cathedral Bishop Matz was also
able to arrange for the sale of St. Mary's Cathedral to Cripple Creek gold miner
Winfield Scott Stratton. In the interim period between the razing of St. Mary's
and the completion of Immaculate Conception, masses and other activities
were held in the cafeteria of the parish school at 1836 Logan Street. Further
setbacks extended the life of the cafeteria/church arrangement for more than
another ten years.3
The estimated construction cost for the church in 1900 was
$250,000. As in most construction projects, however, the estimate soon
doubled. This bad news, in addition to faltering returns on ill-advised diocesan
investments delayed construction for four more years. A cornerstone was laid
in 1906 but further financial problems would again delay construction.
Construction continued very slowly which led many to doubt if the Cathedral


58
would ever be completed. Those doubts ended when the young and talented
Father Hugh McMenamin was appointed as the Cathedral's Rector. A "Rector"
is the title given to a cathedral administrator. Father McMenamin immediately
lifted sunken spirits by bginning successful fund-raising drives. The Rector was
successful in tapping the pocketboks of over 5,000 Cahtolics including such
wealthy notables as J.K. Mullen, J.F. Campion, Philip Clarke, G.F. Cottrell, W.P.
Horan and Larry Maroney.4
Detroit architect Leon Coquard completed the rest of the French
Gothic design, with Union Station architects Aaron Gove and Thomas Walsh
supervising the church's construction after Coquard became ill. Constructed
of Indiana Bedford stone, the cathedral measured 195 feet by 116 feet, with its
twin spires rising 210 feet above the ground.5 The awe-inspiring twin pinnacles
would cause many future Denverites to refer to the Cathedral as the "Pinnacled
Glory of the West." Interior dimensions of the church measure sixty eight feet
from floor to ceiling, with seating made to accomidate 1,500 people, more than
any other Denver church of the time. Statuary was sculpted from imported
Italian marble. The intricate stained-glass windows were the creation of
Germany's Royal Bavarian Institute, and the 3,000-pipe organ was the product
of W.W. Kimball Company of Chicago.6
On October 27, 1912 the Cathedral was dedicated before an
audience of some 20,000 people including several orders of priests from all
over the United States, at least fifteen bishops, and His Eminence, Cardinal


59
Farley of New York. The Bishop was described as being in golden cape and
jeweled miter, his long court train of vivid red upheld by two small pages
dressed in white satin."7 The celebration was prolonged through the next day
when Bishop Matz celebrated his silver jubilee.
Although the structure was now complete the Cathedral had an
oustanding debt of $250,000. Father McMenamin, as usual, was undaunted
and began a memorial program in which people could "buy" windows, railings,
and kneelers. Still, mostly because of interest on the debt, the infusion into the
memorial of thousands of dollars did little to alleviate the pressure. The
Cathedral's old friend J.K. Mullen informed the Rector that he was placing
$110,000 worth of stocks and bonds into a trust for the Cathedral to be used,
through liquidation, when the debt was reduced to an amount the trust could
cover. Father McMenamin's efforts continued and by October of 1921 he had
raised sufficient funds to combine with Mullen's trust and retire the debt as well
as leave a surplus of $45,000. On October 23, 1921, in the presence of six
archbishops, thirteen bishops and numerous monsignori from all over the
United States, consecration of the church took place. The elaborate ceremony
was followed by a parade witnessed by over 150,000 spectators.8
Notable neighborhood millionaires were frequent patrons at the
Cathedral which made the idea of a "pew rent" very feasible. Such a rent was
little inconvenience for such notables as Molly Brown and her family. Mother
Cabrini was also a frequent visitor to the church, and Buffalo Bill Cody was


60
baptized at the Cathedral in 1917 at the age of 71.9 After forty one years as
Rector of the Cathedral, Father McMenamin died in 1947. His replacement was
Father Walther J. Canavan, who had been the associate editor of the Denver
Catholic Register and had been ordained in the Cathedral in 1934. He would
provide much for the Cathedral including the construction of a nearby
Cathedral High School, a grade school and a gym. For his efforts the Vatican
named father Canavan a Monsignor in 1959.10
Monsignor Canavan retired in 1969 and was succeeded by
Monsignor Rasby under whose supervision occurred the closing of the high
school in 1982 and its renovation into the temporary home of the Samaritan
Shelter. Rasby had to face larger problems than the renovation of a few
buildings, mainly the deterioration of the Capitol Hill neighborhood and the
poorer, transient population. Rasby was successful at balancing the protection
of the church's property and ministering to the neighborhood's downtrodden.
Increased police surveilance, locked doors after dark and other security
measures were incorporated simultaneously with a continuing association with
the charitable St. Vincent de Paul Society. In 1970 Monsignor Rasby
established a sandwich line which survives today, and in 1982 the Cathedral
became involved with the Samaritan Shelter to further minister to the needs of
the poor and homeless. Those traditions continue today in addition to an
open-door, policy for the destitute during the daytime hours. Entrance is
allowed through the front doors and a small lobby provides temporary daytime


61
refuge for small groups of transients. Grocery bags are given out as
requested, and until such requests become excessive by particular individuals,
they are seldom, if ever, denied. Archdiocesan nun Sister Mary Hughes
provides a counseling/assistance program for senior citizens and transients as
a representative of the Cathedral.11
Extensive renovations in 1974 and 1975 resulted in the continuing
beauty of the Cathedral. The sanctuary was enlarged in accordance with
Vatican II guidlines. Carpeting was laid, Cracks were repaired, the stained
glass was washed and covered with protective plexiglass and electrical wiring
was brought up to code. The interior was repainted and an improved sound
and lighting system was installed. The cost of renovation was considerably
more than the building's original construction price.12
On Christmas eve 1979, the Vatican issued a Papal Bull approving
Archbishop Casey's 1977 request that the Cathedral be designated a minor
basilica. This status is reserved for important churches outside of Rome whose
history, architecture and record of religious and community service are
particularly exemplary.13 The bull noted that the Cathedral was: Tamed alike
for its beauty, the distinguished Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception has
from the very beginning of the Catholic community in Denver held first place in
the pastoral functions of the Bishops, in the daily life of the faithful, in the
dispensation of the sacraments and in the celebration of the liturgy." 14
Especially noteworthy is the fact that the Denver Cathedral was the first minor


62
basilica so named by Pope John Paul II.
The Basilica of the Immaculate Conception still stands today as a
significant part of the Downtown Denver skyline continuing its mission of
ministry to all classes of people within the Denver Archdiocese. Parish records
indicate that regular parishioners are roughly divided into three major social-
ethnic groups: Hispanics, Seniors and young professionals and their
families.15 Daily masses are scheduled in the early morning, at noon and in
the early evening to accomodate downtown workers. Sunday masses regularly
attract visitors from other archdiocese parishes, as well as tourists from around
Colorado, and indeed, the entire United States. Frequent requests for
marriages and other sacraments to be performed in the Cathedral are often
honored.16 Such events reflect the love and respect afforded the Basilica of
the Immaculate Conception by area Catholics.
The storied past of this magnificent institution is known by many in
the metropolitan area in religious and lay circles. Its future is secure as long
as there are needy and faithful Christians in the vicinity, and as long as it
remains the seat of the Denver Catholic Archdiocese.
Queen of Peace
The short history of Queen of Peace Church began with the
brainstorm of a native Nebraskan Oblate priest. The idea for the suburban
parish in the undeveloped prairies of east Aurora was provided by Father Frank
McCullough O.M.I. (Oblates of Mary Immaculate). A native of Lincoln,


63
Nebraska, he was ordained an Oblate priest on May 27, 1940, by Cardinal
Spellman in Washington D.C. McCullough had become friends in Nebraska
with a Father Casey, later to become Denver's Archbishop. Well aware of the
Denver Archdiocese, Father McCullough contacted his old friend Archbishop
Casey and inquired as to the feasibility of erecting an Oblate church in one of
the Archdiocese's new parishes. McCullough told Archbishop Casey that the
Oblates of Mary were interested. in establishing a presence in Colorado,
preferably in the Denver Archdiocese.17 "He was very receptive and soon I
was on my way to Denver in 1967.1,18 Father McCullough began preparing
for the monumental task of creating a parish and building in east Aurora. As
a pastor of St. Patrick's Parish in McCook, Nebraska, Father McCullough
gained much needed experience in such an endeavor, having built a complex
for that parish.
In May, 1968, Archbishop Casey announced the establishment of the
new Aurora parish and released the boundaries. They were defined as
Yosemite Street on the west, Buckley Air National Guard Base in the east,
Jewell Avenue to the South and First Avenue to the north.19
Original parishioner Mary Ann Staebel speaks for many Catholics
living within the boundaries of the new parish at the time. "Myself and'many
others felt threatened by the idea of a new parish. We were comfortable and
content with our old parishes Saint Pius X and St. Therese." 20 Father
McCullough did not give up easily and he soon moved into the new parish on


64
June 21,1968, and rented a home at 12950 East Nevada Avenue where he
soon took up residence. He immediately began to contact homes within the
parish and offered the first three masses of the parish that same week on June
23rd at the Seventh Day Adventist Church on East Mississippi Avenue. The
use of the Adventist Church was secured through the generosity of that
church's pastor Reverend C.G. Fisher, who personally greeted the 750
Catholics for their first three masses.21
To secure a census of the parish, Father McCullough was assisted
by Father Paul Duffy, O.M.I., and two Oblate theologians, all from Oblate
headquarters in San Antonio, Texas. The census was completed in August
showing 399 Catholic families, and nearly 100 single men and women.22
On June 30 a survey was taken of parishioners in order to determine
a name for the church. Parishoners chose "Queen of Peace" by a nineteen
vote margin over another favorite "Our Lady of Hope." Archbishop Casey
approved the name on July 3, 1968. On July 7, Monsignor Bernard Cullen
presided over an installation ceremony for Father McCullough23
While the parish grew through the work of volunteers, plans
proceeded rapidly to secure building sites and begin planning actual
construction. September, 1968, brought two very important events the
assignment of the first permanent assistant pastor Oblate priest John Castro,
from Oblate headquarters in San Antonio; and groundbreaking for the first
parish edifice at the corner of Victor and Kentucky Avenues, a combination


65
rectory, office and chapel. Also, a ten acre plot of land bounded by
Mississippi, Victor, Uvalda and Kentucky Avenues was secured through a
donation by parishioner Thomas W. Nevin.24 More people began to enroll
since there was now actual physical evidence of the new parish. According to
Father McCullough the most difficult part of these early days was money. "The
first collection yielded $35.00. It was discouraging, it was frightening, but slowly
the money grew."25
In September, 1970, Father McCullough wrote to Archbishop Casey
about the success of the parish in its first fifteen months, the accomplishments
made, and how the parish council had decided to recommend more building
facilities. However, McCullough pointed out that since it was immpossible to
project future parish growth at the time that a parish center rather than a parish
church should be constructed first. Such an arrangement would provide a
building for numerous purposes until an assessment for an actual church could
be made.26 McCullough also reported in the letter that modular type
construction would be used in order to keep expenditures under $175,000.
McCullough had grandiose plans for the center, including
recreational facilities complete with saunas, whirlpools and pool tables. The
concept was to make the church more than a once-a-week meeting place.
Such plans never materialized and the church settled for a simple gymnasium.
Groundbreaking ceremonies took place March 15, 1970, and on November 8
the new building was dedicated and the Sacrament of Confirmation was


66
administered by Archbishop Casey27
From 1970 to 1974 all church activities were held in the center. In
the fall of 1974, the people of Queen of Peace again met the challenge of
expansion through the parish council by voting to once again expand. On
Sunday, August 25, 1974, ground was broken for the new church. It was to
adjoin the center and was made of the same modular-type asbestos siding
components and pyramidical mansard-roof as the parish center. The structure
measured 26,000 square feet and with attached cry rooms and classrooms
would seat 1,200 people.28
No special fund-raising.was required because people grew more
generous through Sunday collections. By the time Archbishop Casey blessed
the church the parish included about 1300 middle class suburban families,
many of whom were employed by the area's largest employers such as the
military, Western Electric and the airlines. Windsor Gardens retirement center
had recently opened attracting, hundreds of elderly people into the parish.
Because most of the area east of Interstate-225 was undeveloped farm land,
there were large numbers of farmers. Blue collar workers were also well
represented in the early parish, as were several traditional Catholic ethnic
29
groups.
On October 28, 1975 a mass of blessing was held with Archbishop
Casey as the chief celebrant. Numerous Oblate officials were present as co-
celebrants. The parish at this point had its physical facilities completed.30


67
The next ten years would witness more physical, spiritual and activity growth.
As with most Catholic parishes, Queen of Peace established
traditional activites and organizations such as Parish Council, Altar Society, a
men's club, a women's club, bingo stewardship campaigns and ice cream
socials. Educational programs also became an integral part of the parish31
Steady growth of the parish remained constant necessitating discernment for
another massive building project to alleviate pressure on existing facilities,
scheduled to begin the early 1990s. The church is also considering the
purchase of the adjacent Mississippi Avenue Baptist Church. .
Twenty-four Oblate priests have served at Queen of Peace after
Father McCullough, including the last foursome of Brian Wallace, Jim Lonergan,
George Baynes, and Pastor Andrew Wueste. The parish was taken over from
the Oblates in July, 1987, by the Archdiocese accomodating an Oblate desire
to return to their traditional missionary activites, and has been staffed with
diocesan priests ever since.
One of the last activites of the Oblates was to establish a refuge for
Aurora's downtrodden people just off East Colfax Avenue on Dallas Street. The
day-only shelter, provides food, advice, telephones, diapers and temporary
shelter. Since one of the rules of the Oblate Order is to "evangelize the poor,"
St. Andrews House is perhaps the Oblate's most enduring legacy.
Upon departure of the Oblates in 1987, diocesan Pastor William "Bill"
Breslin and Father Reuben Payo were assigned to take over the ministry of


68
Queen of Peace. Since assuming the parish leadership Father Bill has instilled a
sense of enthusiasm in the parish with his positive attitude and exemplary Christian
faith. One of his first acts was to arrange for perpetual round the clock adoration
of the blessed sacrament every day of the year excluding Good Friday, Holy
Saturday and Easter Sunday. This activity still survives.
His first major task was to begin the discernment process (parish
'consideration/discussion) for the new building project. With about 4,000 registered
families and an estimated 4,000 more within the parish boundaries the population
has outgrown the facilities. The process began with three major objectives: to
expand the faith within the parish through evangelization, to expand actual member
numbers by reaching out to fallen away Catholics and finally to expand physical
facilities to house and minister to all. The decision to build came in early fall oi
1988, and as of this writing a stewardship campaign has begun in order to raise
millions of dollars for the purchase of the Baptist Church as well as new
construction and remodeling of current facilities. Such a monumental task will be
attempted through the sale of parish memorials and simple pledges.
The Basilica of the Immaculate Conception and Queen of Peace offer
a local comparison of a nation-wide phenomenon. The old, traditional Catholic
parish flowing with the cycle of prosperity suburbanization decline. The new
suburban parish struggling with its ever-changing population to meet the needs of
the modern suburban community. This comparison, is the heart of this thesis and
will be fully developed in Chapter IV, the final chapter.


69
NOTES CHAPTER III
175lh Anniversary, Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception (Denver,
Colorado: [n. pub., n.d.]), p. 4.
2lbid., p. 5.
3 Hugh L. McMenamin, Pinnacled Glory of the West (Denver,
Colorado: Hugh L. McMenamin, 1912), pp. 26-27.
475th Anniversary, Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception, p. 7.
5lbid., p. 7.
6lbid.
7Ibid., p. 9.
8Ibid., p. 11.
9 Ibid.
10lbid., p. 15.
11 Mark Ross, Parish Secretary, interview, Denver, Colorado, 1 May .
1990.
1275th Anniversary, Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception, p. 19.
13Thomas J. Noel, Colorado Catholicism and the Archdiocese of -
Denver, 1857-1989 (Niwot, Colorado: The University Press of Colorado, 1989),
p. 317.
1475th Anniversary, Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception, p. 21.
15Ross, interview, 1 May 1990.
16lbid.
17Reverend Frank McCullough, interview, San Antonio,. Texas, 6
November 1989.
18 Ibid.
19 "2nd Parish Formed, Boundaries Defined," Denver Catholic Register,
30 May, 1968, pp. 1-2.


70
20
Mary Ann Staebel, interview, Aurora, Colorado, 1 April, 1989.
21 Queen of Peace Original Census, Parish Archives, July, 1968.
22lbid.
23 Handwritten notes, Queen of Peace Parish Archives: [n. auth., n.d.]
24 Ibid.
25 McCullough, interview, 6 November 1989.
26Reverand Frank McCullough, letter to Archbishop Casey in
possession of Queen of Peace archives. 14 September 1970.
27Handwritten notes, Queen of Peace Parish Archives: [n. auth.,
n.d.]
28 Ibid.
29Staebel, interview, 1 April 1989.
30 Ibid.
31
Ibid.


CHAPTER IV
THE IMPACT OF SUBURBANIZATION ON THE DENVER CATHOLIC
ARCHDIOCESE COMPARING THE BASILICA OF THE IMMACULATE
CONCEPTION WITH QUEEN OF PEACE
Introduction
Any historical study that attempts to assess the impact of
suburbanization on a local institution such as the Denver Catholic Archdiocese
should disclose whether it had a positive or negative effect on the Archdiocese
as an institution. Parish ethnicity, econonomics, politics, opinions, Vatican II
and the future are related to the urban of suburban setting of a church. Such
is the attempt of this study. However, through primary and secondary source
research, national and local scholarly resesearch, interviews and firsthand
experience of the author, no clearcut conclusion has emerged. Rather, it has
become apparent that the suburbanization of the Denver area Catholic Church,
similar to its national counterpart, and the overall suburban process of the
United States, has had both positive and negative impacts. Therefore, both are
presented.
The suburbanization of the Denver Catholic Archdiocese can be
compared to that of the Catholic Church nationally, thanks to some relatively
recent studies by religious sociologists.. This comparison should determine if
the Denver model fits any national conclusions, or if it is unique in its
development and current state of affairs.


