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Animal-as-artifact/animal-as-representation

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Title:
Animal-as-artifact/animal-as-representation an exploration of household and village animal use at the Cerén site, El Salvador
Creator:
Brown, Linda Ann, 1955-
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Language:
English
Physical Description:
xiii, 269 leaves : illustrations ; 29 cm

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Subjects / Keywords:
Ethnoarchaeology -- El Salvador -- Zapotitán Valley ( lcsh )
Human-animal relationships ( lcsh )
Mayas -- Antiquities ( lcsh )
Antiquities ( fast )
Ethnoarchaeology ( fast )
Human-animal relationships ( fast )
Mayas -- Antiquities ( fast )
Ceren Site (El Salvador) ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Zapotitán Valley (El Salvador) ( lcsh )
El Salvador -- Ceren Site ( fast )
El Salvador -- Zapotitán Valley ( fast )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 252-269).
General Note:
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree, Master of Arts, Department of Anthropology.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Linda Ann Brown.

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University of Florida
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All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
37142983 ( OCLC )
ocm37142983
Classification:
LD1190.L43 1996m .B76 ( lcc )

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Full Text
ANIMAL-AS -ARTIFACT/ANIMAL-AS -REPRESENT ATION:
AN EXPLORATION OF HOUSEHOLD AND VILLAGE ANIMAL USE
AT THE CEREN SITE, EL SALVADOR
by
Linda Ann Brown
B.F.A., University of Colorado, 1991
A thesis submitted to the
University of Colorado at Denver
in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
Department of Anthropology
1996


This thesis for the Master of Arts
degree by
Linda Ann Brown
has been approved
by
Date


Brown, Linda (M.A..Anthropology)
Animal-as-Artifact/Animal-as-Representation: An Exploration of
Household and Village Animal Use at the Ceren Site, El Salvador
Thesis directed by Assistant Professor Tammy Stone
ABSTRACT
Around AD 600 Ceren, a southern Mesoamerican agricultural village
located in the Zapotitan Valley in El Salvador, was suddenly buried in ash
by an eruption of the volcano known today as the Loma Caldera. This
sudden eruption precipitated a catastrophic abandonment of the village,
leaving virtually a complete artifact assemblage. The volcanic ash also
facilitated the exceptional preservation of fragile organic artifacts,
allowing for examination of distinctions in bone, antler, and shell
artifact assemblages among individual households and the village ritual
complex.
This thesis explores animal use in the village of Ceren. Past
archaeological studies have focused on animal use from an
economic/ecological perspective, although members of past cultures did
not necessarily frame all human-animal interactions in terms of these


perspectives. While the white-tailed deer was the main meat source of
the Maya, the function of the deer extended beyond the realm of
subsistence and into the realms of cosmology, privilege, and power.
Animal use was an integral component of many complex and dynamic
interactions linking the social and natural worlds of precolumbian
Central America.
Two distinctly different types of animal use were noted in the village
of Ceren; animal-as-artifact and animal-as-representation. Specific
animal species in the artifact assemblage are identified and minimum
numbers are calculated. The differential distribution of animal artifacts
between households, civic and ceremonial areas of the village are
examined. The role animals played in village ceremonialism is explored.
Finally, various species identified in the faunal assemblage are
juxtaposed with representational animal motifs.
In this thesis animal use is examined from a broad perspective, one
which encompasses economic, social, and symbolic perspectives. This
multidimensional approach allows for an expanded definition of the
traditional archaeological concept "animal use" one which
incorporates social, political, and cosmological relationships as well as
economic/ecological perspectives.
This abstract accurately represents the contents of the candidate's thesis.
I recommend its publication.
Signed^
Stone


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank the many people, both in El Salvador and United
States, who assisted with this project. First, I would like to thank the
Ministerio de Educacion in El Salvador which granted permission for this
research. In particular, the assistance and insight of Arq. Maria Isuara
Arauz, who facilitated an ideal working situation while in El Salvador.
People at the Museo Nacional David Guzman also helped; Marina Figueroa,
Oscar Batres and many others offered me everything from a place to work
at the museum to companionship on my first bus ride in the country.
In the United States many people helped. Thanks go to Andrea Gerstle
who suggested that I pursue this project. Andrea has been supportive
since the beginning and has made herself available for many, many
conversations concerning the Ceren site. I would also like to thank
Payson Sheets who has generously shared his time, knowledge, and
support, as well as providing access to the Ceren data set. While in El
Salvador, Payson provided a "crash course" in local customs (from
pupusas-to-politics) in seven days.
I would like to thank my advisor, Tammy Stone, for her belief in my
abilities, Meichell Walsh, Mark Mitchell, and committee members Payson
Sheets, Tammy Stone, Linda Curran for their time and advice. Finally, I
v


want to thank Nancy Hoffman for her unyielding support,
encouragement, and patience during this project.


CONTENTS
CHAPTER
1. INTRODUCTION.........................................................1
Animal Use.......................................................3
A Multidimensional Approach to Animal Use................5
The Volcanic Eruption............................................6
Ethnicity on the Southeast Periphery of the Maya Region..........8
Discovery of The Site and History of Excavations.................9
Site Description................................................11
Domestic Contexts at Ceren.................................... 11
Household 1.....................................11
Household 2.....................................14
Household 3.....................................16
Household 4.....................................16
Activity Areas Between Structures..................16
The Agricultural Areas.............................17
Public Contexts at Ceren...................................... 18
The Civic Areas....................................18
The Temescal or Sweatbath..........................19
The Stone Seats....................................20
The Midden...............................................20
The Ceremonial Complex...................................20
Structure 10 The Community Ritual Building.......21
Structure 12 The Shamanic Building...............21
Preservation and Conservation of Bone and Shell at Ceren........22
Summary and Conclusions.........................................23
2. BACKGROUND AND CURRENT THEORY OF ANIMAL USE.........................25
Archaeology of El Salvador......................................25
Animal-Use Studies in Mesoamerica...............................26
Discerning the Function of Bone and Antler Tools................28
Faunal Material and Symbolism...................................29
Animal Use and Social Interactions..............................32
Animals, Ideology, and Power Relationships......................33
The Maya Universe: The Ideological Construct....................35
Animal Metaphors and Ceremonialism..............................37
Dogs.....................................................38
Dog Sacrifices.....................................39
The Cuch, or Deer, Ceremony..............................43
The Present Day Maya Cargo Rituals.......................46
vii


The Prehistoric Cuch Ritual.............................47
Ethnohistoric Accounts of the Cuch or Deer
Ceremony................................................49
Transformations In The Cuch-To-Cargo Ritual.............56
Structure 10 A Pre-Columbian Casa de Cofradia?...............57
Summary and Conclusions........................................59
3. METHODS............................................................61
The Data Set...................................................61
Identification..........................................61
Taxonomic Identification..........................61
Animal size.......................................63
Skeletal Element..................................63
Determining Animal Age............................64
Minimum-Number Calculations....................................64
Minimal and Maximal MNI Calculations....................66
Use-Wear Analysis..............................................67
Artifact Classification........................................67
Ceremonial and Social Use of Animals...........................69
4. THE ENVIRONMENT....................................................72
Introduction...................................................72
The Topography of El Salvador..................................72
The Topography of the Zapotitan Valley..................75
El Salvador's Climate..........................................77
The Zapotitan Valley Climate............................78
Flora of El Salvador...........................................79
Fauna of El Salvador...........................................81
Reconstructing the Classic Period Animal
Community...............................................83
Avi-Fauna.........................................84
Fish, Reptiles, and Amphibians...............85
Summary and Conclusions........................................86
5. ECONOMIC ANALYSIS..................................................87
Introduction...................................................87
Total Count of Ceren Animals...................................87
The Vertebrates................................................88
Number of Individual Specimens Preserved...............88
Minimum Number of Individuals Calculations..............90
Mammals........................................................93
The White-Tailed Deer...................................93
The White-Tailed Deer and Structure 10.................101
Dogs...................................................103
Homo sapiens...........................................108
viii


Other Mammals...........................................108
Non-Mammal Vertebrates........................................109
Marine Shells.................................................112
Spondylus Shell.........................................113
Cowry Shell.............................................115
Oliva Shell.............................................116
Other Shell.............................................116
Summary and Conclusions.......................................117
6. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ANALYSES: THE DIFFERENTIAL
DISTRIBUTION OF FAUNAL AND SHELL ARTIFACTS AT THE CEREN
SITE.................................................................119
Introduction.....................................................119
Material Types in Public and Domestic Contexts and the
Midden...........................................................119
Chi-Square For Animal Use In Public And Domestic
Contexts..................................................121
Chi-Square Results..................................122
Comparison of Animals by Household...............................123
Comparison of Animals in Public Contexts.........................125
Comparison of Artifacts in Civic and Ceremonial
Buildings.................................................128
Comparison of Animals in the Midden..............................130
Unmodified Antler, Bone And Shell................................131
Modified Antler, Bone And Shell..................................133
Distribution of Artifact Types in Domestic and Public
Contexts................................................ 133
Artifact Categorization The Utilitarian, Social,
Ideological Model.........................................133
Patterns in Distribution of Artifact Types................135
Comparison of Artifact Types by Household........................139
Household 1.............................................140
Household 1 and The Ceremonial Complex..................142
Household 2.............................................148
Household 4.............................................154
Distribution of Artifacts in Public Contexts.....................156
The Ceremonial Complex....................................156
Structure 10 The Casa de Cofradia.................156
Structure 12 The Shamanic Building................161
The Civic Buildings.......................................163
The Midden................................................164
Emic Faunal Categories...........................................165
Summary and Conclusions..........................................168
IX


7. SYMBOLIC ANALYSIS................................................173
Introduction.................................................173
A Comparison of Ceren Animal Motifs with Ceren Animal
Remains......................................................173
Ceren Animal Motifs and Function....................174
Privilege, Power, and Animal-Use.............................182
Defining Power.........................................182
Animal Metaphors in the Village.....................183
Ceremonial Use of Ceren Animals..............................186
Dogs...................................................186
The White-Tailed Deer, The Ceren Casa de Cofradia, and
the Deer Ceremony......................................186
Summary and Conclusions......................................191
8. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS...............................193
APPENDIX
A. KEY TO DATA FORM SYMBOLS........................198
B. DATA FORMS......................................202
C. CONTEXT OF ALL ANIMAL REMAINS AT CEREN..........205
D. DESCRIPTION OF WORKED BONE AT CEREN.............211
E. ILLUSTRATIONS OF WORKED BONE AT CEREN...........219
F. DESCRIPTIONS OF WORKED SHELL AT CEREN...........234
G. ILLUSTRATIONS OF WORKED SHELL AT CEREN..........238
H. RECONSTRUCTION OF SPECIES IN CLASSIC PERIOD
ENVIRONMENT......................................241
REFERENCES CITED.........................................252
x


FIGURES
Figure
1.1 Map Of El Salvador..........................................................2
1.2 Joya De Ceren Site Map....................................................12
2.1 Ceremonial Participant Wearing Deer Headdress.............................31
2.2 The Rain God Plants Corn ................................................41
2.3 Goddess O In Association With Animal Companions...........................42
2.4 Spotted Dog Depicted In The Tro-Cortesianus Codex.........................43
2.5 A Ceremony Depicting a Stag Having Antlers Removed........................48
2.6 A Ceremonial Deer Hunt Depicted on a Late Classic Vase................50
2.7 A Stag Tied To A Representation Of A Ceiba Tree...........................51
2.8 A Ceremony Involving The Sacrifice Of A Stag..............................52
2.9 God L, Performs A Ceremony ..............................................53
4.1 The Zapotitan Valley In Central-Western El Salvador .....................76
5.1 Total Number Of Individual Specimens Preserved ..........................92
5.2 Minimum Number Of Individuals (MNI).......................................94
5.3 A Ceremonial Participant.................................................104
6.1 Percent of Material Types Recovered in Domestic and Public
Contexts and the Midden................................................121
6.2 Percent Of Ceren Animals In Household Contexts..........1................124
6.3 Percentage and Distribution of Ceren Animals In Public
Contexts...............................................................127
6.4 Ceren Animals Identified In The Civic Buildings and the Ritual
Complex................................................................129
6.5 Ceren Unmodified Bone And Shell..............................132
6.6 Ceren Utilitarian Artifacts in Public and Domestic Contexts...........137
6.7 Ceren Social And Ideological Artifacts ..............................138
6.8 Ceren Artifacts Recovered In Household Contexts....................141
xi


6.9 The Distribution Of Ceren Artifacts In Public Contexts..............157
6.10 Ceren Emic Faunal Categories For Uses Of The Skeletal Elements
Of The White-Tailed Deer...........................................167
7.1 The Distribution Of Ceren Animal Motifs ............................175
7.2 Glyph C on Upper Register Of A Copador Cylinder From Ceren...........177
7.3 Glyph C on Upper Register of Copan Vessel............................177
xii


TABLES
Table
2.1 Animals Associated with the Maya Universe............................38
5.2 Total Number of Individual Specimens Preserved......................91
5.3 Total Number of Individual Specimens Preserved......................91
5.4 Vertebrate Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI)..........................93
5.5 Percentages of White-Tailed Deer MNI................................97
5.6 Minimum Number of Ceren White-Tailed Deer ............................98
5.7 Ceren White-Tailed Deer...............................................100
5.8 White-Tailed Deer MNI in Structure 10.................................102
5.9 Antler and bone artifacts in Structure 10.............................103
5.10 Domesticated Dog.....................................................105
5.11 Total Number of Marine Shell Specimens...............................114
6.1 Artifacts and Material Types Recovered From Public and
Domestic Contexts and the Midden..................................120
6.2 Contingency Table for Chi-Square.......................................122
6.3 Summary Table Results of the Chi-Square..............................122
6.4 Distribution of Ceren Animals by Household.............................123
6.5 Distribution of Ceren Animals in Public Contexts.......................126
6.6 Count and Distribution of Ceren Animals in the Civic Buildings
and the Ritual Complex.............................................128
6.7 Count and Distribution of Ceren Animals in the Midden..................131
6.8 Total Counts of Ceren Modified Antler, Bone, and Shell ................134
6.9 Preliminary Count and Percent of Unworked Dog, Deer, and
Medium and Large Mammal Remains as Compared to Household
Contexts............................................................144
6.10 Identification of Unworked Mammal Remains in Households .............144
7.1 Comparison of Animal Motifs and Animal Remains.........................178
xiii


CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Around AD 600, a southern Mesoamerican agricultural village Ceren
located in the Zapotitan Valley in El Salvador, was suddenly buried in ash
by an eruption of the Loma Caldera volcano (Figure 1.1). The suddenness of
the eruption precipitated a catastrophic abandonment of the village
leaving essentially complete household, civic, and ceremonial artifact
assemblages in their context of use or storage. The volcanic ash facilitated
the exceptional preservation of fragile organic artifacts usually not
preserved in a humid tropical environment. These artifacts included
fragile bone and shell remains. The extraordinary preservation of these
artifacts, preserved in primary context, provides an unusual opportunity to
examine animal use at the village and household level.
The research presented here explores the concept of "animal use" from
a viewpoint that encompasses a multidimensional perspective. Therefore,
elements of economic, social, and symbolic analysis have been
incorporated and synthesized into this thesis. At Ceren, animal use can be
conceived of as two related, but different, kinds of phenomena; animal-as-
artifact and animal-as-representation. The various functions of animal-as-
artifact can be discerned through the identification and examination of the
1


*1

G
<1
Figure 1.1 Map of the Prehistoric and Contemporary
of El Salvador (drawn by Kevin Black 1983).


actual animal remains recovered from the site. Animal-as-representation
can be explored through the use of zoomorph motifs on polychrome and
other ceramics. Animal remains and animal motifs were recovered from
every household in the village, as well as civic and ceremonial contexts,
allowing for rare exploration and insight into the multiple dynamics
involved in the concept of animal use. This research contributes to a
neglected aspect of ancient Mesoamerican societies, the life of the rural
agriculturalist.
Animal Use
For this research, it was necessary to rethink the concept "animal use."
Past Mesoamerican faunal studies have tended to frame this concept within
an ecological model. Certainly, an ecological framework is the basic
building block and starting point for any study wishing to explore a
broader definition of animal use. However, while animals constituted an
important aspect of Mesoamerican subsistence, their use extended beyond
the realm of subsistence and into the realms of cosmology, privilege, and
power. Animals were an integral component in many complex and
dynamic interactions which linked the cosmic, social, and natural worlds of
precolumbian Central America. From subsistence and economics to social
symbols and ceremonialism, animals constituted an active part of the entire
Mesoamerican world view. This thesis explores some of the diversity
inherent in a multidimensional approach to animal use.
3


The extraordinary preservation of the Ceren animal remains provides
an extremely rare perspective on the role that animals played in every day
village life. Research at the Ceren site is contributing information to a
much neglected segment of precolumbian society agricultural people
living in the country. Ceren is providing a much needed perspective and
balance to Mesoamerican research which was been notoriously elite-
centric. After all, it was the non-elite farmers in the country-side who
through tribute, taxes, and the production of agricultural surplus
supported the elite urban centers. Yet; to date little is known about these
rural agriculturists.
The roles that animal use played in village ceremonialism include some
surprising elements, addressing issues such as 1) the degree of control
non-elites may have had over ceremonialism, 2) the amount of access
villagers had to "prestige vessels" as is seen in polychrome painted
ceramics, many of which had zoomorphic motifs, and 3) the possible
continuity of a wide-spread ceremonial complex which linked, and
continues to link, the white-tailed deer with agriculture, village-level
ceremonialism, and a cofradia-like system. While the present day cofradia
system (which is a Mesoamerican civic-religious hierarchy responsible for
public feasts and rituals) was introduced by the Spaniards, archaeological
research at Ceren is demonstrating that a native forerunner of the cofradia
system may have existed (Sheets 1993).
4


A Multidimensional Approach to Animal Use
To incorporate a multidimensional approach to animal use, three broad
areas of culture are explored; economic, social, and symbolic. The first
area, the economic, investigates what constitutes a usable animal resource
for the villagers and how these resources are used.
The second area of inquiry concerns social domains and the use of
animals in signaling social status and/or households participating in
various specialized roles and activities in the village. These data were
obtained through a comparison of similarities and differences in animal
use among various households, as well as civic and ceremonial areas of the
site. Questions include; whether there is variation in the type and
frequency of bone, antler, and shell artifact assemblages found in
individual households, civic buildings, or the ritual complex. If so, then
why ?
The third area concerns the symbolic use of animals as metaphor
whether as artifact or motif. For example, do animals appear to form an
important part of village ceremonialism and cosmology? What animals are
appropriate for household ceremonial contexts versus appropriate for the
village ritual complex? Does the distribution of animal iconography within
the village function to signal secular versus sacred space?
To begin to address these issues, some initial basic questions needed to be
answered. What animal species are represented in the artifact assemblage
and in what frequency? The first part of this thesis answers these basic
5


questions. Various animal species represented in the artifact assemblage
are identified and minimum-number calculations generated.
The second part of the thesis examines distinctions in bone and shell
artifact assemblages among individual households and the village ritual
complex. Artifact use-wear patterns were examined in an attempt to
discern the use and functional significance of these assemblages.
The third part of this thesis explores animal use in ceremonial and
symbolic contexts. Specific animal species identified in the artifact
assemblage are juxtaposed with representational animal motifs.
Differences in the distribution of animal motifs among households, civic,
and ceremonial contexts, are examined. The relationship between animal
use and ceremonialism is explored. Additionally, ethnohistoric documents
and ethnographic analogies are used in combination with published data
from other Mesoamerican sites to support the idea that animals formed an
important component of household and village ceremonialism at Ceren.
The Volcanic Eruption
Volcanoes played a pivotal role in the original abandonment and
subsequent preservation of the Ceren site. The volcanic eruption
precipitated the catastrophic abandonment of the site leaving an
essentially complete artifact assemblage in primary context. Additionally,
it facilitated the extraordinary preservation of fragile organic artifacts
that, otherwise, would not have been preserved in the humid tropical
6


environment. Thus, the Ceren site was preserved as if frozen in time an
extraordinary synchronic "snapshot" of a Classic Period village.
The volcanic eruption itself was quite small impacting only an area of
approximately 20 square kilometers (Sheets 1992). However, the village of
Ceren was located extremely close to the volcanic vent which is situated
within a kilometer of the site. Except where otherwise noted, the following
brief review of the phases of volcanic activity are summarized from Payson
Sheets' (1992) book on the Ceren site.
Vocanologists have identified 14 different phases of the eruption which
probably lasted several days (Hoblit 1983; Miller 1989). There is evidence
that a mild earthquake may have preceded the eruption as is indicated by
ground cracks north of Structures 10 and 12 and a crack in one excavated
structure. The eruption began when hot basaltic magma came in contact
with a water source, evidently the Rio Sucio, close to the volcanic vent.
This would have caused massive lateral steam explosions consisting of water
vapor, gasses, and fine-to-coarse magma which has been identified as Unit
1. During the second phase (Unit 2) small and large particles, blocks of
magma, and lava bombs (hotter than 575 degrees Celsius) were hurled from
the volcano (Hoblit 1983). This phase caused quite a bit of destruction to the
structures in the village. Sheets speculates that if there was as hour or so
between Unit 1 and Unit 2, then it may have provided the villagers enough
time to successfully flee the area. Unit 3 represents the most intense phase
of volcanic activity. This phase included lateral steam explosions and
pyroclastic surges accompanied by horizontal winds in excess of 50 to 200
7


kilometers per hour. Sheets notes that the fine-grained tephra from this
phase (as well as Unit 1) settled around the organic material in fields and
structures preserving them. The remaining processes consisted of
alternating phases of activities seen in Units 1-3.
Ethnicity on the Southeast Periphery of the Mava Region
One of the questions scholars are investigating concerns the ethnicity
of residents on the southeast periphery of the Maya cultural area. During
historic times, it was reported that the Rio Lempa river system functioned
as a cultural divide with the Maya and Pipil Indians living to the west and
the Lencas living to the east (Daugherty 1969:38). As a result, many
scholars have considered the Rid Lempa to be the southeastern boundary of
the Maya region (Longyear 1966:134; Lothrop 1939:48; Willey 1969:541).
According to this criterion the Ceren site, which is located in the Zapotit&n
Valley to the southeast of the Rio Lempa river system, is located outside of
the Maya cultural area.
However, cultural boundaries in multicultural frontier zones are not as
easily defined. Additionally, anthropological concepts concerning
ethnicity are shifting from normative views towards more dynamic
perspectives. As a result, questions concerning "the" ethnicity of the
Ceren villagers have not been, and may never be, fully resolved. We do
know that the southeast periphery of the Maya region was a multicultural
region. Therefore, the villagers may have been Maya, Lenca, Xinca or any
combination of these groups (Sheets 1993:13). The villagers do appear to
8


have been strongly influenced by Maya cosmology, as can be seen in the
ceremonial paraphernalia recovered from the site. There were definite
economic and ideological interactions between the Maya and the village of
Ceren. However, very little archaeological research has been conducted on
other prehistoric cultures that are known to have inhabited this area. As a
result, we can not assess the degree of influence from other cultural
groups. At least for the moment, the ethnicity of the villagers will remain
unknown.
Discovery of the Site and History of Excavations
The Ceren site is located in the northern part of the Zapotitan Valley of
west-central El Salvador. The site was discovered in 1976 when a bulldozer,
constructing a platform on which to construct grain silos, exposed and
destroyed parts of several structures. The bulldozer operator halted
construction and informed officials at the Museo Nacional David J. Guzman
in San Salvador. Officials from the museum traveled to the site and, due to
the exceptional preservation, considered the structures to be of fairly
recent origin. Bulldozing continued and a number of structures were
totally destroyed. Fortunately, one structure (that had been partially
destroyed) had a sizable remaining section which was clearly visible in the
bulldozer cut-bank.
In the spring of 1978, an archaeological team from the University of
Colorado was conducting a survey in the Zapotitan Valley (Sheets 1989). A
local resident heard that the researchers were interested in the effects that
9


volcanic activity had on prehistoric peoples in the area. The resident
informed the team about the structures that were buried by a "fairly
recent" volcano and told the team about the area of the bulldozer cut-bank.
When the University of Colorado team investigated the site they initially
thought that the site was of historic origin (Sheets 1989). Testing began
with the objective of recovering diagnostic artifacts to date the site. Much
to the surprise of everyone, the testing produced a number of Classic Period
pot sherds and no historic or recent remains. Several carbonized portions
of roofing thatch were collected and submitted for radio-carbon dating.
The composite date from these samples was A.D. 590 + 90 (Zier 1983).
During 1978, two buildings in Household 1 (Structure 1 and Structure 5)
were excavated. In 1979 and 1980 Payson Sheets returned to the area with
geophysical experts who tried a number of different geophysical
techniques in an attempt to locate other structures at the depth of 5 meters
or more. The techniques of ground penetrating radar and resistivity were
successful in locating anomalies, and core samples were extracted from the
anomalies to determine whether they were natural or cultural in origin.
During the following years, the El Salvador civil war intensified. As a
result, archaeological investigation at the Ceren site ceased until 1989
when conditions in the country had improved. In the following years
portions of three households and associated extramural activity areas, civic
buildings, a sweatbath, a ceremonial complex, a midden, and various
agricultural areas were excavated. In 1993 the Ceren site was nominated
and accepted to the United Nations World Heritage List.
10


Site Description
Presently, ten structures have been excavated in the village of Ceren.
These structures include domestic, civic, and ceremonial buildings (Figure
1.2). An additional eight structures have been identified by test pits while
18 more anomalies, possibly structures, have been identified through the
use of geophysical survey. The last 18 structures have not yet been
verified through testing (Conyers 1995).
Domestic Contexts at Ceren
Payson Sheets (1992) summarized some of the basic activities known to
have occurred in various areas of the site. His book, except where
otherwise noted, was used as the source for all of the following site
descriptions.
Household 1. Currently, Household 1 is the most completely excavated
and, therefore, the best known household at Ceren. Household 1 is situated
immediately northwest of the ritual complex. It consists of 4 functionally
different structures as well as agricultural and extramural activity areas
associated with the household (Beaudry and Tucker 1989). The household
structures include a domicile (sleeping, eating, day-time activity area), a
bodega (a store house), a kitchen (cooking area), and a workshop (for
working obsidian). The excavated extramural areas include outside activity
areas located between various structures, a kitchen garden, a manioc
garden and a mi Ip a (maize field).


Figure 1.2 Joya de Ceren Site Map.


Household 1 was involved in agriculture and craft activities. Household
members made rope and twine from agave and sewed cotton. They may
have made ground stone tools (including manos, metates and donut stones)
as well as some ceramic vessels. Additionally, Household 1 had a large
amount of hematite, some of which had mica added (a poor man's version of
specular hematite used by the elite, Sheets suggests) which was probably
used in decorating objects (possibly gourds and pots) and/or people. The
household had a kitchen garden in which a number of medicinal plants,
herbs, and flowers grew. Manioc was grown closer to the living areas and
a bit further away from the structures was a maize field.
There is growing evidence that Household 1 may have played a role in
servicing Structures 10 and 12, the ritual complex, which is located
immediately east of this household. Simmons (1996:212-216) argues that the
close proximity of Household 1 to the ritual complex suggests the members
of the household may have been involved in the precolumbian cofradia-
like institution that is represented by Structure 10.
Simmons suggests that some Household 1 members may have provided
mas a (corn dough) for public feasts. Household 1 had five metates an
amount much higher than the usual one metate per household seen among
contemporary Maya (Vogt 1969). Four of the metates were in use-contexts
and one was in storage. A number of metate fragments also were recovered
from the household storehouse. Conceivably, these fragments could have
been used for additional grinding if necessary. Simmons notes that the
Household 1 kitchen contained all of the ingredients (maize, achiote and
13


chiles) necessary to make the maize-based gruel drinks such as atole and
pozol commonly used as public drinks, as well as a number of gourd vessels
which could be used for the storing and serving of these drinks.
Simmons notes that Household 1 may have been providing medicinal
and flowering plants necessary in curing ceremonies, perhaps for a
shaman who practiced in Structure 12. These types of plants were not
cultivated as extensively in other households.
Simmons also cites architectural evidence to support his suggestion.
Whereas the entrance to all other bodegas (Structures 4 and 7) opens to the
north facing other household structures, the entrance to the Household 1
bodega breaks this canon and opens towards the east, facing the
ceremonial complex rather than other household buildings. This may have
been deliberately planned to facilitate the movement of food items from
Household 1 to the ceremonial complex.
Household 2. Currently, two structures in Household 2 have been
excavated. The excavated buildings include a domicile (Structure 7) and a
bodega (Structure 2). The domicile and bodega are architecturally similar
to those of Household 1 (McKee 1989, 1990a, 1992). However, the domicile
and the bodega of Household 2 were more substantial and better
constructed than those of Household 1. As with all Ceren households,
Household 2 had an agricultural area just outside of the household
compound. A maize field was located immediately to the east of the two
excavated structures. There is evidence that Household 2 members may
have been involved in the production of gourd containers (Simmons 1996).
14


Use-wear noted on several obsidian blades recovered from the household
are consistent with patterns seen in experimental studies on gourds
(Lewenstein 1987).
Household 2 had a small cache of valuable items that were recovered in
the back corner of the bodega. The cache consisted of marine shell
ornaments and jade, a carved bone figurine, and five miniature ceramic
pots which held different hues of cinnabar pigment. The cinnabar may
have been used to decorate gourds. The artifact assemblage and the more
substantial architecture suggests that Household 2 may have been
wealthier than Household 1.
Interestingly, a sweatbath (called a temescal ) is located just 7 meters
south of Household 2. Ground penetrating radar indicates that no
structures are located closer to the sweatbath than Household 2 (Conyers
1995). Sheets (1992) speculates that if Household 2 members had a role in
maintaining and/or controlling assess to the sweatbath, then it could have
been a source of income for the household. Additionally, Household 2
members may have provided water and/or firewood for the temescal
(Sheets 1995, personal communication). Currently, no stacks of stored
firewood have been recovered in association with household buildings.
However, a number of complete empty vessels were recovered next to the
door of the bodega. It is conceivable that these vessels may have held water
for the temescal (Sheets 1992). Future excavations of the household
undoubtedly will reveal more information as to the nature of the
relationship between Household 2 and the temescal.
15


Household 3. To date, only the kitchen (Structure 16) of Household 3 has
been identified (Gerstle 1992a). The kitchen was identified through testing
and currently is not fully excavated. However, initial testing did reveal
architectural similarities with the Household 1 kitchen. Specifically, both
kitchens are have circular floor plans, pole walls, and a thin thatched roof.
The artifact assemblage is domestic and includes a metate mounted on river
cobbles, red pigment, and a ceramic jar.
Household 4. Household 4 is the second least excavated household to date.
Currently, it consists of one bode gal domicile (Structure 4). The form of the
bodega is similar to that of the domiciles from other households in the
village. However, the artifact assemblage and the corn crib in the
structure attest to its use for storage as well. Gerstle (1990) speculates that
it many have been a multi-functional building serving as both domicile
and bodega.
It appears that Household 4 was involved in processing agave. An agave
garden is located just behind the bodega. Simmons (1996) has suggested
that two sets of poles in the building were used for extracting agave fibers
from the leaves as is still done in parts of Central America. Pressure is
applied to the poles while pulling the leaves through, thereby extracting
the fibers. Additionally, Household 4 may have specialized in cacao
production (Gerstle 1990:136). A cacao tree was identified in back of the
structure and three jars of cacao were found stored in the bodega.
Areas Between Structures. During the 1993 field season, some
excavations focused on activity areas between structures (Simmons and
16


Villalobos 1993). The patio area east of Household 1, which extends toward
the patios of the ritual complex (Structures 10 and Structure 12), was
excavated. Simmons and Villalobos focused on ground compaction as an
indicator of foot traffic and how these patterns relate to various structures.
Additionally, differences in cleaning and the presence or absence of
various features and/or artifacts were noted.
In general, they noted that the household patio gradually shifted from
highly compact ground to an irregular surface and then into the flat, more
compact patio of Structure 10 (a ceremonial building). Close to the
household structures, the ground surface was relatively free of artifacts
and highly compacted, presumably from intense foot traffic and frequent
cleaning. The ground surface a bit further away from the household was
characterized by less compact soil and a greater density of artifacts. Closer
to the ceremonial structure the ground was again compact and free of
artifacts. The differences in both the artifact density and the degree of
ground compaction between Household 1 and the ceremonial complex
suggests that a "boundary" existed between household activities and
activities in the ceremonial complex.
The Agricultural Areas. Ceren plant remains were preserved in a
number of ways. At times plant remains were preserved in either direct or
carbonized forms. However, many plants were preserved as casts a
byproduct of the volcanic eruption. During the eruption (Units 1 and 3) a
fine ash fell over the agricultural fields of Ceren. This ash settled closely
around plants growing in agricultural areas. With time the original
17


organic material decomposed leaving a void or hollow where the plant once
was. The void then is cast with dental plaster, creating such a detailed mold
of the original plant that identification to the species level is possible. This
has allowed for detailed mapping of the various garden and agricultural
areas in the village. Generally, seeds were sown in rows which follow the
dominant orientation (30 degrees east of north) of the structures in the
village. A number of different gardens and agricultural areas have been
excavated and species identification is ongoing. Species identified to date
include maize CZea mays'), agave tAgave americanal. broeliacea plants,
macoyas (flowering and medicinal plants), manioc, beans, maguey, nance,
tobacco, avocado, sedge, coyol, guava, cotton, chiles, tomatoes, beans,
achiote, squash, and cacao (Lentz et al. 1995; Reyna de Aguilar 1991).
Public Contexts at Ceren
The Civic Areas. The village had two known civic buildings, Structures
3 and 13. Structure 3 is the largest building, thus far, excavated in the
village (Gerstle 1989). This structure may have been used for
governmental functions as is indicated by the two large benches in the
front room (which may signal an authoritative role). The front room also
contained a very large pot which may have contained a liquid perhaps
chicha, a maize beer which may have been served to visiting people. A
polychrome serving or drinking bowl was recovered from the top of the
wall close to the pot. One of the most interesting aspects about this
structure is the scarcity of artifacts found in it. Only five artifacts were


recovered from this structure which include the two vessels mentioned
above, a bone tapiscador, a shell fragment, and a donut stone. Additionally,
one ceramic vessel was recovered outside of the structure.
The other identified civic building is Structure 13. Structure 13 was
identified though a test pit (Gerstle 1992a) and has not been fully excavated.
However, unlike Structure 3, the artifacts recovered from the test pit were
numerous and varied. This suggests that Structure 13 may have been used
for a different purpose than Structure 3 (Gerstle 1992a).
Both Structures 3 and 13 abut a prepared plaza. The plaza was well
maintained and relatively devoid of artifacts. It was probably sweep clean
and regularly weeded by village residents (Gerstle 1992).
The Temescal or Sweathath. Structure 9, the temescal, or sweatbath, was
excavated in 1990 (McKee 1990b). The building was constructed of short
solid adobe walls, supported by four columns which rested on a substantial
clay platform. It had two roofs, a large round clay dome and an upper
thatched roof, presumably to protect the dome from the elements. A bench
ran along the outside of the northern aspect of the building and continued
on both the eastern and western walls. The entryway to the sweatbath
itself was small. However, an adult would be able to crawl into it. The
interior room was large and had an additional bench which could hold
between 8 to 10 people. The temescal probably was for community or multi-
household use. The inner room had a centrally placed firebox and a stone
floor constructed from flat slabs (called laja) of an andesite rock. No
artifacts were recovered from this structure.