72
American Urbanization
Although Catholics claim no monopoly on immigrant urbanization,
the Catholic Church has had a significant impact on it. The Irish, German,
Italian and other European Catholic immigrants filled the early American
eastern, midwestern and eventually western cities and brought with them
fundamental Catholic teachings in dogma, liturgy, practice and belief. Such
fundamental precepts were altered through an Americanization process, but the
ancient teachings of the Catholic faith have not only survived but were
strengthened in the new American urban centers. The only notable exceptions
have come with the advent of suburbanization and Vatican II.
Volumes have been written concerning the sociology of ancient,
transitional, and modern cities. It must be noted that as far as urban
Catholicism is concerned the natural east to west pattern of American
demographic trends has been followed: As Americans and American Catholics
spread westward, so too did Catholicism. It must be noted also that a far more
complex phenomenon also occured since old-line, traditional, American
Catholic family attitudes and practices were liberalized as the movement
westward proceeded and time and space eroded practiced traditions. Such a
development will become clear, especially as it relates to Denver and its
archdiocese, and will be developed further in the comparison section of this
chapter.
In the 1960's sociologists gave much credibility to a thesis first


73
expounded by Harvey Cox in The Secular City. Cox stated that the rise of
urban civilization and the collapse of traditional religion are the hallmarks of our
era and are closely related.1 Cox argued that urbanization constitutes a
massive change in people's interaction with each other and became possible
only with scientific and technological advances which sprang up from the
vestiges and failures of traditional world views. Secularization, viewed as an
equally important movement, marks a change in the way people understand
their lives together, and it occurred only when the cosmopolitan confrontations
of city living exposed the myths people once thought were unquestionable.2
In other words, the way people live their lives affects the way they understand
the meanings of those lives and vice versa.
Cox further explains that the force of secularization had no serious
interest in the persecution of religion. People simply bypass religion and move
on to other interests: Secularization has then relativized and privatized world
religions, rendering them innocuous. Secularization has, in short, convinced
religious believers that they could be in error in their belief that life after death
is the most important aspect of faith. The gods of traditional religions live on
as private fetishes or the patrons of congenial groups, but they play no
significant role in the public life of the secular metropolis.3
Such an analysis must affect an assessment of Catholicism in any
urban center, but especially in a western city such as Denver. The bulk of the
Denver area's economic development has come in this century with a rather


74
maverick approach to business enterprise. Oil, retail trade, recreation and most
recently high-tech and defense-related industries have dominated business,
devolpment patterns. In brief old money (established wealth) and established
industries did not found Denver, nor has it played a major role in developing
and sustaining it as it has in most major eastern American cities. The
independent, frontier spirit that pioneers brought to Denver in the nineteenth
century was also present in post-World War II East to West demographic shifts
that so dramatically increased the population of the city of Denver, and its
suburbs. This point is important in assessing the rather liberal ideology the
early urban Denver Catholic people adapted, and which to a large degree has
survived up to the present time.
Therefore, when considered within the context of major controversial
issues within the church today including the ordination of women, abortion and
birth control, secularization has become a part of the Catholic experience in the
urban Denver Archdiocese.
American Suburbanization
The 1970 census of the United States revealed a turning point in the
makeup of the nation's demographics. For the first time statistics showed that
more people lived in suburbs than lived in central cities or rural areas. During
the decade of the 1970's, suburbs grew another 17.4 percent, while the
population of central cities declined.4 By about 1980, 45 percent of Americans
resided in suburbs, compared with 30 percent in cities and only 25 percent in


75
all remaining areas.5 Suburban impact on all aspects of current American
institutions cannot be ignored. The suburbs contain the largest pool of voters,
which reflects their political importance. Inherent also to suburbs is
monumental economic significance. Sheer population, coupled with
commercial and residential construction patterns are only two apparent
examples. Service and retail industries, financial institutions and even
manufacturing interests have since 1970, continued a trend of relocation to
suburban areas.6
Suburbs have always been representative of upwardly mobile,
financially successful transients moving out to the cities' fringes to buy a piece
of the American Dream. It must be noted, however, that suburbs have always
contained a myriad of socioeconomic groups. Unlike post-World War II
suburbs, which are relatively homogeneous socioeconomically, those of the
tracked city were not restricted to a single economic class.7 Even the richest
communities were dotted with the small dwellings of those who furnished the
support a grouping of large mansions required.8 Most communities had a
larger and poorer group of citizens whose function was to provide gardening,
domestic and other services for the wealthy class.9 In fact, in many areas the
laying out of subdivisions far out beyond the city limits made cheap and
desirable home sites obtainable for a multitude of working people.10
The rapid suburbanization of the United States cannot be viewed in
isolation from the material prosperity of its people and the sheer abundance of


76
its land. By the middle of the nineteenth century, Americans were already a
"people of plenty." The wages of the working man, no matter how meager,
were almost invariably higher than those of his counterparts elsewhere in the
world.11 This movement would continue with increased labor organization in
the latter part of the nineteenth century and on into the twentieth.
As this trend has continued throughout the 1980's, along with the
advent of the information oriented-managerial economy, suburbs have become
central to most, if not all aspects of American life, including religion in general,
and Catholicism specifically. It is important to note for the purpose of this
study, that American suburban areas developed in the last twenty-five years
generally contain disproportionately large numbers of status-conscious middle-
class residents. Suburbs then are most likely to include among their residents
persons with professional and managerial jobs, extensive educations and
relatively high incomes.12 Most suburban residents own their own homes;
even if they are nearly identical to most other homes in the block, and most
enjoy relatively stable employment. Such is the case in Aurora.
Suburbanites, for the most part, value and strive for respectability
among their peers and neighbors. They show a high rate of participation in
socially approved institutions, such as churches, and they are most likely to be
married, have children, and become active in clubs and service
organizations.13 Suburbanites, thus, are very likely to be well placed within the
American mainstream and so associated to a large degree with the dominant


77
groups operating within American society.
It is obvious that suburbs contain distinctive patterns of social
relationships. First, they are structured in such a way to promote individualism
and isolationism. It is common for many suburban residents to not know even
one family on their block including those residing next door. Most suburban
dwellers are also separated by a great deal of social distance, which is to say
that most associations in suburbs are made without a past relationship, and
continue only briefly with minimal chances for an extended future. This restricts
shared experiences, contacts and knowledge among residents, so that
suburban relationships outside of the immediate family encompass very minimal
parts of suburban lifestyles. Suburbanites are then to a large degree beyond
involvement with those around them. Even within family structures,
independence usually reigns supreme. Overall, suburbs may well be
characterized as places where people have minimal social ties to other people
rather than strong bonds of enduring attachments.14 This is not to imply that
inner cities do not encourage less isolation. The contemporary yearning for
privacy has constructed physical and social barriers in cities as well as in
suburbs. Sociologist William H. Whyte, Jr. has argued that suburban life is
conducive to socializing activities with neighbors.15 However, local Catholic
scholar Cynthia Thero Ph.D., who operates "The Source," a consulting firm that
serves Catholic parishes and dioceses, disagrees.16 So too does Father
William Breslin.17 This author also disagrees with Whyte, and through


78
personal experience would hold to the premise that suburban residents
maintain only minimal social contacts and ties with their neighbors.
Such observations can be carried over to, and indeed amplified in
suburban Catholic parishes such as Queen of Peace. Lasting social
relationships among parishioners are few and far in between. This is not to say
that the significance of and adherence to the principles of the Catholic faith, or
a sense of community, do not have deep significance and reverence attached
to them, but such attachments are different from old-line practices and beliefs
of original ethnic-immigrant parishes whose vestiges at least are still apparent
in most inner-city dioceses and archdioceses such as Denver.
Young and middled-aged suburban residents are, generally
speaking, social isolatioanlists. Most suburban social activities are contained
within yards, schools and workplaces. Although neighbor recognition may be
high in suburbs such as Aurora, most strangers with whom suburbanites come
into contact with are seldom markedly different from themselves. Again, most
of this suburban social phenomenon can be inserted into the sub-society of the
Catholic suburban parish.
In conclusion, as American suburbs developed both as physical
extensions of established cities, and as a distinct social phenomenon, second
and third generation Catholics along with other Americans moved to fill them.
The dogma, liturgy and Catholic beliefs moved with them, but were tempered
with new sociological attitudes and behavior spawned by the suburbanization


79
process. Such attitudes and behaviors will be more fully developed in the
comparison section of this chapter.
Catholic Suburbanization: A National View
Few American historical and/or sociological scholars have attempted
extensive studies pf suburbanization trends within the Catholic Church. In fact,
Father Andrew Greeley's The Church1 and the Suburbs, is one of the few major
works to deal with the issue. More recent studies by collective scholars
working for the Notre Dame study of Catholic Parish Life and other isolated
Catholic sociologists have given only superficial treatment of the topic in relation
to broader themes, therefore, extensive comparisons of national data that
support conclusions, with local Denver/Aurora data and conclusions is difficult
but not impossible.
The Greeley study, published in 1959 is important because it came
at the time when suburbs were beginning to proliferate and dominate the
American demographic and social structure. The study asks more fundamental
questions concerning the relationship between American suburbanization and
Catholicism than it provides answers. The study asked such fundamental
questions as: Are the prosperous and pleasent suburbs too prosperous and
too pleasent to be compatible with a truly Christian life? Do regular suburban
church attendance statistics point to a deeper Christian commitment than the
urban counterparts? Is religion in the suburbs real or fashionable? And what
does its future hold? Greeley's premise in 1959 was that the relatively new,


80
expanding suburbs would eventually have a definite impact on the Catholic
Church. Today the impact is apparent, considering expanding parish
enrollments and building patterns.18 Such a questioning approach derives
from the time of its origination. More recent studies, including this one, as brief
as it may be, provide some partial answers. Little did Greeley know that in a
few short years increasing suburbanization would compound such impact
further.
Greeley makes several general observations concerning suburbs
and the Church beginning by noting that suburbs are first of all places to raise
families. In this sense Greeley views the suburb as a happy compromise
between the bliss of the countryside and the covenience of the city.19
Such an observation reflects directly on the fact that many Catholic
families making a move to the suburbs in the 1950' and 1960s included three
or more children. We can then deduce that significant numbers of baby-
boomer American Catholics were raised in the suburbs. Since many of these
people never left, or returned to Catholicism, it is assumed that suburbs did
not, and therefore now don't, have a negative impact on Catholic youth's
participation or belief in the Catholic faith, at least in the long run. The present
need for massive new facilities at Queen of Peace, recent expansions at other
Denver Archdiocese parishes, as well as at national suburban parishes further
corroborates Greeley's point.
Greeley continues with a discussion of the "brick and mortar" phase


81
of American Catholic development which was an attempt to keep up with
suburban growth with the construction of physical structures, as well as the
creation of several social missionary organizations and activities in the new
suburban parishes. In the late 1950's and throughout most of the 1960's
approximately four new Catholic churches opened every week in the United
States.20
Greeley makes an ominous observation by writing that the 1959
suburban Catholics could accept much of the developing way of late-1950's
suburban American lifestyles but had to part company with Protestant
Americans on such topics as divorce, contraception and pre-marital sex21
In the years that have transpired since Greeley's writing such issues have met
Catholics head-on. Many, if not most Catholics today have made their own
decisions on such controversial issues, often in opposition to their church's.
Such decisions helped to dissolve the once-clear dichotomy between American
Catholics and Protestants.
Greeley, in 1959, alternately attacked and defended the impact of
suburbanization on American Catholicism. He illustrated in 1959 what has
become clear to this author in 1990 that attacking or defending suburban
impact on Catholicism in the United States is like attacking or defending the
weather a waste of time.22 Attack or defense would depend upon one's
position as an Americanizer, or an anti-Americanizer. However, the process of
such an effort is not a waste of time. Rather, it sheds light on valuable


82
information concerning the impact not just the origins or processes of American
Catholic suburbanization.
Immaculate Conception-Queen of Peace: Comparison-Conclusion.
When compared, histories of the Basilica of the Immaculate
Conception have shown a once-affluent, family-oriented parish in central Denver
evolve into a parish made up of singles, elderly, transients and occasional
visitors. Queen of Peace on the other hand, has evolved from a one room
structure in the middle of a vacant Aurora prairie into a vibrant, expanding
parish that is looking forward to a bright future. When integrated into the
broader perspectives of national and Denver Archdiocesan models, the
contrasts of these two parishes fit quite well.
Interviews with the Rector of the Basilica of the Immaculate
Conception, Father Murphy, and the Pastor of Queen of Peace, Father Breslin
support such a thesis and lend substance to this author's earlier contention
that the impact of the suburbanization of the American Catholic Church on a
national or local scale has been neither notably positive or negative. Father
Murphy has served in both urban and suburban parishes. He was assigned
to the Basilica from 1966-1969 during which time he observed the loss of
regular parishioners to the suburbs. From 1978 until 1989 he was assigned to
Nativity of Our Lord, a young, active parish in Broomfield.. According to Father
Murphy: "The negative points of suburbanization have been balanced by the
positive."23 The obvious negative impact of suburbanization on the Basilica


83
of the Immaculate Conception has been the decline in regular attendance which
has naturally led to a financial decline as well as a shortage of lay volunteers.
On the positive side, the declining socio-economic status of the Cathedral
parish population has provided perfect Christian opportunities for the parish
staff to minister as Christ did. Many couples from all areas of the archdiocese
come to the Basilica to prepare for marriage, and many archdiocesan members
who reside in suburbs visit and support the Basilica as archdiocesan
headquarters and as a bastion of Catholic tradition both physically anc:
spiritually.
Father Breslin agrees: "Suburbs all over America, and specifically m
the Denver area have become homogeneous, specifically with consideration of
families."24 His perspective, as a suburban pastor, focuses on the suburban
Church's vibrance and growth as well as the Church's important role in filling
the void of neighborly support that inner-city neighborhoods used to provide.
The suburban parishes have also embraced the changes mandated by Vatican
II, more readily than have urban churches and have gone beyond Vatican II in
taking more liberal and charismatic views toward ever-present Catholic
controversies. This is most likely a result of the frontier spirit of many
suburbanites, and the baby-boom phenomenon inherent to the suburbs.25
Monsignor William Jones, a Catholic history scholar currently
assigned to Denver's Blessed Sacrament Parish, supports both Father Breslin
and Father Murphy by noting that all American Catholics urban and suburban


84
still operate under the same church laws and beliefs, sacraments, and
commandments, and therefore the suburbanization phenomenon's impact has
been minimal on urban parishes and more pronounced concerning those in the
suburbs.26 Cynthia Thero disagrees somewhat by pointing out that Denver
Archdiocese suburban parishes, in her perception, seem to have a
condescending attitude toward their urban neighbors. Because of the
competitive nature of suburban society their is no "spirit of community" in
suburban neighborhoods or parishes.27 The opposite is true in urban
neighborhoods and parishes. Dr. Thero also points out however that while the
Basilica of the Immaculate Conception is a melting pot, many other inner-city
churches seem culturally biased and stay to themselves ethnically speaking.
"However, both suburban and urban parishes have strong and weak points,
and all things considered both keep the Catholic faith alive and well."28
The Basilica of the Immaculate Conception and Queen of Peace
have served and will continue to serve their faithful members in their spiritual
needs. Their roles are similar in this task yet their methods are different
because of the differing nature of their patrons. Suburbanization as an
American societal and Catholic institution has had an impact on both parishes.
However, as the worldwide mother church has adapted to Change, so too has
the American Catholic Church, and the local Denver Archdiocesan Church.
The Basilica of the Immaculate Conception continues to add to its
rich history by meeting the challenge of its changing role as the predominant


85
urban Denver parish. In Aurora, as a thriving suburb has blossomed with all
the trappings of the modern material world inherent therein, a spiritual oasis'of
true Catholicism is burgeoning, in one of the city's largest Catholic parishes,
Queen of Peace. Such observations offer evidence that the Catholic faith in the
Denver Archdiocese has transcended history and the secular/materialistic era
of late twentieth century suburbanization.


86
NOTES CHAPTER IV
I Harvey Cox, The Secular City New York, New York: The MacMillan
Company, 1966.), p. I.
2lbid., p. I.
3Ibid., p. 2.
4M.P. Baumgartner, The Moral Order of a Suburb (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1988.), p. 6.
5lbid., p. 6.
6lbid. p. 7.
7 Kenneth T. Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier. The Suburbanization of the
United States (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985.), p. 99.
8 Ibid.
9 Ibid.
10lbid. p. 117.
II Ibid. pp. 128-129.
12Aurora City Councilman Frank Weddig, interview, Aurora,
Colorado, 17 May 1985.
13Ibid., p. 8.
14Cynthia Thero, interview, Denver, Colorado, 10 November 1989.
15William H. Whyte, Jr., The Organization Man (New York: Simon
and Schuster, 1956.), pp. 298-312.
16Thero, interview, 10 November 1989.
17Reverend William Breslin, interview, Aurora, Colorado, 27
December 1989.
18lbid.
19 Andrew M. Greeley, The Church and the Suburbs New York, New
York: Sheed and Ward, 1959), p. 10.


87
20lbid., p. 44.
21 Ibid., p. 57.
22lbid., p. 201.
23 Reverend William Murphy, interview, Denver, Colorado, 28
December 1989.
24Breslin, interview, 27 December 1989.
25 Ibid.
26Monsignior William Jones, interview, Denver, Colorado, 29
December 1989.
27Thero, interview, 10 November 1989.
28 Ibid.


BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Baumgartner, M.P. The Moral Order of a Suburb. New
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Beard, Charles, and Mary Beard. The Rise of American Civilization. New
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Boorstin, Daniel J., and Brooks Mather Kelley. A History of the United States.
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Cox, Harvey. The Secular City. New York: The Macmillan
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Dolan, Jay P. The American Catholic Experience. Garden City, New York:
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McMenamin, Hugh L. Pinnacled Glory of the West. Denver, Colorado: Hugh
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Morison, Saumel Eliot. Admiral of the Ocean Sea: A Life of Christopher
Columbus. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1942.
Navarrete, Martin Fernandez de. Collecion del los viagos y descubrimentos
que hacieron por mar los Espanoles. Madrid, 1829.
Noel, Thomas J.. Colorado Catholicism and the Archdiocese of Denver 1857-
1989. Niwot, Colorado: The University Press of Colorado, 1989.
O'Ryan, William and Reverend Thomas H. Malone. History of the 'Catholic
Church in Colorado. Denver, Colorado: C.J. Kelly, 1889.
Wade, Mason. The French Canadians, 1760-1945. New York: MacMillan and
Company, 1955.
Whyte, William H., Jr. The Organization Man. New York: Simon and
Schuster, 1956.
INTERVIEWS
Breslin, Reverend William Interview, Aurora, .27 December 1989.
Jones, Monsignor William. Interview, Denver, 29 December 1989.
McCullough, Reverend Frank. Interview, San Antonio, 6 November .1989.
Murphy, Reverend William. Interview, Denver, 28 December 1989.
Ross, Mark. Interview, Denver, 1 May 1990.
Staebel, Mary Ann. Interview, Aurora, 1 April 1989.
Thero, Cynthia. Interview, Denver, 10 November 1989.
Weddig, Frank. Interview, Aurora, 17 May 1985.


90
LETTERS
McCullough, Reverand Frank, to Archbishop Casey. September 14, 1970.
Unpublished. In possession of Queen of Peace archives.
NEWSPAPERS
"Bishop Buswell Resigns." Denver Catholic Register, 26 September 1979,
p. 45.
"Retired Bishop Familiar Pueblo Figure." Denver Post, 9
July 1989, p. 3-B.
"2nd Parish Formed, Boundries Defined." Denver Catholic
Register, 30 May 1968, pp. 1-2.
"Converted Broom Factory Served as First Church in 'Grove'Area." Southern
Colorado Register (Special Consecration issue), 1959, p. 45.
"Catholic School to Open." Rocky Mountain News, 20 July
1864, p. 128.
PAMPHLETS
"75th Anniversary, Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception." Denver, Colorado:
[n. pub., n.d.]
MISCELLANEOUS
Archdiocese of Denver archival matierial.
Basilica of the Immaculate Conception archival material.
Queen of Peace archival material.
Queen of Peace census..


Full Text

PAGE 1

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AMERICAN CATHOLIC CHURCH ITS INTEGRATION INTO THE MODERN AMERICAN SUBURB A FOCUS ON THE ARCHDIOCESE OF DENVER COMPARING THE BASILICA OF THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION AND QUEEN OF PEACE by Matthew Paul Bergles B.S., University of Southern Colorado, 1979 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the Univ ersity of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts D epartment of History 1990

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This thesis for the Master of the Arts degree by M(3tthew Paul Bergles has been approved for the Department of History by Date.Sltl f q 0

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Bergles, Matthew Paul (M.A., History) The Development of the American Catholic Church Its Integration Into the Modern American Suburb. A Focus on the Archdiocese of Denver Comparing the Basilica of Immaculate Conception and Queen of Peace. Thesis directed by Professor Thomas Noel The development of the Catholic Church in the United States has been affected by the phenomE;)non of suburbanization. Suburbanization has made a distinctive impact on the cultural and SC?cial development of American society since the end of World War II, and has been responsible for the restructuring of many traditional institutions including government, education, and religion. The impact of suburbanization on the American Catholic Church is nearly equal to the phenomenal consequences that immigration brought to bear on American Catholicism in the first half of the twentieth century. To build an understanding of the implications of massive migration to the suburbs and to apply it to the Denver Archdiocese this thesis attempts to explore Catholicism in a national, regional, state, diocesan and local parish context. During the first half of the twentieth century little change took place in the Catholic parish in terms of liturgy leadership, and education. The parish pastor was revered much as a monarch and held his position for extended periods. Devotional Catholicism was supreme as novenas and missions became the most popular expressions of people s piety Parochial schools

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w increased in number and, though they never reached more than half of the Catholic school-age population, they still remained one of the distinctive features of the immigrant church into the first half of the twentieth century. In the American West, the Catholic Church has had a presence since 1600. When European immigrant restrictive legislation was passed in the 1920's, a new immigration developed northward from Mexico. Blacks also began a migration to northern American cities. As all of these new immigrants settled in the inner cities where the old imiT)igrants had lived, the city began to expand outward to the crabgrass frontier-the suburb. The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication.

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DEDICATED TO MARY, THE QUEEN OF PEACE, AND ALL OF HER PARISHIONERS IN SOUTH AURORA

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Father Bill Breslin and the Parishioners at Queen of Peace for keeping me focused on the topic at hand, and for providing the initi a l inspiration for such a topic. Marian Eskridge whose voluntary and diligent proofreading brought me out of the rough-draft stage. Sister Ann at the Archdiocese Archives who kept a sense of humo r with me, and provided instant expertise. Super-students Andrew Schiebler and Padraic Rorrifh at Perfect Pages Printing who patiently and inexpensively solved my computer illiterac y problem And, my mother, whose patience and encouragement sustained me during this project, and throughout my life

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CONTENTS :::HAPTER I. AMERICAN CATHOLICISM: AN HISTORICAL OVERVIEW .......... 1 Introduction ..... ... ....... ... ....................... .. 1 General Observations . . . . . . . . . 3 Colonial Period . . . . . . . . . . 5 Citizen Period . . . . . . . . . . 17 Immigration Period ....... : ............. : ................ 20 Maturation Period ......... ........ ..... ....... .......... 25 The Modern Era ...... ............. : .................. 28 Notes .......... ... : ................ ; ................. 31 II. A SYNOPSIS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE INTERMOUNTAIN WEST EMPHASIZING COLORADO ........... 34 Introduction .. ...... .................................. 34 The Intermountain West .................................. 35 Colorado . . . . . . . . . . . 40 Notes .............................................. : 53 Ill. A BRIEF HiSTORY OF TWO DIVERGENT DENVER ARCHDIOCESE PARISHES: BASILICA OF THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION AND QUEEN OF PEACE ..... ........ _. ............................... : 55 Introduction ........... ................................ 55 The Basilica of the Immaculate Conception ................. : ... 56

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viii Queen of Peace ............ .......... ................ 62 Notes ... ............... ................. : .......... 69 IV. THE IMPACT OF SUBURBANIZATION ON THE DENVER CATHOLIC ARCHDIOCESE COMPARING THE BASILLICA OF THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION WITH QUEEN OF PEACE ......... : . .... 71 Introduction ........... : ......... ........ ........ . 71 American Urbanization ................. : .......... f < ... 72 American Suburbanization .................... : ..... . 7 4 Catholi.c Suburbanization: A National View ................... 7 Immaculate of Peace : Comparison-Conclusion ...... : ........ .................. 81 Notes .. ........................................ 85 IBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . 87

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CHAPTER I AMERICAN CATHOLICISM: AN HISTORICAL OVERVIEW Introduction John Fitzgerald Kennedy's election to President of the United States in 1960 began a new era in United States history and American religious history. Catholicism, although long the largest single religious group in the United States, had nonetheless suffered the prejudices of a minority. Alfred E Smith's failed presidential candidacy in 1928 created the popular assumption that to be Catholic was to be disqualified from the nation's highest office Kennedy s election shattered that assumption The martyred presidency of an American Catholic stands symbolically as the beginning of the full assimilation of millions of American Catholics into the American political and social mainstream. At the same time the burgeoning of the American suburb brought Catholics and other Americans unprecedented social mobility and professional opportunity. American Catholic history is, an important aspect in the growth and fulfillment of American institutions. In the United States the Catholic Church has always been a complex phenomenon. Its predominantly European heritage, ethnic diversity, frontier expansions, and .regional variations have made it unique among American institutions.

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2 European Catholics have long contended and to some degree still contend that the American Catholic Church is too democratic, too pluralistic too American and therefore not sufficiently Catholic. While American Catholics attempted to show the Vatican that the United States was becoming a powerful force to be reckoned with, and that the worldwide church should take a lesson from the Americanization of Catholicism in the United States, Europe.an. conservatives Were looking at the American Catholic Church quite differently. Events in the United States, coupled with challenges to traditional power structures in Europe, led Pope Leo XIII to side with American conservative Catholics and in 1899 to issue a letter, Testem Benevolentia, condemning a constellation of ideas he labeled "Americanism."1 In this letter the Pope condemned the idea of adapting Catholic doctrine to the modern age, and he warned against the idea that the Church in America would be "different from that which is in the rest of the world." 2 He also labeled as "suspicious ideas" such notions as the rejection of external guidance in the spiritual life, the placing of natural virtues ahead of supernatural v.irtues, the stability of active virtues for the present age, a disdain for religious life, and the desire for new techniques in recruiting converts. Time, Vatican II, and more progressive popes such as John Paul II have done much to allay these concerns. Ironically, the Catholic Church in the United States has had to regularly defend itself against the Protestant charge of being too Catholic and Roman and not American enough. John F. Kennedy, other prominent

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3 Catholics and a new Protestant-Catholic dialogue among other things have done much to change this attitude. This chapter provides a sociohistorical overview of Catholicism in the United States. A knowledge of the past underlies an understanding of present trends in urban and suburban Catholicism. This overview is of course n o attempt to cover the entire scope of United States Catholic history, Gibbons Ellis, Greeley and more recently Dolan, the Notre Dame University staff and others have sufficiently chronicled American Catholic history. It is then a sociological interpretive historical sketch that will best lend credence to tht study of American Catholic development, especially the suburbanizatio n process General Observations Like all religions in the United States Catholicism has its roots in the immigrant experie nce. However, with the exception of the Maryle.nd colony Spanish settlements in the Southwest and a French presence in the Great Lakes region, those roots were not implanted until after basic institutions of the American republic had already been established in a Protestant Culture, one basically anti-Catholic in thought and in practice. This Catholic immigrant religion was therefore caught in the dilemma of becoming American enough to survive in the new society yet remaining Catholic enough to remain loyal to the Old World's traditional Catholic teachings. John Carroll, appointed as first bishop of the United States in 1789, found Catholics divided about the future

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4 path that the Church should take. The noted Catholic historian and sociologist Andrew M. Greeley calls the groups that resulted from this schism the "Americanizers and the anti-Americanizers."3 Americanizers have believed the Catholic Church should rejoice in the freedom America offers because of the opportunity for their religion to grow and flourish as it has nowhere else. This viewpoint comes from the opinion that American democracy offers only opportunity for the Church. According to Americanizers, Catholicism in the United States must become as American as possible and then proclaim the benefits of cooperation with a society believing in human freedom and political democracy to the rest of the Catholic Church.4 The anti-Americanization tradition has been that Catholicism is a minority religion in a country unfriendly to it. Aware of anti-Catholic religious bigotry and the threat to the faith of immigrants, this position views the Catholic religion as a subculture having values differing from the values of the larger society. It advocates that the Church guard its values against corruption by materialism, secularism, and paganism in American society. Any goodwill of has to be proven. The Church's role therefore, in American society must stand apart. Only a vigorous denunciation of the evils of American culture will protect the faith of Catholics from corruption by the immorality of the society around them contended Carroll. While the Americanizers do not see the possibility that by becoming thoroughly American the Church would become any less Catholic, the anti-Americanizers, fearful of

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I 5 this problem, maintain that compromises with American institutions will make the Church less Catholic.5 With Carroll's late-eighteenth century assessments in mind, this thesis examines events prior to Carroll s contention if only to analyze the sociological impact of Carroll and those following him. Catholic historians generally divide American Catholic history into a colonial period, approximately 1492-1790; a citizen period, approximately 1790-1850; an imm i grant period from approximately 1850-1908, a maturation period from about 1908 to 1960 and a post-Vatican II or modern period from the early 1960'5 up to the present time.6 A brief historical overview follows : Colonial Period American history wrongfully examines the British colonies on North America's eastern seaboard and usually overlooks the Hispanic Southwest. However the basic American social institutions of government, law, education, and, of course religion stem from these English settlers By the time of the establishment of Jamestown and later Plymouth, England was Protestant, and so a study of American Catholicism must include colonization by the New World Catholic powers France and Spain; therefore, not only England but France and Spain's colonies must figure in this examination Differences in time and geographic location are noteworthy of these above mentioned countries. Spain entered the new world nearly a century before France and England. The Spanish Empire colonized primarily Central and South America

PAGE 14

6 beginning in the late fifteenth century; the French began extensive colonization of what is today the nation of Canada, and the Mississippi Valley; the English were on the eastern seaboard; and all three powers had a limited stake in the Caribbean islands. Since Spain was the first great European colonizer, and much of its activity extended into the Rocky Mountains and the present-day state of Colorado, Spanish activity in the New World starts this overview. As background, Spain was, of course, a major Catholic power. The conquest of the Moors, the concessions granted to the Spanish crown by the Vatican over ecclesiastical affairs and the fad that Spain was the greatest Catholic power of Europe caused conflict with the rising Protestant states and helped to stamp upon every Spanish enterprise the seal of Catholicism? Such religiousity appears in the first entry Columbus made in his famous journal, where he remarked that among the principal aims of his voyage was to contact natives to observe what he called "the manner in which may be undertaken their conversion to our holy faith." 8 In fact, in most every patent issued by the Spanish crown concerni[lg New World settlement, the conversion of natives to the Catholic faith was described as the chief motive for exploratory ventures.9 Religious conversion motivated Spain in its New World ventures, .as it did to a lesser exterit France and England. In approximately 1480 there had beg un with -Pope Sixtus IV a series of concessions to the Spanish kings culminating in Julius ll's bull Univeralis ecclesiae of 1508 which made state approval

PAGE 15

t necessary for all churches, monasteries and religious homes opened in the colonies.10 The union of church and state was simultaneously advantageous and disadvantageous for the success of Catholicism in the Spanish New World. Political and ecclesiastical authorities clashed frequently over control of natives and other problems spanning more than three centuries of Spanish colonization from Ponce de Leon in Florida in the early sixteenth century to the opening of the last California mission in 1823. The positive side of a shared secular ecclesiastical administration of Spanish interests and the native "Indians" within them was the Catholic mission system established throughout the entire Spanish rim from Florida in the east to northern California in the west. The missions were dependent upon the civil and military structure for finances and protection. These secular institutions were in turn grateful for the convenience of spiritual sustenance the missionary system afforded them. The negative side of such an arrangement was the constantperceived instability of real patronato, the term used to describe the State's control over the Church. A papal bull issued in 1537 by Pope Paul Ill, Sublimus Deus, and a successive bull in 1538 further illustrate the Church-State controversy, and also illustrate that Spanish Conquistadors had enslaved thousands of American natives. Sublimus Deus was issued to combat the charge that "Indians" were not capable of receiving the Catholic faith. Pope Paul Ill, under pressure from New World Dominican missionaries reaffirmed the traditional teaching of the Catholic Church

PAGE 16

8 concerning the spiritual equality and brotherhood of all men .11 Thi s documen t underscores the controversy over the intellectual capacities of American Indians Many conquistadors believed the Indians simply to be animals. Had ecclesiastical or secular authorities allowed this belief tO prevail it would have allowed the Spaniards to use the lives and property of the defenseless natives unchecked by the protective hand of the church. The task of the missionaries would therefore have been much more difficult. However, because of Charles V's concern over Sublimus Deus he successfully pressured Paul Ill to revoke it, and Paul Ill issued another bull on June 19, 153R This bull revoked all previous papal briefs and bulls that may have compromised the king's powe r in the dominions of New Spain. The Pope did not actually revoke the provisions of Sublimus Deus concerning the Indian's capacity for conversion but he did declare all ecclesiastical censures and penalties imposed by the missionaries on the conquistadors to be null and void. The Sublimus Deus bull did receive longstanding allegiance because the New World Spanish rarely knew of the nullification.12 The Spanish missionaries showed an element of compassion for the American natives lacking among English Protestants along the Atlantic coast. This Christian ideology was apparent even after several Spanish priests were brutally killed by the native "savages." Indeed the Spanish Jesuits and Franciscans became a force working for the preservation of American Unfortunately, there were often abuses of the natives by religious

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9 and secular authorities, and the natives often found themselves useless pawns in an ongoing quarrel between church and state. Natives, consequently, felt demoralized and showed less respect for their Catholic faith they had been pressured to embrace. Under the real patronato system, jurisdictional authority over the Indians often became blurred between church and state This unfocused administration of the natives, and thus of New Spain led to a general awakening of Spain's efforts at colonization and its empire. Today the legacy of the Spanish conquistadors, missionaries, and thus the Spanish Catholic Church is quite visible from St. Augustine, Florida, to San Antonio, Texas, and on to Los Angeles and San Francisco, California. Geographic names, architecture and the culture of the Mestizo/Hispanic people endure and are growing with the focus of that Catholic legacy France's colonization in the New World had many similarities to Spanish colonization. In short, church and state were united, and the missions became the dominant institution of French colonial activity. Desire for a Northwest Passage and pursuit of gold and furs brought French explorers to the Great Lakes region. Gold was never found. Beaver became an abundant fur, and codfish was harvested as a less precious commodity. These commodities sustained a trade with the native Indians but were insufficient in quenching the thirst for economic equality with Spain. Jacques Cartier became the French Coronado as he scoured the St. Lawrence River in search of his objectives. By 1541 Cartier realized such gems to be only legend and returned

PAGE 18

10 home. By the beginning of the seventeenth century, however, the French returned, this time for a sustained duration to persue the fur and fish trade and to convert native Indians to Catholicis"m. Since a concordat signed by Pope Leo X and Francis I in 1516, the crown enjoyed the right of nominating clerics to vacant bishoprics and newly established sees. However, the Gallican tendencies, which by the time of Louis XIV had brought about so tight a national control over the Church in France, could not effect quite the same results in North America.14 This was due to precedents set by the first bishop in New France, Fancois de Montmorency Laval, a strong-willed man of great determination. Laval was willing to fight with state officials anytime they threatened the rights of the Church. Mason Wade has written of the bishop: "In all, Laval guided the destinies of the Church in New France for thirty four years, ruling in a more authoritarian and absolute fashion than any representative of the all-powerful Sun King. He left more of a mark on the colony than any governor except the great Frontenac, with whom he quarreled violently."15 A union between church and state did, however, exist, and it became the basis for' several contests still active in Quebec between the two for the entire duration of French activity in the New World. Apart from church-state relations other similarities between Spain and France in the New World existed. Both asserted the worth of the Indians as a people whose soul was of equal value in the eyes of God. The other

PAGE 19

obvious similarity is the missionary zeal with which the French approached the native population. The French Recollet and Jesuit orders stand out in missionary work in New France. Along with Capuchin and diocesan priests these orders attempted to bring an end to the intense hatred and warring between the lriquois and Hurons. This seventeenth century quest helped create one of the more vibrant periods of Catholicism in France. It helped produce such religious giants as St. Francis de Sales, St. Vincent de Paul, Olier, and others. Unfortunately, meddling in Indian affairs also brought torture and death to many French clerics. Though mariy early French efforts to work with the eastern natives failed they did not give UrJ. Undaunted, many moved westward toward Lake Superior where church officials would participate in ceremonies in 1671 which claimed the entire known western country in the name of God and the Sun King. At these ceremonies the priests explained to the natives the doctrine of Christ's redemption of mankind on the cross. The priests also stressed that King Louis XIV was "Captain of the greatest Captains and has not his equal in the world "16 Thus church and state were united in the remoteness of Lake Superior to help advance the policies of the King and his government. For much of the next century great success was enjoyed by the Jesuit missions. Other orders also began to appear in the Lake Superior region as supplements to the Jesuits to provide a ministry to the white settlers in the wilderness and to seek converts among the Indians. After the French had explored the entire