The Stone Seats. Four stone laja seats are located immediately northwest
of the temescal. The seats are aligned in a semicircular pattern. Each
consists of two laja stones. One stone was placed flat on the ground while
another, abutting the flat stone, was placed upright at about a 30-degree
angle from vertical. Sheets (personal communication, 1995) has noted that
seats similar to these are recorded among the Kogi Indians in Columbia,
where similarly constructed stone seats were placed just outside a temple
(Reichel-Dolmatoff 1990). Sheets has suggested that at Ceren these seats
may have been used by people exiting the sweatbath.
The Midden
A midden has been located and partially excavated (McKee 1993). The
midden is located in a ditch or drainage which ran just behind and to the
south-southwest of the sweatbath (Structure 9) and Household 2.
The Ceremonial Complex
Two structures were involved in village ceremonialismStructures 10
and 12. These structures are located adjacent to one another and were built
on the highest, known topographic point in the village (Conyers 1993).
Both structures had architectural differences from the general pattern as
evident throughout the rest of the village. For example, they were the only
structures oriented towards 15 degrees east of north; all other structures in
the village were oriented towards 30 degrees east of north. Both structures
were the only structures in the village painted red and white and in both
20


cases, building layout implies limited access to interior rooms. Structure 10
was used as a storage facility for ceremonial items and was used for storing,
preparing and serving food for public feasts. Structure 12 may have been
a building where a female shaman practiced (Sheets 1992; Sweely 1995).
Both structures had artifact assemblages unlike of those seen in domestic or
civic contexts within the village.
Structure 10 The Community Ritual Building. Structure 10 was used
for food storage, preparation, and dispensing, as well as the storage of
ceremonial items (Gerstle 1992b, 1993); Ceremonial paraphernalia was
stored in the more inaccessible areas on the inside of the building, while
food preparation was conducted in the more accessible areas toward the
front of the structure and along the north corridor. A half height wall
located on the east side of the building may have been the area from which
food was dispensed to participants during the ceremonies. Gerstle (1996)
has suggested that Structure 10 may be a Precolumbian version of the casa
de cofradia (or house of the cofradia, a civic-religious institution).
Structure 12 The Shamanic Building. The function of Structure 12 is
difficult to determine. This structure is unusual in both artifact assemblage
and architecture (Sheets and Sheets 1990; Sheets and Simmons 1993). The
structure itself has several unique features such as a window, 10 columns,
many vertical niches, and unusually low and narrow doorways.
Sheets (1992) has suggested that the building was used by a practicing
shaman or functioned as a shrine. However, he notes that it does not
appear to be associated with organized state-level religion or a pilgrimage
21


site, as the artifact assemblage consists of older, well used, local artifacts
that may have been more like family heirlooms (1992:104). The artifacts do
not appear to relate functionally but seem to have been brought there
individually and, perhaps, left as payments for services or as offerings
(Sheets 1992). Sheets (1993:195) noted a much higher amount of foot traffic
approaching the front door and on the first step of the building where
most people would have stopped to leave offerings/payments on the lintel
or columns. These offerings included spindle whorls, an obsidian blade and
microblade, some crystal-like minerals, a greenstone disk, a painted gourd,
and pieces of Spondvlus sp. shell.
Preservation and Conservation of Bone and Shell at Ceren
For any faunal assemblage the degree of preservation influences the
types of questions that can be answered. Faunal remains which have been
exposed to significant post-depostional destructive pressures may be
extremely fragmented. As a result, the range of questions one can pose
may be limited by the nature of preservation.
The Ceren site exhibits an exceptional state of preservation. Organic
material was preserved by four distinct processes; 1) direct preservation, 2)
carbonization, 3) indirect preservation by volcanic ash encasing an item
which later decayed leaving a negative imprint, and 4) a process of rapid
mineral replacement (Sheets 1992). All of the bone and shell artifacts
exhibited direct preservation. Many of the artifacts were fragmented by
22


the force of the eruption and were burned when burning roofing thatch
collapsed.
The Smithsonian Institution's Conservation Analytic Laboratory (CAL)
treats all broken bone or shell artifacts recovered from the site. A
postdoctoral fellowship is offered and the recipient of this award, under the
supervision of the project conservationist Harriet F. Beaubien,
painstakingly reconstructs the fragmented bone and shell artifacts. As a
result of this work, in-depth analysis based on bone and shell artifact
formal attributes and use-wear patterns is possible. This information,
combined with the wealth of contextual information, allows for rare
insight into the function and use of household, civic, and ritual complex
artifact assemblages.
Summary and Conclusions
This thesis examines household and village animal use at the Ceren site
in El Salvador. Ceren was once a thriving Mesoamerican agricultural
village. At approximately A.D. 600 the village was suddenly buried in
ashfall by the nearby Loma Caldera volcano, necessitating a sudden
abandonment of the village. As a result, virtually complete artifact
assemblages were left in primary contexts providing a rare synchronic
"snapshot" into the lives of a neglected segment of Mesoamerica the
rural agriculturist. Currently, portions of four households, a ceremonial
and a civic complex, and a sweatbath have been excavated. Additionally,
various outside activity areas have been excavated which include;
23


agricultural areas, outside patios and household areas, public plazas, and
stone seats associated with the sweatbath.
This research explores animal use from a multidimensional perspective
that includes economic, social, and symbolic components. Village and
household animal use encompassed two kinds of phenomena; animal-as-
artifact and animal-as-representation. In the following chapters a
multidimensional approach synthesizing economic, social, and symbolic
perspectives will be employed to reflect some of the multiple dynamics
encompassed in the concept of animal use.
24


CHAPTER 2
BACKGROUND AND CURRENT THEORY OF ANIMAL USE
Archaeology of El Salvador
Prior to the 1970s very little archaeological research had been
published in El Salvador. Earliest investigations consisted of preliminary
brief reports which were primarily descriptive in nature (Longyear 1944;
Lothrop 1939). In the 1940's the ruins of Campana-San Andres, located 5
kilometers from Ceren, were extensively excavated (Boggs 1943) and a brief
preliminary report was published. Unfortunately, most of the extensive
research remains unpublished. During 1940-1950 the ruins of Tazumal
were excavated (Boggs 1944, 1950). Once again, only a brief preliminary
report was published. The first extensively published archaeological
investigations were conducted by the Chalchuapa Project of the University
of Pennsylvania during the 1960's and 1970's (Sharer 1974), followed by the
Quelepa Project of Tulane University (Andrews V 1976). These projects
facilitated the establishment of the first regional chronological sequence.
During the 1970's the Zapotitan Valley was intensively surveyed by the
University of Colorado (Sheets 1983). As a result, settlement patterns and
artifact sequences from the Classic and Post-Classic periods in the Zapotitan
Valley were identified and published (Sheets 1983). Other large
archaeological projects were conducted during the 1970's. These projects
25


included the Cerron Grande survey (Fowler and Earnest 1985), the Santa
Leticia Project (Demarest 1986), and the Cihuatan Project (Bruhns 1980).
During the 1980's very little archaeological work was conducted in the
country due to civil war. With the end of the civil war in the early 1990's
archaeological research once again resumed in El Salvador. This year,
1996, excavations have resumed at the San Andres site. Meanwhile, the
long-term ongoing research and excavation continues at the Ceren site.
Animal-Use Studies in Mesoamerica
Despite many decades of archaeological investigations in Mesoamerica,
very little research focused on animal materials recovered from
archaeological sites until recent times (Hamblin 1984). Prior to the 1980's,
if archaeological publications did include a section on excavated animal
remains, it often constituted little more than a basic description usually
in the form of an appendix which listed the various species identified (M.
Pohl 1976). While some publications included in-depth analysis of animal
remains (Altar de Sacrificios, Olsen 1972; Cancun, Wing 1974; Mayapan,
Pollock and Ray 1957; Seibal, Olsen 1978; Zacaleu, Woodbury and Trik 1953),
most archaeologists preferred to relegate animal remains to "the
specialists" zoologists who produced lists of identified species for
archaeological publications (M. Pohl 1976).
During the late 1970's to early 1980s, Mesoamerican scholars moved
beyond the purely descriptive and began to study the relationships
between the animal world and human behavior. In-depth faunal studies
26


began to focus on patterns of human utilization as reflected in animal
remains recovered from excavations. In an attempt to elicit regional
patterns of animal utilization, Mary Pohl (1976) compared faunal material
from a number of major Maya sites in order to examine food preparation
practices, consumption patterns, and animal domestication and sacrifice.
She noted that the southern lowland sites (Altar de Sacrificios, Seibal,
Macanche, and Flores) tended to exhibit a similar pattern and their
inhabitants ate more deer and turtle. The northern sites of Mayapan and
Dzibilchltan tended to produce more turkey remains. She observed that the
Maya exhibited clear cultural preferences for deer, turtle, and turkey.
Additionally, the upper-classes had access to more "high status" (large
game) meat while the lower classes may have eaten large animal meat only
in the context of public feasting. Pohl concluded that animals played an
important role in both subsistence and the social lives of the Maya.
As part of the Cozumel Archaeological Project, Hamblin conducted an
in-depth analysis of animal use focusing on prehistoric trade routes
(Hamblin 1984). This project compared ten different sites on the island of
Cozumel, spanning a time frame from the Late Formative to the Late Classic.
As part of this project, animal use was compared between household and
ceremonial/administrative contexts. Distinct differences in animal
utilization between various socio-economic classes were noted. Hamblin's
research revealed that household mounds contained a high percentage of
fishes and crabs, followed by reptiles, mammals, and finally very few birds
or amphibians. In contrast, burial and ceremonial/administrative contexts
27


contained a high percentage of mammal remains, followed by reptiles,
fishes, and crabs, and lastly bird and amphibians (1984:174).
Excavations at Cerros, in Belize, also focused on prehistoric trade
patterns (Garber 1989). In a volume on the Cerros artifacts, Garber
presented a typology for artifact description which would facilitate
comparative analysis between various Mesoamerican sites. His typology is
hierarchical based first on raw material type, second on manufacturing
and third according to form and sometimes subform. Finally, they are
classified according to the context from which they were recovered.
Garber's classification system is a way to promote cross-comparisons
between sites. But, as Garber maintains in this typology, function is not of
prime importance. However, at the Ceren site, the exceptional contextual
information coupled with extraordinary preservation of fragile bone and
shell allows us to go beyond the basic descriptive classifications and
examine various functions of artifacts. Therefore, classification of the
Ceren material according to Garber's typology is included here as Appendix
D & F but is not the basis for the current analysis.
Discerning the Function of Bone and Antler Tools
Use-wear on bone material has received little consideration in
archaeological analysis. An exception is Binford (1981) who promoted the
use of a more rigorous methodology and analysis in the interpretation of
"modified" faunal remains. He conducted experimental studies of human
28


and animal modes of bone modification, with the goal of developing
guidelines for more precise interpretations.
LeMoine (1994) attempted to further define the various types of use-
wear patterns produced by specific activities. In a recent experimental
study she created fifty-two bone and antler tools. They were then worked
on twenty-eight different materials. The tools were then examined under a
microscope for use-wear patterns. LeMoine concluded that specific uses
leave distinguishable patterns on bone which can be diagnostic of
function. For example, different motions (i.e. twisting, pushing, etc.) tend
to leave different patterns of modification and different materials leave
various types of gloss or polish.
Lemoine (1994) lays out a specific methodology for use-wear analysis.
First, a microscopic examination of artifacts should be conducted. Second,
the location and distribution of wear patterns, along with the overall shape
of the tool, should be noted. Finally, these data should be used in
conjunction with information from historic and ethnographic sources.
Thus, LeMoine argues, one should be able to cautiously, yet accurately,
infer the function of bone tools.
Faunal Material and Symbolism
In general, seven distinct categories of information can be obtained
from archaeological faunal material (Hamblin 1984). These categories
include information about 1) food-gathering preferences, techniques, and
patterns; 2) preparation practices; 3) ecological and environmental
29


information; 4) ceremonial and religious uses of animals; 5) animal bone as
raw material source for artifacts; 6) evidence of domestication; and 7)
evidence of prehistoric trade (Hamblin 1984:9). But, as Pohl (1976) points
out, in Mesoamerican cultures animals played a pivotal role in social and
ritual contexts often constituting an integral aspect of the entire Maya
world-view as well as constituting a central part of dietary needs (M.
Pohl 1976:3-5).
Past archaeological faunal studies have tended towards a subsistence-
based emphasis focusing primarily on the dietary and nutritional aspects
of animal use. This emphasis arose from the dominant theoretic model in
the 1960's and 1970's cultural-ecology which viewed the environment
as the prime mover in cultural processes. More recently, scholars have
begun to explore the relationship between animal use, power, and social
status of past societies, in addition to subsistence needs.
Mary Pohl (1983) focused on the ceremonial use of Maya animals from
burials, caches, caves, and cenotes in the Maya lowlands. Pohl discovered
that ritual fauna from caches and burials contained many of the same
species as those found in caves and cenotes. She argued that burials, caves,
caches, and cenotes were, most probably, conceptually linked and could be
analyzed as a unit. Pohl argued that the ritual fauna were metaphors for
agricultural fertility and were used in agricultural, dynastic, and year-
renewal rites (Figure 2.1). Specifically, she argued that the deer ceremony,
or cuch rite {cuch is the Maya word for "burden"), was the ceremony
30


Figure 2.1 Ceremonial Participant Wearing Deer Headdress.
Cave painting from Naj Tunich, the Peten, Guatemala. Drawing
71 (Stone 1995).
3 1


which marked the beginning of agricultural harvest festivals and may
have been pivotal in the sanctioning of Maya rulers (M. Pohl 1981).
Animal Use and Social Interactions
One of the first Central American scholars to examine animal-as-
representation, in relationship to society and issues of power, was Olga
Linares (1977). Linares studied both ecological and symbolic use of animals
at Sitio Conte in Panama, focusing on animal representations that were
painted on ceramics. In this study, she maintained that it was necessary to
ask not only, "What is in the environment?" but also, "Why do people notice
items A and B and ignore items C and D in the environment?" (1977:63).
Linares viewed animal motifs as "collective representations
unconscious projections of past social systems" (1977:59). She suggested
that the function of animal iconography could be discerned through a
careful examination of which animals were depicted, which were not, and
what qualities those animals shared. Linares concluded that animal
iconography from Sitio Conte reflected qualities of aggression and hostility
qualities that marked the social and political climate of this period.
More recently, scholars have shifted their emphasis to examine animal
use as a domain of culture that was intentionally manipulated by the elite to
achieve certain ends (Douglas and Isherwood 1979; M. Pohl 1995).
Ethnohistoric data from the 16th and 17th centuries suggest that animal use
was closely related to social status. Friar Diego de Landa reported that the
consumption of meat often occurred in the context of public feasts and
32


private elite rituals and was closely linked to the elite class (Tozzer 1941).
Recently, Mesoamerican scholars have argued that animal use constituted
an active and integral aspect in establishing Maya social organization (M.
Pohl 1995). As Pohl (1995) notes, the eating of high status meat (the meat of
large mammals) and the caching and public display of spotted cat skins
were not just a reflection of social status but one of the means by which the
elite asserted their privileged position (Douglas and Isherwood 1979).
Investigations at Copan seem to support this assertion (M. Pohl 1995).
Pohl (1995), using Late Classic faunal materials from the periphery of the
Copan Main Center, looked for evidence of the differential use of "high
status animals" in various socio-economic groups in the Copan Valley.
Analysis of faunal distribution by mound group status indicated that the
more elite the group, the higher the number of large animal bones
(1995:459). In general, the elites had more access to "status" animals and
animal paraphernalia, such as the jaguar, as well as more access to high
status meats such as the white-tailed deer.
Animals. Ideology, and Power Relationships
Scholars have begun to examine power strategies in relation to material
culture. Miller and Tilley (1984) defined power in two ways "power to"
and "power over." "Power to" is defined as that power which enables
agents to alter, or attempt to alter, the conditions of their lives (Miller and
Tilley 1984:5). Conversely, "power over" necessarily involves a dialectic
relationship between those who hold power and those who do not. "Power
33


over" then, is the ability for those who hold power to get agents to do, or
not do, what they want (Miller and Tilley 1984).
More recently scholars have argued that ideology as social power is
given a concrete materialized form (DeMarrais et al. 1996). They argue that
ideology, rather than being an elusive belief not preserved in the
archaeological record, is materialized in artifacts containing symbolic
attributes (DeMarrais et al. 1996:16). Thus, ideology is viewed as having a
strong materialistic component which can inform archaeologists about
broader economic, social and political activities. For example, patterns in
the distribution of symbolic items can yield information about socio-
political activities through 1) examining the relative access to symbols of
authority or status in a group and 2) observing efforts to promote the
ideology of one social segment upon other social segments (DeMarrais et al.
1996:16).
The "materialization of ideology" allows a central authority to
communicate its power well beyond the immediate boundaries of the
political center. In these cases, the elite may attempt to control the non-
elite peripheries through an "ideological infiltration" which can take the
form of ceremonial events and the control and distribution of
symbolic/prestige items (DeMarrais et al. 1996;26). Attempts at
manipulating the peripheries are not always successful. Non-elites in the
peripheries may adopt counter-ideologies which reinforce strategies of
resistance (Giddens 1979).
34


The Mava Universe: The Ideological Construct
The Maya lived in a rich and complex world. Most of what we know
about Maya cosmology has come from the hieroglyphic inscriptions and
the four remaining codices. The Maya believed that the present day world
was preceded by several other worlds, all of which were destroyed by
deluges. A deluge is represented in the Dresden Codex and one was reported
in the historical accounts of Friar Diego de Landa. Contemporary Maya of
Yucatan believe that there have been three worlds previous to this one.
The following account of the previous worlds was given to Robert Sharer
(1994) by a contemporary Maya.
The modern Maya of northern Yucatan believe that there
have been three worlds previous to this one, The first world
was inhabited by dwarfs, the saiyam uinicob or "adjuster
men," who are thought to have built the great ruined cities.
Their work was done in darkness, for the sun had not yet been
created, and when the sun rose for the first time, the dwarfs
were turned to stone. That first world was ended by a
universal deluge, the haiyococab, or "water over the earth."
The second world, inhabited by people called the dzolob, or
"offenders," was ended by the second flood. The third world
was populated by the Maya themselves, the common people or
mazehualob\ this world was ended by the third flood, called the
hunyecil or bulkabal, which means the "immersing." This
last deluge was followed by the present or fourth world,
peopled by a mixture of all of the previous inhabitants of the
Peninsula, and this world too will eventually be destroyed, by
a fourth flood.
(Sharer 1994:520-521).
Robert Sharer (1994) presented a synopsis of Maya ideology and cosmology
in his book The Ancient Mava and, except where otherwise cited, this is the
primary source used for the following discussion.
35


The Maya believed the universe consisted of three layers, the visible
earth and two invisible realms; the celestial (the sky) and the underworld.
These three realms were not envisioned as separate distinct entities but,
rather, as aspects of a continuous whole. The earth realm was imagined to
be flat and four cornered, and imagined to be the back of a giant reptile
usually a caiman or turtle that swam in a primordial sea full of water
lilies. At the center of the earth was an axis-mundi a giant ceiba tree
which, along with the trees in each of the four corners and four Baeabs,
was thought to hold up the entire sky. The rain gods (Chacs) were
benevolent forces associated with the four corners of the earth (Coe 1993).
Each of the four corners had an associated color; red (east), yellow (south),
black (west) and white (north). The sky was composed of thirteen different
tiers, each of which had its own god. At the top celestial realm was the
muan bird (a screech-owl). The underworld was also multi-tiered, with
nine layers, each with a corresponding Lower World deity. The underworld
was a cold dangerous place and was called Xibalba which means "place of
fright" (Miller and Taube 1993).
The three realms of the universe were envisioned as connected by
visible and invisible representations of the supernatural domain. The
stars, moon, and planets were the visible representation of the celestial
realm. Caves were viewed as a portal to the underworld, Xibalba, and were
sacred avenues for communication with those in the underworld realm.
The earth realm, divided in the four cardinal directions, became the ritual
stage for the daily birth-death-rebirth drama of the sun. In the east each
36


day at sunrise, the sun was reborn from the nighttime realm of Xibalba. At
noon, as the sun reached its zenith, it was envisioned as being at the peak
of power. Each evening at sunset the sun, once again, died as it reentered
the dangerous underworld realm. Around midnight when the sun reached
the nadir, the "dead" sun fought a fierce battle with the underworld deities
before being reborn. Thus, the cycle continued.
Animal Metaphors and Ceremonialism
The Maya cosmos was both a diverse and united phenomenon. The
natural world was envisioned as imbued with the spirits of many different
deities and, at the same time, was perceived as a fluid continuum. Animal
metaphors became a pivotal mechanism through which ancient
Mesoamericans made sense of and organized, their world (Peterson 1990).
Metaphors connected humans and the natural world in such a way as to
provide "culturally coherent bundles of meaning" (Isbell 1985:287). Thus,
an examination of the symbolic use of animals may provide insight into
some of these cultural "bundles of meaning."
Animal metaphors were used to represent natural elements such as the
sun, earth, water, and rain, and were associated with the three layers of the
universe. Animal metaphors were an active component of the daily birth-
death-rebirth cycle of the sun. Animals were also associated with the more
abstract concepts, such as fertility and renewal (M. Pohl 1983). As cultural
signifiers, animals represented many aspects of the universe (Table 2.1).
As such, animals played a pivotal role in the social and ritual contexts of
37


Mesoamerica. The Maya offered sacrifices of animals in agricultural,
renewal, and lineage ceremonies (M. Pohl 1983).. Animals were sacrificed
and buried as an aspect of dedication ceremonies for new buildings.
Animal sacrifice has been connected to rain and agricultural fertility.
Table 2.1 Animals Associated with the Three Realms of the Maya
Universe the Celestial Realm, the Visible Earth, and Xibalba, the
Underworld (from Peterson 1990).___________________________________________
CELESTIAL Eagle, Vulture, Hummingbird, Parrot, Deer, Rabbit, Serpent, Bird, Muan Bird
EARTH Serpent, Crocodile, Turtle, Toad, Monkey, Coatimundi, Armadillo, Gopher, Dog
UNDERWORLD Waterbird, Water lilly, Fish, Conch Shell, Jaguar, Bat, Owl, Peccary, Tapir, Dog
Dogs
The dog played a significant role in Mesoamerican religion (Allen 1920;
M. Pohl 1976; Schellhas 1904; Tozzer 1940; Tozzer and Allen 1910; Wright
1970). Dogs were associated with fire, especially the fire of the home
hearth (Peterson 1990).
While the dog was primarily associated with the earth realm, it was also
seen as a messenger who could travel from the earth realm into the
dangerous domain of Xibalba. It was regarded as the messenger who would
prepare and guide the way to the other world after death. The dog was
38


associated with the death-god and viewed as the bearer of lightning
(Schellhas 1904:42).
The Mesoamerican association of dogs with death is supported by the
archaeological record. Many dogs have been found in burials. A dog was
recovered in a burial of a high status male in Kaminaljuyu, Guatemala
(Thompson 1966:218). At the site of Zacaleu, three complete dog skeletons
were found interred in two human burials. In other areas of the site,
fragmentary dog skulls were found in both a cache and a human burial
(Woodbury and Trik 1953). Dog remains were found under building debris,
on the floor of the cenote, and in two different human burials in Mayapan
(Pollock and Ray 1957). At Tikal, a multiple human burial contained dog
remains (M. Pohl 1976).
The association of dogs with death and the journey in the afterlife is
still maintained in present day Maya belief systems. As with ethnohistoric
information, current Maya beliefs associate the dog with death and the
journey across a body of water before reaching the underworld destination
(Peterson 1990). Contemporary Lacandon Maya place palm leaves, as
symbols of dogs, at the four corners of human burials (Peterson 1990).
Dog Sacrifices. There are numerous ethnohistoric references to the
practice of using dogs as sacrificial animals (see Landa in Tozzer 1941:109,
114, 115, 143, 145, 162, 164, 165, 183, 203). Dogs were a common animal of
sacrifice, second only to human beings (Tozzer 1941 :N. 528). Landa
describes a ceremony in which dogs were sacrificed to the goddess Ixchel
on the island of Cozumel (Tozzer 1941:109). Typically, the heart of the
39


animal was extracted and burned, the blood used to anoint idols, and the
animal was cooked and eaten.
In the Maya codices, dogs are represented in many different contexts,
one of which includes an association with various birds and other animals
which are to be sacrificed (Tozzer and Allen 1910). Pohl (1976:219) cited
graffiti at Tikal in which a dog is shown participating in a ceremonial
procession which may represent a prelude to a sacrifice. The practice of
sacrifice dog sacrifice in particular continued well into the historical
period. Testimony taken regarding "idolatry" at Sotuta and Homun cited
sacrifices of dogs (and occasionally, deer and pigs) taking place in Catholic
churches at night, much to the chagrin of the local friars (quoted in Tozzer
1941:N 528).
The ethnohistoric record indicates that dog sacrifices were necessary
components of certain ceremonies. During Muluc years Landa reported
that a virgin dog was demanded as a sacrifice (Tozzer 1941 :N 483). Dogs
were sacrificed in conjunction with the Kan, Muluc and lx New Year rituals
which were performed to avert catastrophes (Tozzer 1941:N685). Ceramic
dogs were offered to appease the god Yax Cocah Mut during the Uayeb rites
preceding the Muluc years. Landa reported that during this ceremony a
dance on stilts was performed and the head of turkeys, bread, and maize
drinks were offered. The old women:
had to offer him dogs made of pottery with bread on their [the
dog's] backs, and the old women had to dance with these dogs
in their hands, and to sacrifice to him [Yax Cocah Mut] a little
dog with a black back and which was a virgin.
Tozzer 1941:145
40


Dogs were also sacrificed as part of a ceremony for rain and crop
fertility. Tozzer cited testimony from Homun (152) in which a witness
stated that:
they made a certain sacrifice in the church in the ancient
manner of their customs and at the feet of the crosses...and
they made this sacrifice (a dog and other animals) because of
lack of rain and they asked for it in this sacrifice that the
milpas might be nourished.
Figure 2.2 The Rain God Plants Corn with a Planting Stick While
Accompanied by a Dog. From the Madrid Codex (Villacorta and
Villacorta 1930).
The Madrid Codex depicts a dog accompanying the rain god as corn is
planted (Figure 2.2). At another point in this sequence, the rain god, dog,
deer, peccary, and jaguar surround Goddess O (Figure 2.3). Large quantities
of dog teeth, representing a minimum of 124 individuals, were recovered
Tozzer 1941:N847
41


Figure 2.3 Goddess O is Depicted in Association with Animal
Companions; the Deer, the Dog, the Jaguar and the Peccary.
Water Pours from Her Armpits and Loins. From The Madrid
Codex (Viilacorta And Villacorta 1930).
from the Late Classic site of Actun Polbilche, a cave that may have been
used in ceremonies for rain (Pendergast 1974; Savage 1978).
Dogs were also sacrificed in ceremonies for cacao. During the month of
Muan, Landa reported that persons who owned cacao plantations celebrated
a festival to "the gods Ek Chuah, Chac and Hobnil who were their mediators"
(Tozzer 1941:164). During the festival:


they sacrificed a dog, spotted with the color of cacao, and
burned their incense to their idols...and they gave to each of
the officials a spike of the fruit of the cacao.
Tozzer 1941:164
Allen and Tozzer (1904) suggested that the spotted dogs in the codex may
depict this symbolic connection between spotted dogs, cacao, and the gods
who acted as mediators and to whom sacrifices were offered during Muan
(Figure 2.4).
Figure 2.4 Spotted Dog Depicted in the Tro-Cortesianus Codex
(from Tozzer and Allen 1910).
The Cuch. or Deer. Ceremony
Gerstle (1992b, 1993, 1996) makes a strong case for Structure 10 at Ceren
being a pre-conquest analog to the historically documented casa de
cofradia. Interestingly, there appears to be a long association between


cofradias and the white-tailed deer. In light of the ceremonial white-tailed
deer remains recovered from the possible "casa de cofradia," I would like to
examine ethnographic and ethnohistoric data which suggest that this
association the white-tailed deer and cofradia ceremonies may have
extended back to pre-conquest Mesoamerica as the cuch or deer ceremony.
The deer, in particular the white-tailed deer, figured prominently in
Mesoamerican religion. Maya ethnohistoric data associate the deer with
the sun. The deer is used as the sign for "sun" or "day" in distance numbers
(Scheie 1977:52-53). At House E, in Palenque, a deer and the sun ride on the
back of a saurian creature (Greene Robertson, in M. Pohl 1983). The deer
appears in Classic Maya mythological scenes in which the Moon Goddess,
riding on the back of a stag, escapes aggressive attackers (Miller and Taube
1993). Miller and Taube (1993) suggest that the deer was, among other
things, a metaphor for sexuality.
Mary Pohl (1981) argues that the stag was a prominent agricultural
supernatural in Maya religion. She argues that the white-tailed deer was
the central player in the most important Maya ritual drama of the year, the
cuch, or deer ceremony, which occurred at the close of the agricultural
year. Pohl uses ethnohistoric and ethnographic documents, in conjunction
with data from stelae, murals, vase paintings, graffiti, and codices, to argue
that the Maya cuch ceremony has a long cultural tradition in Mesoamerica.
While acknowledging that the Conquest had a profound effect on
Mesoamerican culture, in particular ceremonialism, Pohl argues that
changes in the cuch drama could be identified. She believes that enough
44


continuity exists in the cuch ceremony to make it possible, through the
application of an ethnohistoric approach, to trace both the continuity and
the changes.
Pohl's central thesis is that the cuch ceremony survived the pressures
and discontinuities of the conquest in the form of the present day cargo
"transfer of power" ceremony. Among the Choti Maya this ceremony
coincides with the end of the agricultural cycle. If Pohl is correct, this
may have implications for the kinds of ceremonial activities that may be
represented by the artifacts in Structure 10 in Ceren. Therefore, I would
like to review some of the data that Pohl used to trace the continuities and
transformations in the cuch or deer ceremony.
Pohl's (1981) methods in attempting to follow both continuity and
changes in this ritual were to 1) identify the various ceremonial events
that make up the ritual, 2) trace these events through time with the use of
ethnographic sources, ethnohistoric records, and the use of pottery vessels,
codices and graffiti, and finally, 3) identify the aspects of continuity and
transformation in the ceremony.
Pohl maintains that the ancient deer ceremony has persisted into
modern times. To differentiate between modern cargo rites and a possible
prehistoric antecedent, she referred to the prehistoric fiesta as the "cuch"
(the Maya word meaning "burden" or "cargo") or deer ceremony. The
following discussion on the cultural continuity of the cuch ceremony,
except where otherwise noted, is evidence that she presents in support of
her thesis (M. Pohl 1981).


The Present Dav Maya Cargo Rituals
The contemporary Maya cargo ritual is, primarily, an agricultural
fertility ceremony. The cargo ceremony has three essential components;
1) the tree raising ceremony, 2) the bullfight accompanied by a ritual
feast, and 3) the actual transfer of cofradia power.
In the tree raising ceremony the connection between the ceremony
and crop fertility is overt. A tree, or more often a pole, is "planted" in the
ground. Next, the coatimundi impersonator climbs the tree and throws
squash seeds into the air. After this the coatimundi hangs gourds and yams
from branches on the tree.
The second part of the ceremony is the bullfight. Except in the rare
times when people have enough money to purchase an actual bull, the bull
is played by a costumed man. He is chased around by people with lassos
who try to catch him while musicians beat turtle shell drums with corn
cobs to promote the growth of corn (Vogt 1977). After the chase, the bull is
finally captured, officially marking the end of the agricultural year. Next,
the bull's horns are ceremonially removed and deer antlers are fastened in
their place (Vogt 1969:536). Finally, the bull is "killed" and the subsequent
harvest feast begins.
The final part of the ceremony consists of the actual cargo transfer of
power. A pole, representing the cargo or burden, is transferred from one
cargo member to the next. This is, reportedly, the most solemn aspect of the
ceremony, as the new cargo holders will be responsible for community
welfare, through community ritual, for the next year.
46


In the 1950's, Mendelson (1958) recorded a ritual deer dance in
association with the Cofradia San Juan at Santiago Atitlan in the Guatemala
highlands. At the Cofradia San Juan, a deer skull headdress was an
important aspect of the cofradia ritual paraphernalia. Each year, a deer
and tiger dance is held. In this dance, the tiger ceremonially kills the deer.
Mendelson reported that the deer dance was performed at noon and
midnight immediately prior to the opening of the sacred bundle. As
discussed above, the deer is associated with the sun. Therefore, noon would
be the time that the sun (deer) was at its strongest while at midnight, the
sun (deer) was envisioned as partaking in a dangerous underworld battle.
Mendelson noted that villagers in the Cofradia San Juan associated this
dance with rain and the growth of plants. Mendelson remarked that the
"association of human, animal and vegetal fertility and well-being which is
so strong in all Maya ritual is thus consecrated in cofradia San Juan"
(Mendelson 1958:123).
The Prehistoric Cuch Ritual
Mary Pohl (1981) used visual imagery from precolumbian Maya codices,
ceramic vessels, and graffiti to argue that repetitive pictorial themes depict
scenes from an ancient ritual in which the stag was the central figure.
She refers to a number of vessels which, she maintains, are depictions of
the cuch ceremony. On the Calcehtok vessel, a stag wearing a blanket with
the crossed bones (symbols of death) has its antlers removed (Figure 2.5).
Two ritual attendants carrying sacrificial spears flank the stag. To the
47


Figure 2.5 A Ceremony Depicting a Stag Having Antlers
Removed on the Late Classic Period Calcehtok Vessel (from M.
Pohi and Feldman 1982)
48


right there is an anthropomorphic sacred tree which is full of water
symbolism including water lilly branches, a frog symbol, and a blue-tailed
snake. A Late Classic polychrome vase from Actum Balam depicts a
ceremonial deer hunt (Figure 2.6). The Madrid Codex depicts scenes of deer
rituals, many of which show a stag with its antlers removed, tied to a ceiba
tree (Figure 2.7)(Anders 1967). The sacrifice of a bound deer, including the
killing and butchering, is depicted in another part of the codex (Figure
2.8). Also, in the Madrid Codex, God L, an underworld deity, is associated
with a deer ceremony. He carries a ceremonial spear and wears a deer
skull headdress (Figure 2.9).
Ethnohistoric Accounts of the Cuch or Deer Ceremony
Friar Diego de Landa reported on a deer ceremony performed during the
month of Zip (Tozzer 1941). During this ceremony, the sacred bundles were
opened and the Chacs (ritual assistants) anointed all the idols with a blue
pigment (the color of water and sacrifice). Then, all gathered and invoked
the gods Acanum, Suhui Dzip and Tabai who, Landa reports, were the gods
of the hunt and chase. After lighting incense and invoking these gods
while it [the incense] was burning, each took an arrow and
the skull of a deer, which the Chacs anointed with the blue
bitumen. And some danced, holding these thus anointed in
their hands, while others pierced their ears and others their
tongues, and passed through the holes seven wide blades of
grass called ac. This done, the priest first, and then the
officers of the festival, offered gifts; and so dancing, the wine
was poured out, and they got drunk until they were overcome.
Tozzer 1941:155
49


Figure 2.6 A Ceremonial Deer Hunt Depicted on a Late Classic
Vase from Actun Balam (roll-out drawing by D. Pendergast, in
M. Pohl 1983).
50


Figure 2.7 A Stag with Antlers Removed is Tied to a
Representation of a Ceiba Tree (from the Madrid Codex).
51


Figure 2.8 A Ceremony Involving the Binding and Sacrifice of a
Hornless Stag in the Madrid Codex (Villacorta and Villacorta
1930).
52


Figure 2.9 An Underworld Deity, God L, Performs a Ceremony
Wearing a Deerskull Headdress. The Surrounding Glyphs
Represent the Four World Directions (from Villacorta and
Villacorta 1930).
Another ethnohistorical account reports a similar deer ceremony from
Cuscatlan, which is now present day El Salvador. Garcia de Palacio
described the following:
They took a live deer to the courtyard of the cu or temple
which they had outside the town and there they throttled and
skinned him, collecting all his blood in a vessel and cutting
the liver, lungs and stomach into pieces. They divided the
heart, head, and legs. They cooked the deer by itself and the
blood, by itself, and while these were cooking they had their
dances. The high priest took the skull by the ears and the
four priests took one of the four feet, and the mayordomo put
the heart in a brazier and burned it with uli and copal as
incense to the idol of the god that was the protector of
53


hunting and fishing. When the dance was finished, the head
and the torso were scorched in the fire of the high priest and
eaten. The priests consumed the deer and his blood before the
idol; they gutted fish and burned them to the same idol
Garcia de Palacio 1860:75-76;
Tozzer and Allen 1910:349
As Pohl (1981) points out, Landa presented the deer ceremony as
primarily related to hunting and fishing. However, Pohl argues that these
ceremonies differ only minutely from the ceremonies depicted in Classic
period paintings, the main difference being that the painted
representations depict a sacred tree rather than a pole. Additionally, she
notes Landa's description of dancers carrying deerskulls and arrows
anointed with blue is reminiscent of God L in the Madrid Codex. Modern
lowland Maya still recognize a deity, called Zip, as the protector of deer.'
Friar Diego Landa reported on a different ceremony conducted during
the month of Zac. Concerning this ceremony, Landa wrote that
they celebrated this one now to appease the gods and to turn
aside the anger which they would have against them and
their sowings. They made them (these feasts) on account of
the blood which they had spilled during their hunts; for they
considered as an abomination any bloodshed unless it was in
their sacrifices.
Tozzer 1941;162
The Popol Vuh recounts how the Maya god Tohil (or Storm) took the
form of a deer and demanded that the Maya worship him in that form. One
of his requirements was that young deer be sacrificed to him (Edmonson
1971:186).
54


Deer sacrifice remained an active component of Mesoamerican
ceremonialism well into the historic period. As described above, the
practice of deer sacrifices is well documented in ethnohistoric records. In
fact, it was the discovery of a deer sacrifice in a cave near Mani which
initiated the horrendous 1562 Inquisition in Yucatan (Lopez de Cogolludo
1688, 1:410-411). Reports from this Inquisition also confirm that concepts
of a deer deity, successful hunting, and offerings of venison were closely
associated with agricultural cycles in the minds of Mesoamericans.
The archaeological record also corroborates this association. Deer
remains have often been found in ritual contexts including cenotes and
caves (Pollock and Ray 1957; Savage 1978). Blue pigment has been found in
association with deer remains in a cave site in Belize (M. Pohl and J. Pohl
1983). In the Naj Tunich cave in Guatemala, two figures wearing deer
paraphernalia are painted on the cave wall (Figure 2.1). One person wears
deer ears while, in another part of the cave, another person dances in a
deer headdress (M. Pohl and J.Pohl 1983, Stone 1995).
Mary Pohl (1981) argues that archaeologists, like the Spaniards before
us, tend to assume that deer depictions on prehistoric ceramics and in the
codices are representations of a hunt or a mythic scene. Instead, she
argues that these depictions are scenes from a ritual in which the deer
played a primary role and that the deer was, and still is, closely tied to
agricultural cycles, fertility and rain.