PAGE 20

12 length of the Mississippi River and had established the new colony of Louisiana in the early eighteenth century, a6 agreement made in 1722 brought the Capuchins to that colony where they would remain even after the Louisiana Purchase. The persistence of the French missionaries is difficult for the modern mind to comprehend They were specifically trained to deal with hardship and failure. To the French Jesuits, even the incidences of torture, were simply viewed as obstacles to be overcome for the advancement of the Lord. These men were, after all,_ consumed with living a genuine faith that was strong enough to carry them, perhaps blindly, through any and all adversity Historians Charles and Mary Beard have remarked of such fortitude: "The heroic deeds of Catholic missionaries, daring for religion's sake torture and death, bore witness to a new force in the making of world dominion."17 As with Spain's rim of influence from -Florida to Northern California, the influence of the French and their missionaries is still evident from the Great Lakes region southward along the Mississippi to the state of Louisiana. French names, traditions, and institutions are prominent. The New World colonization efforts of the English are, of course, different from those of Spain and France England was by the time of colonization a Protestant country which had harbored more than a of official anti-Catholicism. John Tracy Ellis makes fou_r major points about Catholic history in colonial English America. First, the Jamestown colony

PAGE 21

13 brought an anti-Catholic bias in 1607 which would be apparent in all thirteen colonies. Second, the small group of Catholics who settled along the Atlantic coast in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries after being persecuted in their European homelands for more than a century, still clung to their faith. Third, the Catholic minority in their brief holding of power in Maryland introduced the new concept (in the New World) of religious tolerance Finally, the absence of domination by any one bf the different Protestan t churches fostered principles of religious Even though colonial English Protestant sects displayed major differences among themselves they became strong allies in their opposition t o the church of Rome. Virginia passed a law against Catholics in 1642. In 164 7 Massachusetts Bay followed suit with a similar law designed to discourage Catholic settlement and to prohibit the practice of Catholicism. In short, New England held its colonial Catholics in subjection and contempt. An obvious reason for such strong anti-Catholic sentiment in New England, in addition to the carry over from the mother country, was the overwhelming majority of Protestants in the British colonies. As late as 1785 when the .United States population measured four million scarcely 25,000 were Catholics.19 Even in Maryland where Catholic concentration was most dense, the total Catholic population was only about eleven percent.2 Catholics came to the New World for the same reasons as others-namely to worship God according to their own consciences and to escape the brutality of England's

PAGE 22

14 penal laws. However, for ali extended duration they found conditions the same as, and in some cases worse than, those they had fled in England. The high point in early New England Catholic history began in March, 1634 when the Ark and the Dove sailed up the Potomac River Aboard was a gathering of Jesuit priests, Catholic nobleman, and Protestant servants This group of about 150 had reached Maryland to engage in a joint effort to establish a colony in which Protestants and Catholics could live together in "mutual love and Amity." 21 Although the love and amity soon vanished Maryland did prosper and become home for thousands of American Catholics. The man responsible for a Catholic haven in Maryland was the first Lord of Baltimore, George Calvert. Calvert is one of history s exceptional political figures because he relinquished a promising political career (he was a royal secretary to James I) for his religious convictions. A convert to the Catholic faith Calvert took advantage of his favor with the king to attempt to secure at court a safe haven for Catholics in the New World. After having failed at attempted settlements in Newfoundland and Virginia, he died and left the task to his son, Cecilius. It was to Cecilius whom Charles I granted a charter stating that churches in Maryland were to be "dedicated and consecrated according to the Ecclesiastical Laws of our Kingdom of England." 22. A loyal Catholic, the second Lord Baltimore abided by the charter and Maryland did become a tolerant refuge for people of all Christian faiths. Life was tranquil for Maryland Catholics until the English Civil War

PAGE 23

15 began in 1642. Then neighboring colonial Virginians who resented their Catholic neighbors in Maryland, especially the Calverts, caused chaos in Maryland. As anti-Catholic resentment grew in England over the suspected Catholic sympathies of Charles I, so too did Maryland face this sentiment. The Protestants resented Maryland Catholics holding most leading offices, and the Jesuits' Indian evangelism and ministering to white settlers. Such antip athy led to the creation of one of colonial America's most fundamentally important docum ents, the Act of Religious Toleration of 1649. Since religious tolerance had been practiced in Maryland, the act did not establish it, but it did provide it with the force of law. The law, passed by a body of Protestants and Catholics, made blasphemy and the calling of approbrious religious names punishable offenses. The spirit of the act was captured in the following passage: And whereas the inforceing of the conscience in matters of Religion hath frequently fallen out to be of dangerous consequence in those commonweathes where it has been practised ... Be it therefore enacted ... that noe person or psons whatsoever within this Province... professing to believe in Jesus Christ, shall from henceforth bee any waise, Molested or discountenanced for or respect of his or her religion nor in the free exercise thereof[ sic]. 23 For all of the foresight such a previously unheard of liberal innovation demonstrated, it was, unfortunately, short-lived. An unsuccessful struggle with Puritans allowed the overthrow of proprietor's political majority, the repeal of the act, and outlawed Catholicism within the colony. Four priests were executed, Jesuit property plundered, and priests forced to relocate. Calvert

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16 regained short-lived control that ended with another major political uprising in 1689. UnderCharles Calvert, the third Lord Baltimore, events in England during the Glorious Revolution once again caused discontent in colonial Maryland. By 1691 Maryland was made a Royal Colony with a crown appointed governor: A Maryland assembly ended religious toleration established Anglicanism as the official state religion and forced Catholics to pay a .tax. Complete disenfranchisement followed in 1718 and lasted until the beginning of the Revolutionary War. Also during this (1664 until the War for Independence) penal status was given most Catholics in the English colonies. Catholic Church administration was virtually non-existent, since such an anti-Catholic atmosphere prevented the Vatican from appointing bishops and other administrative officials to posts in the English colonies.24 This led to a period of sacramentally deprived lay people in the area with little or no knowledge of church governance. One prominent Catholic name comes to the forefront of such an atmosphere in the 1770's: Charles Carroll. A Jesuit-educated lay Catholic aristocrat, Carroll, under the pen name of "First Citizen," begana series of lettersin the Maryland Gazette in 1773 against the arbitrary actions of the royal governor, Robert Carroll's eloquently worded letters declared the sacredness of religious freedom and argued that separation of church and state was not only successful in toppling

PAGE 25

17 the royal governor but also incited catholics to stand up and fight for similar ideas. Such a bold proclamation by a Catholic patriot brought colonial Catholics out of social and political isolation to unite with other colonists against a common enemy the Crown of England. Three years later Carroll proudly added his sig nature to the Declaration of Independence. Religious bigotry and discrimination were by no means squelched with the declaration, but the patriotic role played by numerous Catholfcs in the War for Independence, the influence of the colonist alliance with the French and increasing awareness of America's growing pluralism helped alleviate the anti Catholic bias. Also the broad-minded statesmanship of George Washington along with a few other secular officials, coupled with the efforts of Father John Carroll (a distant cousin of Charles Carroll) helped eliminate official religious intolerance with the guarantee of freedom being embodied in the Constitution of the United States Citizen Period The period between approximately 1790-1850 is known as the "Citizen Period" because during this time Catholic Americans began to take advantage of their new-found constitutional rights and settle into an uneasy assimilation as citizens in American society: Thus the label "Citizen Period." In 1783 the Holy See in Rome began a basic organizational structure for its American church. First and foremost in such an effort was the

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18 appointment in 1784 of John Carroll as "Superior of the Mission in the thirteen United States." In more practical terms Carroll was now the first Bishop of the United States .. In his new position Carroll did not hesitate to speak out and write eloquently for his church's position in the new country. In letters and essays the bishop wrote to the Vatican, to his peers, and in his publications, he championed separation of church and state, freedom of worship, and a bright and prosperous future for a new country adhering to such principles With the 1791 opening of Georgetown Academy, a Catholic seminary on the outskirts of Washington D.C., a separate, distinctively American generation of Catholic scholars began to disseminate the American Catholic faith. Such activity continued well into the next century and was significant: ) enhanced by nineteenth century leaders of the newly-structured American church Most notably, John England, Bishop of Charleston, founded the United States Catholic Miscellany, the first American Catholic weekly newspaper. England used his newspaper as a lively vehicle to respond to the anti-Catholic condemnations so prominent in popular publications of the time. The other phenomena that evidently influenced the growth of American Catholicism were the gradual yet dramatic rise in the number of -Catholic schools, charitable institutions and Catholic immigration in the first half of the nineteenth century. These developments broke down religious and social barriers and arestill making their impactfelt in the United States today. A simple testament of these institutions can be found in the writings of Gustave

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19 de Beaumont, who was a traveling companion in the United States of Alexis de Tocqueville. I am not a Catholic, but I can suffer prejudice of any sort to prevent my doing justice to a body of Christian ministers, whose zeal can be animated by no hope of worldly reward, and whose humble lives are passed in diffusing the influence of divine truth, and communicating to the meanest and most despised of mankind the blessed comforts of religion... The amount, and the success of their silent labours, is not illustrated in the blazen of missionary societies.... And. yet we may surely assert, that not the least of these labours is forgotten. Their record is, where their reward will be.25 As de Beaumont and other foreigners would testify, no one could calculate the success of the spiritual life of Catholicism. Yet to ignore it would be to omit an important.factor in the molding of both native-born and foreign-born Catholics. Nineteenth century Catholic leaders also began to seek ways to defend themselves and advance their cause. The publication of more newspapers provided one solution. Debates with Protestant clergy became more commonplace, and in 1837 the church hierarchy assembled all American Catholic bishops in Baltimore for the Third Provincial Council. The council stated that all Catholics were being "painfully constrained to notice the misrepresentation and persecution" marking the years since they had last met.26 The bishops, however, advised Catholics to have patience, lead exemplary lives, and go about their business. In the Citizen Period, Catholics for the first time participated in partisan politics. Upon the dissolution of the Federalist Party the majority of politically active Catholics threw their support to the Jacksonian Democrats following the example of Roger B. Taney, the Catholic Supreme Court Justice.

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20 Yet, following John Carroll's example, most of the Catholic clergy stayed out of politics, refusing to mention political matters from the pulpit. anti-Catholic mood notwithstanding, the Church was constantly expanding. As the spirit of manifest destiny spread across the continent Catholics numbered upwards of two million. Priests numbered 1 ;421; churches, 1,411; mission stations, 681; 6; dioceses, 25; and vicariates apostolic, 4. These 1849 figures show that American Catholics still accounted for only about one-twelfth of the population of the United states.27 In conclusion the first half of the nineteenth century brought new American Catholics, but Catholicism was still a minority religion within the expanding nation Because of organized opposition, Catholics were separated from the American mainstream but were gaining a voice through several publications and an increased political participation, especially in the Democratic Party. Immigration Period Immigration is the largest factor in the history of American Catholicism because it supplied the fuel that kept American Catholicism burning well into the twentieth century. Most European Catholics who emigrated to the United States in the nineteenth century came from Ireland. Most Irish Catholics began entering America in the 1840's (potato famine years) and continued into the twentieth century. However, well over a quarter of a million came to the east coast between 1820 and 1840. reasons for the Irish exodus

PAGE 29

21 include general poverty population overwhelming an outmoded economy and traditional yearnings for adventure, religious freedom, and the opportunity for a better life. Such immigration was cause for a great alarm among the Protestant community. A scarcity of employment opportunities, a drop in American shipping trade, and the lingering of long-harbored anti-Catholic prejudice resulted in a festering agitation that came to a head in 1830 with the publishing of The Protestant, an openly anti-Catholic newspaper. As this Protestant movement spread throughout the country Protestant ministers began to join forces to form the American Protestant Association, in the same year declaring that the principles of Popery were "subversive of civil and religious liberty" and that it was necessary for them to unite to defend Protestant interests against "the great exertions now making to propagate that system in the United States."28 Such organizations inflamed the near-dormant anti-Catholic passions of many normally quiet Protestant Americans Of course not all Protestants were so easily swayed. President Abraham Lincoln is a noteworthy American Protestant who spoke out vigorously against sentiment.29 The second half of the nineteenth century saw the creation of still more anti-Catholic organizations both in arid out of the political party structure The most prominent arose in 1854 as the Know-Nothing Party. Books, pamphlets and newspapers helped make this party more influential than any previous anti-Catholic organization. A national crisis, the Civil War, broke the

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22 power of the Know-Nothings but they would be replaced a generation later by an equally destructive organization, the American Protective Association which was to carry on the Nativist tradition until the turn of the century. The antebellum period saw an increase in European-Catholic migration with the bulk coming from potato famine Ireland and a post-revolution and pre-Kulturkampf Germany. By 1900 this influx boosted the U.S. Catholic population to just over twelve million compared to a total United States population of about seventy five million. As these newcomers found anti Catholic hostility on the East Coast sometimes oppressive, many took advantage of a westward movement to new settlements where, anti-Catholicism was not nearly so well organized. Italians and Poles were the next European Catholic groups to spill across the Atlantic and establish social and religious roots in the United States. Between 1880 and 1900 nearly one million Italians had settled in America. From 1900 to 1920 three million more emigrated to America. Nearly all were Catholic?0 Polish Catholics were nearly as prolific as the Italians in their exodus to America. More than two million Poles entered the United States between 1870 and 1920. Reasons for Polish and Italian migration were similar to those of the Irishan outmoded unindustrialized economy, overpopulation, and the adventure of a new life and possible prosperity. Other prominent European Catholics seeking America in the latter part of the nineteenth century were Slovaks and Lithuanians. Both groups combined totaled riearly one

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23 million with upwards of eighty percent being Catholic Other eastern Europe a n Catholics entered the United States at this time but not in such significant numbers as those mentioned?1 Non European Catholic groups entering the United States at this time were French Canadians and, more significantly, Mexicans. A fai ling Canadian economy along with a population increase spurred a natur a l movement to its close southern neighbor The Southwestern United States experienced a similar immigration from Mexico. With the U.S. victory in the r Mexican American War in 1848 came an acquisition of New Mex i co, much of Colorado Arizona, Utah and Nevada and an inheritance of over eighty thousand Mexicans. Although migration to the United States was slow for the rest of the century, nearly a quarter of a million people moved northward into American Catholic parishes between 1900 and 1920?2 These six immigrant groups-Mexicans, Irish Italians, Germans Polish, and French Canadians accounted for just over fifteen million U.S. Catholics by 1920; or about 75 percent of all American Catholics?3 These statistics emphasize the impact on American Catholicism immigration had during the first twenty years ofthe twentieth century. Second, third, and fourth generation American Catholic immigrants, although diminished ethnically and religiously through marriage, are still representative of these immigrant groups As the "brick and mortar" building phase of the American Church escalated between 1920 and 1960, European Catholic immigrants and their

PAGE 32

. 24 descendants enjoyed the benefits of economic prosperity by moving into the middle class, and to a large degree, achieved economic parity with their Protestant brethren. This is the time of the emergence of the modern suburb, the basis of this study. By 1920 the city had replaced the farm as home for most Americans. By 1970 the suburb would displace the city in the same fashion?4 The automobile, shopping centers, generous post-World War II veteran housing programs and immigrant-Catholic descendent's hard work and thrift all contributed to the construction of numerous suburban parishes and the natural following of suburban parishioners to fill them. With such change, the Church began to shift its focus from an immigrant-city constituency to an American-born suburban constituency. The other major groups affecting the Church were an movement-. the northward movement of southern blacks, and the Puerto Rican movement to large eastern cities, especially New York. By 1960 about half of the American black population lived in the northern part of the United States, three out of four of them in the cities Blacks have never been strongly attached to Catholicism and by 1928 they made up less than two percent of the American Catholic population. For varied reasons that figure has remained relatively constant to the present time. Puerto Rican unemployment at home spurred over a million inhabitants of the islands to migrate to the United States. Most were Catholic and unfortunately joined other Hispanic groups and black Americans on the bottom end of the socio-economic scale, and received the

PAGE 33

. 25 brunt of the prejudice and discrimination both within and without the Church?5 The story of the ethnic-Catholic immigration to the United States is unique in the American story because a minority religious group exposed to every form of severe prejudice, discrimination and bigotry fought through hard work, determination, and American patriotism to pull itself L!P the soc i o economic ladder of success and take its rightful place alongside the Protestant majority. More importantly, Catholic immigrants and their offspring have provided a rich and diverse contribution to all aspects of American society Maturation Period From 1908 until roughly 1960 the American Catholic Church matured as an American institution in its own right. Prior to 1908 the church struggled to be accepted into the American mainstream and began to establis h roots After this date the Church began to prove its establishment in the United States as a force to be reckoned with. On June 29, 1908 Pope Pius X issued the apostolic constitution Sapienti consilio declaring that the church in the United States had been removed from the jurisdiction of the Congregation de Propaganda Fide and had been placed on a basis of equality with such ancient churches as those in Italy, France and Germany. America would no longer be regarded as simply missionary territory?6 By the beginning of the twentieth century the Holy See reminded American Catholics of innumerable benefits afforded them through past missionary work and gently demanded American repayment. U.S. Catholics responded generously and by 1920 were

PAGE 34

26 contributing well over one million dollars annually to the Vatican. One indication of the maturing process in the American Church came in 1926 when Chicago hosted the International Eucharistic Congress?7 Such an international meeting gave Catholics from all over the world an appreciation of the advancements of the American Church, while giving American Catholics a sense of international solidarity with their church. Similarly numerous Americans had been appointed to the College of Cardinals, the Holy See, and the Vatican Diplomatic Service by the 1920's. Also additional American clergy were appointed to numerous church administrative positions throughout the world. The rise of contemplative communities just prior to, and more dramatically just after World War II, marks another. measure of American Catholic matl!rity. Contemplatives are people who devote themselves almost exclusively to the worship of God through prayer, penance, and isolation from the outside world. American Thomas Merton's The Seven Storey Mountain became a best-seller in 1948 and was at least partly responsible for the entrance of hundreds of men and women into the contemplative life. Such a movement is analogous within the framework of the Church to the back-tonature movement among American young people starting in the 1960's. Other indications of a maturation process were the English language publications of missals, texts, a nd articles explaining in layman's terms the meaning, symbolism, arid importance of Catholic doctrine, liturgy, and Mass.

PAGE 35

27 Begun in the 1920's, millions of such publications were sold and distributed by the mid-1950's: Obviously, American Catholics were becoming more knowledgeable about the meaning of their faith. An important piece of evidence of maturation came on the eve of America's commitment to World War I in 1917 when American Cardinal Gibbons stated in an interview: "In the present emergency it every American citizen to uphold the hands of the President... in the solemn oblige1tions that confront us. The primary duty of a citizen is loyalty to country. This loyalty is manifested more by acts than by words, by solemn service rather than by dedication. It is exhibited by an absolute and unreserved obedience to his country's call." 3 8 Such a statement was reflective of the general Catholic patriotism and of the fact that the Secretary of War, Newton D. Baker, estimated that as much as thirty-five percent of the American fighting force in World War I was Catholic?9 This is a noteworthy estimate considering the general United States population was only one-sixth Catholic, and a large number of their German and Italian enemies were also Catholic. Patriotic organizations such as the National Catholic War Council sprang up during the war under the auspices of American Catholic prelates. This organization continued to exist after the war and was divided into five departments including Lay Activities, Education, Press, Social Action, and Missions.40 The Social Action department became the most controversial because it focused its activity on an advocacy of social goals that for the time

PAGE 36

28 were very unpopular and even considered socialistic or communistic: A minimum wage, u_nemployment and health insurance, child labor laws, and the right of labor to organize. Also, Father Coughlin, the reactionary radio priest tarnished the Church's reputation with his radical proposals. The Church vigorously defended itself against charges of socialism and radicalism, but it had nonetheless set a precedent for a social movement that would culminate in Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal. These examples underscore the maturation process of the Catholi c Church in the first half of this century. Such a process integrated the America n Catholic Church and its people into the mainstream of American society. The_ election of John Kennedy in 1960 symbolized that American Catholics had finally secured a niche in American society. With the advent of Vatican II the Church entered into an entirely new era which leads to the present. The Modern Era Since this thesis includes a case study of the suburbanization of the Denver Archdiocese, most of which occurred in the late sixties and throughout the seventies after the Second Vatican Council, this section will only outline some of the significant changes in Catholic doctrine, liturgy and practice Chapters Ill and IV will detail the Council's impact on the local Church. Some changes in the American Catholic Church occurred in the 1950's: for example, some English in the Mass and Sacraments, evening Masses, revised fasting practices and lay involvement was permitted. Pope

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29 John XXIII's summons for a council in 1962 called for a massive updating of Catholicism to bring it into the twentieth century. The vernacular language was approved for the Mass, the altar was rearranged, symbolism was eased (such as Friday fasting) and the Tridentine tradition ended.41 The Council which was observed by Protestants, called for the first time for Christian unity instead of separation. The Council also looked toward a revolution in parish life. The parish was viewed as the sign of mutual unity or fellowship of all mankind through, and in union with God. The parish thus was given a twofold mission: one within the Church, constantly reforming, renewing and redefining its methods for every generation; and another, reconciling the Church to the world. Through this view of the parish the Church was attempting to transform the world to its view of "true values by witness 42 Clergy and laypeople both were called to the ministry of faith. The idea of merely leading a good life was no longer sufficient. The time of the Council and the years immediately following it were confusing times for American Catholics Gone was the time when a Catholic could go to Mass anywhere in the world and find it exactly the same as they had always known it. It seemed every parish had its own particular variation. In some parishes people stood to receive communion, some used their hands; some parishes stressed music, others didn't. Many other patchwork reforms were instituted. The stability that the American Catholic parish had once offered its

PAGE 38

30 parishioners seemed to be going the way of other American institutions. Assassination ended the Kennedy presidency in 1963 and the civil rights movement was dealt a severe blow with Martin Luther King's murder in 1968. The media emphasized the Tet Offensive as proof that America was losing the war in Vietnam, and the hippie movement was prodding the establishment to re-evaluate itself. The Catholic Church had completed the initial phase of its reevaluation with the close of the Second Vatican Council. The reforms dictated at that council are generally accepted today by most American Catholics, including, of course, those in Colorado. An understanding of the rapid suburbanization of Denver and its archdiocese taking place at the same time of such a domestic revision of the Catholic faith is essential to a comparison between specific urban and suburban parishes within that archdiocese. Having established a broad historical sketch of American Catholicism in Chapter I, Chapter II will provide such a sketch for Col orado Catholicism, thus leading toward a comparison of the suburban Queen of Peace Parish and the urban Basilica of the Immaculate Conception.

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31 NOTES CHAPTER I 1 Jay P .. Dolan, The American Catholic Experience (Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company, 1985), p. 315 21bid., p. 315. 3 Andrew M. Greeley, The Catholic Experience (Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company, 1967), p. 13. 41bid., pp. 19-20. 51bid., p. 20. 6 John Tracy Ellis, American Catholicism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969), p. vii. 71bid. ; p. 3. 8 Samuel Eliot Morison, Admiral of the Ocean Sea: A Life of Christopher Columbus (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1942), p. 204. 9 Martin Fernandez de Navarrete (ed.), Colleccion de los viages y descubrimentos que hicieron per mar los Espa n ales (Madrid; 1829), Ill, p. 156 10 John Tracy Ellis, Documents of American Catholic History (Milwaukee, Wisconsin: The Bruce Publishing Company, 1956), pp. 5-6. 111bid., pp. 7-9. 121bid., p._?. 13 Ellis, American Catholicism, p. 6 141bid., p.10 15Mason Wade, The French Canadians, 1760-1945 (New York: MacMillan and Co., 1955), p. 39. 16 A description of the ceremony is contained in the relation of Claude Dablon, S.J., for 1670-71 in Thwaites, 6p. cit., LV, Ill. .. 17 Charles Beard and Mary Beard, The Rise of American Civilization (New York: MacMillan Company, 1931), I p.9. 18 Ellis, American Catholicism, p. 19.

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19lbid., p. 21. 20lbid 21 Dolan, The American Catholic Experience, p. 69. 22EIIis, Documents of American Catholic History, pp. 97-100 23lbid., pp. 115-117. 24EIIis, American Catholicism, p. 19 25lbid., pp. 60-61. 261bid. p 66 27lbid., p. 81. 28lbid., pp. 63-64. 291bid., pp. 64-65. 30 Dolan, The American Catholic Experience, p. 131. 31lbid., pp 132-133. 32lbid pp: 133-135. 33lbid p. 135. 32 34 Daniel J. Boorstin and Brooks Mather Kelley, A History of the United States (Lexington, Massachusetts: Ginn and Company, 1983), p. 625. 35"1'm Black and I'm Proud," DenverCatholic Register, February 14, 1990, p. 1 ; 36 Ellis, American Catholicism, p. 124 37This Congress honored Catholic belief in the presence of Christ s body and blood in the Blessed Sacrament. Held June 20-24 1926 38 Ellis, American Catholicism, p. 158 39lbid p. 139. 40lbid., pp. 141-145.

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33 41The "Tridentine tradition" refers basically to an early Mass form of the Church. 42 Jay P. Dolan, The American Catholic Parish (New York: Paulist Press, 1987), p. 88.

PAGE 42

CHAPTER II A SYNOPSIS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE INTERMOUNTAIN WEST EMPHASIZING COLORADO Introduction The history of the Catholic Church's development' in Colorado and the other seven states (Idaho, Wyoming, Utah, Nevada, Montana, New Mexico, and Arizona) that comprise the Intermountain West is one of diversity: Diversity of geography, culture, ethnicity, vocations, and religion combine to make this region the most interestingly complex of any in the development of American Catholicism. Struggle marks the spread of Catholicism in the Intermountain West against the brutal force of a hostile climate, an indigenous non-Christian culture a constant resistance from an evangelical Protestant and militant Mormon population. It is a history of predominantly Hispanic and Indian culture, one today's white suburban Catholics tend to forget or probably never knew. The fact that suburbs exist begotten of cities belies the fact that western Catholicism was originally a predominantly rural phenomenon The rural church survives, but the major urban centers of Denver, Salt Lake City, Albuquerque, Phoenix, and Tucson have absorbed most of their respective state's Catholic population. The remaining four states, (Idaho, Wyoming, Nevada and Montana) as well as the vast rural regions of Colorado, Utah, New Mexico and Arizona; are finding resources, especially priests, increasingly hard

PAGE 43

35 to come by. That this eight state region accounts for one-fourth of the nation's total land area further accentuates this rural problem. The early history of Catholicism in Colorado is for the most part a history of Reverend Joseph P. Machebeuf. The unlikeliness of this frail Frenchman pioneering, in the name of the Church this rugged territory of Colorado, and indeed much of the West is due to his unwavering loyalty and dedication to his faith and vocation. Such loyalty and dedication is not only responsible for the organization of the Catholic Church in Colorado but can be given credit for the existence of the Rocky Mountain Church in general. This synopsis of the growth of the Church in the region is by no means complete, but rather will build a general foundation for a discussion of the impact of. suburbanization in the Denver Archdiocese: The Intermountain West In 1848 the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo increased the size of the United States by adding California, Utah, Nevada and parts of Colorado, New Mexico and Utah. The negotiation process involved in these acquisitions delayed the actual development of a formal Catholic parish life. The Lousiana Purchase in 1803 and a treaty with Great Britain adding the Oregon Country in 1846 created similar problems. Ecclesiastical divisions from Rome of the territory were slower in coming than civil divisions out of Washington D.C. Since most of the area was still considered missionary territory and ecclesiastical divisions seldom matched civil divisions the ensuing attempt to

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36 create Vicariate Apostolics; or dioceses, was confusing at best. Sever .al areas in this Southwest region did become dioceses in the latter part of the nineteenth century, but most of this region as well as the entire Rocky Mountain area did not achieve such status until well into the twentieth century. In 1850, New Mexico, the only Vicariate Apostolic in the region included the territory conceded by the Treaty of Guadulupe Hidalgo. In 1851 Bishop John Baptist Lamy announced .to the New Mexico Hispanic clergy that he had been appointed their vicar Simultaneously, eastern Montana and all of Utah both which had been a part of the San Francisco Archdiocese, were placed under the jurisdiction of the Santa Fe Diocese. Nevada, was divided i n 1860 Territory south of the 3fih parallel was left in the San Francisco Archdiocese, and the area north was placed in the Vicariate Apostolic of Marysville, California .1 On July 19, 1850, Pope Pius IX erected the Vicariate Apostalic of the Territory which included those parts of Wyoming and Montana lying east of the Rockies and the section of Colorado that was part of the Louisiana Purchase Idaho and western Montana where administered by the Archdiocese of Oregon City, while Utah and Nevada fell under the ju"risdiction of the Diocese of Monterey. In 1853 the New Mexico Vicariate Apostolic was elevated to the Diocese of Santa Fe, with John Baptist Lamy appointed as its first bishop, while the Archdiocese of San Francisco was created and included Nevada and Utah. -The Vicariate of Nebraska was created in 1857 out of the Vicariate Apostolic of

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37 Indian Territory. In 1859 the portions of Arizona and New Mexico obtained through the Gadsen Purchase were annexed.to the Diocese of Santa Fe. The following year brought the transfer of all of Colorado to the Diocese of Santa Fe.2 Colorado and Utah were removed from the Santa Fe Diocese arid joined into a single Vicariate Apostolic in 1868 until 1871 when Utah once again was placed under the jurisdiction of San Francisco Eighteen-sixty-eight saw still more shifting of ecclesiastical jurisdicitional lines as Arizona and southern New Mexico became a vicariate, and the Vicariate Apostolic of Idaho was created. The northern part of Nevada was transferred to the Diocese of Grass Valley, California; western Montana was organized into its own vicariate while the eastern half of the state remained under control of the Vicariate of Nebraska. In 1875 western Montana and Idaho were again shifted back to Oregon City, Oregon? Such examples of ecclesiastical jurisdicitional line manipulation are presented to point out the confusion of and hinderance to the spread of the faith. Such constant interference perpetuated a self-image among Rocky Mountain Catholics of extreme dependence on outside recognition and support, although it is questionable how mucli stock the region's Catholics put into the hierarchical order. In 1887 Wyoming received its first self-contained eccleseastical status with the creation of the Diocese of Cheyenne, and both halves cit

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38 Montana were ecclesiastically joined for the first time under the banner of Vicariate Apostolic of Montana. Such huge jurisdictions created numerous obstacles to successful administration as a letter from Bishop O'Connor of Nebraska in the late 1880's, to John B. Brandel, newly appointed Vicar Apostalic of Montana illustrates. On my return from Philadelphia yesterday I received the formal notification.... of your appointment to Montana. This news was a great relief to me, and I rejoice to think that the charge of that territory h as been given to one well-acquainted with Western life, and who will not shrink from the lordships... the trials and privations of such a place. In a short time no doubt, your difficulties will be overcome, but for four or five years you will have distress 4 Shortly thereafter the Montana Vicariate was elevated by Rome t c the Diocese of Helena. The Vatican also created the Utah Vicariate in 1866, it transferred northern Nevada from Grass Valley to the Diocese of Sacramento and a year later the Dioceses of Cheyenne and Denver were formed by the Vatican. These decisions added to church stability in the region and within the decade Dioceses of Salt Lake, Boise, and Tucson were erected. By 1893 each of the Intermountain states except Nevada had its own diocese. From this point on jurisdictional changes came less seldom, making the Western Church relatively stable.5 The severity of the climate and the great distances between settlements hampered development of parishes but Indian missions and agricultural settlements formed the region's first Catholic parishes. The Spanish and the French had established these as missionary settlements as much as 250 years earlier. Hispanic groups having received land grants from Mexico

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39 or Spain, founded most of the early Catholic settlements. The Homestead Act of 1862 encouraged white settlers to settle the West. As well as farming, mining attracted people to the region in search of jobs, especially eastern Europeans. The establishment of parishes in these mining areas was unstable at best since played..:out mines usually caused mass exodus of people. Mining communities in Nevada provide the best evidence of the boom and bust pattern characterizing most of these towns and, consequently, their churches. In conjunction with mining and farming railroads brought hordes of immigrant miners westward seeking employment. The federal land grant subsidy program induced the railroads to expand westward bringing even more immigrant settlers gullible to land speculators' schemes.6 The Central Pacific and Union Pacific were most responsible for bringing Catholic families to Utah, Nevada California, Montana, and Wyoming. Other railroads eventually found their way into these states and the rest of the West, bringing Catholics with them. Protestants, of course, were also very active in the pioneer stage of Western development, not only in missionary work with Indians and Hispanics to spread the word, but also in an attempt to take their perception of "mystery" out of Catholicism which had already been deeply-rooted in both cultures. Such an attempt by several Protestant sects was largely a failure because today's western Hispanic population is overwhelmingly Catholic as is, to a lesser degree, the Indian population. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (the Mormons) has

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40 received perhaps more attention than any religious group in the Intermountain West? The Church's arrival in Utah in 1847 pre-dated the arrival of both Catholic and older, established Protestant churches The antagonistic feelings the Mormons seemed to provoke from secular as well as Protestant Evangelical forces did not precipitate similar feelings from the sacramentally-oriented Catholics and Episcopalians, who were apparently more interested in their own flocks than in proselytizing others. By the turn of the century Catholics had gained a secure foothold in the Intermountain West: agriculture increased, industry grew up military installations and new methods of controlling water all combined to make the West a viable part of the nation s economy. Also, Catholics had become a sizeable permanent part of the region. Colorado When French missionary priests under the leadership of Bishop Jean Lamy arrived in the newly established Vicariate of Santa Fe in 1851, they did so in the name of U.S. ecclesiastical authority. Ignorant of the circumstances that Spanish and American neglect had wrought in the Southwest, these foreign priests were appalled by the condition in which they found the Church Lamy had only teri priests in his vicariate which included New Mexico, Arizona, and eventually parts of Colorado, Utah and Montana. By the 1860's Lamy's supply of priests began to increase as he accepted order priests from many European countries. was however, a

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41 Fellow Frenchman, Joseph P. Machebeuf who he put in charge of the "Pikes Peak Region" in 1860. Five years earlier, the Hispanic community at Conejos had constructed the area's first Catholic Church, Our Lady of Guadelupe . After selecting a newly ordained French priest, Father John Baptist Raverdy ; as his assistant, Machebeuf set out from Santa Fe northward into Colorado to Pueblo and on to Denver by October, 1860. In December he said Christmas mass at Denver's St. Mary Church located at Fifteenth and Stout streets. The church and a small rectory were being built with funds supplied in part by Mexican Catholics in New Mexico and the San Luis Valley of Colorado. Father Raverdy headed south into the San Luis region to raise funds and perform priestly duties for the Catholic people in that isolated area. With increasing financial support Machebeuf began to transform the Colorado mission" intci what would become in 1887 the Diocese of Denver. It was during Machebeuf's settling in Denver that Plenary Councils of Baltimore were meeting (1852, 1866, and 1874} to urge the erection of parochial schools. Conflict between Catholic and Protestant social goals certainly sparked the rationale for such plans. Catholics feared a loss of their faith to a public school system which they perceived to be founded and administered by Protestant trad i tion Bishop Lamy, in attendance at the 1852 Baltimore council, vowed to bring a community of sisters back to the Santa Fe Diocese The Sisters of Loretto returned with Lamy and opened St. Mary s academy in 1864. The Rocky Mountain News hailed the new school and

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42 praised the qualities it anticipated the school would instill in its students and the educational community including intelligence, grace, generosity of character, and quality of temper.8 This compliment was given only after the paper pointed out the "oddities" of the Catholic tradition. Catholic education would become a cornerstone of Catholicism in Colorado as it had throughout the rest of the country. In the early 1860's Machebeuf and Raverdy under direction from Bishop Lamy began missionary pilgrimages to the mining towns of western and southern Colorado. Central City was the benefactor of the first mission church, St. Mary's. Georgetown, Colorado's pioneer silver mining town constructed Our Lady of Lourdes Church under the direction of Machebeuf and the church's first pastor Reverend Nicholas C. Matz. St. Paul's Church was constructed in nearby Idaho Springs in 1881. Machebeuf and Raverdy spent much .of their time traveling their huge diocese, which included all of Colorado and Utah, ministering to the needs of Catholics scattered among the mining towns, farms and ranches. The 1870's brought an expansion of rail service in Colorado, which was responsible for the beginning of the state's southern urban center, Pueblo. The railroads and mining operations requiring steel led to the construction of a mill in the city. The city sprang up in the 1840's as a trading for Spanish and French trappers at the confluence of the Fountain and Arkansas Rivers. Machebeuf and Raverdy visited the town often to minister to its Catholics between 1860 and 1872 when Charles M. Pinto, S.J., was assigned

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43 .as Pueblo's first resident priest. Reverend Pinto completed construction of St. Ignatius Church in 1873, making it Pueblo's first' actual church.9 Two years later Loretto Sisters opened a Catholic academy in Pueblo. The Sisters of Charity from Cincinatti would become very active in Pueblo with parochial schools, including Pueblo Catholic High School, and most importantly St. Mary's Hospital and Convent. The Sisters of Charity also became active further south in Trinidad where they became responsible for Catholic education while Jusuit priests established missions throughout Las Animas County and constructed Holy Trinity Church in the town of Las Animas. By 1867 Colorado was growing too large for the jurisdiction of one man so Archbishop Lamy recommended that Col_orado and Utah be erected into one Vicariate Apostolic. On February 5th, 1868 the Vatican's Sacred Congregation issued a decree that made the recomendation a reality. Father Machebeuf was appointed Vicar Apostolic with the title of Bishop of Epiphany in partibus. 10 To most people this simply meant Father Machebeuf was Bishop of Colorado and Utah. Machebeuf's origional church, St. Mary's, became a cathedral for the new diocese. Utah was separated from Colorado February 12, 1871, and placed under the jurisdiction of the archbishop of San Francisco. Father Machebeuf was consecrated as bishop in Cincinatti's St. Peter's cathedral by Archbishop Purcell, a fellow French immigrant. Father Raverdy was immediately appointed Vicar General. Machebeuf immediately set forth to procure more priests for his growing flock. Father O'keefe and Father Fourel

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44 came in 1868, and Fathers McGrath, Guyot, and Percevault arrived in 1869. Along with the influx of more people and more priests more churches were being constructed throughout western Colorado from Boulder to Durango. Leadville stands out because a silver boom made it Colorado's second most populous city by the 1870's. Immigrant Slavs, Irish, Germans and Italians helped build Leadville's St. Mary's School, Annuciation Church, St. Joseph's Slovenian Church, St. Vincent's Hospital, a Catholic social hall, clubrooms and a cemetery. In 1881 St. Mary's in Aspen became an independent parish, as did St. Stephens in Glenwood Springs in 1885.11 While Colorado mining towns followed the boom bust cycle, the I railroads gave Denver stability and growth to a population that had reached over 35,000 by 1880 In the state as a whole, mining and the railroads boosted the population to nearly a half-million people by 1890. Including of course, many Catholics. Such an increase required additional churches, schools, orphanages and hospitals. Help with all of these projects was given to Machebeuf by his Coadjutor Bishop, Father Matz, (consecrated in October, 1887) and the Sisters of Charity of Cincinatti, the Sisters of Mercy from St. Louis, the Sisters of St. Francis and other religious orders. Also, in the late 1870's and into the 1880's Bishop Machebeuf was busy establishing churches in northern Colorado towns including Ft. Collins, Yuma, Brighton, Platteville, and Longmont. In 1887, Colorado was erected into a seperate bishopric or, the Diocese of Denver.