Transformations In The Cuch-To-Cargo Ritual
Deer sacrifice remained an active component of Mesoamerican
ceremonialism well into the historic period. The practice of deer sacrifices
are documented in the ethnohistoric and archaeological records. Deer
heart sacrifice was mentioned by Friar Diego Landa (Tozzer 1941:144). The
two main transformations in the ceremonial events that make up this ritual
are the substitution of the tree with a pole and the substitution of the deer
with a bull or impersonator. Pohl (1981) suggests that with increasing
pressure to give up traditional indigenous ways the substitution of a bull
for the deer (which included the drama of the bullfight), a Spanish custom,
may have been much more tolerable to the Spanish friars.
While the cuch ceremony revolves around the agricultural cycle,
fertility and rain, Pohl (1981) suggests that the central significance of the
ceremony may have been the transfer of the cuch, or the burden of
responsibility for the community.
The contemporary cargo transfer ceremony correlates to the end of the
agricultural year. Ethnographic sources have reported that special
communal hunts have been organized to obtain the meat necessary for
rituals (Villa 1945). In contemporary Belize, a deer sacrifice is still a
requirement for the "chac chac" rain ceremony (M. Pohl 1983).
56


Structure 10 A Pre-Columbian Casa de cofradia!
Gerstle (1992b, 1993, 1996) suggests that Structure 10 may be a
precolumbian version of the casa de cofradia (house of the cofradia). A
cofradia, commonly called the cargo system, is a Maya civic-religious
organization. One of the main duties of cargo members is to provide and
conduct the appropriate public rituals and feasts to ensure agricultural
prosperity and the economic abundance of the community.
The apparent functions of Structure 10 parallel known post-conquest
functions of the casa de cofradia in the Maya highlands. These are
community buildings which are used for the storage of ceremonial items as
well as the preparation and dispensing of food at public feasts (Vogt 1990).
Gerstle (1996), drawing from research conducted in the Maya Highlands
by Vogt (1990), describes the casa de cofradia as;
a communally owned structure used as headquarters for
preparing public feasts and rituals. Between events, the
building may be used for storing ritual costumes and
equipment, and the cargo-holder and his family, may or may
not reside in the structure during the time he holds office
Gerstle 1996.
The cofradia institution, itself, was introduced to the area by the Spaniards.
Earliest historical records indicate that Maya communities built permanent
structures to house cofradia artifacts (Robert Carlsen, personal
communication to Payson Sheets 1993). These cofradia houses were used
for the storage of ritual paraphernalia and were used for food storage,
preparation and dispensing.
57


Recent evidence from Ceren indicates that a cofradia-like system may
have existed prior to the conquest. Commenting on the strong possibility of
a pre-conquest casa de cofradia at Ceren, Payson Sheets maintains that "if
we are correct in this interpretation, it may provide an explanation for
why the supposed Spanish introduction of the institution of cofradias was
successful; it closely matched a native institution of considerable antiquity"
(Sheets 1993:194).
Interestingly, the present day cofradia system has various levels of
participation. Vogt (1990) reported that among the present day Zincantecos
of Chiapas, Mexico rituals are performed on three different levels; 1) the
household, 2) the community, and 3) the ceremonial center. He noted that
while the cargo holders were busy with rituals in the ceremonial centers,
other ceremonial practitioners, shamans which are called "h'iloletik" or
"seers," are responsible for rituals in the outer hamlets. From time to time
the village ritual practitioners would move to the main ceremonial center
for a year of service. Thus, in the present day cargo system, people from
the outer hamlets rotate into the ceremonial center periodically. This,
then, raises questions about whether the Ceren cofradia could have been
part of a broader ceremonial network; one which may have been linked to
the main ceremonial center 5 km away in San Andres (Sheets 1993).
58


Summary and Conclusions
Generally, animal use studies have addressed seven areas of inquiry 1)
food-gathering preferences, techniques, and patterns; 2) preparation
practices; 3) ecological and environmental information; 4) ceremonial and
religious uses of animals; 5) animal bone as raw material source for
artifacts; 6) evidence of domestication; and 7) evidence of prehistoric trade
(Hamblin 1984:9). The majority of past archaeological inquiries primarily
have focused on the various ecological perspectives of animal-use. More
recently, scholars have examined the social and ceremonial/cosmological
realms of animal use including the perspective that animals were active
components in social status relationships and social interactions (M. Pohl
1995).
Mary Pohl (1981) uses an ethnohistoric approach to explore the role of
the white-tailed deer in ceremonial activities of the Maya. She argues that
the repetitive scenes of a deer capture, sacrifice, and various deer
impostors wearing deer ceremonial paraphernalia, depicted in Classic
Period ceramics, caves, and the Codices, document a deer or cuch ceremony
of great antiquity. In this ceremony, a deer supernatural was the central
actor in a ceremony which included deer sacrifice and public feasting. The
majority of representations of these ceremony depict elites as officiators or
deer impostors.
Pohl argues that this ceremony survived the pressures of the Spanish
Conquest in the form of present day cargo transfer of power rituals which
occur at the end of the agricultural year. Reports from early historical
59


Spanish documents from the Yucatan and Cuscatlan (El Salvador) also
describe deer ceremonies accompanied by deer sacrifice.
The ethnohistoric data suggest that dogs had a number of symbolic
associations. These include death and the frightening domain of the
underworld, fire and the heat of the domestic hearth, and the rain god and
the planting season. Dogs were a necessary sacrifice in ceremonies to
promote cacao growth and during certain times dog sacrifices accompanied
year-end rituals.
60


CHAPTER 3
METHODS
The Data Set
A total of 103 bone, antler, turtle shell and marine shell artifacts were
recovered from Ceren. The artifacts examined in this study included only
those recovered during the initial 1978 excavation and the subsequent 1989
- 1993 field seasons at Ceren. All bone, antler, marine shell, and turtle shell
artifacts exhibiting intentional cultural modification, or reflecting
cultural contexts, were included in the data set. Faunal remains not
reflecting cultural contexts (such as the articulated skeletons of rodents
living in roofing thatch, or toads in the agave patch at the time of the
volcanic eruption) were not considered in this study.
Identification
Taxonomic Identification. Artifacts recovered from the Ceren site are
curated at the Museo Nacional David Guzman (MNDG) located in the capital
city of San Salvador, El Salvador. During the months of June and July 1995,
all bone, antler, shell and turtle shell artifacts were transported from the
Museo Nacional to the site laboratory at Ceren for identification and
analysis.
61


Initial analysis was conducted at the on-site laboratory located in Joya
de Ceren, El Salvador. Preliminary field identifications were assigned
using a number of osteological reference books and keyed illustrations
(Bass 1987; Driesch 1976; Gilbert 1993; Hillson 1986; Keen 1971; Kent 1992;
Olsen 1964, 1968, 1982, 1985; Schid 1972). Salvadoran law prohibits the
export of artifacts outside the country. Thus, the primary data collection
objective was the documentation, in scaled photographs, of all artifacts
containing diagnostic morphology. This allowed for additional taxonomic
identification and verification to continue in the United States with the aid
of comparative faunal collections. All artifacts were documented in scaled
photographs and illustrations with a special emphasis placed on noting
diagnostic morphology and use-wear patterns. Final identifications were
assigned using comparative collections of the Colorado Archaeological
Society's Zooarchaeological Laboratory, located on the Denver University
campus and the comparative faunal collection at the Denver Museum of
Natural History. Dr. Dennis Van Gerven, forensic specialist, was consulted
and assisted with the identification of human remains.
All bone, antler, turtle shell, and marine shell artifacts were identified
to the closest possible taxon. In some cases, extensively worked artifacts
lacked any diagnostic morphology and were identified only to the level of
family, order, or class. Likewise, extremely fragmented or deteriorated
bone or shell were often assignable only to their broader taxon.
62


Animal size. An attempt was made to assess the relative size of the
animal in all specimens lacking enough diagnostic morphology for
identification to a specific species or genus. Three categories of size were
modeled after distinctions utilized in Hamblin (1983). These categories are
identified as:
Small: Opossums, rabbits, rodents, bats, and small birds
Medium: Dog, skunks, large rabbits, fox, raccoon, coatimundis,
porcupine, paca and medium birds such as parrots
Large: White-tail deer, brocket deer, peccaries, jaguars, felines;
large birds including eagles, owls, and vultures
Skeletal Element. The specific skeletal element (such as scapula, tibia
etc.) was recorded for all intact and fragmented elements where possible.
However, some skeletal elements were not identifiable due to extreme
fragmentation or deterioration. In these cases, five categories of bone type
were utilized. These categories of bone type are modeled after Kent (1993:3)
and are defined as the following:
Long bones:
Flat bones:
Irregular bones:
Teeth:
Scrap:
Humeri; radii, ulnae, femurs, tibias, fibulae
Scapulae, ribs, cranial portions, mandibles
Phalanges, metapodia, vertebral parts, carpals,
tarsals, and hyoid
Crowns, roots, and fragments of enamel
Any bone fragment not recognizable as
belonging to the above categories
63


Determining Animal Age. The skeletal elements most commonly used
for animal age are epiphyses and teeth (Klein and Cruz 1984). In all
mammals, epiphyses remain unfused in younger animals. Thus, for any
given skeletal element it is possible to have at least three age classifications
juvenile, young adult and adult based on fused or unfused epiphyseal
elements (Klein and Cruz 1984). In the Ceren faunal assemblage all three
stages of epiphyseal fusion were noted; totally unfused (juvenile), semi-
fused (young adult) and totally fused (fully mature adult).
Eruption and degree of wear on teeth are also used for aging animals.
Teeth permit distinctions between at least three age categories: juvenile
(deciduous teeth), adults (permanent teeth) and senile (permanent teeth
with advanced degree of wear) (Klein and Cruz 1984).
Minimum-Number Calculations
Several methodological techniques exist for comparing numbers of
animal remains from archaeological sites. The two main methods are 1) the
number of identified specimens (Grayson 1979; Payne 1975) and 2) the
minimum number of individuals (White 1953). Both techniques are utilized
to calculate measures of taxonomic abundance in a particular faunal
collection.
The number of identified specimens (NISP) is the simpler method of
calculation (Klein and Cruz 1984). It consists of acquiring a count of the
total number of bones, in any given collection, which are identifiable to a
particular species. One of the basic advantages of NISP is speed. NISP can
64


be calculated while doing the basic bone identification process. Another
advantage to using NISP is the fact that the numbers generated from this
method are additive. Thus, NISP counts from current and future field
seasons are easily added to counts from past field seasons in long term or
ongoing research projects, such as the Ceren project. One of the main
disadvantages of the NISP calculation is that here is no way to know if
skeletal elements belong to the same or different individuals.
A variation of NISP consists of counting the number of identifiable
skeletal elements, rather than species (Lyman 1994; Shotwell 1955).
However, the number of skeletal elements varies from species to species
and this can bias counts in favor of species with more bones. Additionally,
a phenomenon called the "schlepp effect" (Perkins and Daly 1968) may bias
the calculations in favor of a smaller species. The schlepp effect maintains
that "the larger the animal and the farther from the point of consumption
it is killed, the fewer of its bones will get 'schlepped' back to the camp,
village, or other area" (Daly 1969:149). Thus, skeletal element counts may
tend to underrepresent larger species.
The other main method of quantification is the Minimum Number of
Individuals (White 1953). The Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI)
calculates the minimum number of individuals, in a given species, that are
necessary to account for the number of identifiable bones recovered from
a site (Shotwell 1955). Various techniques have been used to calculate the
number of individuals. One method involves sorting bones into pairs of
matching left and right skeletal elements (White 1953). However, all right
65


and left skeletal elements will not be necessarily from the same individual.
Thus, bone size and relative animal age were introduced as critical aspects
of the MNI matching criteria (Daly 1969; Flannery 1968). MNI helps
correct biases introduced by the "schlepp effect" in that any one given
skeletal element indicates the presence of an individual. However, with the
MNI technique, problems can arise from small sample size. In faunal
assemblages containing small sample size the MNI technique can
overemphasize the importance of rarer animals (Grayson 1978; Payne
1972). Additionally, with sites containing multiple occupations, MNI counts
can vary depending upon whether faunal remains are separated according
to vertical or horizontal stratigraphy (maximum distinction method) or are
grouped together as a whole, ignoring stratigraphy (the minimum
distinction method) (Grayson 1978).
The MNI calculation does provide archaeologists with a method for
comparing faunal assemblages between sites. Some of the above mentioned
problems with MNI, such as discerning the number of individuals at sites
with multiple occupations, are avoided at the Ceren site. However, because
Ceren has a small sample size, both techniques NISP and MNI are
presented for minimum number calculations.
Minimal and Maximal MNI Calculations
Minimum number of individual counts (MNI) can be calculated
according to two methods; the minimal method and the maximal method.
The minimal method consists of calculating minimal number totals for an
66


entire faunal sample as a whole. The maximal method consists of
calculating numbers first for each structure and then totaling all of these
results.
For this project, both minimal and maximal MNI counts were calculated.
The minimal method mentioned above was used. However, the maximal
method was slightly adjusted to better reflect the context of domestic
structures at the Ceren site. Households, rather than individual structures,
were used as the primary units for calculating the maximal method. At
Ceren a household can be composed of four functionally different
buildings; kitchens, bodegas, domiciles, and workshops. Additionally,
extramural activity areas between structures and household patios were
included in this count.
Use-Wear Analysis
All bone, antler, turtle shell, and marine shell artifacts recovered from
excavations at Ceren were examined under a microscope for evidence of
modification. A stereo-zoom binocular Carl Zeiss microscope was used for
this analysis. Artifacts were examined at relatively low magnification
(from 10X-80X). All evidence of modification was noted, described in words
and illustrated in scale drawings emphasizing cultural modification.
Artifact Classification
Artifacts were assigned to various categories based on overall artifact
form, use-wear patterns, ethnohistoric information, ethnographic


analogies and comparative data from published archaeological reports
(Garber 1989; Hayden and Cannon 1984; Willey et al. 1995). In cases where
artifacts did not conform to known artifact types, the specimen was
described according to its overall shape and the skeletal element used (such
as curved-notched long bone tool, etc.). The specific artifact types
identified at Ceren include; needles, awls, bone tube beads, pendants,
tapiscadores (corn huskers), shell beads, tinklers, adornos and a deer skull
headdress. Needles are long thin tools, with a pointed tip, that may, or may
not, have an "eye" at the distal aspect of the tool. Awls also have a pointed
tip but, typically, are longer and wider than needles. They are generally
made from the long bone or antler of large animals (Willey et al. 1995).
Bone tube beads are cut and polished sections of animal or bird long bones
that were presumably worn as beads (Willey et al. 1995). Pendants can be
made from bone, shell or animal teeth and have a perforation for
suspension. Tapiscadores are tapered long bone or antler tools. Generally,
the proximal end has been shaped into a tapered blunted-end bevel, while
the distal end often has been perforated so that the tool can be attached by
a cord to the husker (Vogt 1969). Shell beads, typically, have the top spire
removed and have a perforation in the shell whorl for suspension.
Tinklers are shell ornaments (usually Oliva sp.) that were, presumably,
strung together in a row to produce a "tinkle" sound when the wearer
moved (Willey et al. 1995). Adornos are shell ornaments that were sewn
onto fabrics. Animal headdresses are generally made from the cranium of
68


an animal, presumably to be worn during ceremonial activities and/or
dances.
Twenty-nine separate ceramic pieces were recorded with animal motifs.
The various animal species represented in the motifs were identified, as
closely as possible, to known animal species from the environment. In
situations where motifs appeared to be a composite of several species, or
were not recognizable at all, then specimens were described as much as
possible.
Ceremonial and Social Use of Animals
The exceptional contextual information at the Ceren site allows us to
explore the ceremonial and social use of animals in households and the
village ritual complex. Both the actual animal artifacts and
representational animal motifs were included in the analysis. The
distribution of Ceren animal motifs between domestic, civic, and
ceremonial areas of the village was also examined. Animal species present
were compared to animal motifs present to explore potential similarities
and differences.
Numerous sources were used to argue that some of the species present at
Ceren played an important role in household and village ceremonialism.
Among the sources used to support this position were representations from
Maya art, ethnohistoric documents, ethnographic analogies and
comparative data from other archaeological sites.
69


The ceremonial use of animals was commonly depicted in Classic Period
Maya art on painted vessels and murals, in cave sites, and carved
sculptures. Many animals appeared in ceremonial contexts in the Post-
Classic Period codices which have accompanying textual information that
help situate a particular animal within a given symbolic context. A large
corpus of ethnohistoric documents recorded various ceremonies in which
animals and animal sacrifices were essential. Ethnoarchaeological
research has also demonstrated that in the contemporary Maya Highlands,
certain animal species correlate with specific kinds of activities, such as
cargo ceremonies or ritual sweatbaths (Hayden and Cannon 1984).
Recently, archaeologists have studied Maya ritual remains faunal
material that appear in caves, cenotes, burials and caches to explore
patterns in ceremonial offerings (M. Pohl 1983). All of these sources are
used to argue that at Ceren, both animals-as-representation and animals-
as-artifact, were an integral aspect of the social and ceremonial lives of the
villagers.
Summary and Conclusions
A total of 103 bone, antler, turtle shell and marine shell artifacts were
recovered from Ceren. Minimum number calculations were generated
according to both MNI and NISP. All specimens were examined for
modification, described and assigned to the closest taxon, and documented
in scale illustrations and photographs.
70


Additionally, 29 ceramic vessels contained animal motifs. The various
animal represented were identified to the closest taxon possible.
Ethnohistoric, ethnographic, Classic Period Maya paintings, and the Maya
codices are used to infer social and ceremonial uses of animal artifacts and
animal motifs.
71


CHAPTER 4
THE ENVIRONMENT
Introduction
Before we examine what animals the villagers were selecting from the
environment, we need to know what the natural environment of El
Salvador may have been like during the Classic Period. In particular, we
need to know what animal resources were available to the villagers. In this
section, various aspects of the natural environment are discussed. Then, a
hypothetical reconstruction of some of the species which were known to
inhabit El Salvador during the early Historic Period will be presented.
The Topography of El Salvador
Howel Williams and Helmut Meyer-Abich (1955) co-authored a
geological overview of El Salvador. Their report was used as the primary
reference for the following sections on the topography of El Salvador.
Volcanoes and volcanic activity have been the primary force in the
formation and transformation of El Salvador's topography through time.
The country is bisected by a long volcanic chain which runs northwest-
southeast. These volcanoes date from the Pleistocene to Recent Periods.
72


The country of El Salvador can be divided into five main topographic
regions; 1) the northern mountains, 2) the coastal mountains 3) the coastal
plains, 4) the interior valley and 5) the volcanic chain.
The northern mountains, located along border of Guatemala and
Honduras, are geologically old dating to the Mesozoic or perhaps the
Cretaceous Period (Weismann 1975:562). Typical rock formations of these
mountains include limestone, sandstone, quartzite, and volcanic rock. The
metamorphic rock outcrops, located close to Metapan, may have served as
the main non-obsidian lithic source for Precolumbian peoples in central
and western El Salvador (Sheets 1983:2).
The second topographic area consists of the interior valley. The
interior valley is located immediately south of the northern mountains.
The valley is a structural trough composed of eroded Pliocene hills and
alluvium, with an infrequent Pliocene-to-Recent volcano. The floodplains
of the Rio Paz system and the upper and middle Rio Lempa systems are
located in this valley (Daugherty 1969).
The third topographic region consists of the chain of Pleistocene-to-
Recent volcanoes. Trending northwest-southeast, this volcanic chain is
composed of many volcanic systems including San Miguel in the east, San
Salvador and San Vincente in the center and Santa Ana to the west. During
the last 450 years of the historic period all of the major volcanic complexes
have been active (Sheets 1983:3).
The fourth topographic region consists of block-faulted coastal
mountains. The coastal mountains date to the Late Pliocene Era and are
73


composed of volcanic rock, some of which is of recent origin. The most
recent pyroclastic flow was from the Ilopango volcanic eruption which
occurred around A.D. 300. In contrast to the constructional topography of
the interior valley, the predominant topography of the coastal mountains
is erosional.
The fifth and final topographic region of El Salvador consists of the
jagged coastal plain. The coastal plain is discontinuous, ranging from a
maximum width of 25 km to nothing where coastal mountain cliffs directly
abut the Pacific Ocean. The coastal plain is composed of alluvial and
volcanic deposits which have combined to produce a particularly rich soil.
The richness of the soil both currently and during the prehistoric past
supports intensive agricultural production (Sheets 1983:3).
El Salvador has several main drainage basins including the Rio Lempa,
the Rio Grande de San Miguel, and the Rio Paz river systems. The Rio
Lempa river system is the largest in Central America. During historic
times, this river system functioned as a cultural divide with the Maya and
Pipil Indians living to the west and the Lencas living to the east
(Daugherty 1969:38). In general, many scholars have considered the Rio
Lempa to be the southeastern boundary of the Maya region during the
Classic Period (Longyear 1966:134; Lothrop 1939:48; Willey 1969:541). The
Zapotitan Valley is situated to the southeast of the Rio Lempa river system
and is thus on the southeast periphery of, the Maya cultural area.


The Topography of the Zapotitan Valiev
The Ceren site is located in the Zapotitan Valley at an elevation of 450
meters (1,500 feet) (Figure 4.1). The Zapotitan Valley is an intermontane
basin that was once a Pleistocene lake (Daugherty 1969:40). The
topography of the Zapotitan Valley includes three of the major topographic
features found in El Salvador; 1) the interior valley, 2) the volcanic chain
and, 3) the coastal block mountains.
The Zapotitan Valley is surrounded by volcanoes. The San Salvador
volcanic complex is composed of volcanoes from the Pleistocene and Recent
Epochs. It forms the eastern boundary of the Zapotit&n Valley. The main
vent, El Boqueron, was active as recently as 1917 when a lava flow appeared
along the northern slope of the volcano. The San Salvador complex is
located along a northwest trending fissure line which has spawned
fourteen smaller volcanic vents. The volcanoes located along this fissure
are collectively referred to as Los Chinitos. The Loma Caldera, which
buried the village of Ceren, is located along the northern boundary of Los
Chinitos.
The Southern Mountains are located along the southern boundary of the
Zapotitan Valley and are a portion of the coastal mountain range called the
Balsam Range. These mountains are highly eroded block-faulted Pliocene
volcanoes. The primary terrain of the Southern Mountains is one of ridges
and steep ravines, called quebradas .
The western boundary of the Zapotitan Valley is defined by the Santa
Ana volcanic complex which is composed of three volcanoes. The main


Figure 4.1 The Zapotitan Valley in Central-Western El Salvador
showing the University of Colorado Research Area (drawn by
Payson Sheets 1983).
76


cone of this complex, Santa Ana, rises to an elevation of 2,300 m. Two other
volcanoes, Cerro Verde and Izalco Volcano, are located to the south of the
Santa Ana cone. The Santa Ana complex dates from Pleistocene and Recent
times with the Santa Ana cone being active as recently as 1904 (Sheets
1983:3).
The northern boundary of the Zapotitan Valley is defined by a hilly
terrain with steep ridges and quebradas. The topography has been formed
by the erosion of the older Pliocene volcanoes. This hilly terrain serves as
a divide in drainage systems, with the water to the north draining outside
of the Zapotitan Valley.
The main basin area of the Zapotitan Valley covers approximately 182
km2. The valley is extremely fertile agricultural land. There is evidence
that the soil may have been even more fertile during the Preclassic period
(Olsen 1983). The main river, the Rio Sucio, flows to the north where it
eventually empties into the Rio Lempa.
El Salvador's Climate
Howard Daugherty (1969:19-36) wrote an in-depth description of the
present day climate in El Salvador. Daugherty's work is used as the primary
source of information, except where otherwise noted, for the following
discussions of the climate in El Salvador and the Zapotitan Valley. The
climate of El Salvador is classified as tropical savanna or tropical wet-and-
dry (Daugherty 1969:23).
77


For most of El Salvador, the diurnal temperature range is greater than
the annual temperature range, a phenomenon typical of a tropical region.
January is the coolest month with an average low of 19.5C while April is
the warmest month, averaging 21.9C (Sheets 1983:6). >
The most notable aspect of rainfall in the country is its distinct
seasonality. El Salvador has two seasons the rainy season and the dry
season. The rainy season, called "invierno," lasts from late April or early
May until the beginning of November. The dry season, called "verano,"
lasts from November until the return of the rains in late April or May.
The Zapotitan Valley Climate
The majority of Precolumbian populations of El Salvador inhabited the
valley areas that are less than 1,000 meters in elevation (Sheets 1983:6).
Sheets (1983) notes that these valleys receive from 1,500 to 2,000 mm of
rainfall annually. The mean rainfall recorded at San Andres, located in the
Zapotitan Valley approximately 5 km from Ceren, is 1660 mm, with only 100
mm of that reading recorded during the dry season (Sheets 1983:8). While
this seems like an adequate amount of rain for non-irrigated Precolumbian
maize agriculture, Sheets (1983:6) reported that the rainfall variation, from
year-to-year, was indeed significant. He calculated a standard deviation of
289 mm using 25 years of data from San Salvador and discovered that one of
every three years had rainfall totals of more than 2,060 mm or less than
1,480 mm. As Sheets notes, these fluctuations can cause great problems for
78


agriculturalists. When heavy rains arrive too early in the season, newly
planted seeds rot, whereas decreased rainfall slows plant growth.
Flora of El Salvador
Long-term human occupation and agricultural intensification have
taken their toll on the original ecosystems of El Salvador. While the
country is situated in the Neotropical Realm an area generally
characterized by high biomass and diversity the original flora of the
country has all but been destroyed (Daugherty 1969). The few remaining
patches of natural habitats include the cloud forests in the northwest, and
the mangrove forests along the Pacific coast. But, as Howard Daugherty
(1969:43) noted, virtually the entire present day landscape of El Salvador is
"a culturally induced phenomenon."
During the historic period, major cultural impacts included: 1) the
introduction of cattle and cattle gazing, 2) the intensive cultivation of
coffee, indigo and cotton and, 3) a growing need for trees for fuel and
construction especially in the mines, all of which combined to reshape the
landscape (Daugherty 1969:43). However, there were periods of tremendous
ecological disturbances during Precolumbian times as well (Sheets 1983:8).
Sheets (1983) notes that the earliest cultural impacts occurred during the
Preclassic Period with the arrival of people who practiced slash-and-burn
agriculture. However, not all changes in the Precolumbian landscape were
the result of cultural modification. The massive eruption of the Ilopango
volcano in the third century, was a regional disaster that caused wide scale
79


damage. Sheets (1983:5) notes that any sites located close to the source of
the eruption were buried under 50 meters of ash flow tephra and airfall.
Additionally, he notes that even as far away as Chalchuapa, 75 km from the
eruption, sites had to be abandoned after being buried beneath a meter of
Ilopango airfall ash.
Daugherty (1969: 41-53) presented a hypothetical reconstruction of the
climax vegetation in El Salvador. His dissertation is an excellent source for
the flora of El Salvador and, except where otherwise noted, was used as the
primary source of information for the following ecological reconstruction.
Daugherty categorized the climax vegetation of El Salvador according to
five lowland and three upland formations. The lowland formations, in
order of ascending elevation, are: 1) the pioneer beach vegetation, 2) the
mangrove forest, 3) the evergreen forest, 4) the deciduous forest, and 5)
the galleria forest.
The pioneer beach vegetation is located along small sandy narrow
patches of the coast. This vegetation consists of various grasses and herbs
which colonize the sandy coastline. Next are the intertidal mangrove
forests that intermittently dot the coastline. The red mangrove is generally
seen growing along the tidal areas, while the black and white mangroves
tend to grow in the drier slightly elevated inland areas. During the Classic
period, the evergreen forest would have grown next to the mangrove
forest. In present day El Salvador, the evergreen forest has been virtually
wiped out except for an occasional patch. The deciduous forest once
covered approximately 90 percent of the countryside and was the major
80


climatic vegetation of El Salvador. Trees included in this forest were ceiba,
cacao, laurel, and balsam. The galleria forest grew predominately along
waterways where water was available.
The three upland formations that Daugherty presents include 1) the
pine-oak forest, 2) the cloud forest and 3) the rocky scrub. The pine-oak
forest ranged from an elevation of approximately 800 to 2,000 meters.
Thirteen different tree species (twelve oak and one pine) dominated this
forest. However, other scrubs, small trees and epiphytic flora were found
in this area. The cloud forest ranged from an elevation of 1,800-2,000
meters. It consisted of broadleaf evergreen formations and was the richest
and most diverse ecosystem in El Salvador. The high rocky scrub exists on
the harsh peaks of the cloud forests where the wind and elements take
their toll on the vegetation. Low tree, scrub, mosses, and lichen are
common in this area.
As previously mentioned, the Ceren site is located along the bank of the
Rio Sucio in the Zapotitan Valley at an elevation of 450 meters. According
to Daughtery's reconstruction the climax vegetation of the Zapotitan Valley
would have been deciduous forest, perhaps with some galleria forest
growth located closer to the river.
Fauna of El Salvador
El Salvador lies in a faunal transition area which includes species
typical of both the Neotropical and Neoarctic Realms (Bennet 1966). While
the Neotropical Realm is usually characterized by its diversity of fauna, the


fauna of present day El Salvador have all but been eliminated. Currently,
the most common mammals in El Salvador are rodents. Mosquitoes and
cockroaches have flourished. The combined pressures of human
overexploitation of local animals with the nearly complete destruction of
all natural habitats have been disastrous to the once abundant faunal
community (Daugherty 1969:217).
Most of this depletion occurred during the Historic period. Daugherty
(1969:158) notes that by the early 1900s human alteration of the natural
landscape had already reduced many species. By the turn of the century,
most of the coastal evergreen forests had been cleared for either
agricultural development or grazing savannas. This severely reduced the
species which were dependent upon an evergreen forest ecosystem. The
species most heavily impacted include the brocket deer fMazama
americana). the tapir (Tapirus bairdiil. the howler monkey CA1 ouatta
villosal. and the porcupine tCoendu mexicanus). Furthermore, the brocket
deer and tapir were heavily hunted, adding additional pressure to these
species. Likewise, mountain lions and other members of the cat family
were actively hunted and greatly reduced by the 1880's.
However, not all taxa were depleted during the Historic period. Post-
conquest modification and disturbance of natural habitat produced an
increase in secondary brush vegetation which was beneficial to some
species. The white-tailed deer COdocoileus virginianusl. the coyote CCanis
latransi. cotton-tailed rabbit tSvlvilagus floridanusL the gray fox fUrocvon
82


cinereoargenteus). collared peccary (Tavassu tajacu) and finches
('Fringillidae') all expanded with the open brushy vegetation.
Daugherty (1969:53-70) presents a hypothetical reconstruction of the
indigenous fauna of El Salvador and once again, his dissertation was used as
the primary source for the following sections on the Classic period animal
community.
Reconstructing the Classic Period Animal Community
The Pipil word for present day El Salvador is "Cuscatlan" the land of
richness. Ethnohistoric records support this concept of richness. Early
Spanish records contain numerous references to the abundance of animal
species that inhabited El Salvador during the fifteenth century. In the
1580s Ponce (1873) wrote about the abundance of iguanas and fish in El
Salvador. In 1613 Vazquez de Espinosa (1942: 227-233) wrote that El Salvador
contained "great numbers" of deer, coyotes, rabbits, monkeys, squirrels,
jaguars, mountain lions, ocelots, turkeys, eagles, squirrels, anteaters,
caimans and "many other kinds of animals" including many birds and fish.
Additionally, several domesticated species existed in Precolumbian El
Salvador. These species included dogs, turkeys, doves, and the Muscovy
duck, which may have been domesticated in South America and traded
northward (Hamblin 1984).
Daugherty (1969:56) notes that during the historic period, a total of 46
genera of non-flying mammals were recorded in El Salvador. As he notes,
the most plentiful of these genera were rodents and carnivores. A total of
83


16 genera of rodents (with 24 species) and 13 genera of carnivores (with 17
species) are known to have inhabited the country. Additionally, four
artiodacytla (deer and peccary), four marsupials (opossums), two primates
(howler and spider monkey), one lagomorph (cottontail rabbit), one
perissodactyl (tapir) and one insectivore (shrew) also resided in El
Salvador. Daugherty (1969:57-59) compiled a table (which is reproduced in
Appendix G) of the non-flying and non-marine mammals which were
known to inhabit El Salvador during the Historic period.
Avi-Fauna. Compared with the dramatic decline in the diversity of a
once abundant mammal population of El Salvador, birds seem to have
emerged from the last hundred years relatively unscathed (Daugherty
1969). Daugherty reports that 481 different birds (species and subspecies)
are known to have existed in historic El Salvador. Of these, the most
abundant families include Tyrannidae (kingbirds and flycatchers) with 37
species, Parulidae (warblers) with 35 species, Fringillidae (includes
sparrows and seedeaters) with 26 species, Trochilidae (includes
hummingbirds and violetear) with 22 species, and Accipitridae (includes
hawks and eagles) with 20 species (Daugherty 1969:60). Vultures
(Cathartidae), still common in El Salvador, tend to live close to human
habitations where they feed off human refuse (Stuart 1964).
The extraordinarily high numbers of the avi-fauna represented in El
Salvador precludes listing each individual species here. However, scholars
generally have typed birds according to the three habitats; the lowland
areas, the upland regions and cloud forests (Daugherty 1969). Daugherty
84


(1969:61-62) compiled a table of some of the representative species of bird
that inhabit these areas and his table has been reproduced in Appendix G.
Fish. Reptiles, and Amphibians. Overexploitation and destruction of
natural habitats have combined to severely deplete the fauna of El
Salvador's river and lake areas. Daugherty (1969:223) cited the use of
dynamite, plant poisons, and the taking of immature fish as the primary
factors in the depopulation of fresh water fish. Currently, there are 23
genera, representing 30 different species, of freshwater fish known in El
Salvador (Daugherty 1969:60).
Reptiles have not fared much better. The crocodile (Crocodvlus acutus)
and caiman CCaiman crocodvlusl that were abundant in the rivers and
lakes of the region have been hunted almost to the point of extinction.
Currently, there are 57 genera, composed of 73 species, of reptiles in El
Salvador. The remaining reptiles are dominated by snakes and lizards.
Common snakes include the rattlesnake, coral snake, boa constrictor,
bushmaster and fer de lance. The iguana, a popular food item which was
once widespread throughout Mesoamerica, is only present in eastern El
Salvador today.
Amphibians are primarily represented by frogs and toads. Currently,
the most common frogs and toads of El Salvador are those of the genera
Bufo. Hvla. and Rana.
The severe depletion of amphibians, reptiles, and fish makes even
hypothetical reconstructions extremely incomplete. However, Daugherty
(1969:63-69) compiled several tables (presented in Appendix D) of some of
85


the species of fish, amphibians, and reptiles that have been recorded in El
Salvador.
Summary and Conclusions
The agricultural people who resided in the village of Ceren occupied an
area noted for its diverse and abundant faunal community. Some of the
various species that are known to have resided in the country have been
mentioned above and an in-depth list reconstructing some of the Classic
period animal species of El Salvador is presented in Appendix H. Having
presented a faunal base for possible animal resources, the next step is to
examine which
of the possible
species the villagers were selecting and then explore some
reasons why.
86


CHAPTER 5
ECONOMIC ANALYSIS
Introduction
This section of the thesis examines animal use from an economic
perspective. The identification of animal species present and minimum
number calculations are presented. The distribution of animal age and
various skeletal elements exploited are discussed where applicable. The
possible implications for village animal husbandry practices are presented.
The role of Ceren women as contributors to the domestic economy is
examined in relationship to the faunal remains and ethnohistoric data.
Total Count of Ceren Animals
A total of 103 turtle shell, marine shell, antler, and bone remains were
recovered from cultural contexts at the Ceren site (see Appendix C for
complete list and contexts). Seventy-nine vertebrates and 24 marine shell
were recorded. In the following section, animal identification and
minimum number calculations are presented first for the vertebrates
followed by the marine shells.
87


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ANIMAL-AS-ARTIFACT/ANIMAL-AS-REPRESENTATION: AN EXPLORATION OF HOUSEHOLD AND VILLAGE ANIMAL USE AT THE CEREN SITE, EL SALVADOR by Linda Ann Brown B.F.A., University of Colorado, 1991 A thesis submitted to the University of Colorado at Denver in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Anthropology 1996

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This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by Linda Ann Brown has been approved by

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Brown, Linda (M.A.,Anthropology) Animal-as-Artifact/Animal-as-Representation: An Exploration of Household and Village Animal Use at the Ceren Site, El Salvador Thesis directed by Assistant Professor Tammy Stone ABSTRACT Around AD 600 Ceren, a southern Mesoamerican agricultural village located in the Zapotitan Valley in El Salvador, was suddenly buried in ash by an eruption of the volcano known today as the Lorna Caldera. This sudden eruption precipitated a catastrophic abandonment of the village, leaving virtually a complete artifact assemblage. The volcanic ash also facilitated the exceptional preservation of fragile organic artifacts, allowing for examination of distinctions in bone, antler, and shell artifact assemblages among individual households and the village ritual complex. This thesis explores animal use in the village of Ceren. Past archaeological studies have focused on animal use from an economic/ecological perspective, although members of past cultures did not necessarily frame all human-animal interactions in terms of these

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perspectives. While the white-tailed deer was the main meat source of the Maya, the function of the deer extended beyond the realm of subsistence and into the realms of cosmology, privilege, and power. Animal use was an integral component of many complex and dynamic interactions linking the social and natural worlds of precolumbian Central America. Two distinctly different types of animal use were noted in the village of Ceren; animal-as-artifact and animal-as-representation. Specific animal species in the artifact assemblage are identified and minimum numbers are calculated. The differential distribution of animal artifacts between households, civic and ceremonial areas of the village are examined. The role animals played in village ceremonialism is explored. Finally, various species identified in the faunal assemblage are juxtaposed with representational animal motifs In this thesis animal use is examined from a broad perspective, one which encompasses economic, social, and symbolic perspectives. This multidimensional approach allows for an expanded definition of the traditional archaeological concept "animal use" -one which incorporates social, political, and cosmological relationships as well as economic/ecological perspectives. This abstract accurately represents the contents of the candidate's thesis. I recommend its publication. Si iv

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank the many people, both in El Salvador and United States, who assisted with this project. First, I would like to thank the Ministerio de Educacion in El Salvador which granted permission for this research. In particular, the assistance and insight of Arq. Maria lsuara Arauz, who facilitated an ideal working situation while in El Salvador. People at the Museo Nacional David Guzman also helped; Marina Figueroa, Oscar Batres and many others offered me everything from a place to work at the museum to companionship on my first bus ride in the country In the United States many people helped Thanks go to Andrea Gerstle who suggested that I pursue this project. Andrea has been supportive since the beginning and has made herself available for many, many conversations concerning the Ceren site. I would also like to thank Payson Sheets who has generously shared his time knowledge and support, as well as providing access to the Ceren data set. While in El Salvador, Payson provided a "crash course" in local customs (from pupusas-to-politics) in seven days. I would like to thank my advisor, Tammy Stone, for her belief in my abilities, Meichell Walsh, Mark Mitchell, and committee members Payson Sheets, Tammy Stone, Linda Curran for their time and advice. Finally, I v

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want to thank Nancy Hoffman for her unyielding support, encouragement, and patience during this project. vi

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CONTENTS' CHAPTER 1. IN1RODUCTION ................................................................................................ 1 Animal Use .............................................................................................. 3 A Multidimensional Approach to Animal Use ...................... 5 The Volcanic Eruption .......................................................................... 6 Ethnicity on the Southeast Periphery of the Maya Region .......... 8 Discovery of The Site and History of Excavations ............................ 9 Site Description ... ..... .... ........... .... ................ ..... ............. ............. .... 11 Domestic Contexts at Ceren ............ ; ...................................................... 11 Household 1 ........ ............................................................ 11 Household 2 .......................... .............................. ........... 14 Household 3 ..................................................................... 16 Household 4 ................... ................................................. 16 Activity Areas Between Structures ........... ... ............. 16 The Agricultural Areas ................................................. 17 Public Contexts at Ceren ....................... ......................... ..................... 18 The Civic Areas ............................................................... 18 The Temescal or Sweatbath .......................................... 19 The Stone Seats ..................................................... ... ....... 20 The Midden .................................................................................. 20 The Ceremonial Complex .......................................................... 20 Structure 10 -The Community Ritual Building ...... 21 Structure 12 -The Shamanic Building ............ ...... ... 21 Preservation and Conservation of Bone and Shell at Ceren .......... 22 Summary and Conclusions ................................................................... 23 2. BACKGROUND AND CURRENT THEORY OF ANIMAL USE ............................ 25 Archaeology of El Salvador .................................................................. 25 Animal-Use Studies in Mesoamerica ....... .......................................... 26 Discerning the Function of Bone and Antler Tools ........................ 28 Faunal Material and Symbolism .......................................................... 29 Animal Use and Social Interactions ................................................... 32 Animals, Ideology, and Power Relationships ................................... 33 The Maya Universe: The Ideological Construct. ............................... 35 Animal Metaphors and Ceremonialism ............................................. 3 7 Dogs .............................................................................................. 38 Dog Sacrifices ................................................................. 39 The Cuch, or Deer, Ceremony .................................................. 43 The Present Day Maya Cargo Rituals .............. .......... ...... ...... .46 vii

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The Prehistoric Cuch Ritual ................................................... .4 7 Ethnohistoric Accounts of the Cuch or Deer Ceremony .................................................................................... 49 Transformations In The Cuch-To-Cargo Ritual. ................... 56 Structure 10 -A Pre-Columbian Casa de Cofradia? ........................ 57 Summary and Conclusions ................................................................... 59 3. MElli ODS .......................................................................................................... 61 The Data Set ............................................................................................. 6 1 Identification ............................................... .... ............. .... ......... 61 Taxonomic Identification ............................................. 61 Animal size ......................................... ............................ 6 3 Skeletal Element. ................................................. .......... 6 3 Determining Animal Age ............................................. 64 Minimum-Number Calculations .......................................................... 64 Minimal and Maximal MNI Calculations ................................ 66 Use-Wear Analysis ................................................................................. 67 Artifact Classification ........................................................................... 67 Ceremonial and Social Use of Animals ............................................... 69 4. THE ENVIRONMENT ......................................................................................... 72 Introduction ........................................................................................... 72 The Topography of El Salvador ........................................................... 72 The Topography of the Zapotitan Valley ............................... 7 5 El Salvador's Climate .............................................................................. 77 The Zapotitan Valley Climate ................................................... 7 8 Flora of El Salvador ............. .... .............................. .... ..................... ........ 79 Fauna of El Salvador .............................................................................. 81 Reconstructing the Classic Period Animal Community .................................................................................. 83 Avi-Fauna ........................................................................ 84 Fish, Reptiles, and Amphibians .................................. 8 5 Summary and Conclusions ................................................................... 86 5. ECONOMIC ANALYSIS ..................................................................................... 87 Introduction ........................................................................................... 87 Total Count of Ceren Animals .............................................................. 8 7 The Vertebrates ...................................................................................... 8 8 Number of Individual Specimens Preserved ........................ 8 8 Minimum Number of Individuals Calculations .................... 90 Mammals ...................................................................................... ... ......... 93 The White-Tailed Deer ............................................................... 93 The WhiteTailed Deer and Structure 10 ................................ 1 01 Dogs .............................................................................................. 103 Homo sapiens .............................................................................. 1 08 viii

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Other Mammals ........................................................................... 1 08 Non-Mammal Vertebrates .................................................................... 109 Marine Shells ......................................................................................... 112 Spondylus She11 .......................................................................... 113 Cowry Shell ................................................................................. 115 Oliva She11 ................................................................................... 116 Other Shell .................................................................................. 116 Summary and Conclusions ................................................................... 117 6. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ANALYSES: THE DIFFERENTIAL DISTRIBUTION OF FAUNAL AND SHELL ARTIFACTS AT THE CEREN SIT ................................................................................................................... 119 Introduction ................................... .......... ... .......................................... 119 Material Types in Public and Domestic Contexts and the Midden ..................................................................................................... 119 Chi-Square For Animal Use In Public And Domestic Contexts ........................................................................................ 121 Chi-Square Results ........................................................ 122 Comparison of Animals by Household ............................................... 123 Comparison of Animals in Public Contexts ....................................... 125 Comparison of Artifacts in Civic and Ceremonial Buildings ..................................................................................... 128 Comparison of Animals in the Midden .............................................. 130 Unmodified Antler, Bone And Shell.. ................................................. 131 Modified Antler, Bone And Shell ........................................................ 133 Distribution of Artifact Types in Domestic and Public Contexts ........................................................................................ 133 Artifact Categorization -The Utilitarian, Social, Ideological Model. ...................................................................... 13 3 Patterns in Distribution of Artifact Types ............................ 135 Comparison of Artifact Types by Household ..................................... 139 Household 1 ................................................................................. 140 Household 1 and The Ceremonial Complex ............................ 142 Household 2 .......... .... ................ ... ..... ...... .................. ... ................ 148 Household 4 ................................................................................. 154 Distribution of Artifacts in Public Contexts ..................................... 15 6 The Ceremonial Complex .......................................................... 156 Structure 10 -The Casa de Cofradia ........................... 156 Structure 12 -The Shamanic Building ..................... 161 The Civic Buildings ......... ... ........ ........................................ ...... 163 The Midden .................................................................................. 164 Ernie Faunal Categories ......................................................................... 165 Summary and Conclusions ................................................................... 168 ix

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7. SYMBOLIC ANAL YSIS ..................................................................................... 173 Introduction ........................................................................................... 173 A Comparison of Ceren Animal Motifs with Ceren Animal Remains ................................................................................................... 173 Ceren Animal Motifs and Function ........................................ 1 7 4 Privilege, Power, and Animal-Use ..................................................... 182 Defining Power .......................................................................... 182 Animal Metaphors in the Village ........................................... 183 Ceremonial Use of Ceren Animals ...................................................... 186 Dogs .............................................................................................. 186 The WhiteTailed Deer, The Ceren Casa de Cofradia, and the Deer Ceremony .................................................................... 186 Summary and Conclusions ................................................................... 191 8. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS .......... ; ........................................................... 193 APPENDIX A. KEY TO DATA FORM SYMBOLS ......................................................... 198 B. DATA FORMS ....................................................................................... 202 C. CONTEXT OF ALL ANIMAL REMAINS AT CEREN ............................. 205 D. DESCRIPTION OF WORKED BONE AT CEREN ..................................... 211 E. ILLUSTRATIONS OF WORKED BONE AT CEREN ................................ 219 F. DESCRIPTIONS OF WORKED SHELL AT CEREN ...... .......................... 234 G. ILLUSTRATIONS OF WORKED SHELL AT CEREN ............................. 23 8 H. RECONSTRUCTION OF SPECIES IN CLASSIC PERIOD ENVIR.ONMENT ........................................................................... ...... 241 REFERENCES CITED .............................................................................................. 252 X

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FIGURES Figure 1.1 Map Of El Salvador .......................................................................................... 2 1.2 Joya De Ceren Site Map .................................................................................. 12 2.1 Ceremonial Participant Wearing Deer Headdress ... ................................ 31 2 2 The Rain God Plants Corn ............................................................................. 41 2.3 Goddess 0 In Association With Animal Companions ................................ .42 2.4 Spotted Dog Depicted In The Tro-Cortesianus Codex ................................ .43 2.5 A Ceremony Depicting a Stag Having Antlers Removed ........................ .48 2 6 A Ceremonial Deer Hunt Depicted on a Late Classic Vase ........................ 50 2. 7 A Stag Tied To A Representation Of A Ceiba Tree ...................................... 51 2.8 A Ceremony Involving The Sacrifice Of A Stag ........................................ 52 2.9 God L, Performs A Ceremony ....................................................................... 53 4.1 The Zapotitan Valley In Central-Western El Salvador ............................ 76 5 1 Total Number Of Individual Specimens Preserved ...... .... ........................ 92 5.2 Minimum Number Of Individuals (MNI) .................................................... 94 5.3 A Ceremonial Participant. ............................................................. ............... l04 6.1 Percent of Material Types Recovered in Domestic and Public Contexts and the Midden ................................................................................ 121 6.2 Percent Of Ceren Animals In Household Contexts ..... : .............................. 124 6.3 Percentage and Distribution of Ceren Animals In Public Contexts ..................... ......................................................................... ............. l27 6.4 Ceren Animals Identified In The Civic Buildings and the Ritual Complex ..................................................... ... ................................................... 129 6.5 Ceren Unmodified Bone And Shell .............................................................. 132 6.6 Cen!n Utilitarian Artifacts in Public and Domestic Contexts ................. l37 6. 7 Ceren Social And Ideological Artifacts ...................................................... 13 8 6.8 Ceren Artifacts Recovered In Household Contexts ................................... 141 xi

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6. 9 The Distribution Of Ceren Artifacts In Public Contexts ........................... 157 6.10 Ceren Ernie Faunal Categories For Uses Of The Skeletal Elements Of The WhiteTailed Deer ............................................................................ 167 7.1 The Distribution Of Ceren Animal Motifs .................................................. 175 7.2 Glyph Con Upper Register Of A Copador Cylinder From Ceren ............. 177 7.3 Glyph C on Upper Register of Copan Vessel .............................................. 177 xii

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TABLES Table 2.1 Animals Associated with the Maya Universe ......................................... 38 5.2 Total Number of Individual Specimens Preserved ................................ 91 5.3 Total Number of Individual Specimens Preserved ................................ 91 5.4 Vertebrate Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) ............................ 93 5.5 Percentages of White-Tailed Deer MNI.. .................................................. 97 5.6 Minimum Number of Ceren White-Tailed Deer ..................................... 98 5.7 Ceren White-Tailed Deer ............................................................................. 100 5.8 White-Tailed Deer MNI in Structure 10 ................................................... 102 5.9 Antler and bone artifacts in Structure 10 .............................................. 1 03 5.10 Domesticated Dog ........................................................................................ 105 5.11 Total Number of Marine Shell Specimens ............................................. 114 6.1 Artifacts and Material Types Recovered From Public and Domestic Contexts and the Midden .......................................................... 120 6.2 Contingency Table for Chi-Square ................ .......................................... 122 6.3 Summary Table -Results of the Chi-Square ......................................... 122 6.4 Distribution of Ceren Animals by Household ......................................... 123 6.5 Distribution of Ceren Animals in Public Contexts ................................. 126 6.6 Count and Distribution of Ceren Animals in the Civic Buildings and the Ritual Complex ............................................................................. 128 6 7 Count and Distribution of Ceren Animals in the Midden ...... ............... 131 6.8 Total Counts of Ceren Modified Antler, Bone, and Shell ...................... 134 6 9 Preliminary Count and Percent of Unworked Dog, Deer, and Medium and Large Mammal Remains as Compared to Household Contexts ........................................................................................................ 144 6.10 Identification of Unworked Mammal Remains in Households ......... 144 7.1 Comparison of Animal Motifs and Animal Remains ............................. 1 7 8 xiii

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Around AD 600, a southern Mesoamerican agricultural village -Ceren located in the Zapotitan Valley in El Salvador, was suddenly buried in ash by an eruption of the Lorna Caldera volcano (Figure 1.1). The suddenness of the eruption precipitated a catastrophiC abandonment of the village leaving essentially complete household, civic, and ceremonial artifact assemblages in their context of use or storage. The volcanic ash facilitated the exceptional preservation of fragile organic artifacts usually not preserved in a humid tropical environment. These artifacts included fragile bone and shell remains. The extraordinary preservation of these artifacts, preserved in primary context, provides an unusual opportunity to examine animal use at the village and household level. The research presented here explores the concept of "animal use" from a viewpoint that encompasses a multidimensional perspective. Therefore, elements of economic, social, and symbolic analysis have been incorporated and synthesized into this thesis. At Ceren, animal use can be conceived of as two related, but different, kinds of phenomena; animal-asartifact and animal-as-representation. The various functions of animal-as artifact can be discerned through the identification and examination of the 1

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N 0 Metaptm / / G utJa 1 Chingo ) Volcano Rio LemiJa \...... HONDURAS Santa Ana <}0 ':J" Cihuatan...______._ Lake o Ahuachapan Q: Santa Ana Volcano.o. VCeren. lzalco Volcano'"' San Andres San Salvador Volcano TN sonsonate '"' San Salvador .cojutepeque santa f""""1 .o.Cojutepeque Tecla t../ .san Vicente CARIBBEAN SEA Lake ... San Vicente Volcano llopango Rui n Volcano City Ouelepa .san Miguel san Miguel Volcano Los Llanitos La Union Lake<;] 0/omega PACIFIC OCEAN 0 50 km. 0 .... (lCI oo.,.. .... < Q. 0 '"I '"f"C :ll 0 = ..... cr .... '<::I" '"I = ::r .... rll =o--'"1 .... !') !') .... = \QQ. QO .._., n 0 = .... 9 "C 0 '"I '"I '< .... = '"I rll

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actual animal remains recovered from the site. Animal-as-representation can be explored through the use of zoomorph motifs on polychrome and other ceramics. Animal remains and animal motifs were recovered from every household in the village, as well as civic and ceremonial contexts, allowing for rare exploration and insight into the multiple dynamics involved in the concept of animal use. This research contributes to a neglected aspect of ancient Mesoamerican societies, the life of the rural agriculturalist. Animal Use For this research, it was necessary to rethink the concept "animal use." Past Mesoamerican faunal studies have tended to frame this concept within an ecological model. Certainly, an ecological framework is the basic building block and starting point for any study wishing to explore a broader definition of animal use. However, while animals constituted an important aspect of Mesoamerican subsistence, their use extended beyond the realm of subsistence and into the realms of cosmology, privilege, and power. Animals were an integral component in many complex and dynamic interactions which linked the cosmic, social, and natural worlds of precolumbian Central America. From subsistence and economics to social symbols and ceremonialism, animals constituted an active part of the entire Mesoamerican world view. This thesis explores some of the diversity inherent in a multidimensional approach to animal use. 3

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The extraordinary preservation of the Ceren animal remains provides an extremely rare perspective on the role that animals played in every day village life. Research at the Ceren site is contributing information to a much neglected segment of precolumbian society -agricultural people living in the country. Ceren is providing a much needed perspective and balance to Mesoamerican research which was been notoriously elite centric. After all, it was the non-elite farmers in the country-side who through tribute, taxes, and the production of agricultural surplus supported the elite urban centers Yet ; to date little is known about these rural agriculturists. The roles that animal use played in village ceremonialism include some surprising elements, addressing issues such as 1) the degree of control non-elites may have had over ceremonialism, 2) the amount of access villagers had to "prestige vessels" as is seen m polychrome painted ceramics, many of which had zoomorphic motifs, and 3) the possible continuity of a wide-spread ceremonial complex which linked, and continues to link, the white-tailed deer with agriculture, village-level ceremonialism, and a cofradia-like system. While the present day cofradia system (which is a Mesoamerican civic-religious hierarchy responsible for public feasts and rituals) was introduced by the Spaniards, archaeological research at Ceren is demonstrating that a native forerunner of the cofradia system may have existed (Sheets 1993). 4

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A Multidimensional Approach to Animal Use To incorporate a multidimensional approach to animal use, three broad areas of culture are explored; economic; social, and symbolic. The first area, the economic, investigates what constitutes a usable animal resource for the villagers and how these resources are used. The second area of inquiry concerns social domains and the use of animals in signaling social status and/or households participating in various specialized roles and activities in the village. These data were obtained through a comparison of similarities and differences in animal use among various households, as well as civic and ceremonial areas of the site. Questions include; whether there is variation in the type and frequency of bone, antler, and shell artifact assemblages found in individual households, civic buildings, or the ritual complex. If so, then why? The third area concerns the symbolic use of animals as metaphor whether as artifact or motif. For example, do animals appear to form an important part of village ceremonialism and cosmology? What animals are appropriate for household ceremonial contexts versus appropriate for the village ritual complex? Does the distribution of animal iconography within the village function to signal secular versus sacred space? To begin to address these issues, some initial basic questions needed to be answered. What animal species are represented in the artifact assemblage and in what frequency? The first part of this thesis answers these basic 5

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questions. Various animal species represented in the artifact assemblage are identified and minimum-number calculations generated. The second part of the thesis examines distinctions in bone and shell artifact assemblages among individual households and the village ritual complex. Artifact use-wear patterns were examined in an attempt to discern the use and functional significance of these assemblages. The third part of this thesis explores animal use in ceremonial and symbolic contexts. Specific animal species identified in the artifact assemblage are juxtaposed with representational animal motifs. Differences in the distribution of animal motifs among households, civic, and ceremonial contexts, are examined. The relationship between animal use and ceremonialism is explored. Additionally, ethnohistoric documents and ethnographic analogies are used in combination with published data from other Mesoamerican sites to support the idea that animals formed an important component of household and village ceremonialism at Ceren. The Volcanic Eruption Volcanoes played a pivotal role in the original abandonment and subsequent preservation of the Ceren site. The volcanic eruption precipitated the catastrophic abandonment of the site leaving an essentially complete artifact assemblage in primary context. Additionally, it facilitated the extraordinary preservation of fragile organic artifacts that, otherwise, would not have been preserved in the humid tropical 6

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environment. Thus, the Ceren site was preserved as if frozen in time -an extraordinary synchronic "snapshot" of a Classic Period village. The volcanic eruption itself was quite small -impacting only an area of approximately 20 square kilometers (Sheets 1992). However, the village of Ceren was located extremely close to the volcanic vent which is situated within a kilometer of the site. Except where otherwise noted, the following brief review of the phases of volcanic activity are summarized from Payson Sheets' (1992) book on the Ceren site. Vocanologists have identified 14 different phases of the eruption which probably lasted several days (Hoblit 1983; Miller 1989). There is evidence that a mild earthquake may have preceded the eruption as is indicated by ground cracks north of Structures 10 and 12 and a crack in one excavated structure. The eruption began when hot basaltic magma came in contact with a water source, evidently the Rio Sucio, close to the volcanic vent. This would have caused massive lateral steam explosions consisting of water vapor, gasses, and fine-to-coarse magma which has been identified as Unit 1. During the second phase (Unit 2) small and large particles, blocks of magma, and lava bombs (hotter than 575 degrees Celsius) were hurled from the volcano (Hoblit 1983). This phase caused quite a bit of destruction to the structures in the village. Sheets speculates that if there was as hour or so between Unit 1 and Unit 2, then it may have provided the villagers enough time to successfully flee the area. Unit 3 represents the most intense phase of volcanic activity. This phase included lateral steam explosions and pyroclastic surges accompanied by horizontal winds in excess of 50 to 200 7

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kilometers per hour. Sheets notes that the fine-grained tephra from this phase (as well as Unit 1) settled around the organic material in fields and structures preserving them. The remaining processes consisted of alternating phases of activities seen in Units 1-3. Ethnicity on the Southeast Periphery of the Maya Region One of the questions scholars are investigating concerns the ethnicity of residents on the southeast periphery of the Maya cultural area. During historic times, it was reported that the Rio Lempa river system functioned as a cultural divide with the Maya and Pipil Indians living to the west and the Lencas living to the east (Daugherty 1969:38). As a result, many scholars have considered the Ri6 Lempa to be the southeastern boundary of the Maya region (Longyear 1966:134; Lothrop 1939:48; Willey 1969:541). According to this criterion the Ceren site, which is located in the Zapotitan Valley to the southeast of the Rio Lempa river system, is located outside of the Maya cultural area. However, cultural boundaries m multicultural frontier zones are not as easily defined. Additionally, anthropological concepts concerning ethnicity are shifting from normative views towards more dynamic perspectives. As a result, questions concerning "the" ethnicity of the Ceren villagers have not been, and may never be, fully resolved. We do know that the southeast periphery of the Maya region was a multicultural region. Therefore, the villagers may have been Maya, Lenca, Xinca or any combination of these groups (Sheets 11993: 13). The villagers do appear to 8

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have been strongly influenced by Maya cosmology, as can be seen in the ceremonial paraphernalia recovered from the site. There were definite economic and ideological interactions between the Maya and the village of Cen!n. However, very little archaeological research has been conducted on other prehistoric cultures that are known to have inhabited this area. As a result, we can not assess the degree of influence from other cultural groups At least for the moment, the ethnicity of the villagers will remain unknown. Discovery of the Site and History of Excavations The Ceren site is located in the northern part of the Zapotitan Valley of west-central El Salvador. The site was discovered in 1976 when a bulldozer, constructing a platform on which to construct grain silos, exposed and destroyed parts of several structures. The bulldozer operator halted construction and informed officials at the Museo Nacional David J. Guzman in San Salvador Officials from the museum traveled to the site and, due to the exceptional preservation, considered the structures to be of fairly recent origin. Bulldozing continued and a number of structures were totally destroyed. Fortunately, one structure (that had been partially destroyed) had a sizable remaining section which was clearly visible in the bulldozer cut-bank. In the spring of 1978, an archaeological team from the University of Colorado was conducting a survey in the Zapotitan Valley (Sheets 1989) A local resident heard that the researchers were interested in the effects that 9

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volcanic activity had on prehistoric peoples in the area. The resident informed the team about the structures that were buried by a "fairly recent" volcano and told the team about the area of the bulldozer cut-bank. When the University of Colorado team investigated the site they initially thought that the site was of historic origin (Sheets 1989). Testing began with the objective of recovering diagnostic artifacts to date the site. Much to the surprise of everyone, the testing produced a number of Classic Period pot sherds and no historic or recent remains. Several carbonized portions of roofing thatch were collected and submitted for radio-carbon dating. The composite date from these samples was A.D. 590 90 (Zier 1983). During 1978, two buildings in Household 1 (Structure 1 and Structure 5) were excavated. In 1979 and 1980 Payson Sheets returned to the area with geophysical experts who tried a number of different geophysical techniques in an attempt to locate other structures at the depth of 5 meters or more. The techniques of ground penetrating radar and resistivity were successful in locating anomalies, and core samples were extracted from the anomalies to determine whether they were natural or cultural in origin. During the following years, the El Salvador civil war intensified. As a result, archaeological investigation at the Ceren site ceased until 1989 when conditions in the country had improved. In the following years portions of three households and associated extramural activity areas, civic buildings, a sweatbath, a ceremonial complex, a midden, and various agricultural areas were excavated. In 1993 the Ceren site was nominated and accepted to the United Nations World Heritage List. 10

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Site Description Presently, ten structures have been excavated in the village of Ceren. These structures include domestic, civic, and ceremonial buildings (Figure 1 2). An additional eight structures have been identified by test pits while 18 more anomalies, possibly structures, have been identified through the use of geophysical survey. The last 18 structures have not yet been verified through testing (Conyers 1995). Domestic Contexts at Ceren Payson Sheets (1992) summarized some of the basic activities known to have occurred in various areas of the site. His book, except where otherwise noted, was used as the source for all of the following site descriptions. Household 1. Currently, Household 1 is the most completely excavated and, therefore, the best known household at Ceren. Household 1 is situated immediately northwest of the ritual complex. It consists of 4 functionally different structures as well as agricultural and extramural activity areas associated with the household (Beaudry and Tucker 1989). The household structures include a domicile (sleeping, eating, day-time activity area), a bodega (a store house), a kitchen (cooking area), and a workshop (for working obsidian). The excavated extramural areas include outside activity areas located between various structures, a kitchen garden, a manioc garden and a milpa (maize field). 11

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,_. N P-5 Str. -........:.../ OP-6 ...... __ .......... ..... Joya de Ceren, El Salvador '-.... / .. .... .............. P-1Z { /Str.15 '-...., P-11 ''---....-'.9.>6'0. <...../ 0> ...... G-.f/"' 18) ... Str.3 !JoP-10 ...... ,....._...__ I '--, ()P9 PLAZA OP8 i--..!il. P-37 P-7 I ..,_, Q /stt.13 P 2 1 <> .......... P 38--c!)'' Kilchen Gard 2 Household 2 Milpa \p_30 WP-31 Str.B P-32 f!f:JJ P-33 i .. .. NM., $ Str.17F' Probable M11pa 1995 0 if '-..... ".J."J l
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Household 1 was involved in agriculture and craft activities. Household members made rope and twine from agave and sewed cotton. They may have made ground stone tools (including manos, metates and donut stones) as well as some ceramic vessels. Additionally, Household 1 had a large amount of hematite, some of which had mica added (a poor man's version of specular hematite used by the elite, Sheets suggests) which was probably used in decorating objects (possibly gourds and pots) and/or people. The household had a kitchen garden in which a number of medicinal plants, herbs, and flowers grew. Manioc was grown closer to the living areas and a bit further away from the structures was a maize field. There is growing evidence that Household 1 may have played a role in servicing Structures 10 and 12, the ritual complex, which is located immediately east of this household. Simmons (1996:212-216) argues that the close proximity of Household 1 to the ritual complex suggests the members of the household may have been involved in the precolumbian cofradialike institution that is represented by Structure 10. Simmons suggests that some Household 1 members may have provided masa (corn dough) for public feasts. Household 1 had five metates an amount much higher than the usual one metate per household seen among contemporary Maya (Vogt 1969). Four of the metates were in use-contexts and one was in storage. A number of metate fragments also were recovered from the household storehouse Conceivably, these fragments could have been used for additional grinding if necessary. Simmons notes that the Household 1 kitchen contained all of the ingredients (maize, achiote and 13

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chiles) necessary to make the maize-based gruel drinks such as atole and pozol commonly used as public drinks, as well as a number of gourd vessels which could be used for the storing and serving of these drinks. Simmons notes that Household 1 may have been providing medicinal and flowering plants necessary in curing ceremonies, perhaps for a shaman who practiced in Structure 12. These types of plants were not cultivated as extensively in other households. Simmons also cites architectural evidence to support his suggestion. Whereas the entrance to all other bodegas (Structures 4 and 7) opens to the north -facing other household structures, the entrance to the Household 1 bodega breaks this canon and opens towards the east, facing the ceremonial complex rather than other household buildings. This may have been deliberately planned to facilitate the movement of food items from Household 1 to the ceremonial complex. Household 2. Currently, two structures in Household 2 have been excavated. The excavated buildings include a domicile (Structure 7) and a bodega (Structure 2). The domicile and bodega are architecturally similar to those of Household 1 (McKee 1989, 1990a, 1992). However, the domicile and the bodega of Household 2 were more substantial and better constructed than those of Household 1. As with all Ceren households, Household 2 had an agricultural area just outside of the household compound. A maize field was located immediately to the east of the two excavated structures. There is evidence that Household 2 members may have been involved in the production of gourd containers (Simmons 1996). 14

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Use-wear noted on several obsidian blades recovered from the household are consistent with patterns seen in experimental studies on gourds (Lewenstein 1987). Household 2 had a small cache of valuable items that were recovered in the back corner of the bodega. The cache consisted of marine shell ornaments and jade, a carved bone figurine, and five miniature ceramic pots which held different hues of cinnabar pigment. The cinnabar may have been used to decorate gourds. The artifact assemblage and the more substantial architecture suggests that Household 2 may have been wealthier than Household 1. Interestingly, a sweatbath (called a temescal ) is located just 7 meters south of Household 2. Ground penetrating radar indicates that no structures are located closer to the sweatbath than Household 2 (Conyers 1995). Sheets (1992) speculates that if Household 2 members had a role in maintaining and/or controlling assess to the sweatbath, then it could have been a source of income for the household. Additionally, Household 2 members may have provided water and/or firewood for the temescal (Sheets 1995, personal communication). Currently, no stacks of stored firewood have been recovered in association with household buildings. However, a number of complete empty vessels were recovered next to the door of the bodega. It is conceivable that these vessels may have held water for the temescal (Sheets 1992) Future excavations of the household undoubtedly will reveal more information as to the nature of the relationship between Household 2 and the temescal. 15

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Household 3 To date, only the kitchen (Structure 16) of Household 3 has been identified (Gerstle 1992a). The kitchen was identified through testing and currently is not fully excavated. However, initial testing did reveal architectural similarities with the Household 1 kitchen. Specifically, both kitchens are have circular floor plans, pole walls, and a thin thatched roof. The artifact assemblage is domestic and includes a metate mounted on river cobbles, red pigment, and a ceramic jar. Household 4. Household 4 is the second least excavated household to date. Currently, it consists of one bodega/domicile (Structure 4). The form of the bodega is similar to that of the domiciles from other households in the village. However, the artifact assemblage and the corn crib in the structure attest to its use for storage as well. Gerstle (1990) speculates that it many have been a multi-functional building serving as both domicile and bodega. It appears that Household 4 was involved in processing agave. An agave garden is located just behind the bodega. Simmons (1996) has suggested that two sets of poles in the building were used for extracting agave fibers from the leaves as is still done in parts of Central America. Pressure is applied to the poles while pulling the leaves through, thereby extracting the fibers. Additionally, Household 4 may have specialized in cacao production (Gerstle 1990:136). A cacao tree was identified in back of the structure and three jars of cacao were found stored in the bodega. Areas Between Structures. During the 1993 field season, some excavations focused on activity areas between structures (Simmons and 16

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Villalobos 1993). The patio area east of Household 1, which extends toward the patios of the ritual complex (Structures 10 and Structure 12), was excavated. Simmons and Villalobos focused on ground compaction as an indicator of foot traffic and how these patterns relate to various structures. Additionally, differences in cleaning and the presence or absence of various features and/or artifacts were noted In general, they noted that the household patio gradually shifted from highly compact ground to an irregular surface and then into the flat, more compact patio of Structure 10 (a ceremonial building). Close to the household structures, the ground surface was relatively free of artifacts and highly compacted, presumably from intense foot traffic and frequent cleaning. The ground surface a bit further away from the household was characterized by less compact soil and a greater density of artifacts. Closer to the ceremonial structure the ground was again compact and free of artifacts The differences in both the artifact density and the degree of ground compaction between Household 1 and the ceremonial complex suggests that a "boundary" existed between household activities and activities in the ceremonial complex. The Agricultural Areas. Ceren plant remains were preserved in a number of ways. At times plant remains were preserved in either direct or carbonized forms. However, many plants were preserved as casts -a byproduct of the volcanic eruption. During the eruption (Units 1 and 3) a fine ash fell over the agricultural fields of Ceren. This ash settled closely around plants growing in agricultural areas. With time the original 17

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organic material decomposed leaving a void or hollow where the plant once was. The void then is cast with dental plaster, creating such a detailed mold of the original plant that identification to the species level is possible. This has allowed for detailed mapping of the various garden and agricultural areas in the village. Generally, seeds were sown in rows which follow the dominant orientation (30 degrees east of north) of the structures in the village. A number of different gardens and agricultural areas have been excavated and species identification is ongoing. Species identified to date include maize (Zea mays), agave (Agav.e americana), broeliacea plants, macoyas (flowering and medicinal plants), manioc, beans, maguey, nance, tobacco, avocado, sedge, coyol, guava, cotton, chiles, tomatoes, beans, achiote, squash, and cacao (Lentz et al. 1995; Reyna de Aguilar 1991). Public Contexts at Ceren The Civic Areas. The village had two known civic buildings, Structures 3 and 13. Structure 3 is the largest building, thus far, excavated in the village (Gerstle 1989). This structure may have been used for governmental functions as is indicated by the two large benches in the front room (which may signal an authoritative role). The front room also contained a very large pot which may have contained a liquid -perhaps chicha, a maize beer -which may have been served to visiting people. A polychrome serving or drinking bowl was recovered from the top of the wall close to the pot. One of the most interesting aspects about this structure is the scarcity of artifacts found in it. Only five artifacts were 1 8

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recovered from this structure which include the two vessels mentioned above, a bone tapiscador, a shell fragment, and a donut stone. Additionally, one ceramic vessel was recovered outside of the structure. The other identified civic building is Structure 13. Structure 13 was identified though a test pit (Gerstle 1992a) and has not been fully excavated. However, unlike Structure 3, the artifacts recovered from the test pit were numerous and varied. This suggests that Structure 13 may have been used for a different purpose than Structure 3 (Gerstle 1992a). Both Structures 3 and 13 abut a prepared plaza. The plaza was well maintained and relatively devoid of artifacts. It was probably sweep clean and regularly weeded by village residents (Gerstle 1992) The Temescal or Sweatbath. Structure 9, the temescal, or sweatbath, was excavated in 1990 (McKee 1990b). The building was constructed of short solid adobe walls, supported by four columns which rested on a substantial clay platform. It had two roofs, a large round clay dome and an upper thatched roof, presumably to protect the dome from the elements. A bench ran along the outside of the northern aspect of the building and continued on both the eastern and western walls. The entryway to the sweatbath itself was small. However, an adult would be able to crawl into it. The interior room was large and had an additional bench which could hold between 8 to 10 people. The temescal probably was for community or multi household use The inner room had a centrally placed firebox and a stone floor constructed from flat slabs (called laja) of an andesite rock. No artifacts were recovered from this structure. 1 9