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45 Age and poor health were taking their toll on Bishop Machebeuf by 1889. A buggy accident the night before Easter left him in shock, thus weakening his already frail body. Death came on July 1 0; of the same year. Father Matz would become bishop of the new diocese. Machebeuf's cr i tics have always condemned his financial ineptitude. Although the bishop spent most of his years in office trying to get his vicariate, or diocese, in financial order, he also made some shrewd deals in real estate and investments.12 The duration, success and bravery that mark Machebeuf s tenure as a Catholic leader in early Colorado are evidenced by his ability to organize, bond and move it forward. Today, Bishop Machebeuf's name is common in the Denver Archdiocese mostly because of the high school that bears his name. The bishop s name and accomplishments attached to it extend far beyond present-day Denver into all of Colorado. Because of his inauguration of all of the institutions of Catholicism, Reverend Joseph Machebeuf is the patriarch of Colorado Catholicism Colorado's second bishop, Bishop Matz is best remembered as Colorado's builder bishop because of nearly fifty Catholic institution buildings built during his reign from 1889-1917 Churches, schools, nursing homes orphanages, camps and perhaps most importantly, St. Thomas Theological Seminary, were constructed during this brick and mortarphase of Colorado Catholicismi St. Thomas (Aquinas) seminary was constructed in 1907-1908 by Vincentian priests in cooperation with the Denver Diocese. The seminary

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46 provided a valuable service to the Catholics of Denverthe training of badly needed priests. That the first major Catholic seminary of the region began in Denver is significant for while Santa Fe was the original archdiocese for the region, that city's failure to develop a major semina,Y, as well as Denver's rapid population growth, would make Denver the hub of Rocky Mountain Catholicism.13 Perhaps the most famous name in Colorado Catholicism is Mother Frances Xavier Cabrini. The Italian nun first came to the Mile High City in 1902 to serve Mount Carmel Parish. She and her missionary sisters established a school, converted a farm on North Federal Boulevard to an orphanage for girls, and toured the mining towns to minister to the people. Legends abound concerning Mother's miraculous powers including the moving of a rock on a hilltop near Mt. Vernon Canyon to expose an artesian stream.14 She somehow managed to purchase the Mt. Vernon property and made it a summer home for orphaned girls. The spot has since become a shrine just off lnterstate-70 near the canyon whose directional road sign continues to spread the fame of the nun who was canonized a saint by Pope Pius XII in 1946.15 Another important Colorado Catholic institution, Regis Jesuit College, has its roots in Las Vegas, New_ Mexico. In 1877 Italian Jesuits established their new college in Northern New Mexico but by 1 were persuaded by Bishop Machebeuf and others to relocate to newly-purchased property near Morrison, Colorado where it was christened Sacred Heart College. Three years

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47 later the college was moved to the Northwest Denver intersection of West 52nd Avenue and Lowell Boulevard where it continues to operate and expand today under the Regis College name which was taken from a seventeenth century French Jesuit saint in 1921 to replace the obviously-Catholic name of Sacred Heart.16 Such a change was considered necessary for a number of reasons, not the least of which was the strong anti-Catholic sentiment in the area at the time, heightened by the activities of the Colorado Ku Klux Klan during the 1920's. Colorado's Catholic history is rich in ethnic diversity and rivalry. In the southern part of the state Hispanics have always dominated among ethnic Catholics. The two urban centers of. the state, Pueblo and Denver, experienced the develop ment of distinct ethnic neighborhoods, and ttius ethnic parishes and churches. Italian, Slovenian, German and Irish, as well as Hispanic and less populous groups were all prominent in the two cities Early in Machebeuf's tenure he was forced to recognize the need for ethnic autonomy when he authorized the creation of Colorado's first national parish, Denver's St. Elizabeth's German in 1878. The "national parish" designation allowed a parish to incorporate the native tongue and culture into its liturgy and other activities.17 Other parishes followed suit when an Italian Jesuit Reverend John B. Guida, S.J. was chosen to preside over Sacred Heart in Denver in 1879. Reverend Joseph P. Carrigan headed St. Patrick's in North Denver beginning in 1881. Other parishes sprang up with distinct ethnic

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48 identities throughout Denver. Much of this was diluted in the late 1940's and 1950's due to post-war prosperity, the baby boom and inter-marriages which also led directly to the suburbanization phenomenon. However, a few of these churces still retain their ethnic identity today including s t. Joseph's Polish, Holy Rosary-Slovenian, Our Lady of Guadalupe-Hispanic, and the Ukranian Catholic Church of the Transfiguration of Our Lord. In Pueblo the southern Colorado mining activity and steel operations brought large numbers of immigrants into the Steel City in the late nineteenth century. The city was distinctly divided into three ethnic sections and corresponding parishes. The Slovenian Catholics established roots in the "Grove," Hispanics occupied the lower east side and Italians relegated themselves mostly to the shale bluffs in between In March, 1899, the Italian Apostolic Delegate to the United States, Archbishop Sebastian Martinelli, wrote to Bishop Matz that he had received complaints from Italians in the Pueblo area that they were being spiritually neglected. In 1900 Italians formed a committee to raise fundsfor an Italian church. After raising $4,238.00 construction began on Our Lady of Mt. Carmel Church. The building was enlarged by 1911 and staffed with Jesuit priests.18 Mt. Carmel Credit Union sprouted from the church and survives today as the nation's third largest Catholic credit union. In 1891, Bishop Matz sent to St. Vincent's Archabby in Latrobe, Pennsylvania for Father Boniface Wimmer O.S.B., to come to Pueblo's "Grove" and establish a parish for the Slovenians, Slovaks and Germans of the area.

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49 The first "church" was an abandoned broom factory which served the people well until 1895 when a new $27,000.00 church could be opened on Clark Street. The church was christened St. Mary Help of Christians. Because of the distinct ethnicity of the parish it fell into disfavor wit.h, and aroused the suspicions of, many of Pueblo's citizens. However, such feelings were eased when over three hundered male parishioners answered Pastor Cyril Zupan's call from the steps of the Pueblo County Courthouse in 1917 to join their country's fight in Europe.19 St. Mary's moved again, creating a new church in Pueblo's Eiler Heights neighborhood in the early 1950's. Pueblo's east side Hispanics received what would become their first real parish when Bishop Matz sanctioned the. transfer of a Benedictine priory from Canon City to Pueblo in 1902. Near the Fountain River in East Pueblo the Benedictine Fathers erected a college that would continue to operate Lintil1927. The area was separated from the existing St. Ignatius Parish and a school and church were built and mimed "St. Leanders." Another east side area "Dog patch," was provided a parish when St. Leander's Benedictines constructed St. Anne's Church between 14th and 15th Streets.20 Both churches survive today. The three major ethnic groups that established their distinct Catholic parishes are still a large part of the Pueblo area today as are their churches However, the ethnic neighborhoods and parishes in Pueblo have followed the national trend in the post World War II era in that suburbanization has diluted

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50 the rich and distinct ethnicity so prominent in them in the first half of this century. Distance between Denver, the diocese's see city, and Pueblo and the thousands of square miles in the southern part of the state convinced the Vatican that a new diocese needed to be created. On Wednesday, November 26, 1941, the official word from the Vatican brought the announcement from the apostolic delegation in Washington that the Diocese of Denver had been divided into two sections: one would become the Archdiocese of Denver, and the other the new Diocese of Pueblo. The Diocese of Cheyenne, formerly a suffragen of the Archdiocese of Dubuque, was made a suffragen of the new province of the church, with the Archbishop of Denver serving as its "Metropolitan." 21 Of the 63 counties in Colorado, 30 southern counties were given to the new Pueblo diocese, and 33 to the Denver Archdiocese. The Pueblo Diocese contained a few thousand more people than the Denver Archdiocese, many of whom were Spanish speaking. On December 8, 1941, the Vatican's Apostolic Delegate to the United States, Amleto Cicogriani, announced that the Right Reverend Joseph Clement Willging, pastor of Immaculate Conception Parish in Butte, Montana, and Vicar General of the Diocese of had been appointed as the first bishop of the new Pueblo Diocese. Bishop Willging was consecrated February 24, 1942 in Helena, with similar ceremonies held in the newly established Cathedral of the Sacred Heart, the new seat of the

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I. I 51 Pueblo Diocese in downtown Pueblo. For seventeen years Bishop Willging brought "vigorous and uninterrupted progress" to the diocese due to his zealous leadership.22 The energetic bishop died suddenly of a heart attack in 1958 while attending the solemn closing of the 40 hours' devotion in St. Thomas Seminary in Denver. During Willging's reign, Pueblo, like Denver, experienced significant suburbanization which required new churches, schools and other church facilities. Not only the city of Pueblo, but the rural portions of the diocese also constructed new facilities. By the time Willging's sUccessor was named in 1959 the diocese had experienced slow but steady growth. This trend would see its peak and its leveling-off under Bishop Charles Buswell who would hold the Pueblo Bishopric until1979. An Oklahoma native, Buswell was appointed by Pope John XXIII as Bishop of Pueblo August 8, 1959, and was consecrated in that city on September 14, 1959, He took his motto, "Pax Semper et Caritas," which he later shortened to "Pax," or "Peace."23 Bishop Buswell participated in all four sessions of the Vatican Council. He served on the U.S. Bishop's Commission on Bishops and the Governing of Dioceses and also on the Commission for the Unity of Christians. Buswell's reign is recognized as one of the most progressive of any bishop anywhere He began imr:nediately after the Second Vatican Council to implement its decrees, emphasizing the renewal of the liturgy, the development of the priesthood of the laity, equality of all Christians and the need for the

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. 52 development of collegial structures in the Church.24 A July, 1989 interview with The Denver Post reveals the liberal reflection of Bishop Buswell ten years after his retirement. Such ideology frequently put him at odds with the Church teachings and its hierarchy: On women, "I believe in equality in society and in the Church Women should be eligible for the pr i esthood;" on celibacy: "It should be optional;" birth control: "Its a matter of conscience;" selective Catholicism: "People can be good Catholics and not obey all of the rules, if they make their deCisions from an informed conscience." 25 The bishop continues to live, minister and speak out in .Pueblo On July 1, 1980 Pope John Paul II named Bishop Buswell's successor, a quiet un(.lssuming New Mexico Hispanic, Arthur Tafoya Bishop Tafoya has proven in his nine year ministry to have been a good choice for the Pueblo Diocese. His Hispanic heritage and bilingualism have made him well suited to deal with the large Hispanic poulation of the diocese. Although not as progressive as Buswell, Tafoya is very visible and outgoing which makes him a favorite of southern Colorado Catholics of all ethnic backgrounds. The historical roots of Western American Catholicism differ from the .. roots of the Eastern American church in that the rugged individualism of the frontier west carried over to the Catholic Church. Because of this, western Catholics have developed with somewhat of a maverick attitude as compared to their eastern coreligionists. Awareness of such an underlying attitude is important in understanding the urban/suburban relationships of the Denver Archdiocese.

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53 NOTES CHAPTER II 1 Jay P. Dolan, The American Catholic Parish Volume II. (Mahwah New Jersey: Paulist Press, 1987), p. 146. 21bid., pp. 146-147. 3lbid., pp. 147-148. 41bid., p. 148. 5lbid. 6 Daniel J. Boorstin and Brooks Mather Kelley, A History of the Un i ted States (Lexington, Massachusetts: Ginn and Company, 1983.), p. 338. 7 Dolan, The American Catholic Parish, p. 163. 8"Catholic School to Open," Rocky Mountain News, 20 July 1864, p. 9"Pioneer Parishes of the Diocese of Pueblo,"The Southern Colorad o Register Special Consecration Issue, 1959, p. 29. 10 Reverend William O'ryan and Reverend Thomas H. Malone, History of the Catholic Church in Colorado (Denver Colorado : C J Kelly, 1989), p. 57. 11Thomas J. Noel, Colorado Catholicism and the Archdiocese of Denver, 1857-1989 (Niwot, Colorado: The University Press of Colorado, 1989), pp. 19-21. 121bid., pp. 39-41. 131bid ... pp. 59-60 14 Ibid., p. 56. 151bid., p. 53. 161bid., p. 60 171bid., p. 36. 18"See City Once Served as Miniature U.N.," The Southern Colorado Register, Special Consecration Issue, 1959, p. 40

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54 19 "Converted Broom Factory Served As First Church for 'Grove' Area," The Southern Colorado Register, Special Consecration Issue, 1959, p. 45. 20"Parish Story is Chapter of Benedictine History," The Southern Colorado Register, Special Consecration Issue, 1959, P. 44. 21"A History of the Diocese," The Southern Colorado Register, SpeciaiConsecration Issue, 1959, p. 27. 221bid., p. 26 23"Bishop Buswell Resigns," Denver Catholic Register, September26, 1979; p. 6. 241bid., p. 6. 25"Retired bishop, familiar Pueblo figure, lends helping hand, Denver Post, July 9, 1989, p. 3-B.

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CHAPTER Ill A BRIEF HISTORY OF TWO DIVERGENT DENVER ARCHDIOCESE PARISHES: BASILICA OF THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION AND QUEEN OF PEACE Introduction The history of a Catholic parish is more than a story of acquiring land and erecting buildings; It is rather a story of people. People being born, and people dying, of people achiev ing the sacramental blessings of their faith and coming together as a parish community to determine the goals of, and methods for building a parish, both physically and spiritually. A parish history within the broader context of the events of America at the time, may show how the formation of a new parish affected the social and spiritual fabric of a specific community. Questions of how people reacted to a new church and new priests, how Vatican II affected the parish, and the significance of events during. the growth of Queen of Peace and the Basilica must be answered in order to properly assess their history These two parishes offer an opportunity to assess two distinct eras of American suburbanization-turn of the century immigrant suburbanization; and the 1960's-1970's westward movement of baby-boomers that so dramatically increased the population of the Denver-metro area, especially the city of Aurora. Even though this thesis has restricted itself to a specific religion

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56 and its growth in the United States the suburbanization process and its social implications for the country as a are reflected here. A brief history of each parish paves the way for an analysis of parish ethnicity, economics, goals, the role of laity, effects of Vatican II, finances, and provides a sociohistorical blueprint of where each parish has been and where it is going. The Basilica of the Immaculate Conception The Basilica of the Immaculate Conception, as a cathedral has been the seat of the Denver Archdiocese since 1912 but yet has always maintained its identity as a neighborhood parish. It has seen both the gleaming newness of urban sophistication and the slow physical and socio-economic downfall of .. urban decay. Times have changed. It is no longer the tallest building i n Denver, or even the tenth tallest. Its not even the city's largest church. And its parish which once served millionairE:ls and stood in the midst of mansions, now is home to many who are far less fortunate. But, It continues to serve its purpose as a refuge and place of worship for all, whatever their station in life. Th_e origins of the Cathedral began in the 1890's when Bishop Machebeuf's successor Bishop Matz .recognized that an expanded St. Mary's Cathedral simply was not adequate to serve the swelling Denver Catho l ic population. Bishop Machebeuf had recognized the need for a new cathedral in 1873 but was hesitant to undertake such a huge task and remarked: "After all, a catheral is a question of money, of stone, and of mortar; while my work was; and should have been, a question of souls "1 Even though Bishop Matz

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57 faced the same dilemma he was well equipped to embark on such an adventure, having supervised the construction of a church, a hospital a rectory and a school as a pastor in Georgetown. A sharp downturn in the local economy from 1893 until 1900 postponed a building date until prosperity returned. The building site changed several times, before the northeast corner of East Colfax Avenue and Logan Street was chosen The plot was riever quite large enough as a homeowner refused to sell. Years later, one architect would examine the Cathedral and express the opinion that it was "too darned short." 2 While securing a site for the new cathedral Bishop Matz was also able to arrange for the sale of St. Mary's Cathedral to Cripple Creek gold miner Winfield Scott Stratton. In the interim period between the razing of St. Mary s and the completion of Immaculate Conception masses and other activities were held in the cafeteria of the parish school at 1836 Logan Street. Further setbacks extended the life of the cafeteria/church arrangement for more than another teri years? The estimated construction cost for the church in 1900 was $250 000. As in most construction projects however the estimate soon doubled. This bad news, in addition to faltering returns on ill-advised dio'cesan investments delayed construction for four more years A cornerstone was laid in 1906 but further financial problems would again delay construction Construction continued very slowly which led many to doubt if the Cathedral