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The Stone Seats. Four stone laja seats are located immediately northwest of the temescal. The seats are aligned in a semicircular pattern. Each consists of two laja stones. One stone was placed flat on the ground while another, abutting the flat stone, was placed upright at about a 30-degree angle from vertical. Sheets (personal communication, 1995) has noted that seats similar to these are recorded among the Kogi Indians in Columbia, where similarly constructed stone seats were placed just outside a temple (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1990). Sheets has suggested that at Ceren these seats may have been used by people exiting the sweatbath. The Midden A midden has been located and partially excavated (McKee 1993) The midden is located in a ditch or drainage which ran just behind and to the south-southwest of the sweatbath (Structure 9) and Household 2. The Ceremonial Complex Two structures were involved in village ceremonialism--Structures 10 and 12. These structures are located adjacent to one another and were built on the highest known topographic point in the village (Conyers 1993). Both structures had architectural differences from the. general pattern as evident throughout the rest of the village For example, they were the only structures oriented towards 15 degrees east of north; all other structures in the village were oriented towards 30 degrees east of north Both structures were the only structures in the village painted red and white and in both 20

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cases, building layout implies limited access to interior rooms. Structure 10 was used as a storage facility for ceremonial items and was used for storing, preparing and serving food for public feasts. Structure 12 may have been a building where a female shaman practiced (Sheets 1992; Sweely 1995). Both structures had artifact assemblages unlike of those seen in domestic or civic contexts within the village Structure 10 -The Community Ritual Building. Structure 10 was used for food storage, preparation, and dispensing, as well as the storage of ceremonial items (Gerstle 1992b, 1993), Ceremonial paraphernalia was stored in the more inaccessible areas on the inside of the building, while food preparation was conducted in the more accessible areas toward the front of the structure and along the north corridor. A half height wall located on the east side of the building may have been the area from which food was dispensed to participants during the ceremonies. Gerstle (1996) has suggested that Structure 10 may be a Precolumbian version of the casa de cofradia (or house of the cofradia, a civic-religious institution). Structure 12 -The Shamanic Building. The function of Structure 12 is difficult to determine. This structure is unusual in both artifact assemblage and architecture (Sheets and Sheets 1990; Sheets and Simmons 1993). The structure itself has several unique features such as a window, 10 columns, many vertical niches, and unusually low and narrow doorways. Sheets (1992) has suggested that the building was used by a practicing shaman or functioned as a shrine. However, he notes that it does not appear to be associated with organized state-level religion or a pilgrimage 21

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site, as the artifact assemblage consists of older, well used, local artifacts that may have been more like family heirlooms (1992 : 104). The artifacts do not appear to relate functionally but seem to have been brought there individually and, perhaps, left as payments for services or as offerings (Sheets 1992). Sheets (1993:195) noted a much higher amount of foot traffic approaching the front door and on the first step of the building where most people would have stopped to leave offerings/payments on the lintel or columns. These offerings included spindle whorls, an obsidian blade and microblade, some crystal-like minerals, a greenstone disk, a painted gourd, and pieces of Spondylus sp. shell. Preservation and Conservation of Bone and Shell at Ceren For any faunal assemblage the degree of preservation influences the types of questions that can be answered. Faunal remains which have been exposed to significant post-depostional destructive pressures may be extremely fragmented. As a result, the range of questions one can pose may be limited by the nature of preservation. The Ceren site exhibits an exceptional state of preservation. Organic material was preserved by four distinct processes; 1) direct preservation, 2) carbonization, 3) indirect preservation by volcanic ash encasing an item which later decayed leaving a negative imprint, and 4) a process of rapid mineral replacement (Sheets 1992). All of the bone and shell artifacts exhibited direct preservation. Many of the artifacts were fragmented by 22

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the force of the eruption and were burned when burning roofing thatch collapsed. The Smithsonian Institution's Conservation Analytic Laboratory (CAL) treats all broken bone or shell artifacts recovered from the site. A postdoctoral fellowship is offered and the recipient of this award, under the supervision of the project conservationist Harriet F. Beaubien, painstakingly reconstructs the fragmented bone and shell artifacts. As a result of this work, in-depth analysis based on bone and shell artifact formal attributes and use-wear patterns is possible. This information, combined with the wealth of contextual information, allows for rare insight into the function and use of household, civic, and ritual complex artifact assemblages. Summary and Conclusions This thesis examines household and village animal use at the Ceren site in El Salvador. Ceren was once a thriving Mesoamerican agricultural village. At approximately A.D. 600 the village was suddenly buried in ashfall by the nearby Lorna Caldera volcano, necessitating a sudden abandonment of the village. As a result, virtually complete artifact assemblages were left in primary contexts providing a rare synchronic "snapshot" into the lives of a neglected segment of Mesoamerica -the rural agriculturist. Currently, portions of four households, a ceremonial and a civic complex, and a sweatbath have been excavated. Additionally, various outside activity areas have been excavated which include; 23

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agricultural areas, outside patios and household areas, public plazas, and stone seats associated with the sweatbath. This research explores animal use from a multidimensional perspective that includes economic, social, and symbolic components Village and household animal use encompassed two kinds of phenomena; animal-asartifact and animal-as-representation. In the following chapters a multidimensional approach -synthesizing economic, social, and symbolic perspectives -will be employed to reflect some of the multiple dynamics encompassed in the concept of animal use. 24

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CHAPTER2 BACKGROUND AND CURRENT THEORY OF ANIMAL USE Archaeology of El Salvador Prior to the 1970's very little archaeological research had been published in El Salvador. Earliest investigations consisted of preliminary brief reports which were primarily descriptive in nature (Longyear 1944; Lothrop 1939) In the 1940's the ruins of Campana-San Andres, located 5 kilometers from Ceren, were extensively excavated (Boggs 1943) and a brief preliminary report was published. Unfortunately, most of the extensive research remains unpublished. During 1940-1950 the ruins of Tazumal were excavated (Boggs 1944, 1950). Once again, only a brief preliminary report was published. The first extensively published archaeological investigations were conducted by the Chalchuapa Project of the University of Pennsylvania during the 1960's and 1970's (Sharer 1974), followed by the Quelepa Project of Tulane University (Andrews V 1976). These projects facilitated the establishment of the first regional chronological sequence. During the 1970's the Zapotitan Valley was intensively surveyed by the University of Colorado (Sheets 1983). As a result, settlement patterns and artifact sequences from the Classic and Post-Classic periods in the Zapotitan Valley were identified and published (Sheets 1983). Other large archaeological projects were conducted during the 1970's. These projects 25

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included the Cerron Grande survey (Fowler and Earnest 1985), the Santa Leticia Project (Demarest 1986), and the Cihuatan Project (Bruhns 1980). During the 1980's very little archaeological work was conducted in the country due to civil war. With the end of the civil war in the early 1990's archaeological research once again resumed in El Salvador. This year, 1996, excavations have resumed at the San Andres site. Meanwhile, the long-term ongoing research and excavation continues at the Ceren site. Animal-Use Studies in Mesoamerica Despite many decades of archaeological investigations in Mesoamerica, very little research focused on animal materials recovered from archaeological sites until recent times (Hamblin 1984). Prior to the 1980's, if archaeological publications did include a section on excavated animal remains, it often constituted little more than a basic description -usually in the form of an appendix -which listed the various species identified (M. Pohl 1976). While some publications included in-depth analysis of animal remains (Altar de Sacrificios, Olsen 1972; Cancun, Wing 1974; Mayapan, Pollock and Ray 1957; Seibal, Olsen 1978; Zacaleu, Woodbury and Trik 1953), most archaeologists preferred to relegate animal remains to "the specialists" -zoologists -who produced lists of identified species for archaeological publications (M. Pohl 1976). During the late 1970's to early 1980's, Mesoamerican scholars moved beyond the purely descriptive and began to study the relationships between the animal world and human behavior. In-depth faunal studies 26

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began to focus on patterns of human utilization as reflected in animal remains recovered from excavations. In an attempt to elicit regional patterns of animal utilization, Mary Pohl (1976) compared faunal material from a number of major Maya sites in order to examine food preparation practices, consumption patterns, and animal domestication and sacrifice. She noted that the southern lowland sites (Altar de Sacrificios, Seibal, Macanche, and Flores) tended to exhibit a similar pattern and their inhabitants ate more deer and turtle. The northern sites of Mayapan and Dzibilchltan tended to produce more turkey remains. She observed that the Maya exhibited clear cultural preferences for deer, turtle, and turkey Additionally, the upper-classes had access to more "high status" (large game) meat while the lower classes may have eaten large animal meat only in the context of public feasting. Pohl concluded that animals played an important role in both subsistence and the social lives of the Maya. As part of the Cozumel Archaeological Project, Hamblin conducted an in-depth analysis of animal use focusing on prehistoric trade routes (Hamblin 1984). This project compared ten different sites on the island of Cozumel, spanning a time frame from the Late Formative to the Late Classic. As part of this project, animal use was compared between household and ceremonial/administrative contexts. Distinct differences in animal utilization between various socio economic classes were noted Hamblin's research revealed that household mounds contained a high percentage of fishes and crabs, followed by reptiles, mammals, and finally very few birds or amphibians. In contrast, burial and ceremonial/administrative contexts 27

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contained a high percentage of mammal remains, followed by reptiles, fishes, and crabs, and lastly bird and amphibians (1984:174). Excavations at Cerros, in Belize, also focused on prehistoric trade patterns (Garber 1989). In a volume on the Cerros artifacts, Garber presented a typology for artifact description which would facilitate comparative analysis between various Mesoamerican sites. His typology is hierarchical based first on raw material type, second on manufacturing and third according to form and sometimes subform. Finally, they are classified according to the context from which they were recovered. Garber's classification system is a way to promote cross-comparisons between sites. But, as Garber maintains in this typology, function is not of prime importance. However, at the Ceren site, the exceptional contextual information coupled with extraordinary preservation of fragile bone and shell allows us to go beyond the basic descriptive classifications and examine various functions of artifacts. Therefore, classification of the Ceren material according to Garber's typology is included here as Appendix D & F but is not the basis for the current analysis. Discerning the Function of Bone and Antler Tools Use-wear on bone material has received little consideration in archaeological analysis. An exception is Binford (1981) who promoted the use of a more rigorous methodology and analysis in the interpretation of "modified" faunal remains. He conducted experimental studies of human 28

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and animal modes of bone modification, with the goal of developing guidelines for more precise interpretations. LeMoine ( 1994) attempted to further define the various types of use-wear patterns produced by specific activities. In a recent experimental study she created fifty-two bone and antler tools. They were then worked on twenty-eight different materials. The tools were then examined under a microscope for use-wear patterns. LeMoine concluded that specific uses leave distinguishable patterns on bone which can be diagnostic of function. For example, different motions (i.e. twisting, pushing, etc.) tend to leave different patterns of modification and different materials leave various types of gloss or polish. Lemoine (1994) lays out a specific methodology for use-wear analysis. First, a microscopic examination of artifacts should be conducted. Second, the location and distribution of wear patterns, along with the overall shape of the tool, should be noted. Finally, these data should be used in conjunction with information from historic and ethnographic sources. Thus, LeMoine argues, one should be able to cautiously, yet accurately, infer the function of bone tools. Faunal Material and Symbolism In general, seven distinct categories of information can be obtained from archaeological faunal material (Hamblin 1984). These categories include information about 1) food-gathering preferences, techniques, and patterns; 2) preparation practices; 3) ecological and environmental 29

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information; 4) ceremonial and religious uses of animals; 5) animal bone as raw material source for artifacts; 6) evidence of domestication; and 7) evidence of prehistoric trade (Hamblin 1984:9). But, as Pohl (1976) points out, in Mesoamerican cultures animals played a pivotal role in social and ritual contexts -often constituting an integral aspect of the entire Maya world-view -as well as constituting a central part of dietary needs (M. Pohl 1976:3-5). Past archaeological faunal studies have tended towards a subsistencebased emphasis focusing primarily on the dietary and nutritional aspects of animal use. This emphasis arose from the dominant theoretic model in the 1960's and 1970's -cultural-ecology -which viewed the environment as the prime mover in cultural processes. More recently, scholars have begun to explore the relationship between animal use, power, and social status of past societies, in addition to subsistence needs. Mary Pohl (1983) focused on the ceremonial use of Maya animals from burials, caches, caves, and cenotes in the Maya lowlands. Pohl discovered that ritual fauna from caches and burials contained many of the same species as those found in caves and cenotes. She argued that burials, caves, caches, and cenotes were, most probably, conceptually linked and could be analyzed as a unit. Pohl argued that the ritual fauna were metaphors for agricultural fertility and were used in agricultural, dynastic, and yearrenewal rites (Figure 2.1). Specifically, she argued that the deer ceremony, or cuch rite (cuch is the Maya word for "burden"), was the ceremony 30

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Figure 2.1 Ceremonial Cave painting from Naj 71 (Stone 1995). Participant Wearing Deer Headdress. Tunich, the Peten, Guatemala. Drawing \ I'( 3 1

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which marked the beginning of agricultural harvest festivals and may have been pivotal in the sanctioning of Maya rulers (M. Pohl 1981). Animal Use and Social Interactions One of the first Central American scholars to examine animal-as representation, in relationship to society and issues of power, was Olga Linares (1977) Linares studied both ecological and symbolic use of animals at Sitio Conte in Panama, focusing on animal representations that were painted on ceramics. In this study, she maintained that it was necessary to ask not only, "What is in the environment?" but also, "Why do people notice items A and B and ignore items C and D in the environment?" (1977:63). Linares viewed animal motifs as "collective representations unconscious projections of past social systems" (1977 : 59) She suggested that the function of animal iconography could be discerned through a careful examination of which animals were depicted which were not, and what qualities those animals shared Linares concluded that animal iconography from Sitio Conte reflected qualities of aggression and hostility qualities that marked the social and political climate of this period. More recently, scholars have shifted their emphasis to examine animal use as a domain of culture that was intentionally manipulated by the elite to achieve certain ends (Douglas and Isherwood 1979; M. Pohl 1995). Ethnohistoric data from the 16th and 17th centuries suggest that animal use was closely related to social status. Friar Diego de Landa reported that the consumption of meat often occurred in the context of public feasts and 32

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private elite rituals and was closely linked to the elite class (Tozzer 1941). Recently, Mesoamerican scholars have argued that animal use constituted an active and integral aspect in establishing Maya social organization (M. Pohl 1995). As Pohl (1995) notes, the eating of high status meat (the meat of large mammals) and the caching and public display of spotted cat skins were not just a reflection of social status but one of the means by which the elite asserted their privileged position (Douglas and Isherwood 1979). Investigations at Copan seem to support this assertion (M. Pohl 1995). Pohl (1995), using Late Classic faunal materials from the periphery of the Copan Main Center, looked for evidence of the differential use of "high status animals" in various socio-economic groups in the Copan Valley. Analysis of faunal distribution by mound group status indicated that the more elite the group, the higher the number of large animal bones (1995:459). In general, the elites had more access to "status" animals and animal paraphernalia, such as the jaguar, as well as more access to high status meats such as the white-tailed deer. Animals. Ideology. and Power Relationships Scholars have begun to examine power strategies in relation to material culture. Miller and Tilley (1984) defined power in two ways -"power to" and "power over." "Power to" is defined as that power which enables agents to alter, or attempt to alter, the conditions of their lives (Miller and Tilley 1984:5). Conversely, "power over" necessarily involves a dialectic relationship between those who hold power and those who do not. "Power

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over" then, is the ability for those who hold power to get agents to do, or not do, what they want (Miller and Tilley 1984). More recently scholars have argued that ideology -as social power is given a concrete materialized form (DeMarrais et al. 1996). They argue that ideology, rather than being an elusive belief not preserved in the archaeological record, is materialized in artifacts containing symbolic attributes (DeMarrais et al. 1996:16). Thus, ideology is viewed as having a strong materialistic component which can inform archaeologists about broader economic, social and political activities. For example, patterns in the distribution of symbolic items can yield information about socio political activities through 1) examining the relative access to symbols of authority or status in a group and 2) observing efforts to promote the ideology of one social segment upon other social segments (DeMarrais et al. 1996:16). The "materialization of ideology" allows a central authority to communicate its power well beyond the immediate boundaries of the political center. In these cases, the elite may attempt to control the non elite peripheries through an "ideological infiltration" which can take the form of ceremonial events and the control and distribution of symbolic/prestige items (DeMarrais et al. 1996;26) Attempts at manipulating the peripheries are not always successful. Non-elites m the peripheries may adopt counter-ideologies which reinforce strategies of resistance (Giddens 1979). 34

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The Maya Universe: The Ideological Construct The Maya lived in a rich and complex world. Most of what we know about Maya cosmology has come from the hieroglyphic inscriptions and the four remaining codices. The Maya believed that the present day world was preceded by several other worlds, all of which were destroyed by deluges. A deluge is represented in the Dresden Codex and one was reported in the historical accounts of Friar Diego de Landa. Contemporary Maya of Yucatan believe that there have been three worlds previous to this one. The following account of the previous worlds was given to Robert Sharer (1994) by a contemporary Maya. The modern Maya of northern Yucatan believe that there have been three worlds previous to this one, The first world was inhabited by dwarfs, the saiyam uinicob or "adjuster men," who are thought to have built the great ruined cities. Their work was done in darkness, for the sun had not yet been created, and when the sun rose for the first time, the dwarfs were turned to stone. That first world was ended by a universal deluge, the haiyococab, or "water over the earth The second world, inhabited by people called the dzolob, or "offenders," was ended by the second flood. The third world was populated by the Maya themselves, the common people or mazehualob; this world was ended by the third flood, called the hunyecil or bulkabal, which means the "immersing." This last deluge was followed by the present or fourth world, peopled by a mixture of all of the previous inhabitants of the Peninsula, and this world too will eventually be destroyed, by a fourth flood. (Sharer 1994:520-521). Robert Sharer (1994) presented a synopsis of Maya ideology and cosmology in his book The Ancient Maya and, except where otherwise cited, this is the primary source used for the following discussion. 35

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The Maya believed the universe consisted of three layers, the visible earth and two invisible realms; the celestial (the sky) and the underworld. These three realms were not envisioned as separate distinct entities but, rather, as aspects of a continuous whole. The earth realm was imagined to be flat and four cornered, and imagined to be the back of a giant reptile usually a caiman or turtle -that swam in a primordial sea full of water lilies. At the center of the earth was an axis-mundi -a giant ceiba tree which, along with the trees in each of the four corners and four Bacabs, was thought to hold up the entire sky. The rain gods (Chacs) were benevolent forces associated with the four corners of the earth (Coe 1993). Each of the four corners had an associated color; red (east), yellow (south), black (west) and white (north). The sky was composed of thirteen different tiers, each of which had its own god. At the top celestial realm was the muan bird (a screech-owl). The underworld was also multi-tiered, with nine layers, each with a corresponding Lower World deity. The underworld was a cold dangerous place and was called Xibalba which means "place of fright" (Miller and Taube 1993). The three realms of the universe were envisioned as connected by visible and invisible representations of the supernatural domain. The stars, moon, and planets were the visible representation of the celestial realm. Caves were viewed as a portal to the underworld, Xibalba, and were sacred avenues for communication with those iii the underworld realm. The earth realm, divided in the four cardinal directions, became the ritual stage for the daily birth-death-rebirth drama of the sun. In the east each 36

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day at sunrise, the sun was reborn from the nighttime realm of Xibalba. At noon, as the sun reached its zenith, it was envisioned as being at the peak of power. Each evening at sunset the sun, once again, died as it reentered the dangerous underworld realm. Around midnight when the sun reached the nadir, the "dead" sun fought a fierce battle with the underworld deities before being reborn. Thus, the cycle continued. Animal Metaphors and Ceremonialism The Maya cosmos was both a diverse and united phenomenon. The natural world was envisioned as imbued with the spirits of many different deities and, at the same time, was perceived as a fluid continuum. Animal metaphors became a pivotal mechanism through which ancient Mesoamericans made sense of and organized, their world (Peterson 1990). Metaphors connected humans and the natural world in such a way as to provide "culturally coherent bundles of meaning" (Isbell 1985 :287). Thus, an examination of the symbolic use of animals may provide insight into some of these cultural "bundles of meaning." Animal metaphors were used to represent natural elements such as the sun, earth, water, and rain, and were associated with the three layers of the universe. Animal metaphors were an active component of the daily birthdeath-rebirth cycle of the sun. Animals were also associated with the more abstract concepts, such as fertility and renewal (M. Pohl 1983). As cultural signifiers, animals represented many aspects of the universe (Table 2.1). As such, animals played a pivotal role in the social and ritual contexts of 37

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Mesoamerica. The Maya offered sacrifices of animals in agricultural, renewal, and lineage ceremonies (M. Pohl 1983). Animals were sacrificed and buried as an aspect of dedication ceremonies for new buildings. Animal sacrifice has been connected to rain and agricultural fertility. Table 2.1 Animals Associated with the Three Realms of the Maya Universe the Celestial Realm, the Visible Earth, and Xibalba, the Underworld (from Peterson 1990). CELESTIAL EARTH UNDERWORLD Eagle, Vulture, Hummingbird, Parrot, Deer, Rabbit, Serpent Bird, Muan Bird Serpent, Crocodile, Turtle, Toad, Monkey, Coatimundi, Armadillo, Gopher, Dog Waterbird, Water lilly, Fish, Conch Shell, Jaguar, Bat, Owl, Peccary, Tapir, Dog The dog played a significant role in Mesoamerican religion (Allen 1920; M. Pohl 1976; Schellhas 1904; Tozzer 1940; Tozzer and Allen 1910; Wright 1970) Dogs were associated with fire especially the fire of the home hearth (Peterson 1990). While the dog was primarily associated with the earth realm, it was also seen as a messenger who could travel from the earth realm into the dangerous domain of Xibalba. It was regarded as the messenger who would prepare and guide the way to the other world after death. The dog was 38

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associated with the death-god and viewed as the bearer of lightning (Schellhas 1904:42). The Mesoamerican association of dogs with death is supported by the archaeological record. Many dogs have been found in burials. A dog was recovered in a burial of a high status male in Kaminaljuyu, Guatemala (Thompson 1966:218). At the site of Zacaleu, three complete dog skeletons were found interred in two human burials. In other areas of the site, fragmentary dog skulls were found in both a cache and a human burial (Woodbury and Trik 1953). Dog remains were found under building debris, on the floor of the cenote, and in two different human burials in Mayapan (Pollock and Ray 1957). At Tikal, a multiple human burial contained dog remains (M. Pohl 1976). The association of dogs with death and the journey in the afterlife is still maintained in present day Maya belief systems. As with ethnohistoric information, current Maya beliefs associate the dog with death and the journey across a body of water before reaching the underworld destination (Peterson 1990). Contemporary Lacandon Maya place palm leaves, as symbols of dogs, at the four corners of human burials (Peterson 1990). Dog Sacrifices. There are numerous ethnohistoric references to the practice of using dogs as sacrificial animals (see Landa in Tozzer 1941:109, 114, 115, 143, 145, 162, 164, 165, 183, 203) Dogs were a common animal of sacrifice, second only to human beings (Tozzer 1941:N. 528). Landa describes a ceremony in which dogs were sacrificed to the goddess lxchel on the island of Cozumel (Tozzer 1941:1 09). Typically, the heart of the 39

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animal was extracted and burned, the blood used to anoint idols, and the animal was cooked and eaten. In the Maya codices, dogs are represented in many different contexts, I one of which includes an association with various birds and other animals which are to be sacrificed (Tozzer and Allen 1910). Pohl (1976:219) cited graffiti at Tikal in which a dog is shown participating in a ceremonial procession which may represent a prelude to a sacrifice. The practice of sacrifice -dog sacrifice in particular -continued well into the historical period. Testimony taken regarding "idolatry" at Sotuta and Homun cited sacrifices of dogs (and occasionally, deer and pigs) taking place in Catholic churches at night, much to the chagrin of the local friars (quoted in Tozzer 1941:N 528). The ethnohistoric record indicates that dog sacrifices were necessary components of certain ceremonies. During Muluc years Landa reported that a virgin dog was demanded as a sacrifice (Tozzer 1941:N 483). Dogs were sacrificed in conjunction with the Kan, Muluc and Ix New Year rituals which were performed to avert catastrophes (Tozzer 1941:N685). Ceramic dogs were offered to appease the god Yax Cocah Mut during the Uayeb rites preceding the Muluc years. Landa reported that during this ceremony a dance on stilts was performed and the head of turkeys, bread, and maize drinks were offered. The old women: had to offer him dogs made of pottery with bread on their [the dog's] backs, and the old women had to dance with these dogs in their hands, and to sacrifice to him [Yax Cocah Mut] a little dog with a black back and which was a virgin. Tozzer 1941:145 40

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Dogs were also sacrificed as part of a ceremony for rain and crop fertility. Tozzer cited testimony from Homun (152) in which a witness stated that: they made a certain sacrifice in the church in the ancient manner of their customs and at the feet of the crosses ... and they made this sacrifice (a dog and other animals) because of lack of rain and they asked for it in this sacrifice that the milpas might be nourished. Tozzer 1941 :N84 7 Figure 2.2 The Rain God Plants Corn with a Planting Stick While Accompanied by a Dog. From the Madrid Codex (Villacorta and Villacorta 1930). The Madrid Codex depicts a dog accompanying the rain god as corn is planted (Figure 2.2). At another point in this sequence, the rain god, dog, deer, peccary, and jaguar surround Goddess 0 (Figure 2.3). Large quantities of dog teeth, representing a minimum of 124 individuals, were recovered 41

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Figure 2.3 Goddess 0 Companions; the Deer, Water Pours from Her Codex (Villacorta And is Depicted in Association with Animal the Dog, the Jaguar and the Peccary. Armpits and Loins. From The Madrid Villacorta 1930). from the Late Classic site of Actun Polbilche, a cave that may have been used in ceremonies for rain (Pendergast 1974; Savage 1978). Dogs were also sacrificed in ceremonies for cacao. During the month of Muan, Landa reported that persons who owned cacao plantations celebrated a festival -to "the gods Ek Chuah, Chac and Hobnil who were their mediators" (Tozzer 1941:164). During the festival: 42

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they sacrificed a dog, spotted with the color of cacao, and burned their incense to their idols ... and they gave to each of the officials a spike of the fruit of the cacao. Tozzer 1941:164 Allen and Tozzer (1904) suggested that the spotted dogs in the codex may depict this symbolic connection between spotted dogs, cacao, and the gods who acted as mediators and to whom sacrifices were offered during Muan (Figure 2.4). Figure (from 2.4 Spotted Dog Depicted Tozzer and Allen 1910). The Cuch. or Deer. Ceremony in the Tro-Cortesianus Codex Gerstle (1992b, 1993, 1996) makes a strong case for Structure 10 at Ceren being a pre-conquest analog to the historically documented casa de cofradia. Interestingly, there appears to be a long association between 43

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cofradias and the white-tailed deer. In light of the ceremonial white-tailed deer remains recovered from the possible "cas a de cofradia," I would like to examine ethnographic and ethnohistoric data which suggest that this association -the white-tailed deer and cofradia ceremonies -may have extended back to pre-conquest Mesoamerica as the cuch or deer ceremony. The deer, in particular the white-tailed deer, figured prominently in Mesoamerican religion. Maya ethnohistoric data associate the deer with the sun. The deer is used as the sign for "sun" or "day" in distance numbers (Schele 1977:52-53). At House E, in Palenque, a deer and the sun ride on the back of a saurian creature (Greene Robertson, in M. Pohl 1983). The deer appears in Classic Maya mythological scenes in which the Moon Goddess, riding on the back of a stag, escapes aggressive attackers (Miller and Taube 1993). Miller and Taube (1993) suggest that the deer was, among other things, a metaphor for sexuality. Mary Pohl (1981) argues that the stag was a prominent agricultural supernatural in Maya religion. She argues that the white-tailed deer was the central player in the most important Maya ritual drama of the year, the cuch, or deer ceremony, which occurred at the close of the agricultural year. Pohl uses ethnohistoric and ethnographic documents, in conjunction with data from stelae, murals, vase paintings, graffiti, and codices, to argue that the Maya c u c h ceremony has a long cultural tradition in Mesoamerica. While acknowledging that the Conquest had a profound effect on Mesoamerican culture, in particular ceremonialism, Pohl argues that changes in the c u c h drama could be identified. She believes that enough 44

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continuity exists in the cuch ceremony to make it possible, through the application of an ethnohistoric approach, to trace both the continuity and the changes. Pohl's central thesis is that the c u c h ceremony survived the pressures and discontinuities of the conquest in the form of the present day cargo "transfer of power" ceremony. Among the Choti Maya this ceremony coincides with the end of the agricultural cycle. If Pohl is correct, this may have implications for the kinds of ceremonial activities that may be represented by the artifacts in Structure 10 in Ceren. Therefore, I would like to review some of the data that Pohl used to trace the continuities and transformations in the c u c h or deer ceremony. Pohl's (1981) methods in attempting to follow both continuity and changes in this ritual were to 1) identify the various ceremonial events that make up the ritual, 2) trace these events through time with the use of ethnographic sources, ethnohistoric records, and the use of pottery vessels, codices and graffiti, and finally, 3) identify the aspects of continuity and transformation in the ceremony. Pohl maintains that the ancient deer ceremony has persisted into modern times. To differentiate between modern cargo rites and a possible prehistoric antecedent, she referred to the prehistoric fiesta as the "c u c h" (the Maya word meaning "burden" or "cargo") or deer ceremony. The following discussion on the cultural continuity of the c u c h ceremony, except where otherwise noted, is evidence that she presents in support of her thesis (M. Pohl 1981). 45

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The Present Day Maya Cargo Rituals The contemporary Maya cargo ritual is, primarily, an agricultural fertility ceremony. The cargo ceremony has three essential components; 1) the tree raising ceremony, 2) the bullfight accompanied by a ritual feast, and 3) the actual transfer of cofradia power. In the tree raising ceremony the connection between the ceremony and crop fertility is overt. A tree, or more often a pole, is "planted" in the ground. Next, the coatimundi impersonator climbs the tree and throws squash seeds into the air. After this the coatimundi hangs gourds and yams from branches on the tree. The second part of the ceremony is the bullfight. Except in the rare times when people have enough money to purchase an actual bull, the bull is played by a costumed man. He is chased around by people with lassos who try to catch him while musicians beat turtle shell drums with corn cobs to promote the growth of corn (Vogt 1977). After the chase, the bull is finally captured, officially marking the end of the agricultural year Next, the hull's horns are ceremonially removed and deer antlers are fastened in their place (Vogt 1969: 536). Finally, the bull is "killed" and the subsequent harvest feast begins. The final part of the ceremony consists of the actual cargo transfer of power. A pole, representing the cargo or burden, is transferred from one cargo member to the next. This is, reportedly, the most solemn aspect of the ceremony, as the new cargo holders will be responsible for community welfare, through community ritual, for the next year. 46

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In the 1950's, Mendelson (1958) recorded a ritual deer dance in association with the Cofradia San Juan at Santiago Atitlan in the Guatemala highlands. At the Cofradia San Juan, a deer skull headdress was an important aspect of the cofradia ritual paraphernalia. Each year, a deer and tiger dance is held. In this dance, the tiger ceremonially kills the deer. Mendelson reported that the deer dance was performed at noon and midnight immediately prior to the opening of the sacred bundle. As discussed above, the deer is associated with the sun. Therefore, noon would be the time that the sun (deer) was at its strongest while at midnight, the sun (deer) was envisioned as partaking in a dangerous underworld battle. Mendelson noted that villagers in the Cofradia San Juan associated this dance with rain and the growth of plants. Mendelson remarked that the "association of human, animal and vegetal fertility and well-being which is so strong in all Maya ritual is thus consecrated in cofradia San Juan" (Mendelson 1958:123). The Prehistoric Cuch Ritual Mary Pohl (1981) used visual imagery from precolumbian Maya codices, ceramic vessels, and graffiti to argue that repetitive pictorial themes depict scenes from an ancient ritual in which the stag was the central figure. She refers to a number of vessels which, she maintains, are depictions of the cuch ceremony. On the Calcehtok vessel, a stag wearing a blanket with the crossed bones (symbols of death) has its antlers removed (Figure 2.5). Two ritual attendants carrying sacrificial spears flank the stag. To the 47

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Figure 2.5 A Ceremony Depicting a Stag Having Antlers Removed on the Late Classic Period Calcehtok Vessel (from M. Pohl and Feldman 1982) 48

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right there is an anthropomorphic sacred tree which is full of water symbolism including water lilly branches, a frog symbol, and a blue-tailed snake. A Late Classic polychrome vase from Actum Balam depicts a ceremonial deer hunt (Figure 2.6). The Madrid Codex depicts scenes of deer rituals, many of which show a stag with its antlers removed, tied to a ceiba tree (Figure 2.7)(Anders 1967). The sacrifice of a bound deer, including the killing and butchering, is depicted in another part of the codex (Figure 2.8). Also, in the Madrid Codex, God L, an underworld deity, is associated with a deer ceremony. He carries a ceremonial spear and wears a deer skull headdress (Figure 2.9). Ethnohistoric Accounts of the Cuch or Deer Ceremony Friar Diego de Landa reported on a deer ceremony performed during the month of Zip (Tozzer 1941). During this ceremony, the sacred bundles were opened and the Chacs (ritual assistants) anointed all the idols with a blue pigment (the color of water and sacrifice). Then, all gathered and invoked the gods Acanum, Suhui Dzip and Tabai who, Landa reports, were the gods of the hunt and chase. After lighting incense and invoking these gods while it [the incense] was burning, each took an arrow and the skull of a deer, which the Chacs anointed with the blue bitumen. And some danced, holding these thus anointed in their hands, while others pierced their ears and others their tongues, and passed through the holes seven wide blades of grass called ac. This done, the priest first, and then the officers of the festival, offered gifts; and so dancing, the wine was poured out, and they got drunk until they were overcome. Tozzer 1941:155 49

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' Figure 2.6 A Ceremonial Deer Hunt Depicted on a Late Classic Vase from Acton Balam (roll-out drawing by D. Pendergast, in M. Pohl 1983). 50

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Figure 2.7 A Stag with Antlers Removed is Tied to a Representation of a Ceiba Tree (from the Madrid Codex). 51

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Figure 2.8 A Ceremony Involving the Binding and Sacrifice of a Hornless Stag in the Madrid Codex (Villacorta and Villacorta 1930). 52

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Figure 2.9 An Underworld Deity, God Wearing a Deerskull Headdress. The Represent the Four World Directions Villacorta 1930). L, Performs a Ceremony Surrounding Glyphs (from Villacorta and Another ethnohistorical account reports a similar deer ceremony from Cuscatlan, which is now present day El Salvador. Garcia de Palacio described the following: They took a live deer to the courtyard of the cu or temple which they had outside the town and there they throttled and skinned him, collecting all his blood in a vessel and cutting the liver, lungs and stomach into pieces. They divided the heart, head, and legs. They cooked the deer by itself and the blood, by itself, and while these were cooking they had their dances. The high priest took the skull by the ears and the four priests took one of the four feet, and the mayordomo put the heart in a brazier and burned it with uli and copal as incense to the idol of the god that was the protector of 53

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hunting and fishing. When the dance was finished, the head and the torso were scorched in the fire of the high priest and eaten. The priests consumed the deer and his blood before the idol; they gutted fish and burned them to the same idol Garcia de Palacio 1860:75-76; Tozzer and Allen 1910:349 As Pohl (1981) points out, Landa presented the deer ceremony as primarily related to hunting and fishing. However, Pohl argues that these ceremonies differ only minutely from the ceremonies depicted in Classic period paintings, the main difference being that the painted representations depict a sacred tree rather than a pole. Additionally, she notes Landa's description of dancers carrying deerskulls and arrows anointed with blue is reminiscent of God L in the Madrid Codex. Modern lowland Maya still recognize a deity, called Zip, as the protector of deer. Friar Diego Landa reported on a different ceremony conducted during the month of Zac. Concerning this ceremony, Landa wrote that they celebrated this one now to appease the gods and to turn aside the anger which they would have against them and their sowings. They made them (these feasts) on account of the blood which they had spilled during their hunts; for they considered as an abomination any bloodshed unless it was in their sacrifices. Tozzer 1941;162 The Popol Vuh recounts how the Maya god Tohil (or Storm) took the form of a deer and demanded that the Maya worship him in that form. One of his requirements was that young deer be sacrificed to him (Edmonson 1971:186). 54

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Deer sacrifice remained an active component of Mesoamerican ceremonialism well into the historic period. As described above, the practice of deer sacrifices is well documented in ethnohistoric records In fact, it was the discovery of a deer sacrifice in a cave near Mani which initiated the horrendous 1562 Inquisition in Yucatan (Lopez de Cogolludo 1688, I:410-411). Reports from this Inquisition also confirm that concepts of a deer deity, successful hunting, and offerings of venison were closely associated with agricultural cycles in the minds of Mesoamericans. The archaeological record also corroborates this association. Deer remains have often been found in ritual contexts including cenotes and caves (Pollock and Ray 1957; Savage 1978). Blue pigment has been found in association with deer remains in a cave site in Belize (M. Pohl and J. Pohl 1983) In the Naj Tunich cave in Guatemala, two figures wearing deer paraphernalia are painted on the cave wall (Figure 2.1 ). One person wears deer ears while, in another part of the cave, another person dances in a deer headdress (M. Pohl and J.Pohl 1983, Stone 1995). Mary Pohl (1981) argues that archaeologists, like the Spaniards before us, tend to assume that deer depictions on prehistoric ceramics and in the codices are representations of a hunt or a mythic scene. Instead, she argues that these depictions are scenes from a ritual in which the deer played a primary role and that the deer was, and still is, closely tied to agricultural cycles, fertility and rain 55