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58 would ever be completed. Those doubts ended when the young and talented Father Hugh McMenamin was appointed as the Cathedral's Rector. A "Rector" is the title given to a cathedral administrator. Father McMenamin immediately lifted sunken s pirits by bginning successful fund-raising drives. The Rector was successful in tapping the pocketboks of over 5,000 Cahtolics including such wealthy notables as J.K. Mullen, J.F. Campion, Philip Clarke, G. F. Cottrell, W.P. Horan and Larry Maroney.4 Detroit architect Leon Coquard completed the rest of the French Gothic design, with Union Station architects Aaron Gove and Thomas Walsh supervising the church's construction after Coquard became ill. Constructed of Indiana Bedford stone, the cathedral measured 195 feet by 116 feet, with its twin spires rising 210 feet above the ground.5 The awe-inspiring twin pinnacles would cause many future Denverites to refer to the Cathedral as the "Pinnacled Glory of the West." Interior dimensions of the church measure sixty eight feet from floor to ceiling, with seating made to accomidate 1 ,500 people, more than any other Denver church of the time. Statuary was sculpted from imported Italian marble. The intricate stained-glass windows were the creation of Germany's Royal Bavarian Institute, and the 3,000-pipe organ was the product of W.W. Kimball Company of Chicago.6 On October 27, 1912 the Cathedral was dedicated before an audience of some 20,000 people including several orders of priests from all over the United States, at least fifteen bishops, and His Eminence, Cardinal

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59. Farley of New York. The Bishop was described as being in golden cape and jeweled miter, his long court train of vivid. red upheld by two small pages dressed in white satin." 7 The celebration was prolonged through the day when Bishop Matz celebrated his silver jubilee. Although the structure was now complete the Cathedral had an oustanding debt of $250,000. Father McMenamin, as usual, was undaunted and began a memorial program in which people could "buy" windows, railings, and kneelers. Still, mostly because of interest on the debt, the infusion into the memorial of thousands of dollars did little to alleviate the pressure The Cathedral's old friend J.K. Mullen informed the Rector that he was placing $110,000 worth of stocks and bonds into a trust for the Cathedral to be used, through .liquidation, when the debt was reduced to an amount the trust could cover. Father McMenamin's efforts continued and by October of 1921 he had raised sufficient funds to combine with Mullen's trust and retire the debt as well as leave a surplus of $45,000. On October 23, 1921, in the presence of six archbishops, thirteen bishops and numerous monsignori from all over the United States, consecration of the church took place. The elaborate ceremony was followed by a parade witnessed by over 150,000 spectators.8 Notable neighborhood millionaires were frequent patrons at the Cathedral which made the idea of a "pew rent" very feasible. Such a rent was little inconvenience for such notables as Molly Brown and her family. Mother Cabrini was also a frequent visitor to the church and Buffalo Bill Cody was

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60 baptized at the Cathedral in 1917 at the age of 71.9 After forty one years as Rector of the Cathedral, Father McMenamin died in 1947. His replacement was Father Walther J. Canavan, who had the associate editor of the Denver Catholic Register and had been ordained in the Cathedral in 1934. He would provide much for the Cathedral including the construction of a nearby Cathedral High School, a grade school and a gym For his efforts the Vatican named father Canavan a Monsignor in 1959.10 Monsignor Canavan retired in 1 969 and was succeeded by Monsignor Rasby under whose supervision occurred the closing of the high school in 1982 and its renovation into the temporary home of the Samaritan Shelter. Rasby had to face larger problems than the renovation of a few buildings, mainly the deterioration of the Capitol Hill neighborhood and the poorer, transient population. Rasby was successful at balancing the protection of the church' s property and ministering to the neighborhood's downtrodden. Increased police surveilance, locked doors after dark and other security measures were incorporated simultaneously with a continuing association with the charitable St. Vincent de Paul Society In 1970 Monsignor Rasby established a sandwich line which survives today, and in 1982 the Cathedral became involved with the Samaritan Shelter to further minister to the needs of the poor and homeless. Those traditions continue today in addition to an open-door. policy for the destitute during the daytime hours. Entrance is allowed through the front doors and a small lobby provides temporary daytime

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61 refuge for small groups of transients. Grocery bags are given out as requested, and until such requests become excessive by particular individuals, they are seldom, if ever, denied: Archdiocesan nun Sister Mary Hughes provides a counseling/assistance program for senior citizens and transients as a representative of the Cathedral.11 Extensive renovations in 197 4 and 1975 resulted in the continuing beauty of the Cathedral. The sanctuary was enlarged in accordance with Vatican II guidlines. Carpeting was laid, Cracks were repaired, the stained glass was washed and covered with protective plexiglass and electrical wiring was brought up to code. The interior was repainted and an improved sound and lighting system was installed. The cost of renovation was considerably morethan the building's original construction price.12 On Christmas eve 1979, the Vatican issued a Papal Bull approving Archbishop Casey's 1977 request that the Cathedral be designated a minor basilica. This status is reserved for important churches outside of Rome whose history, architecture and record of religious and community service are particularly exemplary.13 The bull noted that the Cathedral was: "Famed alike for its beauty, the distinguished Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception has from the very beginning of the Catholic community in Denver hel.d first pl'ace in the pastoral functions of the Bishops, in the daily life of the faithful, in the dispensation of the sacraments and in the celebration of the liturgy." 14 Especially noteworthy is the fact that the Denver Cathedral was the first minor

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62 basilica so named by Pope John Paul!!. The of the Immaculate Conception still stands today as a significant part of the Downtown Denver skyline continuing its miss i on of ministry to all classes of people within the Denver Archdiocese Parish records indicate that regular parishioners are roughly divided into three major social-. ethnic groups: Hispanics, Seniors and young professionals and their families.15 Daily masses are scheduled in the early morning, at noon and in the early evening to accomodate downtown workers. Sunday masses regularly attract visitors from other archdiocese parishes as well as tourists from around Colorado, and indeed the entire United States. Frequent requests for marriages and other sacraments to be performed in the Cathedral are often honored.16 Such events reflect the love and respect afforded the Basilica of the Immaculate Conception by area Catholics The storied past of this magnificent institution is known by many in the metropolitan area in religious and lay circles. Its future is secure as long as there are needy and faithful Christians in the vicinity, and as long as it remains the seat of the Denver Catholic Archdiocese. Queen of Peace The short history of Queen of Peace Church began with the brainstorm of a native Nebraskan Oblate priest. The idea for the suburban parish in the undeveloped prairies of east Aurora was provided by Father Frank McCullough O.M.I. (Oblates of Mary Immaculate) A native of Lincoln,

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63 Nebraska, he was ordained an Oblate priest on May 27, 1940, by Cardinal Spellman in Washington D .C. McCullough had become friends in Nebraska with a Father Casey, later to become Denver's Archbishop. Well aware of the Denver Archdiocese, Father McCullough contacted his old friend Archbishop Casey and inquired as to the feasibility of erecting an Oblate church in one of the Archdiocese s new parishes McCullough told Archbishop Casey that the Oblates of Mary were interested in establishing a presence in Colorado, preferably in the Denver Archdiocese.17 "He was very receptive and soon 1 was on my way to Denver in 1967."18 Father McCullough began preparing for the monumental task of creating a parish and building i n east Aurora As a pastor of St. Patrick's Parish in McCook, Nebraska, Father McCullough gained much needed experience in such an endeavor, having built a comple x for that parish. In May, 1968, Archbishop Casey announced the establishment of the new Aurora parish and released the boundaries. They were defined as Yosemite Street on the west, Buckley Air National Guard Base i n the east, Jewell Avenue to the South and First Avenue to the north.19 Original parishioner Mary Ann Staebel speaks for many Catholics living within the boundaries of the new parish at the time. "Myself and many othe -rs felt threatened by the idea of a new parish. We were comfortable and content with our old parishes Saint Pius X _and St. Therese." 2 Father McCullough did not give up easily and he soon. moved into the new parish on

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64 June 21,1968, and rented a home at 12950 East Nevada Avenue where he soon took up residence. He immediately began to contact homes IJI{ithin the parish and offered the firstthree masses of the parish that same week bn June 23rd at the Seventh Day Adventist Church on East Mississippi Avenue. The use of the Adventist Church was secured through the generosity of that church's pastor Reverend C.G. Fisher, who personally greeted the 750 Catholics for their first three masses.21 To secure a census of the parish, Father McCullough was assisted by Father Paul Duffy, O.M.I., and two Oblate theologians, all from Oblate headquarters in San Antonio, Texas. The census was completed in August showing 399 Cathoiic families, and nearly 100 single men and women .2 2 On June 30 a survey was taken of parishioners in order to determine a name for the church. Parishoners chose "Queen of Peace'; by a nineteen vote margin over another favorite "Our Lady of Hope." Archbishop Casey approved the name on July 3, 1968. On July 7, Monsignor Bernard Cullen presided over an installation ceremony for Father McCullough.23 While the parish grew through the work of volunteers, plans proceeded rapidly to secure building sites and begin planning actual September, 1968, brought two very important events the assignment of the first permanent assistant pastorOblate priest John Castro, from Oblate headquarters in San Antonio; and groundbreaking for the first parish edifice at the corner of Victor and Kentucky Avenues, a combination

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65 rectory, office and chapel. Also, a ten acre plot of land bounded by Mississippi, Victor, Uvalda and Kentucky Avenues was secured through a donation by parishioner Thomas W. Nevin.24 More people began to enroll since there was now actual physical evidence of the new parish. According to Father McCullough the most difficult part of these early days was money. "The first collection yielded $35.00. It was discouraging, it was frightening, but slowly the money grew." 25 In September, 1 970, Father McCullough wrote to Archbishop Casey about the success of the parish in its first fifteen months, the accomplishments made, and how the parish council had decided to recommend more building facilities. However, McCullough pointed out that since it was immpossible to project future parish growth at the time that a parish center rather than a parish church should be constructed first. Such an arrangement would provide a building for numerous purposes until an assessment for an actual church could be made.26 McCullough also reported in the letter that modular type construction would be used in order to keep expenditures under $175,000. McCullough had grandiose plans for the center, including recreational facilities complete with whirlpools and pool tables. The. concept was to make the church more than a once-a-week meeting place. Such plans never materialized and the church settled for a simple gymnasium. Ground breaking ceremonies took place March 15, 1970, and on November 8 the new building was dedicated and the Sacrament of Confirmation was

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66 administered by Archbishop Casey.27 From 1970 to 1974 all church activities were held in the center. In the fall of 1974, the people of Queen of Peace again met the challenge of expansion through the parish council by voting to once again expand On Sunday, August 25, 1974, ground was broken for the new church. It was to adjoin the center and was made of the same modular-type asbestos siding components and pyramidical mansard-roof as the parish center. The structure measured 26,000 square feet and with attached cry rooms and classrooms -would seat 1 ,200 people.28 No special fund-raising_ was required because people grew more generous through Sunday collections By the time Archbishop Casey blessed the church the parish included about 1300 middle class suburban families many of whom were employed by the area's largest employers such as the military, Western Electric and the airlines. Windsor Gardens retirement center had recently opened attracting hundreds of elderly people into the parish Because most of the area east of lnterstate-225 was undeveloped farm land there were large numbers of farmers. Blue collar workers were also well represented in the early' parish, as were several traditional Catholic ethnic groups.29 On October 28, 1975 a mass of blessing was held with Archbishop Casey as the chief celebrant. Numerous Oblate officials were present as cocelebrants. The parish at this point had its physical facilities completed?0

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67 The next ten years would witness more physical, spiritual and activity growth. As with most Catholic parishes, Queen of Peace established traditional activites and organizations such as Parish Council, Altar Society, a men's club, a women's club, bingo stewardship campaigns and ice cream socials. Educational programs also became an integr;:1l part of the parish?1 Steady growth of the parish remained constant necessitating discernment for another massive building project to alleviate pressure on existing facilities, scheduled to begin the early 1990's. The church is also considering the purchase of the adjacent Mississippi Avenue Baptist Church .. Twenty-four Oblate priests have served at Queen of Peace after Father McCullough, including the last foursome of Brian Wallace, Jim Lonergan, George Baynes, and Pastor Andrew Wueste. The parish was taken over from the Oblates in July, 1987, by the Archdiocese accomodating an Oblate desire to return to their traditional missionary activites, and has been staffed with diocesan priests ever since. One of the last activites of the Oblates was to establish a refuge for Aurora's downtrodden people just off East Colfax Avenue on Dallas Street. The day-only shelter provides food, advice, telephones, diapers and temporary shelter. Since one of the rules of the Oblate Order is to "evangelize the poor," St. Andrews House is perhaps the Oblate's most enduring legacy. Upon departure of the Oblates in 1987, diocesan Pastor William "Bill" Breslin and Father Reuben Payo were assigned to take over the ministry of

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68 Queen of Peace. Since assuming the parish leadership Father Bill has instilled a sense of enthusiasm in the parish with his positive attitude and exemplary Christian faith. One of his first acts was to arrange for perpetual round the clock adoration of the blessed sacrament every day of the year excluding Good Friday, Holy Saturday and Easter Sunday. This activity still survives. His first ma j or task was to begin the discernment process (parish consideration/discussion) for the new building project. With about 4,000 registere d families and an estimated 4,000 more within the parish boundaries the populatio n has outgrown the facilities. The process began with three major objectives: t o expand the faith within the parish through evangelization to expand actual membe r numbers by reaching out to fallen away Catholics and finally to expand physical facilities to house and minister to all. The decision to build came in early fall of 1988, and as of this writing a stewardship campaign has begun in order to raise millions of dollars for the purchase of the Baptist Church as well as new construction and remodeling of current facilities Such a monumental task will be attempted through the sale of parish memorials and simple pledges. The Basilica of the Immaculate Conception and Queen of Peac e offer a local comparison of a nation-wide phenomenon. The old, traditional Catholic parish flowing with the cycle of prosperity-suburbanization decline. Th e new suburban parish struggling with its ever-changing population to meet the needs of the modern suburban community. This comparison, is the heart of this thesis and will be fully developed in Chapter IV, the final chapter.

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69 NOTES-CHAPTER Ill 1751 h Anniversary, Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception (Denver, Colorado: [n. pub., n.d.]), p 4. 21bid., p. 5. 3 Hugh L. McMenamin, Pinnacled Glory of the West (Denver, Colorado: Hugh L. McMenamin, 1912), pp. 26-27. 1990. 4751 h Anniversary Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception, p. 7. 51bid., p 7. 6lbid. 71bid., p 9 8lbid., p. 11. 91bid. 10 Ibid., p. 15. 11 Mark Ross, Parish Secretary interview, Denver, Colorado, 1 May 12751 h Anniversary, Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception p 19. 13Thomas J. Noel, Colorado Catholicism and the Archdiocese of Denver, 1857-1989 (Niwot, Colorado: The University Press of Colorado, 1989), p 317. 14751 h Anniversary Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception p. 21. 15 Ross, interview, 1 May 1990 161bid. 17Reverend Frank McCullough interview, San Antonio Texas, 6 November 1989. 181bid. 19 Parish Formed, Boundaries Defined," Denver Catholic Register, 30 May, 1968, pp. 1-2.

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20 Mary Ann Staebel, interview Aurora Colorado, 1 April 1989 21 Queen of Peace Original Census, Parish Arch ives, July, 1968. 221bid. 70 23 Handwritten notes, Queen of Peace Parish Archives: [n. auth. ; n.d.] 241bid. 25 McCullough, i nterview, 6 November 1989. 26 Reverand Frank McCullough, letter to Archbishop Casey in possession of Queen of Peace archives 14 September 1970 n.d ] 27Handwritten notes Queen of Peace Parish Archives: [n. auth., 281bid. 29Staebel, interview, 1 April 1989. 30lbid 31 Ibid.

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CHAPTER IV THE IMPACT OF SUBURBANIZATION ON THE DENVER CATHOLIC ARCHDIOCESE COMPARING THE BASILICA OF THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION WITH QUEEN OF PEACE Introduction Any historical study that attempts to assess the impact of suburbanization on a local institution such as the Denver Catholic Archdiocese should disclose whether it had a positive or negative effect on the Archdiocese as an institution. Parish ethnicity, econonomics, politics, opinions, Vatican II and the future are related to the urban or suburban setting of a church. Such is the attempt of this study. However, through primary and secondary source research, national and local scholarly resesearch, interviews and firsthand experience of the author, no clearcut conclusion has emerged. Rather, it has become apparent that the suburbanization of the Denver area Catholic Church, similar to its national counterpart, and the overall suburban process of the United States, has had both positive and negative impacts. Therefore, both are presented. The suburbanization of the Denver Catholic Archdiocese can be compared to that of the Catholic Church nationally, thanks to some relatively recent studies by religious sociologists .. This comparison should determine if the Denver model fits any national conclusions, or if it is unique in its development and current state of affairs.