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Transformations In The Cuch-To-Cargo Ritual Deer sacrifice remained an active component of Mesoamerican ceremonialism well into the historic period. The practice -of deer sacrifices are documented in the ethnohistoric and archaeological records. Deer heart sacrifice was mentioned by Friar Diego Landa (Tozzer 1941: 144). The two main transformations in the ceremonial events that make up this ritual are the substitution of the tree with a pole and the substitution of the deer with a bull or impersonator. Pohl (1981) suggests that with increasing pressure to give up traditional indigenous ways the substitution of a bull for the deer (which included the drama of the bullfight), a Spanish custom, may have been much more tolerable to the Spanish friars. While the cuch ceremony revolves around the agricultural cycle, fertility and rain, Pohl (1981) suggests that the central significance of the ceremony may have been the transfer of the cuch, or the burden of responsibility for the community. The contemporary cargo transfer ceremony correlates to the end of the agricultural year. Ethnographic sources have reported that special communal hunts have been organized to obtain the meat necessary for rituals (Villa 1945). In contemporary Belize, a deer sacrifice is still a requirement for the "chac chac" rain ceremony (M. Pohl 1983). 56

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Structure 10 -A Pre-Columbian Casa de cofradia? Gerstle (1992b, 1993, 1996) suggests that Structure 10 may be a precolumbian version of the casa de cofradia (house of the cofradia). A cofradia, commonly called the cargo system, is a Maya civic-religious organization. One of the main duties of cargo members is to provide and conduct the appropriate public rituals and feasts to ensure agricultural prosperity and the economic abundance of the community. The apparent functions of Structure 10 parallel known post-conquest functions of the casa de cofradia in the Maya highlands. These are community buildings which are used for the storage of ceremonial items as well as the preparation and dispensing of food at public feasts (Vogt 1990). Gerstle (1996), drawing from research conducted in the Maya Highlands by Vogt (1990), describes the casa de cofradia as; a communally owned structure used as headquarters for preparing public feasts and rituals. Between events, the building may be used for storing ritual costumes and equipment, and the cargo-holder and his family, may or may not reside in the structure during the time he holds office Gerstle 1996. The cofradia institution, itself, was introduced to the area by the Spaniards. Earliest historical records indicate that Maya communities built permanent structures to house cofradia artifacts (Robert Carlsen, personal communication to Payson Sheets 1993). These cofradia houses were used for the storage of ritual paraphernalia and were used for food storage, preparation and dispensing. 57

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Recent evidence from Ceren indicates that a cofradia-like system may have existed prior to the conquest. Commenting on the strong possibility of a pre-conquest casa de cofradia at Ceren, Payson Sheets maintains that "if we are correct in this interpretation it may provide an explanation for why the supposed Spanish introduction of the institution of cofradias was successful; it closely matched a native institution of considerable antiquity" (Sheets 1993:194). Interestingly the present day cofradia system has various levels of participation. Vogt (1990) reported that among the present day Zincantecos of Chiapas, Mexico rituals are performed on three different levels; 1) the household, 2) the community, and 3) the ceremonial center. He noted that while the cargo holders were busy with rituals in the ceremonial centers, other ceremonial practitioners, shamans which are called "h'iloletik" or seers," are responsible for rituals in the outer hamlets. From time to time the village ritual practitioners would move to the main ceremonial center for a year of service. Thus, in the present day cargo system, people from the outer hamlets rotate into the ceremonial center periodically. This, then, raises questions about whether the Ceren cofradia could have been part of a broader ceremonial network; one which may have been linked to the main ceremonial center 5 km away in San Andres (Sheets 1993). 58

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Summary and Conclusions Generally, animal use studies have addressed seven areas of inquiry 1) food-gathering preferences, techniques, and patterns; 2) preparation practices; 3) ecological and environmental information; 4) ceremonial and religious uses of animals; 5) animal bone as raw material source for artifacts; 6) evidence of domestication; and 7) evidence of prehistoric trade (Hamblin 1984:9). The majority of past archaeological inquiries primarily have focused on the various ecological perspectives of animal-use. More recently, scholars have examined the social and ceremonial/cosmological realms of animal use including the perspective that animals were active components in social status relationships and social interactions (M. Pohl 1995). Mary Pohl ( 1981) uses an ethnohistoric approach to explore the role of the white-tailed deer in ceremonial activities of the Maya. She argues that the repetitive scenes of a deer capture, sacrifice, and various deer impostors wearing deer ceremonial paraphernalia, depicted in Classic Period ceramics, caves, and the Codices, document a deer or cuch ceremony of great antiquity. In this ceremony, a deer supernatural was the central actor in a ceremony which included deer sacrifice and public feasting. The majority of representations of these ceremony depict elites as officiators or deer impostors. Pohl argues that this ceremony survived the pressures of the Spanish Conquest in the form of present day cargo transfer of power rituals which occur at the end of the agricultural year. Reports from early historical 59

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Spanish documents from the Yucatan and Cuscatlan (El Salvador) also describe deer ceremonies accompanied by deer sacrifice. The ethnohistoric data suggest that dogs had a number of symbolic associations. These include death and the frightening domain of the underworld, fire and the heat of the domestic hearth, and the rain god and the planting season. Dogs were a necessary sacrifice in ceremonies to promote cacao growth and during certain times dog sacrifices accompanied year-end rituals. 60

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CHAPTER3 ME1HODS The Data Set A total of 103 bone, antler, turtle shell and marine shell artifacts were recovered from Ceren. The artifacts examined in this study included only those recovered during the initial 1978 excavation and the subsequent 1989 1993 field seasons at Ceren. All bone, antler, marine shell, and turtle shell artifacts exhibiting intentional cultural modification, or reflecting cultural contexts, were included in the data set. Faunal remains not reflecting cultural contexts (such as the articulated skeletons of rodents living in roofing thatch, or toads in the agave patch at the time of the volcanic eruption) were not considered in this study. Identification Taxonomic Identification. Artifacts recovered from the Ceren site are curated at the Museo Nacional David Guzman (MNDG) located in the capital city of San Salvador, El Salvador. During the months of June and July 1995, all bone, antler, shell and turtle shell artifacts were transported from the Museo Nacional to the site laboratory at Ceren for identification and analysis. 61

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I Initial analysis was conducted at the on-site laboratory located in Joya de Ceren, El Salvador. Preliminary field identifications were assigned using a number of osteological reference books and keyed illustrations (Bass 1987; Driesch 1976; Gilbert 1993; Hillson 1986; Keen 1971; Kent 1992; Olsen 1964, 1968, 1982, 1985; Schid 1972). Salvadoran law prohibits the export of artifacts outside the country. Thus, the primary data collection objective was the documentation, in scaled photographs, of all artifacts containing diagnostic morphology. This allowed for additional taxonomic identification and verification to continue in the United States with the aid of comparative faunal collections. All artifacts were documented in scaled photographs and illustrations with a special emphasis placed on noting diagnostic morphology and use-wear patterns. Final identifications were assigned using comparatiye collections of the Colorado Archaeological Society's Zooarchaeological Laboratory, located on the Denver University campus and the comparative faunal collection at the Denver Museum of Natural History. Dr. Dennis Van Gerven, forensic specialist, was consulted and assisted with the identification of human remains. All bone, antler, turtle shell, and marine shell artifacts were identified to the closest possible taxon. In some cases, extensively worked artifacts lacked any diagnostic morphology and were identified only to the level of family, order, or class. Likewise, extremely fragmented or deteriorated bone or shell were often assignable only to their broader taxon. 62

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Animal size. An attempt was made to assess the relative size of the animal in all specimens lacking enough diagnostic morphology for identification to a specific species or genus. Three categories of size were modeled after distinctions utilized in Hamblin (1983). These categories are identified as: Small: Opossums, rabbits, rodents, bats, and small birds Medium: Dog, skunks, large rabbits, fox, raccoon, coatimundis, porcupine, paca and medium birds such as parrots Large: White-tail deer, brocket deer, peccaries, jaguars, felines; large birds including eagles, owls, and vultures Skeletal Element. The specific skeletal element (such as scapula, tibia etc.) was recorded for all intact and fragmented elements where possible. However, some skeletal elements were not identifiable due to extreme fragmentation or deterioration. In these cases, five categories of bone type were utilized. These categories of bone type are modeled after Kent (1993:3) and are defined as the following: Long bones: Flat bones: Irregular bones: Teeth: Scrap: Humeri; radii, ulnae, femurs, tibias, fibulae Scapulae, ribs, cranial portions, mandibles Phalanges, metapodia, vertebral parts, carpals, tarsals, and hyoid Crowns, roots, and fragments of enamel Any bone fragment not recognizable as belonging to the above categories 63

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Determining Animal Age. The skeletal elements most commonly used for animal age are epiphyses and teeth (Klein and Cruz 1984). In all mammals, epiphyses remain unfused m younger animals. Thus, for any given skeletal element it is possible to have at least three age classifications -juvenile, young adult and adult -based on fused or unfused epiphyseal elements (Klein and Cruz 1984). In the Ceren faunal assemblage all three stages of epiphyseal fusion were noted; totally unfused Uuvenile), semi fused (young adult) and totally fused (fully mature adult) Eruption and degree of wear on teeth are also used for aging animals Teeth permit distinctions between at least three age categories: juvenile (deciduous teeth), adults (permanent teeth) and senile (permanent teeth with advanced degree of wear) (Klein and Cruz 1984) Minimum-Number Calculations Several methodological techniques exist for comparing numbers of animal remains from archaeological sites The two main methods are 1) the number of identified specimens (Grayson 1979; Payne 1975) and 2) the minimum number of individuals (White 1953) Both techniques are utilized to calculate measures of taxonomic abundance in a particular faunal collection. The number of identified specimens (NISP) is the simpler method of calculation (Klein and Cruz 1984) It consists of acquiring a count of the total number of bones, in any given collection, which are identifiable to a particular species One of the basic advantages of NISP is speed NISP can 64

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be calculated while doing the basic bone identification process. Another advantage to using NISP is the fact that the numbers generated from this method are additive. Thus, NISP counts from current and future field seasons are easily added to counts from past field seasons in long term or ongoing research projects, such as the Ceren project. One of the main disadvantages of the NISP calculation is that here is no way to know if skeletal elements belong to the same or different individuals. A variation of NISP consists of counting the number of identifiable skeletal elements, rather than species (Lyman 1994; Shotwell 1955). However, the number of skeletal elements varies from species to species and this can bias counts in favor of species with more bones. Additionally, a phenomenon called the "schlepp effect" (Perkins and Daly 1968) may bias the calculations in favor of a smaller species. The schlepp effect maintains that "the larger the animal and the farther from the point of consumption it is killed, the fewer of its bones will get 'schlepped' back to the camp, village, or other area" (Daly 1969: 149). Thus, skeletal element counts may tend to underrepresent larger species. The other main method of quantification is the Minimum Number of Individuals (White 1953). The Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) calculates the minimum number of individuals, in a given species, that are necessary to account for the number of identifiable bones recovered from a site (Shotwell 1955). Various techniques have been used to calculate the number of individuals One method involves sorting bones into pairs of matching left and right skeletal elements (White 1953). However, all right 65

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and left skeletal elements will not be necessarily from the same individual. Thus, bone size and relative animal age were introduced as critical aspects of the MNI matching criteria (Daly 1969; Flannery 1968). MNI helps correct biases introduced by the "schlepp effect" in that any one given skeletal element indicates the presence of an individual. However, with the MNI technique, problems can arise from small sample size. In faunal assemblages containing small sample size the MNI technique can overemphasize the importance of rarer animals (Grayson 1978; Payne 1972). Additionally, with sites containing multiple occupations, MNI counts can vary depending upon whether faunal remains are separated according to vertical or horizontal stratigraphy (maximum distinction method) or are grouped together as a whole, ignoring stratigraphy (the minimum distinction method) (Grayson 1978). The MNI calculation does provide archaeologists with a method for comparing faunal assemblages between sites. Some of the above mentioned problems with MNI, such as discerning the number of individuals at sites with multiple occupations, are avoided at the Ceren site. However, because Ceren has a small sample size, both techniques -NISP and MNI -are presented for minimum number calculations. Minimal and Maximal MNI Calculations Minimum number of individual counts (MNI) can be calculated according to two methods; the minimal method and the maximal method The minimal method consists of calculating minimal number totals for an 66

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entire faunal sample as a whole. The maximal method consists of calculating numbers first for each structure and then totaling all of these results. For this project, both minimal and maximal MNI counts were calCulated. The minimal method mentioned above was used. However, the maximal method was slightly adjusted to better reflect the context of domestic structures at the Ceren site. Households, rather than individual structures, were used as the primary units for calculating the maximal method At Ceren a household can be composed of four functionally different buildings; kitchens, bodegas, domiciles, and workshops. Additionally, extramural activity areas between structures and household patios were included in this count. Use-Wear Analysis All bone, antler, turtle shell, and marine shell artifacts recovered from excavations at Ceren were examined under a microscope for evidence of modification. A stereo-zoom binocular Carl Zeiss microscope was used for this analysis. Artifacts were examined at relatively low magnification (from lOX-SOX). All evidence of modification was noted, described in words and illustrated in scale drawings emphasizing cultural modification. Artifact Classification Artifacts were assigned to various categories based on overall artifact form, use-wear patterns, ethnohistoric information, ethnographic 67

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analogies and comparative data from published archaeological reports (Garber 1989; Hayden and Cannon 19. 84; Willey et al. 1995). In cases where artifacts did not conform to known artifact types, the specimen was described according to its overall shape and the skeletal element used (such as curved-notched long bone tool, etc.). The specific artifact types identified at Cen!n include; needles, awls, bone tube beads, pendants, tapiscadores (corn huskers), shell beads, tinklers, adornos and a deer skull headdress. Needles are long thin tools, with a pointed tip, that may, or may not, have an "eye" at the distal aspect of the tool. Awls also have a pointed tip but, typically, are longer and wider than needles. They are generally made from the long bone or antler of large animals (Willey et al. 1995). Bone tube beads are cut and polished sections of animal or bird long bones that were presumably worn as beads (Willey et al. 1995) Pendants can be made from bone, shell or animal teeth and have a perforation for suspension. Tapiscadores are tapered long bone or antler tools. Generally, the proximal end has been shaped into a tapered blunted-end bevel, while the distal end often has been perforated so that the tool can be attached by a cord to the husker (Vogt 1969). Shell beads, typically, have the top spire removed and have a perforation in the shell whorl for suspension. Tinklers are shell ornaments (usually Oliva sp.) that were, presumably, strung together in a row to produce a "tinkle" sound when the wearer moved (Willey et al. 1995). Adornos are shell ornaments that were sewn onto fabrics. Animal headdresses are generally made from the cranium of 68

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an animal, presumably to be worn during ceremonial activities and/or dances. Twenty-nine separate ceramic pieces were recorded with animal motifs. The various animal species represented in the motifs were identified, as closely as possible, to known animal species from the environment. In situations where motifs appeared to be a composite of several species, or were not recognizable at all, then specimens were described as much as possible. Ceremonial and Social Use of Animals The exceptional contextual information at the Ceren site allows us to explore the ceremonial and social use of animals in households and the village ritual complex. Both the actual animal artifacts and representational animal motifs were included in the analysis. The distribution of Ceren animal motifs between domestic, civic, and ceremonial areas of the village was also examined. Animal species present were compared to animal motifs present to explore potential similarities and differences. Numerous sources were used to argue that some of the species present at Ceren played an important role in household and village ceremonialism. Among the sources used to support this position were representations from Maya art, ethnohistoric documents, ethnographic analogies and comparative data from other archaeological sites. 69

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The ceremonial use of animals was commonly depicted in Classic Period Maya art --on painted vessels and murals, in cave sites, and carved sculptures. Many animals appeared in ceremonial contexts in the PostClassic Period codices which have accompanying textual information that help situate a particular animal within a given symbolic context. A large corpus of ethnohistoric documents recorded various ceremonies in which animals and animal sacrifices were essential. Ethnoarchaeological research has also demonstrated that in the contemporary Maya Highlands, certain animal species correlate with specific kinds of activities, such as cargo ceremonies or ritual sweatbaths (Hayden and Cannon 1984). Recently, archaeologists have studied Maya ritual remains -faunal material that appear in caves, cenotes, burials and caches -to explore patterns in ceremonial offerings (M. Pohl 1983). All of these sources are used to argue that at Ceren, both animals-as-representation and animals as-artifact, were an integral aspect of the social and ceremonial lives of the villagers. Summary and Conclusions A total of 103 bone, antler, turtle shell and marine shell artifacts were recovered from Ceren. Minimum number calculations were generated according to both MNI and NISP. All specimens were examined for modification, described and assigned to the closest taxon, and documented in scale illustrations and photographs. 70

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Additionally, 29 ceramic vessels contained animal motifs. The various animal represented were identified to the closest taxon possible. Ethnohistoric, ethnographic, Classic Period Maya paintings, and the Maya codices are used to infer social and ceremonial uses of animal artifacts and animal motifs. 71

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CHAPTER4 THE ENVIRONMENT Introduction Before we examine what animals the villagers were selecting from the environment, we need to know what the natural environment of El Salvador may have been like during the Classic Period. In particular, we need to know what animal resources were available to the villagers. In this section, various aspects of the natural environment are discussed. Then, a hypothetical reconstruction of some of the species which were known to inhabit El Salvador during the early Historic Period will be presented. The Topography of El Salvador Rowel Williams and Helmut Meyer-Abich (1955) co-authored a geological overview of El Salvador. Their report was used as the primary reference for the following sections on the topography of El Salvador. Volcanoes and volcanic activity have been the primary force in the formation and transformation of El Salvador's topography through time The country is bisected by a long volcanic chain which runs northwest southeast. These volcanoes date from the Pleistocene to Recent Periods. 72

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The country of El Salvador can be divided into five main topographic regions; 1) the northern mountains, 2) the coastal mountains 3) the coastal plains, 4) the interior valley and 5) the volcanic chain. The northern mountains, located along border of Guatemala and Honduras, are geologically old dating to the Mesozoic or perhaps the Cretaceous Period (Weismann 1975:562). Typical rock formations of these mountains include limestone, sandstone, quartzite, and volcanic rock The metamorphic rock outcrops, located close to Metapan, may have served as the main non-obsidian lithic source for Precolumbian peoples in central and western El Salvador (Shyets 1983:2). The second topographic area consists of the interior valley. The interior valley is located immediately south of the northern mountains. The valley is a structural trough composed of eroded Pliocene hills and alluvium, with an infrequent Pliocene-to-Recent volcano. The floodplains of the Rio Paz system and the upper and middle Rio Lempa systems are located in this valley (Daugherty 1969). The third topographic region consists of the chain of Pleistocene-toRecent volcanoes. Trending northwest-southeast, this volcanic chain is composed of many volcanic systems including San Miguel in the east, San Salvador and San Vincente in the center and Santa Ana to the west. During the last 450 years of the historic period all of the major volcanic complexes have been active (Sheets 1983:3). The fourth topographic region consists of block-faulted coastal mountains. The coastal mountains date to the Late Pliocene Era and are 73

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composed of volcanic rock, some of which is of recent origin. The most recent pyroclastic flow was from the Ilopango volcanic eruption which occurred around A.D. 300. In contrast to the constructional topography of the interior valley, the predominant topography of the coastal mountains is erosional. The fifth and final topographic region of El Salvador consists of the jagged coastal plain. The coastl).l plain is discontinuous, ranging from a maximum width of 25 km to nothing where coastal mountain cliffs directly abut the Pacific Ocean. The coastal plain is composed of alluvial and volcanic deposits which have combined to produce a particularly rich soil. The richness of the soil both currently and during the prehistoric past supports intensive agricultural production (Sheets 1983:3). El Salvador has several main drainage basins including the Rio Lempa, the Rio Grande de San Miguel, and the Rio Paz river systems. The Rio Lempa river system is the largest in Central America. During historic times, this river system functioned as a cultural divide with the Maya and Pipil Indians living to the west and the Lencas living to the east (Daugherty 1969:38). In general, many scholars have considered the Rio Lempa to be the southeastern boundary of the Maya region during the Classic Period (Longyear 1966:134; Lothrop 1939:48; Willey 1969:541). The Zapotitan Valley is situated to the southeast of the Rio Lempa river system and is thus on the southeast periphery of, the Maya cultural area. 0 74

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The Topography of the Zapotitan Valley The Ceren site is located in the Zapotitan Valley at an elevation of 450 meters (1,500 feet) (Figure 4.1). The Zapotitan Valley is an intermontane basin that was once a Pleistocene lake (Daugherty 1969:40). The topography of the Zapotitan Valley includes three of the major topographic features found in El Salvador; 1) the interior valley, 2) the volcanic chain and, 3) the coastal block mountains. The Zapotitan Valley is surrounded by volcanoes. The San Salvador volcanic complex is composed of volcanoes from the Pleistocene and Recent Epochs. It forms the eastern boundary of the Zapotitan Valley. The main vent, El Boquer6n, was active as recently as 1917 when a lava flow appeared along the northern slope of the volcano. The San Salvador complex is located along a northwest trending fissure line which has spawned fourteen smaller volcanic vents. The volcanoes located along this fissure are collectively referred to as Los Chinitos. The Lorna Caldera, which buried the village of Ceren, is located along the northern boundary of Los Chinitos. The Southern Mountains are located along the southern boundary of the Zapotitan Valley and are a portion of the coastal mountain range called the Balsam Range. These mountains are highly eroded block-faulted Pliocene volcanoes. The primary terrain of the Southern Mountains is one of ridges and steep ravines, called quebradas The western boundary of the Zapotitan Valley is defined by the Santa Ana volcanic complex which is composed Of three volcanoes. The main 75

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-...) 0\ MEXICO GUATEMALA 45 Western Mountains Basin CAB Southern Mountains E!l) Tepecoyo $l Jayaque Talnique Eastern Mountains Q:l =-... '
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cone of this complex, Santa Ana, rises to an elevation of 2,300 m. Two other volcanoes, Cerro Verde and Izalco Volcano, are located to the south of the Santa Ana cone. The Santa Ana complex dates from Pleistocene and Recent times with the Santa Ana cone being active as recently as 1904 (Sheets 1983:3). The northern boundary of the Zapotitan Valley is defined by a hilly terrain with steep ridges and quebradas. The topography has been formed by the erosion of the older Pliocene volcanoes. This hilly terrain serves as a divide in drainage systems, with the water to the north draining outside of the Zapotitan Valley. The main basin area of the Zapotitan Valley covers approximately 182 km 2 The valley is extremely fertile agricultural land. There is evidence that the soil may have been even more fertile during the Preclassic period (Olsen 1983). The main river, the Rio Sucio, flows to the north where it eventually empties into the Rio Lempa. El Salvador's Climate Howard Daugherty (1969:19-36) wrote an in-depth description of the present day climate in El Salvador. Daugherty's work is used as the primary source of information except where otherwise noted, for the following discussions of the climate in El Salvador and the Zapotitan Valley. The climate of El Salvador is classified as tropical savanna or tropical wet-and dry (Daugherty 1969:23). 77

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For most of El Salvador, the diurnal temperature range is greater than the annual temperature range, a phenomenon typical of a tropical region. January is the coolest month with an average low of 19.5C while April is the warmest month, averaging 21.9C (Sheets 1983:6). The most notable aspect of rainfall in the country is its distinct seasonality. El Salvador bas two seasons -the rainy season and the dry season. The rainy season, called "invierno," lasts from late April or early May until the beginning of November. The dry season, called "verano," lasts from November until the return of the rains in late April or May. The Zapotitl:in Valley Climate The majority of Precolumbian populations of El Salvador inhabited the valley areas that are less than 1,000 meters in elevation (Sheets 1983 :6). Sheets (1983) notes that these valleys receive from 1,500 to 2,000 mm of rainfall annually. The mean rainfall recorded at San Andres, located in the Zapotitan Valley approximately 5 km from Ceren, is 1660 mm, with only 100 mm of that reading recorded during the dry season (Sheets 1983:8). While this seems like an adequate amount of rain for non-irrigated Precolumbian maize agriculture, Sheets (1983:6) reported that the rainfall variation, from year-to-year, was indeed significant. He calculated a standard deviation of 289 mm using 25 years of data from San Salvador and discovered that one of every three years had rainfall totals of more than 2,060 mm or less than 1,480 mm. As Sheets notes, these fluctuations can cause great problems for 78

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agriculturalists. When heavy rains arrive too early in the season, newly planted seeds rot, whereas decreased rainfall slows plant growth. Flora of El Salvador Long-term human occupation and agricultural intensification have taken their toll on the original ecosystems of El Salvador. While the country is situated in the Neotropical Realm -an area generally characterized by high biomass and diversity -the original flora of the country has all but been destroyed (Daugherty 1969). The few remaining patches of natural habitats include the cloud forests in the northwest, and the mangrove forests along the Pacific coast. But, as Howard Daugherty (1969:43) noted, virtually the entire present day landscape of El Salvador is 11 a culturally induced phenomenon. 11 During the historic period, major cultural impacts included: 1) the introduction of cattle and cattle gazing, 2) the intensive cultivation of coffee, indigo and cotton and, 3) a growing need for trees for fuel and construction especially in the mines, all of which combined to reshape the landscape (Daugherty 1969:43). However, there were periods of tremendous ecological disturbances during Precolumbian times as well (Sheets 1983:8). Sheets (19 8 3) notes that the earliest cultural impacts occurred during the Preclassic Period with the arrival of people who practiced slash-and-burn agriculture. However, not all changes in the Precolumbian landscape were the result of cultural modification. The massive eruption of the Ilopango volcano in the third century, was a regional disaster that caused wide scale 79

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damage. Sheets (1983:5) notes that any sites located close to the source of the eruption were buried under 50 meters of ash flow tephra and airfall. Additionally, he notes that even as far away as Chalchuapa, 75 km from the eruption, sites had to be abandoned after being buried beneath a meter of Ilopango airfall ash Daugherty (1969: 41-53) presented a hypothetical reconstruction of the climax vegetation in El Salvador. His dissertation is an excellent source for the flora of El Salvador and, except where otherwise noted, was used as the primary source of information for the following ecological reconstruction. Daugherty categorized the climax vegetation of El Salvador according to five lowland and three upland formations. The lowland formations, in order of ascending elevation, are: 1) the pioneer beach vegetation, 2) the mangrove forest, 3) the evergreen forest, 4) the deciduous forest, and 5) the galleria forest. The pioneer beach vegetation is located along small sandy narrow patches of the coast. This vegetation consists of various grasses and herbs which colonize the sandy coastline. Next are the intertidal mangrove forests that intermittently dot the coastline. The red mangrove is generally seen growing along the tidal areas, while the black and white mangroves tend to grow in the drier slightly elevated inland areas. During the Classic period, the evergreen forest would have grown next to the mangrove forest. In present day El Salvador, the evergreen forest has been virtually wiped out except for an occasional patch. The deciduous forest once covered approximately 90 percent of the countryside and was the major 80

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climatic vegetation of El Salvador. Trees included in this forest were ceiba, cacao, laurel, and balsam. The galleria forest grew predominately along waterways where water was available. The three upland formations that Daugherty presents include 1) the pine-oak forest, 2) the cloud forest and 3) the rocky scrub. The pine-oak forest ranged from an elevation of approximately 800 to 2,000 meters. Thirteen different tree species (twelve oak and one pine) dominated this forest. However, other scrubs, small trees and epiphytic flora were found in this area. The cloud forest ranged from an elevation of 1,800-2,000 meters. It consisted of broadleaf evergreen formations and was the richest and most diverse ecosystem in El Salvador. The high rocky scrub exists on the harsh peaks of the cloud forests where the wind and elements take their toll on the vegetation. Low tree, scrub, mosses, and lichen are common in this area. As previously mentioned, the Ceren site is located along the bank of the Rio Sucio in the Zapotitan Valley at an elevation of 450 According to Daughtery's reconstruction the climax vegetation of the Zapotitan Valley would have been deciduous forest, perhaps with some galleria forest growth located closer to the river. Fauna of EI Salvador El Salvador lies in a faunal transition area which includes species typical of both the Neotropical and Neoarctic Realms (Bennet 1966). While the Neotropical Realm is usually characterized by its diversity of fauna, the 8 1

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fauna of present day El Salvador have all but been eliminated. Currently, the most common mammals in El Salvador are rodents. Mosquitoes and cockroaches have flourished. The combined pressures of human overexploitation of local animals with the nearly complete destruction of all natural habitats have been disastrous to the once abundant faunal community (Daugherty 1969:217) Most of this depletion occurred during the Historic period. Daugherty (1969:158) notes that by the early 1900s human alteration of the natural landscape had already reduced many species. By the turn of the century, most of the coastal evergreen forests had been cleared for either agricultural development or grazing savannas. This severely reduced the species which were dependent upon an evergreen forest ecosystem. The species most heavily impacted include the brocket deer (Mazama americana), the tapir (Tapirus bairdii), the howler monkey (Alouatta villosa), and the porcupine (Coendu mexicanus). Furthermore, the brocket deer and tapir were heavily hunted, adding additional pressure to these species. Likewise, mountain lions and other members of the cat family were actively hunted and greatly reduced by the 1880's. However, not all taxa were depleted during the Historic period. Post conquest modification and disturbance of natural habitat produced an increase in secondary brush vegetation which was beneficial to some species. The white-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus), the coyote (Canis latrans), cotton-tailed rabbit (Sylvilagus floridanus), the gray fox (Urocyon 82

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cinereoargenteus), collared peccary (Tayassu tajacu) and finches (Fringillidae) all expanded with the open brushy vegetation. Daugherty (1969:53-70) presents a hypothetical reconstruction of the indigenous fauna of El Salvador and once again, his dissertation was used as the primary source for the following sections on the Classic period animal community. Reconstructing the Classic Period Animal Community The Pipil word for present day El Salvador is "Cuscathin" -the land of richness. Ethnohistoric records support this concept of richness. Early Spanish records contain numerous references to the abundance of animal species that inhabited El Salvador during the fifteenth century. In the 1580s Ponce (1873) wrote about the abundance of iguanas and fish in El Salvador. In 1613 Vazquez de Espinosa (1942: 227-233) wrote that El Salvador contained "great numbers" of deer, coyotes, rabbits, monkeys, squirrels, jaguars, mountain lions, ocelots, turkeys, eagles, squirrels, anteaters, caimans and "many other kinds of animals" including many birds and fish. Additionally, several domesticated species existed in Precolumbian El Salvador. These species included dogs, turkeys, doves, and the Muscovy duck, which may have been domesticated in South America and traded northward (Hamblin 1984). Daugherty (1969:56) notes that during the historic period, a total of 46 genera of non-flying mammals were recorded in El Salvador. As he notes, the most plentiful of these genera were rodents and carnivores. A total of 83

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16 genera of rodents (with 24 species) and 13 genera of carnivores (with 17 species) are known to have inhabited the country. Additionally, four artiodacytla (deer and peccary), four marsupials (opossums), two primates (howler and spider monkey), one lagomorph (cottontail rabbit), one perissodactyl (tapir) and one insectivore (shrew) also resided in El Salvador. Daugherty (1969:57-59) compiled a table (which is reproduced in Appendix G) of the non-flying and non-marine mammals which were known to inhabit El Salvador during the Historic period. A vi-Fauna. Compared with the dramatic decline in the diversity of a once abundant mammal population of El Salvador, birds seem to have emerged from the last hundred years relatively unscathed (Daugherty 1969). Daugherty reports that 481 different birds (species and subspecies) are known to have existed in historic El Salvador. Of these, the most abundant families include Tyrannidae (kingbirds and flycatchers) with 37 species, Parulidae (warblers) with 35 species, Fringillidae (includes sparrows and seedeaters) with 26 species, Trochilidae (includes hummingbirds and violetear) with 22 species, and Accipitridae (includes hawks and eagles) with 20 species (Daugherty 1969:60). Vultures (Cathartidae), still common in El Salvador, tend to live close to human habitations where they feed off human refuse (Stuart 1964). The extraordinarily high numbers of the avi-fauna represented in El Salvador precludes listing each individual species here. However, scholars generally have typed birds according to the three habitats; the lowland areas, the upland regions and cloud forests (Daugherty 1969). Daugherty 84

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(1969:61-62) compiled a table of some of the representative species of bird that inhabit these areas and his table has been reproduced in Appendix G. Fish. Reptiles. and Amphibians. Overexploitation and destruction of natural habitats have combined to severely deplete the fauna of El Salvador's river and lake areas. Daugherty (1969:223) cited the use of dynamite, plant poisons, and the taking of immature fish as the primary factors in the depopulation of fresh water fish. Currently, there are 23 genera, representing 30 different species, of freshwater fish known in El Salvador (Daugherty 1969:60). Reptiles have not fared much better. The crocodile (Crocodylus acutus) and caiman (Caiman crocodylus) that were abundant in the rivers and lakes of the region have been hunted almost to the point of extinction. Currently, there are 57 genera, composed of 73 species, of reptiles in El Salvador. The remaining reptiles are dominated by snakes and lizards. Common snakes include the rattlesnake, coral snake, boa constrictor, bushmaster and fer de lance. The iguana, a popular food item which was once widespread throughout Mesoamerica, is only present in eastern El Salvador today. Amphibians are primarily represented by frogs and toads. Currently, the most common frogs and toads of El Salvador are those of the genera Bufo, Hyla, and Rana. The severe depletion of amphibians, reptiles, and fish makes even hypothetical reconstructions extremely incomplete. However, Daugherty (1969:63-69) compiled several tables (presented in Appendix D) of some of 85

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the species of fish, amphibians, and reptiles that have been recorded in El Salvador. Summary and Conclusions The agricultural people who resided in the village of Ceren occupied an area noted for its diverse and abundant faunal community. Some of the various species that are known to have resided in the country have been mentioned above and an in-depth list reconstructing some of the Classic period animal species of El Salvador is presented in Appendix H. Having presented a faunal base for possible animal resources, the next step is to examine which species the villagers were selecting and then explore some of the possible reasons why. 86

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CHAPTERS ECONOMIC ANALYSIS Introduction This section of the thesis examines animal use from an economic perspective. The identification of animal species present and minimum number calculations are presented. The distribution of animal age and various skeletal elements exploited are discussed where applicable. The possible implications for village animal husbandry practices are presented. The role of Ceren women as contributors to the domestic economy is examined in relationship to the faunal remains and ethnohistoric data. Total Count of Ceren Animals A total of 103 turtle shell, marine shell, antler, and bone remains were recovered from cultural contexts at the Ceren site (see Appendix C for complete list and contexts). Seventy-nine vertebrates and 24 marine shell were recorded. In the following section, animal identification and minimum number calculations are presented first for the vertebrates followed by the marine shells. 87

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The Vertebrates Number of Individual Specimens Preserved The number of identified specimens (or NISP) is a count of the total number of faunal elements, in any given collection, which are identifiable to a particular species. For the Ceren site, a total of 79 vertebrate remains were recovered which included domesticated dog, white-tailed deer, peccary, mud turtle, duck, rodent, artiodactyla (deer or peccary), human, and various unclassifiable bird and mammal specimens. The various materials recovered included bone, antler, tooth, and turtle shell. The total number of individual specimens for the vertebrates are listed below (Table 5 .1) Sixty two percent of the faunal assemblage was too culturally modified or fragmented to allow for identification to the level of genus or species. Therefore, these specimens were assigned to the broad taxonomic categories of large, medium, or unknown-sized mammals. It is probable that many of the large mammal bones represent members of the white-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus) species The medium mammal category is, most probably, dog. To get a better idea of the distribution of the various taxa that were identifiable beyond the mammalian class, the large, medium, and unknown mammal taxa were removed. Percentages were then recalculated in Table 5.2 and shown in Figure 5.1. 88

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Table 5.1 (NISP) for Total Number of Individual Specimens Preserved Vertebrates in the Ceren Faunal Assemblage. Taxon Count Percent Artiodactlya (Deer or Peccary) 3 4 Aves (Birds) 6 8 Canis familiaris (Dog) 4 5 Duck'* 1 1 Homo sa12iens 1 1 Unknown Mammal Large 28 35 Unknown Mammal Medium 1 1 1 4 Unknown Mammal (Unknown Size) 1 0 1 3 Odocoileus virginianus (Deer) 9 1 1 Rodentia 2 3 Turtle 1 1 Tayassu sp. (Peccary) 2 3 Unknown Scrap Bone 1 1 Total Vertebrates 79 '* Complete Articulated Skeleton Table 5.2 (NISP) for (Unknown Total Number of Individual Specimens Preserved Vertebrates in the Ceren Faunal Assemblage Mammal Category Removed). Taxon Count Percent Artiodactlya (Deer or Peccary) 3 1 0 Aves (Birds) 6 20.5 Canis familiaris (Dog) 4 1 4 Duck'* 1 3.5 Homo sa12iens 1 3.5 Odocoileus virginianus (Deer) 9 31 Rodentia 2 7 Turtle 1 3.5 Tayassu sp. (Peccary) 2 7 Total Vertebrates 29 '* Complete Articulated Skeleton 89

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Figure 5.1 (NISP) for (Unknown c 0 a:s (.) -c Q) Total Number of Vertebrates in the Mammal categories Individual Specimens Preserved Cen!n Faunal Assemblage removed). Total Number of Specimens Preserved (NISP} in the Ceren Faunal Assemblage Peccary Turtle Rodent Deer "C Homo sapien (.) Duck E 0 c Dog 0 >< a:s tBirds Artiodactyla 0 1 0 20 30 40 Percent Minimum Number of Individual Calculations The Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) calculates the minimum number of individuals, in a given species, that are necessary to account for the number of identifiable bones recovered from a site (Shotwell 1955). At 90

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the Ceren site, a minimum of 11 individuals are represented. Of these, nine are mammals, 1 is an amphibian and one is a bird (Table 5.3 and Figure 5.2). The overwhelming majority of the faunal remains recovered at the Ceren site are mammals. Mammals constitute 82 percent of the faunal assemblage (minimal method) representing nine individuals. The various mammal species present include white-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginian us), peccary (Tayassu sp.), dog (Canis familiaris), and a large rodent. The remaining 11% of the vertebrate fauna identified consisted of a duck and a mud turtle (Kinosternon sp.). Table 5.3 Vertebrate Minimum Number of Individuals the Ceren site (count includes only those specimens to the level of genus or species). (MNI) at classifiable Maximal Method Minimal Method MNI % MNI % Canis familiaris (Dog) 8 1 9 1 9 Odocoileus virginianus (Deer) 3 50 6 55 Rodentia 2 1 3 1 9 Tayassu sp. (Peccary) 1 6 1 9 Total Mammals 1 4 86 9 8 2 Anatidae (Duck) 1 6 1 9 Kinosternon sp. (Turtle) 1 6 1 9 Total Vertebrates 1 6 1 1 91

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Figure 5.2 Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) of Vertebrates at the Ceren site. Vertebrate MNI z 50 :lE Q) C'CS .0 40 Q) ... Q) > 0 Q) 30 g' 2 0 c Q) 0 ... 10 0 White-Dog Rodent Peccary Duck Turtle Tailed Deer Taxonomic Identification 92 Maximal Method IS:I Minimal Method

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Mammals The WhiteTailed Deer The most abundant species present at Ceren is the white-tailed deer. As at other. Mesoamerican sites, the inhabitants of Ceren appeared to have had a strong preference for deer. According to both minimal and maximal methods of MNI counts, the white-tailed deer constituted an overwhelming majority of bones diagnostic to the level of genus or species. A minimum of 6 individuals -representing 55% of the total vertebrate assemblage were members of the white-tailed deer species (minimal method). Calculations according to the maximal method revealed a minimum of 8 individuals -representing 50% of the total vertebrate assemblage. Undoubtedly, some fragmentary specimens and highly modified bone artifacts which were identifiable only to the taxonomic level of Artiodactyla (deer or peccary), and the broad category large mammal, include additional members of the white-tailed deer species. The white-tailed deer is the most frequent mammal recovered from many Maya sites (Hamblin 1984:138). In fact, the white-tailed deer was the most common species recorded at Seibal (Olsen 1978), Zacaleu (Woodbury and Trik 1953), Mayapan (Pollock and Ray 1957), Altar de Sacrificios (Olsen 1972), and Copan (M. Pohl 1994), among others. White-tailed deer populations tend to increase with agriculture, specifically, with the clearing of forests which provides a maximum of forest edge environment and open brushy vegetation which is good for browsing. Therefore, the 93

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occurrence of deer at Ceren -an agricultural village -is not surprising. However, the high percentage (50-55%) of white-tailed deer individuals represented in the Ceren sample is unusual. The elevated white-tailed deer numbers at Ceren is evident when MNI percentages are compared with other Mesoamerican sites Recent excavations in the Copan residential zone have revealed one of the highest MNI percentages of white-tailed deer from published Mesoamerican sites. Pohl (1994:466) reported that white-tailed deer composed 36 percent of Coner phase and 29 percent of all Late Classic contexts (both calculated according to the minimal method) at Copan Table 5.4 lists the white-tailed deer MNI counts from some other Mesoamerican sites Another unusual aspect of the white-tailed deer remains at Ceren is the high percent of immature individuals (Table 5.5). A total of 25 percent (maximal method) to 33 percent (minimal method) of the MNI were not fully mature. The high percentage of young deer at Ceren may be the inadvertent result of a small sample size If this is the case, then future excavations will adjust the current data. However, various cultural phenomenon could account for the high percentage of immature deer, as well. The high percentage of young deer may reflect a strong food preference for young animals. High numbers of immature deer can also reflect increased hunting pressure on a species necessitating the taking of younger animals (M. Pohl 1990) However, high percentages of young 94

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TABLE 5.4. Percentages of White-Tailed Deer MNI in the Total Faunal Sample from other Published Mesoamerican Sites (from (M. Pohl 1990 and 1995). SITE/PERIOD % MNI (White-Tailed Deer) ALTAR DE SACRIFICIOS andSEIBAL 1 0 Preclassic ALTAR DE SACRIFICIOS 1 6 Late Classic COPAN (Residential Zone) Corner Phase (Late Classic) 36 All Late Classic 29 SEIBAL Peripheral Zone 1 7 Late Classic 30 TIKAL 1 4 Late Classic to Early Postclassic MACANCHE 1 9 Late Classic to Early Postclassic FLORES 4 Middle Postclassic animals at sites can also indicate human manipulation of, or control over, certain species. In these instances breeding females and their young may live in close association with human settlements (Hamblin 1984 ). As a result, adult and young are easily available for food, trade, ritual sacrifices, public feasting, and other uses. 95

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Table 5.5 Minimum Number of Ceren White-Tailed Deer According to Age. MAXIMAL METHOD MINIMAL METHOD White-Tailed Deer MNI Percent MNI Percent Adult (epiphysis totally fused) 6 75 4 66 Sub-Adult (epiphysis partially fused) 1 12.5 1 1 7 Juvenile (epiphysis unfused) 1 12.5 1 1 7 Total 8 6 One of the deer procurement strategies the Ceren villagers may have utilized is "garden hunting" (Linares 1976) As previously mentioned white-tailed deer populations tend to increase with the clearing of forests for agriculture. The garden hunting strategy consists of allowing whitetailed deer to browse in cultivated fields and household gardens where they can be hunted when needed. While some vegetation is lost to the browsing deer, the benefits of this strategy include easy access to a protein source (the deer) when needed It is conceivable that the Ceren villagers may have practiced a form of garden hunting If the Ceren villagers burned milpas prior to planting, this could have had an additional advantage in managing deer population. Contemporary Maya farmers report that white-tailed deer come into the freshly burned milpas apparently attracted by the salty ashes (M. Pohl 1990). The Ceren villagers may have engaged in another form of deer management semi-taming. The ethnohistoric data make many references to Mesoamericans partially taming the white-tailed deer. 96

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Specifically, sources note that it was women who were responsible for taking in, taming, and raising white-tailed deer. Landa mentioned that women: raise other domestic animals and let deer suck their breasts, by which means they raise them and make them so tame that they never will go into the woods, although they take them and carry them through the woods and raise them there. Diego de Landa in Tozzer 1941:127 Apparently, at least during historic times, there was a designated place in the woods were women would take the semi-tamed deer to browse until they needed them. Ximenez also noted that women tamed deer in the Maya highlands (1967:57). The Motul Dictionary for Maya-Spanish language has an entry "ah may as venadillo pequefio criado en casa" which means "a little deer raised in a house" (Martinez Herna.ndez 1929). Ethnohistoric and ethnographic data report that Mesoamerican women contributed to the economic system by producing textiles, working in the fields and tending fruit trees, and raising animals (M. Pohl and Feldman 1982). Pohl and Feldman (1982:308) note that during Postclassic times, women were responsible for providing tribute payments which commonly included animals. The Ceren women may have raised deer for meat, leather, trade, bone tools and ceremonial activities. If, in future excavations, the pattern of the high percentage of young deer at Ceren remains consistently high, then we can more seriously consider the possibility of human manipulation of deer at this site. 97

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The most commonly represented faunal element of the Ceren white tailed deer assemblage is the antler (Table 5.6). Antlers constitute 33 percent of all the deer elements present. All antlers recovered had been culturally modified and showed signs of use. (Chapter 6 contains an in depth discussion of use-wear patterns noted on artifacts.) Scapulae were the second most common skeletal element, representing 22 percent of the deer elements. One scapula was from an adult individual while the other scapula was from a juvenile. Both scapulae and a deer skull headdress were recovered from a ceremonial context (Structure 1 0) which was used as a storage area for ritual items and an area for serving community feasts (Gerstle 1992b). The deerskull headdress, made from the cranium of an adult stag had the remains of red and blue/green pigment on it and was found with a string attached to it, presumably for wearing. Two leg elements, an adult left humerus from a front haunch, and a subadult left tibia from the rear meat-bearing hindquarter, constitute 22 percent of the deer elements. The tibia from the subadult was recovered from an elevated context in the kitchen of Household 1 (Structure 11). The humerus was recovered from the exterior ground surface northwest of Structure 4 a domicile/bodega. Apparently, a carnivore (probably a local village dog) had chewed on it and gnawed off the proximal epiphysis A single deer adult molar tooth fragment was recovered from the midden behind the sweat bath (Structure 9). 98

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Table 5.6 Ceren White-Tailed Deer; Skeletal Elements. SKELETAL ELEMENT NO. BONES PERCENT Antlers (1 L, 2 Unk) 3 33.3 Cranium 1 11 1 Humerus (L) 1 11.1 Scapula (R&L) 2 22.2 Tibia (L) 1 11.1 Molar Tooth Fragment 1 11 .1 Total 9 Many white-tailed deer skeletal elements are underrepresented in the Ceren sample. Specifically, the foot and toe bones (metapodials, phalanges, calcaneum, astragalus etc.) are all missing. It is possible that these bones were removed in the skinning process. Conversely, perhaps these elements were selected for some ceremonial activities. Reportedly, deer toes were used for shamanic divination and 19 deer toes were recovered from a burial of an individual believed to be a shaman at Holmul, Guatemala (Merwin and Villant 1932). Other elements absent from the sample include vertebrae, sacrum, and the innominates. The dog-chewed tibia may offer a clue as to the lack of some of these skeletal elements. Perhaps these bones were fed to local village dogs. In addition to missing lower leg and foot bones, no deer femurs were recovered. This is surprising as the femur comes from the part of the deer which bears the most meat. Perhaps the villagers used femur bones for manufacturing the long bone artifacts that are so common at Ceren. Conversely they could have either traded or had 99

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restricted access to this part of the animal. Ethnohistoric documents (Tozzer and Allen 1910:348,350) mention that deer haunches were offered to the gods and both the Dresden and Madrid codices depict this offering (Figure 5.3). The villagers at Ceren may have offered the choicest meat to their deities. Figure 5.3 A Ceremonial Participant Offers a Turkey and a D"eer Haunch to the Sacred Tree. (The deer haunch is represented by the two hooves in the tripod at the foot of the person.) From the Dresden Codex (Villacorta and Villacorta 1930). 100

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The White-Tailed Deer and Structure 10 Whatever ceremonial activities were being practiced by the Ceren villagers, the close association between the white-tailed deer, ceremonialism and the possible casa de cofradia (Structure 10) is unmistakable. Structure 10 has the most white-tailed deer remains from any context in the village. An MNI (minimal method) of 3 individuals, representing 50 percent of all the white-tailed deer recovered from the site, were found in this structure (Table 5.7). Of these three individuals, one juvenile and two adult stags are represented. Table (MNI) 5.7 White-Tailed Deer recovered in Structure Minimum 10. Number of Individuals White-tailed Deer MNI (minimal method) Adult Stag Juvenile 2 1 Among the ceremonial items in Structure 10, perhaps the most striking is the deer skull headdress. Remnants of twine were still wrapped around an antler base probably for attaching to the wearer. The deer skull headdress was being stored on a high shelf at the time of the eruption. Additional bone artifacts belonging to a possible ceremonial costume were stored with the headdress. These included two long bone tube beads and a teardrop shaped bone ornament made from skeletal elements of an unidentified large mammal. Additionally, the left scapula from a juvenile 101

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white-tailed deer that may have been used as a tool or a costume element was recovered from this area. Seven bone artifacts recovered from this structure are all classifiable only to the level of large mammal (Table 5.8). Undoubtedly some, if not most, of these artifacts are additional white-tailed deer elements. In fact, it is possible that all of these bones belong to white-tailed deer. However, they were too culturally modified or are too fragmentary to make a definite identification. Table 5.8 List of the antler and bone artifacts recovered from Structure 10. Artifact Type Deer Skull Headdress Bead Bead Ornament Scapula Scapula Tapiscador Tapiscador Tapiscador Long Bone Tool Unmodified Long Bone Animal Identification White-Tailed Deer Large Mammal-Probably White-Tailed Deer Large Mammal-Probably White-Tailed Deer Large Mammal-Probably White-Tailed Deer White-Tailed Deer Adult White-Tailed Deer Juvenile White-Tailed Deer Adult Large Mammal-Probably WhiteTailed Deer Large Mammal-Probably White-Tailed Deer Large Mammal-Probably White-Tailed Deer Large Mammal-Probably WhiteTailed Deer Ethnographic information from several areas in the Maya Highlands reported that deer was the preferable animal source for making tapiscadores (Hayden and Cannon 1986; Vogt 1969). Generally, tapiscadores are fashioned from antlers or metapodials. Several villagers reported that 102

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the bones of domesticated animals were simply too weak to be made into tapiscadores (Hayden and Cannon 1984:84). However, as Hayden and Cannon noted, the stout long bones of cows, pigs, goat or dogs would probably be a sufficiently strong material. In fact, they recorded several tapiscadores made from goat and dog long bones. Therefore, the authors speculated that this folk belief was probably a reflection of a deeper cultural tradition which associates the white-tailed deer with agricultural fertility. All Ceren tapiscadores were made from white-tailed deer antler or the long bones of a large mammal, probably the white-tailed deer. Apparently, the Ceren villagers also thought of the white-tailed deer as the preferable animal source for tapiscadores. As we shall see in the symbolic analysis, the white-tailed deer and agricultural fertility may have been firmly linked in the minds of the Ceren inhabitants. Dogs were the only mammal domesticated in Precolumbian Mesoamerica. Dogs (Canis familiaris) are the second most numerically important species at Ceren. A total of one to three adult individuals, representing 9 percent to 19 percent of the MNI, were dogs. All of these individuals are represented by loose teeth recovered from various contexts (Table 5.9). 103

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Table 5.9 Domesticated Dog; Loose Teeth. SKELETAL ELEMENT Carnassiai-P4 (R) Carnassiai-M1 (R) Premolar-P3 (L) Canine Tooth Total NO. TEETH 1 1 1 1 4 One dog tooth showed signs of cultural modification. A canine tooth had been perforated -biconically drilled through the root -presumably to be worn as a pendant. The canine tooth pendant and an unmodified carnassial tooth (right lower first molar) were recovered from the midden behind and downslope from the sweat bath. Another unmodified carnassial (a right upper fourth premolar) was recovered from an elevated context where it had been stored in the bodega (Structure 7) of Household 2. The final dog tooth was an unmodified left upper third premolar. It was recovered from the original ground surface (test pit 19) located close to the kitchen of Household 1 (Structure 11) and behind the building that was used for community ritual and feasting (Structure 10). The recovery of a dog tooth from the original ground surface close to Household 1 and Structure 10 is notable. Blood residue analysis conducted on two obsidian blades that had been discarded in the vicinity of Household 1 tested positive for dog antiserum (Newman 1993:184). The exterior ground surface around Household 1 also yielded discarded bones which due to the degree of fragmentation, could only be classified as medium-sized mammal. 104

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The kitchen garden area and the young milpa of Household 1 both yielded burned rib fragments from a medium-sized mammal. It is possible that some of these medium mammal fragmented remains are additional skeletal elements belonging to dogs. The occurrence of dog remains at the site and blood residue (Canid) on obsidian blades suggest that the villagers were eating dogs. Ethnohistoric documents contain numerous references to the practice of eating dogs. For example, early Spanish historians mentioned that dog meat was considered a delicacy and was commonly found in the local markets (Wright 1970). Additionally, Duran (1971:278-279) reported that hundreds of various sizes of dogs were for sale in the Aztec marketplace. Ethnohistoric documents mention that dogs were raised in domestic houses and Landa mentioned that the household primarily was the domain of women (Tozzer 1941: 127). It is possible that the women of Ceren raised dogs (much like contemporary women of El Salvador raise pigs and chickens) as a means of contributing to the household economy. Perhaps the villagers were using some dog elements, such as canine and carnassial teeth, for personal adornment. Carnassial and canine teeth are over-represented in the assemblage, constituting seventy-five percent of all the dog remains at Ceren. All of these teeth were found "loose," not associated with any dog mandible or cranial material. The implication of finding "loose" teeth in a faunal assemblage is that people in the past may have removed and held on to these teeth for certain reasons (Hamblin 1984). The presence of a carefully stored carnassial in the bodega of 105

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Household 2 suggests that it was being saved, perhaps to be made into a pendant or other object. Perforated dog and canine teeth pendants have been found in many Mesoamerican sites and seemed to have a special meaning for Mesoamerican peoples. Perforated dog canine teeth have been recovered from Mayapan (Pollock and Ray 1957), Altar de Sacrificios (Olsen 1972), Cerros (Garber 1989), Copan (M. Pohl 1995), and other sites. A drilled lower molar was recovered at Seibal (Olsen 1978). Large quantities of dog teeth were recovered from the Late Classic site of Actun Polbilche, a cave that may have been used in ceremonies for rain (Pendergast 1974; Savage 1978). Interestingly, recent research has found a strong association between animal teeth and human gender. Ann Samuelson (1996) studied the artifact types recovered from 21 female and 38 male burials found in six Maya sites dating from the Classic Period. She discovered that all animal teeth, both loose and in pendants, were recovered exclusively from male burials. No animal teeth were recovered from female burials. This led her to conclude that animal teeth (among many other artifact types) were a gender associated artifact and might be used as an indicator of gender-associated spaces in archaeological sites. While Samuelson's gender association of animal teeth is intriguing at the present time it has limited application at the Ceren site. This is primarily due to the limited numbers of teeth recovered from the site thus far. Half of the Ceren dog teeth were recovered from the midden, one was 106

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recovered from the Household 1 extramural activity area, and one was recovered from an elevated storage context in Household 2. Teeth from other animals also were recovered from the village. A rodent tooth was recovered from behind the stone seats. Current ethnographic data indicate that it too may be associated with male activities -specifically, minor blood letting rituals prior to entering sweatbaths (Hayden and Cannon 1984). However, another loose rodent tooth and a loose deer tooth were recovered from the midden. Therefore, at this point no clear patterns are evident. Pohl (1976) reported that numerous polychrome vessels depicted dogs involved in trading expeditions. She suggests that perhaps dogs were used as "guards against thieves and highwaymen, which apparently were a menace at least in Postclassic times" (M. Pohl 1976:218). Dogs may have had other uses, as well. Wright (1970:36-37), citing current ethnographic practices, believes that dogs may have had certain medicinal uses. Contemporary Mexican folk beliefs maintain that the possession of a dog is beneficial in warding off colds and other diseases. Additionally, dogs are used like hot water bottles and used in the treatment of abdominal pain (Wright 1970:36-37). Dogs were also used in hunting (Tozzer 1941). Landa reported that in the Yucatan, dogs were used to hunt birds and deer (Tozzer 1941: 186,203). Contemporary ethnographic data supports the association of dogs with hunting, particularly with the hunting of deer. A deer dance (discussed in detail the chapter on ceremonialism) is still performed in Mexico and the 107

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Guatemala highlands. This ritual dance is generally accepted as deriving from Precolumbian practices (Beals 1945 202-204; Lothrop 1929; Paret Limado 1963). In the deer dance the dog plays an important role as a vital assistant to the human deer hunters. Homo sapiens During the initial 1978 field season a single human burial was found (Sheets 1983). Two years earlier the bulldozer cut, which exposed the site, destroyed much of the grave. As a result, only about a portion of the post cranial skeletal elements remained. The burial was located in the Household 1 area, along the east face of the workshop (Structure 5). One additional possible human remain a patella fragment -was recovered from the Ceren site. Dennis Van Gerven of the University of Colorado confirmed the identification of the patella as probable human (personal communication 1995). The patella was recovered from test pit 16, from a depth of 30-40 em lower than the Ceren ground surface. It was recovered from an area located just to the east of the maguey patch southeast of Structure 4. The isolated patella could be from a disturbed burial which may be located nearby (Payson Sheets, personal communication, 1995). bther Mammals The remaining two mammals identified in the Ceren assemblage include a peccary (Tayassu sp.) and a unidentified large rodent (Rodentia). The 108

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skeletal elements of the peccary consist of a left tibia and fibula representing a single adult individual. These peccary hind leg bones were unmodified, yet were carefully stored in the same structure as the dog carnassial tooth. The bones were in an elevated context in the bodega of Household 2. It is possible that the peccary bones may have been stored for some future use. The unidentified large rodent remains include two incisor teeth which represent one (minimal method) to two (maximal method) individuals. One rodent incisor was found in the midden behind the sweat bath. The other rodent incisor was on the ground surface behind the stone seats by the tesmescal. Neither of the rodent incisors displayed any signs of cultural modification. Non-Mammal Vertebrates Two non-mammal vertebrates, representing 18 percent of the MNI (minimal method), were recovered at Cen!n. These are a mud turtle (Kinosternon sp.) and a duck (Anatidae). The mud turtle is a semi-aquatic animal spending time in both waterways as well as on land (Ernst and Barbour 1989). The turtle was recovered together with other artifacts from a test pit which uncovered Structure 13, a civic structure. Structure 13 has yet to be completely excavated. However, the artifact assemblage appears quite different from that of the other civic structure (Structure 3) which was almost completely devoid of artifacts. This difference lead Gerstle (1992a:66) to conclude that Structure 13 must have been used for a different purpose than Structure 3. The turtle shell was stored in an elevated context 109

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in Structure 13 along with two jars, a bowl, a stone ball, red pigment and an obsidian blade Gerstle noted that during excavation, small friable bone fragments fell out from inside the complete but crushed turtle carapace, leading her to believe that the skeleton was still intact (Andrea Gerstle, personal communication 1995). If so, then it is possible that the turtle shell was used as a rattle or was being stored for some future use, perhaps as a sounding board or other object. Turtle remains are common in the archaeological sites of Cancun, Cozumel, Mayapan, Altar de Sacrificios, Seibal, and Tikal (Hamblin 1984:65). Thomas Gage mentioned that during the seventeenth century, land and sea turtles were a common food source for the Maya (Thompson 1958). Turtles were often roasted in their shells, a cooking method that still exists. However, only a slight amount of burning or heat darkening was noted on around the extreme edges of Ceren turtle carapace. The location and degree of burning on the carapace seems consistent with the sporadic fires ignited during the volcanic eruption, rather than direct cooking over an open fire. Additionally, the plastron showed no evidence of burning. Turtles were also a common animal in ceremonial contexts. The hieroglyph for the seventeenth Maya month was a turtle and turtles were offered in sacrifice to the gods (Schellhas 1904; Tozzer and Allen 1910). The ethnohistoric data also mention that turtle shells were prized and used as musical instruments (Landa in Tozzer 1941:114). Landa mentions that: they [the Maya] have another instrument made of a whole tortoise with its shells, and having taken out the flesh, they strike it with the palm of the hand. The sound is doleful and 110

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sad. They have whistles made of the leg bones of deer; great conch shells and flutes made of reeds. Diego de Landa in Tozzer 1941:93 The other non-mammal remain was an articulated skeleton of a duck, identified by Salvadoran Edy Montalvo, who works at the National University, and confirmed by biologist Zulma Ricord de Mendoza, director of Patromonial Nacional. The articulated skeleton was block-lifted (and is still encased in ash) as the duck remains are extremely fragile from being crushed and burned by the eruption. Therefore, species identification was not possible. The duck was found on the floor inside the bodega of Household 1. It had been tethered by a thin cord to the south wall of the bodega, probably for a future meal. The duck was probably alive at the time of the volcanic eruption but died early during the Unit 1 deposition (Sheets 1992:52). Ethnohistoric documents mention that raising fowl was the domain of women. Landa stated that women "raised fowl for sale and for food" (Tozzer 1941:127). He stated that the Maya raise domestic fowl which were "troublesome" and that they raised them in their houses: [they] raise a certain kind of large white mallard duck, which I think came to them from Peru for the plumage, and so often pluck their breasts, and they want that plumage for the embroidery of their garments Diego de Landa in Tozzer 1941:201 111

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The two specific types of birds that Landa mentioned women raising are the white mallard duck and doves (Tozzer 1941:201). Mary Pohl (1976:213) suggested that women may have tamed and raised birds to participating in the domestic economy. If fowl were the domain of women, then it appears that the women at Ceren may have been contributing to the domestic economy through the capture and/or raising of fowl. Marine Shells Marine shells held special meaning to Mesoamerican peoples. They were used as personal adornment, valued as currency, and are often found in ceremonial contexts. A total of twenty-four marine shell artifacts were recovered at the Ceren site (Table 5.10). A minimum of three different identified shell types are represented, including a cowry shell (Cypraea cervinetta), oliva shells (Oliva spicata), and spondylus shell (Spondylus calcifer). Some shell was identifiable only to the level of genus, such as Spondylus sp. and Oliva sp. Shell that was highly modified or in an advanced stage of disintegration was only identifiable to the broad categories of unidentified bivalve or gastropod. Forty-six percent of the shell assemblage was identifiable only to these general levels. Spondylus calcifer, Oliva spicata and Cypraea cervinetta are Tropical Pacific West American species. The Oliva sp. and the Spondylus sp. specimens could be either from the Pacific or Caribbean coasts. The Spondylus sp. is probably Spondylus califer; however, due to the degree of fragmentation, a definite identification was not possible. 112

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Spondylus Shell Spondylus shell comes from rocky coastal shore areas. It is generally found attached to coral or rock, in depths of ten or more feet of water, making it difficult to obtain, which may have added to its value during prehistoric times (Emerson and Jacobson 1976). The bivalve shell has a large central hinge which is diagnostic of the genus. The spondylus is generally covered with long spines and was highly valued by ancient Mesoamericans. Table 5.10 in the Ceren Total Number of Marine Faunal Assemblage. Shell SEecies No. Shells Unidentified Bivalve 9 Cygraea cervinetta 1 Unidentifed Gastropod 2 Oliva spicata 5 Oliva sp. 1 Sgondylus calcifer 1 Sgondylus sp. 5 Total Shells 24 Specimens Preserved Percent 38 4 8 21 4 4 21 Spondylus shell was a favorite material for beads and rosettes during prehistoric times. Prehistoric Mesoamericans would often scrape off the outer spondylus shell surface to expose the brilliant reddish orange concavity prior to carving the shell (Miller and Taube 1993:153). Miller and Taube (1993: 152-153) mention that spondylus shells from Atlantic and 113

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Pacific species were imported at Tikal. Spondylus shell is often associated with elite contexts and is often found in burials. Six of the Ceren shell artifacts, representing 25 percent of the shell assemblage, were spondylus shell. The spondylus artifacts include a valve of a Spondylus calcifer, a carved five-pointed star rosette or bead, and several pieces of unmodified spondylus shell fragments. The valve probably was used as the raw material for making carved shell pieces. This large spondylus shell had the center removed and serrated saw marks were visible along the inner margin of the cut. The craftworker had turned the shell in order to cut the shell from the outer surface inward, as evident by the angle of the beveled saw marks. The cut spondylus valve at Ceren was recovered from a niche in the domicile (Structure 2) of Household 2. The cut valve carefully stored in the domicile niche suggests that a member of the household may have been working shell. However, we would expect to see some shell debris if a household member was working shell. Currently, excavations have produced no shell debitage from this household. Further excavation of the Household 2 area, and the midden just to the south, may produce evidence in support, or rejection, of this suggestion. The cut spondylus shell was the only shell recovered in the domicile of Household 2. All other shell was being stored in the bodega. The spondylus rosette was part of an elevated cache which was stored high in an organic container. The cache included five miniature paint pots and seven jade beads, as well as two incised and drilled bivalve fragments, four shell beads 114

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and an unmodified bivalve fragment. The shell in this cache was probably part of a necklace (Sheets 1990: 198). Interestingly, the necklace contained several different taxa of shell including spondylus, oliva, cowry, and an unidentified gastropod and bivalve. All these shell beads, with the exception of the gastropod, had remnants of red pigment adhering to the surface. Apparently, the necklace was stored with five miniature pots, full of red cinnabar paint, that fell and spilled during the eruption. Spondylus shell also was recovered from the shaman's workshop (Structure 12). Three fragments of unmodified Spondylus sp. had been left on the column by the front door. Apparently, unmodified Spondylus shell was used as an offering, or payment, for the services of the shaman who practiced in this building. Two additional Spondylus fragments were recovered from the niche in the front room of this structure. Cowry Shell The cowry shell bead from the necklace in Household 2 is a member of the Cypraea cervinetta species. Cowries have a brilliantly polished shell surface. They live in shallow warm waters along corral reefs, rocky reefs and under rocks in low water (Keen 1971). The West Tropical America coast cowry species (Cypraea cervinetta) is called the Little Deer Cowry because of the coloration and pattern of the dorsum A mature individual has a light brown dorsum which is speckled with light white spots which resemble a deer fawn, hence the name Little Deer. 115

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Oliva Shell Six oliva shell artifacts, representing 26 percent of the shell assemblage, were recovered from Ceren. Like the cowry shell, the olivas have brilliantly polished dorsum surfaces. They are found in sandy shore areas along the Tropical West America coastline. Olivas live in shallow warm water and burrow into the sandy ocean bottom (Emerson and Jacobson 1976). They are a carnivorous species that preys on other marine species, including the smaller oli vella. Five oliva shells beads and one oliva fragment, probably from a broken bead, were recovered from Ceren. One of the oliva beads (Oliva sp. ) was part of the necklace recovered in Household 2. The other four beads (0 1i v a spicata) and the shell fragment were found in the shamanic building (Structure 12). A small pot, similar to contemporary pots which hold chicha (a maize beer), was placed on top of these four beads. All four of these beads had the top spires removed. They had been drilled, strung, and worn at some point, as was evident from the polish around the suspension holes. At other sites, oliva shell beads were strung in rows and worn around the waist to be used as noisemakers; they are referred to as tinklers in archaeological literature (Miller and Taube 1993:153). Other Shell One shell bead (295-8-521) was reportedly recovered from Structure 10 (Gerstle 1993). Unfortunately, it was never located at the Guzman Museum while I was in El Salvador. The shell bead was described in the 116

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conservator's notes as being in very poor shape, highly degraded, powdery and friable (Beaubien and Lundberg 1993). While it was not examined for this study it was included in the overall Ceren artifact count. Summary and Conclusions A total of 103 turtle shell, marine shell, antler, and bone remains were recovered from the Ceren site. The various vertebrate species identified include white-tailed deer, domesticated dog, peccary, rodent, duck, mud turtle and Homo sapiens. Presumably, all of these species would have been available in the immediate area (1-2 kilometer radius) during the Classic Period. The most important species exploited by the villagers was the white tailed deer. Fifty (maximal) to 55 percent (minimal) of the MNI were white tailed deer. A high percentage of immature individuals were present. This raises questions concerning animal husbandry practices, the preferential harvesting of young deer, the possibility of garden-hunting, and/or the biases of a small sample size. However, ethnohistoric and ethnographic records maintain that women semi-tamed and tended deer. Therefore, the high numbers of young may indicate human control and the management. of herds or individuals. Future excavations and a larger faunal sample may help to answer some of these questions. The second most important species was the dog. All Ceren dogs were represented by loose teeth. Medium-sized mammal fragments may represent dogs. Household 1 had obsidian blades that tested positive for 117

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deer and dog (Canid) protein and it is quite probable that the villagers were eating these species. Additionally, the villagers obtained highly valued spondylus, cowry, and oliva shells, probably from trade networks which included the tropical Pacific West Coast. The presence of spondylus shell -a prestige item --is interesting and raises questions about non-elite access to some prestige items by people living on the Maya periphery. Spondylus shell was used for two different kinds of purposes in the village -as a payment or offering and as raw material for personal adornment. Unmodified spondylus was left as an offering or payment for services provided by the shaman who practiced in Structure 12. The spondylus shell recovered from domestic contexts included a cut spondylus shell valve and a spondylus adorno, or bead, both from Household 2. The presence of a cut valve suggests that a member of this household may have been making shell ornament. However, to date no shell debitage has been recovered from Household 2. 118

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CHAPTER6 ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ANALYSES: THE DIFFERENTIAL DISTRIBUTION OF FAUNAL ANDSHELLARTWACTSATTHECERENSITE Introduction This chapter examines the various economic and social implications for household and village animal use inferred from the differential distribution of animal artifacts A number of comparisons are undertaken including; the contexts of modified and unmodified animal remains, the distribution of bone and shell artifacts in households, civic space, and ceremonial contexts, and the contexts of artifacts with utiliatarian and social/ideological functions. Varying artifact types and distributions are used to infer concepts such as the kinds of animals deemed appropriate for the village ceremonial complex versus domestic contexts and the possibility of household involvement in special public activities located in close proximity to household compounds. Material Types in Public and Domestic Contexts and the Midden A total of 92 faunal and shell remains were recovered from known public or domestic contexts or the midden at the Ceren site (Table 6.1). Of 119

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these, 27 were recovered from public contexts, 52 were recovered from domestic contexts, and 13 were recovered from the midden. The percentages are compared graphically in Figure 6.1. Public spaces included all civic buildings (Structure 3 and 13), the building for public feasting, rituals, and dances (Structure 10), the shaman's workshop (Structure 12), the communal sweatbath (Structure 9) and associated stone seats area. Domestic spaces included all domiciles (Structure 1 and 2), bodegas (Structure 4, 6 and 7), the kitchen (Structure 11), the workshop (Structure 5), and the activity and agricultural areas immediately outside of domestic structures The midden was examined as separate from either public or domestic contexts. While many of the artifacts recovered from the midden appear to be domestic refuse, the midden is located immediately south and downslope from the temescal, a public structure. The close proximity of the sweatbath to the midden suggests the that public refuse, as well as domestic, may have Table 6.1 Artifacts, by Material Type, Recovered in Known Public and Domestic Contexts and the Midden at the Ceren site. PUBLIC DOMESTIC MIDDEN NO. % NO. % NO. % Antler 2 67 1 33 0 0 Bone 1 2 21 36 62 1 0 1 7 Marine Shell 1 1 48 1 3 52 0 0 Turtle Shell 1 100 0 0 0 0 Tooth 1 1 7 2 33 3 50 Total 27 52 1 3 120

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Figure 6.1 Percent of Material Types Recovered in Domestic and Public Contexts and the Midden at the Ceren Site. 100 90 en 80 (.) cu 70 -"-<( 60 50 0 40 c Q) (.) 30 "-Q) D. 20 1 0 0 Antler Bone Marine Turtle Tooth Shell Shell Material Type PUBLIC fill DOMESTIC BMIDDEN been disposed of at this location Therefore, the midden was not classified as exclusively public or domestic. Chi-Square For Animal Use In Public And Domestic Contexts A Chi-Square (X2) test was used to determine whether there was an association between the material types (bone and marine shell) and domestic or public space. All bone and shell artifacts recovered from known domestic or public contexts were included in the chi-square test. 121

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Three different material types (antler, tooth, and turtle shell) had cells with expected values of less than five. Therefore, to decrease potential error, the categories "antler," "tooth," and "turtle shell" were collapsed into a single category called "bone" (Table 6.2). Table 6.2. Contingency Table for Chi-Square Bone and Marine Shell as Compared to Public Areas of the Site. [0 = Observed; E = Expected] Public Domestic Bone 0=16 E=18.797 0=39 E=36.202 She II 0=11 E= 8.202 0=13 E=15.797 Column Total 27 52 Material Types and Domestic Row Total 55 24 Total 79 Chi-Square Results. The chi-square test produced a value of 2.0821(Table 6.3). The critical value for 1 degree of freedom at the 0.5 level of significance is 3.841. Therefore, there is no statistically significant relationship between the material types when compared to location in domestic and public areas in the village. Presumably, any variation noted reflects random variation. Table 6.3. Summary Table Results of the Chi-Square for the Comparison of Artifact Material Type to the Context of Domestic or Public Space within the Village of Ceren, El Salvador. Chi-Square Critical Sample size Value Variable Material Type 2.0821 3.841 79 122