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72 American Urbanization Although Catholics claim no monopoly on immigrant urbanization, the Catholic Church has had a significant impact on it. The Irish, German, Italian and other European Catholic immigrants filled the early American eastern, midwestern and eventually western cities and brought with them fundamental Catholic teachings in dogma, liturgy, practice and belief. Such fundamental precepts were altered through an Americanization process, but the ancient teachings of the Catholic faith have not only survived but were strengthened in the new American urban centers The only notable exceptions have come with the advent of suburbanization and Vatican II. Volumes have been written concerning the sociology of ancient, transitional, and modern cities. It must be noted that as far as urban Catholicism is concerned the natural east to west pattern of American demographic trends has been followed: As Americans and American Catholics spread westward, so too did Catholicism. It must be noted also that a far more complex phenomenon also occured since old-line, traditional, American Catholic family attitudes and practices were liberalized as the movement westWard proceeded and time and space eroded practiced traditions. Such a development will become clear, especially as it relates to Denver and its archdiocese, and will be developed further in the comparison section of this chapter. In the 1960's sociologists gave much credibility to a thesis first

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73 expounded by Harvey Cox in The Secular City. Cox stated that the rise of urban civilization and the collapse of traditional religion are the hallmarks of our era and are closely related.1 Cox argued that urbanization constitutes a massive change in people's interaction with each other and became possible only with scientific and technological advances which sprang up from the vestiges and failures of traditional world views. Secularization, viewed as an equally important movement, marks a change in the way people understand their lives together, and it occurred only when the cosmopolitan confrontations of city living exposed the myths people once thought were unquestionable.:: In other words, the way people live their lives affects the way they understand the meanings of those lives and vice versa. Cox furtherexplains that the force of secularization had no serious interest in the persecution of religion. People simply bypass religion and move on to other interests; Secularization has then relativized and privatized world religions, rendering them innocuous. Secularization has .in short, convinced religious believers that they could be in error in their belief that life after death is the most important aspect of faith. The gods of traditiOnal religions live on as private fetishes or the patrons of congenial groups, but they play no significant role in the public life of the secular metropolis? Such an analysis must affect an assessment of Catholicism in any urban center, but especially in a western city such as Denver The bulk of the Denver area's economic development has come in this century with a rather

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74 maverick approach to business enterprise. Oil, retail trade, recreation and most recently high-tech and defense-related industries have dominated business devolpment patterns. In brief old money (established wealth) and established industries did not found Denver, nor has it played a major role in developing and sustaining it as it has in most major eastern American cities. The independent, frontier spirit that pioneers brought to Denver in the nineteenth century was also present in post-World War II East to West demographic shifts that so dramatically increased the population of the city of Denver and its suburbs. This point is important in assessing the rather liberal ideology the early urban Denver Catholic people adapted, and which to a large degree has survived up to the present time. Therefore, when considered within the context of major controversial issues within the church today including the ordination of women, abortion and birth control, secularization has become a part of the Catholic experience in the urban Denver Archdiocese. American Suburbanization The 1970 census of the United States revealed a turning point in the makeup of the nation's demographics. For the first time statistics showed that more people lived in suburbs than lived in central cities or rural areas. During the decade of the 1970's, suburbs grew another 17.4 percent, while the population of central cities declined.4 By about 1980, 45 percent of Americans resided in suburbs, compared with 30 percent in cities and only 25 percent in

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75 all remaining areas.5 Suburban impact on all aspects of current American institutions cannot be ignored. The suburbs contain the largest pool of voters, which reflects their political importance. Inherent also to suburbs is monumental economic significance. Sheer population, coupled with commercial and residential construction patterns are only two apparent examples. Service and retail industries, financial institutions and even manufacturing interests have since 1970, continued a trend of relocation to suburban areas.6 Suburbs have always been representative of upwardly mobile, financially successful transients moving out to the cities' fringes to buy a piece of the American Dream. ltmust be noted, however, that suburbs have always contained a myriad of socioeconomic groups. Unlike post-World War II suburbs, which are relatively homogeneous socioeconomically, those of the tracked city were not restricted to a s i ngle economic class? Even the richest communities were dotted with the small dwellings of those who furnished the support a grouping of large mansions required.8 Most communities had a larger and poorer group of citizens whose function was to provide gardening, domestic and other services for the wealthy class.9 In fact, in many areas the laying out of subdivisions far out beyond the city limits made cheap and home sites obtainable for a multitude of working The rapid suburbanization of the United States cannot be viewed in isolation from the material prosperity of its people and the sheer abundance of

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76 its land. By the middle of the nineteenth century, Americans were already a "people of plenty." The wages of the working man, no matter how meager were almost invariably higher than those of his counterparts elsewhere in the world.11 This movement would continue with increased labor organization in the latter part of the nineteenth century and on into the twentieth. As this trend has continued throughout the 1980's, along with the advent of the information oriented-managerial economy, have become ce.ntral to most, if not all aspects of American life, including religion in general, and Catholicism specifically It is important to note for the purpose of this study, that American suburban areas developed in the last twenty-five years generally contain disproportionately large numbers of status-conscious middleclass residents. Suburbs then are most likely to include among their residents persons with professional and managerial jobs, extensive educations arid relatively high incomes.12 Most suburban residents own their own homes; even if they are nearly identical to most other homes in the block, and most enjoy relatively stable employment. Such is the case in Aurora. Suburbanites, for the most part, value and strive for respectability among their peers and neighbors. They show a high rate of participation in socially approved institutions, such as churches, and they are most likely to be married, have children, and become active in clubs and service organizations.13 Suburbanites, thus, are very likely to be well placed within the American mainstream and so associated to a large degree with the dominant

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77 groups operating within American society. It is obvious that suburbs contain distinctive patterns of social relationships. First, they are structured in such a way to promote individualism and isolationism. It is common for many suburban residents to not know even one family on their block including those residing next door. Most suburban dwellers are also separated by a great deal of social distance, which is to say that most associations in suburbs are made without a past relationship, and continue only briefly with minimal chances for extended future. This restricts shared. experiences, contacts and knowledge among residents so that suburban relationships outside of the immediate family encompass very minimal parts of suburban lifestyles. Suburbanites are then to a large degree beyond involvement with those around them. Even within family structures, independence usually reigns supreme. Overall, suburbs may well be characterized as places where people have minimal social ties to other people rather than strong bonds of enduring attachments.14 This is not to imply that inner cities do not encourage less isolation The contemporary yearning for privacy has constructed physical and social barriers in cities as well as in suburbs. Sociologist William H. Whyte, Jr. has argued that suhurban life is conducive to socializing activities with neighbors.15 However, local Catholic scholar Cynthia There Ph.D., who operates The Source," a consulting firm that serves Catholic parishes and dioceses, disagrees .16 So too does Father William Breslin.17 This author also disagrees with Whyte, and through

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78 personal experience would hold to the premise that suburban residents maintain only minimal social .contacts and ties with their neighbors. Such observations can be carried over to, and indeed amplified in suburban Catholic parishes such as Queen of Peace. Lasting social relationships among parishioners are few and far in between. This is not to say that the significance of and adherence to the principles of the Catholic faith, or a sense of community, do not have deep significance and reverence attached to them, but such attachments are different from old-line practices and beliefs of original ethnic-immigrant parishes whose vestiges at least are still apparent in most inner-city dioceses and archdioceses such as Denver. Young and middled-aged suburban residents are, generall y speaking, social isolatioanlists. Most suburban social activities are containec: within yards, schools and workplaces. Although neighbor recognition may be high in suburbs such as Aurora, most strangers with whom suburbanites come into contact with are seldom markedly different from themselve s. Again, most of this suburban social phenomenon can be inserted into the sub-society of the Catholic suburban parish. In conclusion, as American suburbs developed both as physical extensions of established cities, and as a distinct social phenomenon, second and third generation Catholics along with other Americans moved to fill them The dogma, liturgy and Catholic beliefs moved with them, but were tempered with new sociological attitudes and behavior spawned by the suburbanization

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79 process. Such attitudes and behaviors will be more fully developed in the comparison section of this chapter Catholic Suburbanization: A National View Few American historical and/or sociological scholars have attempted extensive studies pf suburbanization trends within the Catholic Church. In fact Father Andrew Greeley's The Church and the Suburbs, is one of the few major works to deal with the issue More recent studies by collective scholars working for the Notre Dame study of Catholic Parish Life and other isolated Catholic sociologists have given only superficial treatment of the topic in relation to broader themes, therefore extensive comparisons of national data that support conclusions with local Denver 1 Aurora data and conclusions is difficult but not impossible. The Greeley study, published in 1959 is important because it came at the time when suburbs were beginning to proliferate and dominate the American demographic and social structure. The study asks more fundamental questions concerning the relationship between American suburbanization and Catholicism than it provides answers. The study asked such fundamental questions as: Are the prosperous and pleasent suburbs too prosperous and too pleasent to be compatible with a truly Christian life? Do regular suburban church attendance statistics point to a deeper Christian commitment than the urban counterparts? Is religion in the suburbs real or fashionable? And what does its future hold? Greeley's premise in 1959 was that the relatively new

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80 expanding suburbs would eventually have a definite impact on the Catholic Church. Today the impact is apparent, considering expanding parish enrollments and building patterns.18 Such a questioning approach derives from the time of its origination. More recent studies, including this one, as brief as it may be, provide some partial answers. Little did Greeley know that in a few short years increasing suburbanization would compound such impact further. Greeley makes several general observations concerning suburbs and the Church beginning by noting that suburbs are first of all places to raise families. In this sense Greeley views the suburb as a happy compromise between the bliss of the countryside and the covenience of the city.1 9 Such an observation reflects directly on the fact that many Catholic families making a move to the suburbs in the 1950' and 1960's included three or more children. We can then deduce that significant numbers of baby. boomer American Catholics were raised in the suburbs. Since many of these people never left, or returned to Catholicism, it is assumed that suburbs did not, and therefore now don't, have a negative impact on Catholic youth's participation or belief in the Catholic faith, at least in the long run. The present need for massive new facilities at Queen of Peace, recent expansions at other Denver Archdiocese parishes, as well as at national suburban parishes further corroborates Greeley's point. Greeley continues with a discussion of the "brick and mortar" phase

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I 81 of American Catholic development which was an attempt to keep up with suburban growth with the construction of physical structures, as well as the creation of several social missionary organizations and activities in the new suburban parishes. In the late 1950's and throughout most of the 1960's approximately four new Catholic churches opened every week in the United States.20 Greeley makes an ominous observation by writing that the 1959 suburban Catholics could accept much of the developing way of late-1950's suburban American lifestyles but had to part company with Protestant Americans on such topics as divorce, contraception and pre-marital sex?1 In the years that have transpired since Greeley's writing such issues have met Catholics head-on. Many, if not most Catholics today have made their decisions on such controversial issues, often in opposition to their church's. Such decisions helped to dissolve the once-clear dichotomy between American Catholics and Protestants. Greeley, in 1959, alternately attacked and defended the impact of suburbanization on American Catholicism. He illustrated in 1959 what has become clear to this author in 1990 that attacking or defending suburban impact on Catholicism in the United States is like attacking or defending the weather a waste of time.22 Attack or defense would depend upon one's position as an Americanizer, or an anti-Americanizer. However, the process of such an effort is not a waste of time. Rather, it sheds light on valuable

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information concerning the impact not just the origins or processes of American Catholic suburbanization Immaculate Conception-Queen of Peace: Comparison-Conclusion. When compared, histories of the Basilica of the Immaculate -. Conception have shown a once-affluent, family-oriented parish in central Denver evolve into a parish made up of singles, elderly, transients and occasional visitors. Queen of Peace on the other hand, has evolved from a one room structure in the middle of a vacant Aurora prairie into a vibrant, expanding parish that is. looking forward to a bright future. When integrated into the broader perspectives of _national and Denver Archdiocesan models, the contrasts of these two parishes fit quite well. Interviews with the Rector of the Basilica of the Immaculate Conception, Father Murphy, and the Pastor of Queen of Peace, Father Breslin support such a thesis and lend substance to this author's earlier contention that the impact of the suburbanization of the American Catholic Church on a national or local scale has been neither notably positive or negative. Father Murphy has served in both urban and suburban parishes. He was assigned to the Basilica from 1966-1969 during which time he observed the loss of regular parishioners to the suburbs. From 1978 until 1989 he was assigned to Nativity of Our Lord, a young, active parish in Broomfield According to Father Murphy: 'The negative points of suburbanization have been balanced by the positive." 23 The obvious negative impact of suburbanization on the Basilica

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8 3 of the Immaculate Conception has been the decline in regular attendance which has naturally led to a financial decline as well as a shortage of lay volunteers On the positive side, the declining socio-economic status of the Cathedral parish population has provided perfect Christian opportunities for the parish staff to minister as Christ did. Many couples from all areas of the archdiocese come to the Basilica to prepare for marriage, and many archdiocesan members who reside in suburbs visit and support the Basilica as archdiocesan headquarters and as a bastion of Catholic tradition both physically anc spiritually. Father Breslin agrees: "Suburbs all over America, and specifically Hi the Denver area have become homogeneous, specifically With consideration of families." 24 His perspective, as a suburban pastor, focuses on the suburbar Church's vibrance and growth as well as the Church's important role in filling the void of neighborly support that inner-city neighborhoods used to provide The suburban parishes have also embraced the changes mandated by Vatican II, more readily thari have urban churches and have gone beyond Vatican II in taking more liberal and charismatic views toward ever-present Catholic controversies. This is most likely a result of the frontier spirit of many suburbanites, and the baby-boom phenomenon inherent to the suburbs.25 Monsignor William Jones, a Catholic history scholar currently assigned to Denver's Blessed Sacrament Parish, supports both Father Breslin and Father Murphy by noting that all American Catholics-urban and suburban

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84 still operate under the same church laws and beliefs, sacraments, and commandments, and therefore the suburbanization phenomenon's impact has been minimal on urban parishes and more pronounced concerning those in the suburbs.26 Cynthia Thera disagrees somewhat by pointing out that Denver Archdiocese suburban parishes, in her perception, seem to have a condescending attitude toward their urban neighbors. Because of the competitive nature of suburban society their is no "spirit of community" in suburban neighborhoods or parishes.27 The opposite is true in urban neighborhoods and parishes. Dr. Thera also points out however that while the Basilica of the Immaculate Conception is a melting pot, many other inner-city churches seem culturally biased and stay to themselves ethnically speaking. "However, both suburban and urban parishes have strong and weak points and all things considered both keep the Catholic faith alive and well." 28 The Basilica of the Immaculate Conception and Queen of Peace have served and will continue to serve their faithful members in their spiritual needs. Their roles are similar in this task yet their methods are different because of. the differing nature of their patrons. Suburbanization as an American societal and Catholic institution has had an impact on both parishes However, as the worldwide mother church has adapted to change, so too has the American Catholic Church, and the local Denver Archdiocesan Church. The Basilica of the Immaculate Conception continues to add to its rich history by meeting the Challenge of its changing role as the predominant

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. 85. urban Denver parish. In Aurora, as a thriving suburb has blossomed with all .. the trapp ings of the modern material world inherent therein, a spiritual oasis of true Catholicism is burgeoning in one of the city's largest Catholic parishes, Queen of Peace. Such observations offer evidence that the Catholic faith in the Denver Archdiocese has transcended history and the secular /materialistic era of late twentieth century suburbanization.

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86 NOTES CHAPTER IV 1 Harvey Cox, The Secular City New York, New York: The MacMillan .. Company, 1966.), p. I. 21bid., p. I. 31bid., p. 2. 4M.P. Baumgartner, The Moral Order of a Suburb (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988.), p. 6. 51bid., p. 6. 6lbid. p. 7. 7 Kenneth T. Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier. The Suburbanization of the United States (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985.), p. 99. 81bid. 9lbid. 10lbid. p. 117. 111bid. pp. 128-129. 12Aurora City Councilman Frank Weddig, interview, Aurora, Colorado, 17 May 1985. 131bid. 1 p, 8. 14Cynthia Ther6, interview, Denver, Colorado, 10 November 1989. 15Williari1 H. Whyte, Jr., The Organization Man (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1956.), 298-312. 16Thero, interview, 10 November 1989. 17Reverend William Breslin, interview, Aurora, Colorado, 27 December 1989. 181bid .. 19 Andrew M. Greeley, The Church and the Suburbs New York, New York: Sheed and Ward, 1959), p. 10.

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201bid., p. 44. 211bid., p. 57. 221bid., p. 201. 87 23 Reverend William Murphy, interview, Denver, Colorado, 28 December 1989. 24 Breslin, interview, 27 December 1989. 251bid. 26Monsignior William Jones, interview, Denver, Colorado, 29 December 1989. 27Thero, interview, 10 November 1989. 281bid.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOKS Abell, Aaron I. American Catholicism and Social Action. Garden City, New York: Hanover House, 1960 Baumgartner, M.P. The Moral Order of a Suburb. New York: Oxford University Press, 1988. Beard, Charles, and Mary Beard. The Rise of American Civilization New York: The MacMillan Company, 1931. Boorstin, Daniel J., and Brooks Mather Kelley. A History of the United States Lexington, Massachusetts: Ginn and Company, 1983. Cox, Harvey. The Secular City. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1931. Dolan, Jay P The American Catholic Experience. Garden City, New York : Doubleday and Company, 1985. Dolan, Jay The American Catholic Parish. Volume II. Mahwah, New Jersey : Paulist Press, 1987. Ellis, John Tracy. American Catholicism. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1969. Ellis, John Tracy. Documents of American Catholic History. Milwaukee, Wisconsin: The Bruce Publishing Company, 1956. Greeley, Andrew M. The Catholic Experience. Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company, 1967. Greeley, Andrew M. The Church and the Suburbs. New York: Sheed and Ward, 1959. Jackson, Kenneth T. Crabgrass Frontier. The Suburbanization of the United States. New York: Oxford University Press, 1985. Jones, William. History of Catholic Education in Colorado. Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1955.

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89 McMenamin, Hugh L. Pinnacled Glory of the West. Denver, Colorado: Hugh L. McMenamin, 1912. Morison, Saumel Eliot. Admiral of the Ocean Sea: A Life of Christopher Columbus. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1942. Navarrete, Martin Fernandez de. Collecion del los viagos y descubrimentos que hacieron par mar los Espa n ales Madrid, 1829. Noel, Thomas J Colorado Catholicism and the Archdiocese of Denver 18571989. Niwot, Colorado: The University Press of Colorado 1989. O'Ryan, William and Reverend Thomas H. Malone. History of the Catholic Church in Colorado: Denver, colorado: C.J. Kelly, 1889. Wade, Mason. The French Canadians, 1760-1945. New York: MacMillan and Company, 1955. Whyte, William H., Jr. The Organization Man. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1956. INTERVIEWS Breslin, Reverend William Interview, Aurora, .27 December 1989. Jones, Monsignor William. Interview, Denver, 29 December 1989. McCullough, Reverend Frank. Interview San Antonio, 6 November 1989. Murphy, Reverend William. Interview, Denver, 28 December 1989 Ross, Mark. Interview, Denver, 1 May 1990. Staebel, Mary Ann. Interview, Aurora, 1 April 1989. Thera, Cynthia. Interview, Denver, 10 November 1989. Weddig, Frank. Interview, Aurora, 17 May 1985.

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LEITERS McCullough, Reverand Frank, to Archbishop Casey. September 14, 1970. Unpublished. In possession of Queen of Peace archives. NEWSPAPERS "Bishop Buswell Resigns -Denver Catholic Register, 26 September 1979, p. 45. "Retired Bishop Familiar Pueblo Figure." Denver Post, 9 July 1989, p. 3-B. "Zd Parish Fornied, Boundries Defined." Denver Catholic Register, 30 May 1968, pp. 1-2. 90 "Converted Broom Factory Served as First Church in 'Grove' Area." Southern Colorado Register (Special Consecration Issue), 1959, p 45. "Catholic School to Open." Rocky Mountain News, 20 July 1864, p. 128. PAMPHLETS "751 h Anniversary, Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception." Denver, Colorado: [n. pub., n.d.] MISCELLANEOUS Archdiocese of Denver archival matierial. Basilica of the Immaculate Conception archival material. Queen of Peace archival material. Queen of Peace census : I