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Comparison of Animals by Household The distributions of the various animal types identified in households were compared (Table 6.4, Figure 6.2). When examining the distributions between Ceren households it is important to keep in mind that not all households have been excavated to the same degree. For example, Household 1 is the most completely excavated household. It consists of a bodega, domicile, kitchen and workshop area. Household 2 has only a bodega and domicile excavated. The kitchen of Household 3 has been identified through a test pit, but currently has not been fully excavated. Household 4 is the second most incomplete household with only one bodega/domicile excavated at present. Thus, the comparisons below are Table 6.4 Household. Count and Distribution of Ceren Animals by Household 1 Household 2 Household 4 count count count Artiodactyla 1 0 1 Aves (Bird) 3 0 2 Bivalve Shell 3 3 0 Spondylus Shell 0 2 0 Cowry Shell 0 1 0 CbJ 1 1 0 Gastropod 1 1 0 Deer 1 0 1 Duck 1 0 0 Oliva Shell 0 1 0 Mammal 1 4 4 3 0 2 0 Total 25 1 5 7 123

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Figure 6.2 Compared Percent of Ceren Animals in to Other Households). Household Contexts (as c 0 C'IS 0 -c Cl) "C 0 E 0 c 0 >< C'IS t-Ceren Household Animals Peccary Mammal Oliva Duck Deer Gastropod Dog Cowry Shell Spondylus Bivalve Shell Aves Artiodactyla 0 20 40 60 80 100 Percent Compared to Household 124 L1 Household 4 Household 2 lEI Household 1

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preliminary. With future excavations of household structures at the site a more complete picture of patterns and distribution of artifacts will emerge. However, enough information has been gathered to warrant a preliminary comparison. The only animal type common to all three households were those classifiable to the broad category mammal. Birds and white-tailed deer were found in both Households 1 and 4. Bivalves, gastropods, and dog teeth were recovered in Households 1 and 2. Household 1 was the only household with a live animal, a duck, tethered inside of a structure. Household 2 had more shell than any other structure including, Spondylus, Cowry, and Oliva shells, and half of the undetermined bivalves and gastropods recovered in domestic contexts. Additionally, Household 2 was the only household with peccary remains. Comparison of Animals in Public Contexts Excavations at Ceren have identified three functionally different types of public buildings in the village. The structures include two civic buildings (Structure 3 and Structure 13), a building for community ritual and feasting (Structure 10), a shamanic workshop (Structure 12), and a communal sweatbath (Structure 9). Additionally, the stone seats area located adjacent to, and just northwest of, the sweatbath was considered a public space. The total faunal and shell counts and percentages recovered from these areas are listed in Table 6.5 and Figure 6.3. 125

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Table 6.5 Con texts. Count and Distribution of Cert!n Animals in Public PUBLIC CONTEXTS civic com ritual shamanic stone seats Bird 0 0 0 0 Bivalve Shell 1 1 0 0 Dog 0 0 0 0 Oliva Shell 0 0 5 0 Mammal 1 6 0 1 Rodent 0 0 0 1 Spondylus Shell 0 0 4 0 Turtle 1 0 0 0 White-Tailed Deer 0 4 1 0 Total 3 1 1 1 0 2 No faunal or shell artifacts were found in the communal sweatbath (Structure 9). However, an incisor tooth from a large rodent was found in the area behind the stone seats, just northwest of the sweatbath. Interestingly, ethnographic evidence reports that, in the Maya highlands, gopher and rat teeth were used in a healing context. Specifically, the teeth were used to draw blood in minor blood-letting ceremonies prior to entering the sweatbath (Hayden and Cannon 1984:104). While we do not know whether this tooth was discarded after a blood-letting or after a dinner, the close proximity of the rodent tooth to the sweatbath is notable. A single turtle shell artifact was recovered from a civic structure (Structure 13). All white-tailed deer remains in public contexts were in the ceremonial complex; the community ritual building (Structure 10) and the shamanic building (Structure 12). All spondylus and oliva shell in public areas were in the shamanic building (Structure 12). 126

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Figure Public 6.3 Percentage and Distribution of Ceren Animals in c 0 ca u .... c Q) "0 u E 0 c 0 >< ca 1Contexts. Animals in Public Contexts White----Tailed Deer Turtle + Spondylus Shell Rodent Oliva Shell Bivalve Shell 0 20 40 60 80 100 Percent Compared to Other Public Contexts 127 Ill shamanic communal ritual I! stone seats Elilcivic

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Comparison of Artifacts in Civic and Ceremonial Buildings A comparison of buildings primarily used for civic functions (Structures 3 and 13) with those primarily used for ritual activities (Structure 10 and 12) yields some interesting patterns (Table 6 6, Figure 6.4). All oliva shell, spondylus shell and white-tailed deer were found in the ritual complex. Additionally, 85 percent of the unidentified large mammal remains (probably deer) were recovered from the ritual complex. By contrast, the turtle shell was found in a civic structure. Equal numbers of bivalve shells were found in the civic and ritual buildings. Interestingly, when ceremonial and civic contexts are compared it is apparent that the majority of animal artifacts (n=21) were recovered from the ritual complex. This suggests that animals were an integral component of village ceremonialism and perhaps were of less importance village civic activities. Table 6.6 Count and Distribution of Cen!n Animals in the Civic Buildings and the Ritual Complex civic buildings ritual com(;!lex Bivalve Shell 1 1 Oliva Shell 0 5 Mammal 1 6 Spondylus Shell 0 4 Turtle 1 0 White-Tailed Deer 0 5 Total 3 2 1 128

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Figure 6.4 Ceren Animals Identified in the Civic Buildings and the Ritual Complex. Count of Ceren Animals in Civic and Ceremonial Buildings WhiteTailed Deer Bivalve Shell 0 2 4 6 Count 129

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However, some of apparent differences in the distribution of animal artifacts among civic and ceremonial areas may reflect the lack of artifacts recovered in Structure 3 (a civic structure). Structure 3 only contained five artifacts. As previously mentioned, another civic structure (Structure 13) has been identified but is not completely excavated. However, preliminary testing of Structure 13 already has produced many more artifacts than recovered in Structure 3. Therefore, future excavations of the civic areas at Ceren may yield more animal artifacts specific to civic contexts. Comparison of Animals in the Midden Ten bone fragments and three teeth were recovered from the midden (Table 6.7). The bone remains consists of nine mammal and one bird fragment. Additionally, two dog teeth (a canine and a carnassial tooth) and one rodent incisor were recovered from this location. The dog canine tooth was biconically drilled through the root, presumably to be worn as a pendant. Interestingly, all bird and dog remains were recovered from either domestic contexts or the midden. It is possible that the villagers viewed birds and dog as appropriate animals for domestic needs What we do not find in the midden may be just as informative. No marine shell, turtle shell, or antler were recovered from the midden. Perhaps the Ceren villagers viewed these materials as special in some way. It is possible that these materials may have been more valued and, therefore, were carefully handled and curated for longer periods of time. 130

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Table 6.7 Midden. Count and Distribution of Ceren Animals in the Identification Bird Bivalve Shell Dog Oliva Shell Mammal Rodent Spondylus Shell Turtle White-Tailed Deer Total MIDDEN 1 0 2 0 9 1 0 0 0 1 3 Unmodified Antler. Bone. And Shell A total of 58 unmodified antler, bone, marine shell, and turtle shell artifacts were recovered from the Ceren site (Figure 6.5) Of these, twenty-eight specimens, representing 48 percent of all unmodified bone, were classifiable only to the level of mammal. This was due to the lack of diagnostic morphology or the advanced stage of fragmentation of the particular specimen. The next largest taxon was bivalve shell, with five specimens representing nine percent of the assemblage. The remaining 13 I

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Figure 6.5 Ceren Unmodified Bone and Marine Shell. Peccary Turtle Spondylus Rodentia c WhiteTailed 0 -Deer CIS CJ -Mammal c Q) "C Homo sapiens CJ E 0 Gastropod c 0 >< CIS Duck .... Dog Bivalve Bird Artiodactyla Unmodified Ceren Animals 0 5 1 0 132 1 5 Count 20 25 30

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taxa all have less than four specimens. The possible implications of these patterns will be discussed in detail in the following section comparing the context and artifact assemblages. Modified Antler. Bone And Shell Distribution of Artifact Types at the Ceren Site A total of 46 modified antler, bone, and shell artifacts were recovered from Ceren. The artifact type and taxonomic identification in relationship to domestic or public context are listed in Table 6.8. Before considering distribution patterns, a brief discussion of the basis for the typology is presented. Artifact Categorization -The Utilitarian. Social. Ideological Model In 1984, Brian Hayden and Aubrey Cannon (1984) conducted an ethnoarchaeological study of household inventories from three villages in the Maya Highlands. This study included an examination of faunal artifacts. Household bone artifacts were categorized as belonging, primarily, to either utilitarian or social and ideological domains of culture (based on Binford's techno-economic, socio-technic, ideo-technic categories [1962]). Artifacts classified as utilitarian had a primary function which was based on need-related factors (1984:83). Examples of utilitarian 133

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Table 6.8 Total Counts of Ceren Modified Antler, Bone, and Shell in Public and Domestic Contexts and the Midden Public Domestic Midden ARTIFACT TYPE count count count Awls Rib 1 3 0 Antler 0 1 0 Long Bone 0 0 0 Beads-Bone Bird Long Bone 0 3 0 Large Mammal 2 0 0 Medium Mammal 0 2 0 Beads-Shell Bivalve 1 1 0 Cowry 0 1 0 Gastropod 0 1 0 Oliva 5 1 0 Ceremonial Antler 1 0 0 Curved Edged Notched Tools 0 1 0 Curved Rib Tool 1 0 0 Deer Skull Headdress 1 0 0 Figurine Bone Anthropomorphic 0 1 0 Incised Bone Tube 0 0 1 Needles Bone 0 4 0 Ornament-Bone Teardrop 1 0 0 PendantsTooth Dog Canine 0 0 1 Pendants-Bivalve 0 2 0 Scapula Tool Adult 1 0 0 Juvenile 1 0 0 Spatula Tool 0 2 0 Shell Rosette 0 1 0 Tapiscadores Antler 1 0 0 Lana Bone 3 1 0 TOTAL 1 9 25 2 134

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artifacts included tapiscadores (corn huskers) and bone needles. Similarly, artifacts were classified as social or ideological if they functioned primarily in those domains of culture (Hayden and Cannon 1984:96). Examples of social and ideological artifacts include ritual gourd rattle with a deer bone handle, opossum tails used medicinally, and various animal teeth used in blood-letting rituals prior to entering the sweatbath. While Hayden and Cannon used this model, they also acknowledged that these categories were not exclusive of one another. However, this model does provide us with a way of organizing and thinking about the primary (although, not the only) functions of various artifacts. The exceptional contextual information from the Ceren site allows for examination of the function of various artifacts present. Accordingly, in the following analysis, all Ceren modified antler, bone, and shell were assigned to the categories "utilitarian" or "social-ideological" following Hayden and Cannon's study. Artifact types assigned to the "utilitarian" category include tapiscadores, spatula tools, shaped scapulae, needles, curved and notched tools, and awls. Artifact types assigned to "social ideological" domains include bone and shell beads, pendants, figurines, adornos, and the deerskull headdress. Patterns in Distribution of Artifact Types When artifact types were examined in relationship to context some definite patterns were observed. In the utilitarian artifact category, all 135

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bone needles, spatula tools, and curved notched tools were found exclusively in domestic contexts (Figure 6.6). Additionally, 80 percent of the awls were recovered in domestic contexts. Utilitarian artifacts found exclusively in public contexts included shaped deer scapulae and a curved long bone tool. Eighty percent of the tapiscadores were found in public contexts. Artifacts categorized as functioning primarily in the social-ideological realms also revealed some patterning (Figure 6.7). Artifacts recovered exclusively in a domestic contexts included all medium-sized mammal long bone beads (probably dog) as well as all cowry and gastropod shell beads, a bivalve pendant, and the spondylus rosette (which were all part of the shell and jade necklace from Household 2). Additionally, the only bone figurine was found in Household 2. By contrast, all large mammal sized long bone beads (probably deer) were recovered from public contexts. Additionally, a bone teardrop ornament, and the deer skull headdress were found exclusively in public contexts. It is possible that the beads and ornament were part of the deer ceremonial costume. Interestingly, all socio-ideological white-tailed deer artifacts were recovered from public contexts, specifically the ceremonial complex. This suggests that the villagers viewed white-tailed deer ceremonial paraphernalia as appropriate for communal, but not household, ceremonial activities. 136

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Figure 6.6 Ceren Utilitarian Artifacts in Public and Domestic Con texts. Q) c. > ..... (,) cu -... < Ceren Artifacts Primarily Related to Utilitarian Function Spatula Tool Tapiscadores Scapula Tool Needles Curved Rib Tool Curved Edged Notched Tools Awls Count 137 Domestic IS Public

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Figure 6.7 Ceren Domestic Contexts Social and Ideological and the Midden. Artifacts in Public Ceren Artifacts Primarily Related to Social and Ideological Function Deer Skull Headdress Dog Canine Tooth Pendant Bone Teardrop Bone Bead-Lg Mammal Shell Rosette (I) Bivalve c. >Pendant 1-Bone Pendant 0 CIS Shell Bead...
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Most of the oliva shell beads (83 percent) were from public contexts (the shaman's workshop, Structure 12). As previously mentioned, unmodified spondylus shell was left at Structure 12 as an offering/payment. There appears to be a strong connection between the shaman's workshop and marine shells and this will be discussed in a later section focusing on Structure 12. The only identifiable modified artifact recovered from the midden was a dog canine tooth pendant. Its location here is curious as the pendant is whole and in excellent condition. It appears that the pendant may have been lost rather than deliberately discarded. Comparison of Artifact Types by Household As was mentioned earlier, not all households are excavated to the same point. Thus, any comparisons among household artifact assemblages must be considered preliminary. However, in long-term ongoing research projects (such as the Ceren site) there will always be additional data that requires re-evaluation of earlier interpretations. Presently, enough data has been acquired to examine preliminary patterns in domestic artifact assemblages. The following comparisons based on household animal use are best viewed as an analysis "in progress" rather than as a finished product. 139

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Household 1 Household 1 is situated immediately northwest of the ritual complex. It was involved in agricultural and craft activities. Several artifact types, including utilitarian and social-ideological artifacts, not found in the other households were recovered here (Figure 6.8). Household 1 was the only household with medium-sized mammal beads (possibly dog) and medium-sized bird beads. All of these beads were very evenly fire-darkened. Most bones that were burned from fires during the eruption are quite patchy, with some areas of the bone noticeably darker than other areas. The even fire-darkening on the exterior of these beads suggests intentional fire-hardening which would have occurred prior to the eruption. The medium-sized mammal bea,ds had a slight overall polish and the outer surface had been smoothed. The bird bead was covered with short fine striations. These striations could have resulted during bead production, from being worn, or both. In both bead types, the natural marrow cavity functioned as the suspension hole. Household 1 was the only household with a curved notched long bone tool. It was made from a long bone of a large mammal. Tools similar to these have been recorded ethnographically and were used in fiber processing to extract the fibers from maguey and agave plants (Morris and Burgh 1954) Leaves of the plants were pulled across the notched sides of the tool to separate the fibers from the leaf. The notched tool from Ceren 140

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Figure 6.8 Ceren Artifacts Recovered in Household Contexts. Q) a. >-10 CIS -... < Ceren Artifacts in Household Contexts Notched Tool Tapiscadores Needles Awls Pointed Antler Tool Spatulate Bone Tool Shell Beads Med Mam Bone Beads Bird Bone Beads 0 2 Count 141 4 6 Household 4 l:i Household 2 m Household 1

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shows a slight polish along the notched side of the tool. Additionally, long vertical striations cover the exterior bone surface. Household 1 and The Ceremonial Complex As was mentioned earlier, there is growing evidence that Household 1 may have played a role in maintaining Structures 10 and 12, the ceremonial complex located immediately to the east. Members of the household may have provided services for a precolumbian cofradia-like institution located in Structure 10 (Simmons 1996). Household members may have provided medicinal plants and flowers for ceremonial activities. Additionally, Household 1 may have had an active role in processing and providing maize-based food and drink for public feasting. Five metates were recovered from this household, four of which were in use-contexts, suggesting that Household 1 was involved in the large scale production maize-based goods (Sheets 1992). Curiously, Household 1, the most completely excavated household, does not have a tapiscador (maize husker), presumably a standard tool for maizebased agriculturalists. Interestingly, Household 1 also was the only household without suspended wood-ash balls. Lime, which is often used to soften dried corn prior to grinding, was not available locally. However, wood ash would serve the same purpose as lime and would soften corn. It is possible that the villagers were soaking corn in wood ash mixture to prior to grinding (Sheets 1992). If this was the case, then the use of wood-ash would have been a daily necessity for the villagers. While no ash balls 142

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were recovered in Household 1, they were soaking maize in a pot on the floor of the kitchen (Structure 11). Therefore, Household 1 is missing two artifact types that would have been essential at two different stages in processing maize. The tapiscador would be used to shuck corn prior to drying, while the wood-ash would be necessary for processing dried maize. While no tapiscadores were recovered from Household 1, there were three tapiscadores stored in Structure 10 (the casa de cofradia). It is possible that Household 1 members stored and/or retrieved tapiscadores from Structure 10 when needed. Interestingly, analysis of the faunal materials may support an additional connection between Household 1 and the casa de cofradia. Household 1 may have been involved in processing and/or providing animals, perhaps for public feasts. An examination of the both the immbers and types of animal remains (unworked deer, dog, artiodactyla [deer or peccary], medium and large sized mammals) recovered from Cereh household contexts are particularly revealing (Table 6.9 and Table 6.10). Preliminary analysis reveals that Household 1 has the greatest percentage of unworked mammal remains recovered from any household context in the village (75 percent). A high percentage of unworked animal remains can indicate an area where animals were butchered and processed. The Household 1 unworked faunal assemblage contains all of the unidentified medium-sized mammals (probably dogs) and large-sized mammals (probably deer) as well as all of the artiodactyla and most of the 143

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t Table 6.9 Preliminary Count and Percent of Unworked Deer, Dog, and Medium and Large Mammal Remains as Compared to Household Contexts Household 1 Household 2 Household 4 Total Count 1 5 3 2 2 0 Percent 75 1 5 1 0 Table 6.10 Identification of Unworked Mammal Remains Recovered from Ceren Household Contexts Count Household 1 Household 2 Household 4 White-Tailed Deer 1 0 1 Artiodactyla 2 0 0 Peccary 0 2 0 Dog 1 1 0 Large Mammal 5 0 0 Medium Mammal 3 0 0 Scrap Bone 3 0 1 Total 1 5 3 2 scrap bone. Additionally, half of the unworked dog and white tailed deer remains were recovered from the household area. Unworked dog remains from this area include a premolar tooth recovered from the ground just south east of the Household 1 kitchen. Medium-sized mammal remains (possibly dog) include rib and scrap fragments recovered from both the kitchen garden and the mil p a. Unworked white-tailed deer remains include a white-tailed deer tibia from an elevated context in the kitchen. Unworked large mammal remains 144

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recovered from the Household 1 area include, two long bone fragments recovered in the domicile, a long bone recovered from the kitchen, a burned metapodial fragment from an artiodactyla (deer or peccary), a rib fragment, and an irregular bone fragment recovered from the kitchen garden, and a left tibia fragment from an artiodactyla (deer or peccary) and some scrap bone recovered from the extramural household areas. Household 1 contrasts sharply with the other households in amount, type, and location of unworked bone. Household 2 contained an unmodified peccary left tibia and fibula and a dog carnassial tooth, all of which were carefully stored in an elevated context in the bodega. A left humerus from a white-tailed deer was recovered from the maize field northwest of the Household 4 bodega and scrap bone from a large mammal was found in the agave patch. The high percentage of unmodified mammal remains recovered in Household 1 compared to other households raises some interesting questions. Ethnohistoric records correlate the consumption of meat, especially large mammal meat, with social status. Friar Diego de Landa reported that the consumption of meat often occurred in the context of public feasts and private elite rituals and was closely linked to the upper elite class (Tozzer 1941). Recent archaeological investigations at Copan seem to support this association (M. Pohl 1995). Pohl compared meat consumption among various social classes at Copan. Her research demonstrates that group wealth correlated to the numbers of large animal bones recovered in any particular context (M. Pohl 1995:459). Pohl noted 145

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that the upper classes at Copan had access to more meat and that the consumption of meat, in particular the meat of the white-tailed deer, was a good indicator of social status. She concluded that the consumption of high status meat was one of the means by which the Maya elite asserted their privileged position. If we extend this model to the site of Ceren, then we would expect the majority of evidence for household meat consumption (unworked bone fragments from butchering, burned bone from cooking, deer and dog blood on obsidian blades, etc.) would be seen in association with "wealthier" household compounds. However, the faunal evidence from Ceren indicates just the opposite. Both the artifact assemblage and architecture of Household 1 suggests it may have been the poorest household excavated thus far (Sheets 1992). However, if members of Household 1 were involved in some kind of service relationship with the casa de cofradia then this incongruity may be explained. A look at contemporary cargo systems may be useful here. The Zinacantecos of Chiapas, Mexico, have a very active cargo-system (Vogt 1969). As Vogt has reported, many individuals aspire to participate in this system even though serving in cargo positions is quite costly for a family. Cargo members initially entering the system must provide all necessities for the public rituals required to ensure the well-being of the community. Specific material items deemed crucial for public ceremonies include; rum, meat, maize, beans, brown sugar, candles, vegetables, eggs, \ spices, cigarettes, and matches. However, the cost of sponsoring the 146

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necessary ceremonies is off-set by the increase in prestige for cargoholders and their families. As noted above, Household 1 appears to have been involved in some aspect of the large scale production of various consumable goods -maize, medicinal herbs, flowers and fermented maize-based drinks which may have been related to public feasting and rituals which involved the casa de cofradia (Structure 10) If Household 1 members also were involved in providing and/or processing animals for public consumption, it may have been very costly for the household. While we can only speculate about the possible motives of participating in costly cofradia-like activities, it is conceivable that one of the benefits could have been increased social status as defined by prestige -rather than social status as defined by "wealth." While this analysis is preliminary, the current data suggest that Household 1 members may have been involved in providing and/or processing animals -specifically, dogs and deer for public feasts and perhaps even ceremonial activities. Of course, the high percentage of unworked animal remains in this household may be the result of the more extensive excavation of Household 1. However, both types of species present and context of the fauna (as well as the number of unworked bone recovered at Household 1) does suggests some differences compared to other households. Furthermore, Household 1 was the only household to have obsidian blades that tested positive to the presence of animal blood, specifically, dog (Canid) and deer blood. Four obsidian blades in the Household 1 -one from the kitchen (deer blood) and one from the craft 147

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area of the domicile (deer blood) and two used and discarded in the outside activity areas in the vicinity of the household (Canid blood) suggest that dog and deer may have been processed here. Certainly, these remains could reflect an animal craft specialization of some sort. However, when the entire artifact assemblage, architectural differences, and the close proximity of Household 1 to the ceremonial complex is considered, it appears more probable that household members may have been providing meat for public feasts. Household 2 Currently, only the domicile and bodega of Household 2 have been excavated. The household had a milpa which was located just to the east of these structures. It appears this household was involved in gourd processing and painting (Simmons 1996). Sheets (1992) notes that Household 2 appears to have been wealthier than Household 1. Both the Household 2 domicile and bodega were more substantial and better constructed than those in Household 1. Additionally, Household 2 had a small cache of very valuable items not found in other household contexts. The cache contained a shell and jade necklace and five miniature vessels containing varying hues of red cinnabar pigment. One of the more interesting of these miniature paint pots depicts a human figure emerging from a snail or conch shell. The vessel depicts a Classic Maya mythological scene in which God N, an underworld deity in the Maya pantheon, emerges from a conch shell. As discussed earlier, the southeast 148

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Maya periphery was a multicultural region and the Ceren inhabitants could have been Maya, Lenca, Xinca, or a mixture of all three groups (Sheets 1993:13). However, the above image on the miniature paint pot suggests that the villagers at least were interacting with the Maya and were influenced by Maya ideology. The presence of shell imagery and artifacts only in Household 2 interesting especially when the close proximity of the sweatbath (located 7 meters south of the bodega) is taken into consideration. Miller and Taube suggest: The sweatbath served the ancient Mesoamerican community as a place of curing, rest, and maintenance of health .... The process of retreating to the sweatbath offered seclusion from society .. .. when a person emerged from the sweatbath, that person was as if "reborn" from the womb of the earth. The sweatbath was especially important to midwives and their patients, pregnant or recently delivered women ... After birth, a woman repaired to the sweatbath for a massage by the midwife, probably to help shrink the uterus. Recently delivered highland Maya women and their midwifes in Guatemala still frequent the sweatbath. Miller and Taube 1993:158-159 The metaphorical language used when describing leaving the sweatbath -emerging as if "reborn" -is quite interesting when viewed in conjunction with the symbolism of the shell artifacts and iconography from Household 2. Marine shells have been connected with the "cult of the sea" (Andrews 1969:53). God N, the Maya underworld god who is born from a conch shell, also is associated the cult of the sea. Additionally, the aged goddess Ix Chel -the patron goddess of childbirth, pregnancy, and fertility -is associated 149

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with God N, shells, curing, and sweatbaths. Many types of marine shells have been recovered from burials and caches throughout Mesoamerica (M. Pohl 1983). The association of shells and shell imagery with burials (death) as well as childbirth suggests that marine shells may have symbolized death, birth, and rebirth in the minds of the Maya (M. Pohl 1983). It is conceivable that the shell necklace in Household 2 may have been worn during curing ceremonies conducted at the nearby sweatbath. Perhaps a practicing midwife wore the necklace and/or was a member of the Household 2 family. Alternatively, the presence of the necklace may be an aesthetic, wealth, or prestige item and totally unrelated to the occupation of household members or the presence of the sweatbath. Sheets (1992) speculated that if Household 2 members had a role in the maintenance of, or controlling access to, the sweatbath, then it could have been a source of income for the family. In fact, the presence of valuable artifacts and more substantial household architecture indicates that Household 2 was wealthier than Household 1. Another artifact type, a bone figurine, also was unique to Household 2. The figurine is of a man in a standing position and does not appear to depict a person of elite status. He is modestly dressed wearing the principal male garment of the times, a loin cloth called ex in Yucatec Maya (Sharer 1994). Overall, the man was depicted with a soft physique and a relaxed protruding 11 chic ha 11 belly. The most noticeable aspect of the figurine is the head attire. He was wearing a wide brim hat with what appears to be a cloth (similar to a bandanna) around his forehead as is sometimes still seen in 150

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the Maya Highlands today. The hat has an undetermined object on top of it which, unfortunately, was broken off. His hair was long and pulled back into a pony-tail as is commonly depicted on Classic Maya sculptures (Sharer 1994 ) The figurine fragment was drilled through the upper arms, possibly for inserts that had long since fallen out (Sheets 1996, personal communication). Gnaw marks indicate that rodents had chewed the figurine. Household 2 had thtee utilitarian artifacts; an awl, a tapiscador, and a discarded broken needle fragment. The awl was on the floor of the domicile and perhaps was in use just prior to the eruption. The outer surface was in poor condition, obscuring evidence of use-wear. However, a slight polish was noted on the tip and several horizontal striations, consistent with a turning movement, were visible. Many rodent marks were noted on the tool. A tapiscador was stored in an elevated context in the bodega. The long bone diaphysis of a large mammal (probably deer) had been cut lengthwise along the marrow cavity. The edges of the tool are smoothed and rounded. The distal end of the tool is pointed while the proximal end is cut into a v shaped notch. A flake is missing from the pointed distal tip of the tool. The majority of the surface is covered with a high polish from use. Additionally, long vertical and occasional shorter horizontal striations from use were noted In the past archaeologists may have misidentified bone or antler tapiscadores as awls. Both tools are pointed and thus could be easily 151

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confused. In this analysis, ethnographic information and use-wear analysis were used to distinguish awls from tapiscadores. Awls are defined as pointed tools, generally with a rounded tip, with use-wear patterns consistent with motions that perforate and twist (vertical striations spiral/horizontal striations, polish primarily on tool tip). Tapiscadores are defined as long pointed tools, generally with a slightly tapered end, with use-wear patterns noted in several areas -on the tapered end and along the long side of the bone. Vogt (1969) described the husking process used by the Zinacantecos when harvesting maize with bone tapiscadores: [they] harvest the maize using a husker made of deer bone and carried on a cord tied to their belts ... The sharp end of this instrument is inserted thorough the end of the husks and pulled upward, thus starting the separation. The farmer peels back the husks down the sides, using both hands at once. The ear is then removed with a sharp twist, leaving the husks on the stalks. Evon Z. Vogt 1969:51-52 The long vertical striations on the tip and short horizontal striations on the Household 2 tapiscador are consistent with the initial insertion and subsequent twisting motions described and pictured by Vogt (1969). A bone needle tip fragment was discarded west of the bodega, perhaps after breaking. The tip was somewhat blunted and highly polished with evidence of spiral striations. High polish on bone is consistent with use on soft cloth or leather (MobleyTanaka 1990). 152

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Household 2 had a piece of shell which may be revealing of a unique activity performed by a household member. The valve of a Spondylus calcifer was carefully stored in a niche in the bench in the domicile. The center of the shell had been removed by turning the shell upside-down with the outer surface upward. It was then cut from the outer surface inward, as was evident from the angle of the cut marks. Spondylus was a highly valued material for making shell pendants, beads, and rosettes. It is possible that a member of Household 2 was carving shell for pendants and beads. However, the lack of shell debitage makes this conclusion problematic. Two peccary leg bones, a left tibia and fibia, were stored in Household 2, presumably for future use. A dog carnassial tooth was stored, perhaps for later perforation and use as a pendant. Hayden and Cannon (1984:95), in an ethnoarchaeological study of material culture in three Maya Highland villages, found that the variables most closely associated with the storage of unmodified bone were the making of bone tools and involvement in crafts where bone tools are used. The only other unmodified bone stored in any household structure at Ceren was a broken tibia fragment from a sub-adult white-tailed deer, which was found in the kitchen of Household 1. Therefore, it appears that Household 2 may have been engaged in the manufacture of bone tools or ornaments to a greater extent than other households. 153

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Household 4 Only the bodega/domicile of Household 4 has been excavated. It appears that Household 4 was involved in processing agave. An agave patch was located just behind the structure and Simmons (1996) has identified four sets of poles in the storehouse which were most likely used for extracting agave fibers from the leaves. As is still done in parts of Central America, pressure is applied to the poles while pulling the leafs through, thereby extracting the fibers. Additionally, Household 4 may have specialized in cacao production (Gerstle 1990:136). A cacao tree was identified growing in back of the structure and three jars of cacao were found stored in the structure. Five bone artifacts and one antler artifact were identified in Household 4. No shell was found. The artifact types include three needle fragments, a spatula tool, and a pointed antler tool which may have been an awl. All bone tools were recovered from an elevated context within the structure. The antler tool was found in a jar on the floor. Several differences exist between Household 4 and the other households. Household 4 had three bone needle fragments, representing 67 percent of the needles recovered from the entire village thus far. The needle fragments included a tip, a mid-section, and a distal fragment containing the lower border of a biconically drilled eye. The tip and mid-section needle fragments were made from bird bone and may be part of the same needle. The tip showed polish with horizontal and vertical striations consistent with being pushed through, and turned in, material. The 154

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fragility of bird bones and the presence of polish on the tip indicate the needles used on very soft material. No use-wear was observed on the small mid-section fragment. The distal needle fragment was made from the long bone diaphysis of a mammal. It had been broken at the bottom of the eye. This fragment showed occasional horizontal striations. Ethnoarchaeological research has, not surprisingly, found that the presence of bone needles in households is closely associated with the production of fabrics (Hayden and Cannon 1984:94). The relative abundance of needles, together with the evidence for agave fiber production and remnants of fine and coarse cloth in the structure, indicate that Household 4 probably was involved in fabric production. The bone awl was made from the long bone diaphysis of a mammal. The surface was very eroded, obscuring evidence of polish or striations The interior bone surface was covered with rodent gnaw marks. The spatula tool also was in poor condition, without evidence of striations or polish. The tool was fashioned from a large mammal long bone that had been spit longitudinally along the marrow cavity. The distal end of the tool may have been originally serrated, as some slight evidence of serration was noted. The pointed antler tool has a distal tip that was shaped into a rounded point. This tool may have been used as a tapiscador or, more probably, an awl. The antler is quite a bit shorter than the other tapiscadores at the site and lacks the overall polish typically seen in contemporary tapiscadores. Two small flake scars were observed on the distal tip of the tool. A very 155

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slight amount of polish was also noted on the tip. The limited amount of polish on the tip suggests that the tool was used on a moderately coarse material such as agave. Several deep vertical and a few fine spiral striations were noted on the shaped surface. The striation patterns are suggestive of a motion which pushes forward hard and then twists horizontally. Based on the overall size, shape, and striation patterns, it is probable that this tool was used as an awl. Distribution of Artifacts in Public Contexts and the Midden The Ceremonial Complex Structure 10 -The Casa de cofradia. Structure 10 had a number of artifacts that were unique to this building (Figure 6.9). The only deer shaped scapulae, deer headdress, and deer antler tapiscador were found in this building. All were made of white-tailed deer elements. In addition, ail large mammal bone beads recovered from the site were found in this building. The building also contained three tapiscadores, representing 60 percent of all tapiscadores recovered from the site. A number of ceremonial items were recovered from the front room of the building. The deer skull headdress was stored high on a shelf. The headdress was made from a cranium, minus the mandible, of a white-tailed deer adult stag. It was found with a piece of twine still wrapped around the lower antlers, which may have been used to tie the headdress on to the ritual partie ipant. The headdress had remnants of red and blue-green 156

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Figure 6.9 The Distribution of Ceren Artifacts in Public Contexts and the Midden. Ceren Modified Artifacts in Public Contexts and the Midden pointed rib tool ceremonial antler deer scapula tools curved rib tool Q) c. tap1scadores >-.... -bone CJ teardrop CIS --deer skull ... <( headdress lg. mam. bone beads dog tooth pendant incised bone tube shell beads ................................................ 0 1 2 Count 157 Iii civic m midden 1!1.'1 shamanic casa de cofradia 3 4

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paint still adhering to the surface. Stored in the same area as the deer skull headdress were two tubular bone beads a teardrop-shaped ornament, and a shell bead. These artifacts may be parts of a ceremonial costume. The two long bone beads were made from the diaphysis of a large mammal, probably deer. The ends of the beads had been cut and smoothed and the natural marrow cavities were used as suspension holes One of the beads had deep striations close to one cut end of the bead. It appears that the artisan attempted to cut the bone several times prior to succeeding. Both beads were highly polished and covered with fine striations, probably the result of manufacturing processes and/or being worn. The bone teardrop ornament was made from the flat bone of a large mammal. It was highly polished and covered by many fine striations, similar to the long bone beads. However, it is not known if the ornament was a pendant or something else. Other artifacts found in this area of Structure 10 include a deer scapula and a tapiscador. The scapula tool was made from the left scapula of a juvenile white-tailed deer. The scapula had a diamond-shaped notch cut through the from proximal aspect of the body, perhaps so it could be attached by a cord to something or someone. The intact edges of the body were highly polished and smoothed as was a section of the posterior surface. Two sections of the distal blade border are broken and missing. This may have occurred with the eruption as these broken areas do not appear to have any polish or wear which would indicate continued use after breakage. An unusual white substance was embedded in pits in the 158

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bone along the distal areas of both sides of the scapula body. The substance is unidentified and future residue analysis of this material might prove important. A long bone tapiscador was also found in this area. The tool was badly burned by fires ignited from the eruption. As a result, evidence of striations on the outer surface of the bone was obscured. The tapiscador had been uniconically drilled on the proximal end to be attached by a cord to the wrist or waist of the shucker, as is still done in the Maya Highlands (Hayden and Cannon 1986; Vogt 1969). This would be particularly advantageous when shucking large quantities of corn at one time, to prevent losing the tool in a large pile of discarded husks. Structure 10 was the only structure with a tapiscador drilled in this manner, perhaps reflecting large-scale corn husking activities conducted at this location. The back room of Structure 10 primarily was used for food storage. A deer scapula tool and a bivalve shell bead were recovered from this room. The scapula tool was made from the right scapula of an adult white-tailed deer. The tool was burned, probably by burning roof thatch which collapsed into the building after the eruption As a result, much of the bone outer surface that would have striations or polish was charred. However, polish was still visible along the outer scapula border. The distal edge may have been serrated as small cuts were observed on the right anterior margin. Two vertical striations were noted on the posterior body of the scapula. Additionally, many vertical striations were noted along the distal border of the anterior aspect of the blade. These striations would result from a forward and backwards motion consistent with use as a 159

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scraper. polish. by the Also, the proximal end of this side of the tool was covered in This is the area of the tool that, presumably would have been held user. The extensive polish here may indicate that the tool had been used quite a bit. There was also a bivalve shell bead recovered in this area. Unfortunately, it was never found in the Museum during the time that this analysis was conducted and could not be examined for use-wear patterns. The north corridor of Structure 10 was used for food preparation and storage. An antler tapiscador and a long bone tapiscador had been stored in the area above the hearth. Both the antler and long bone tapiscadores had long vertical and short horizontal striations typical of the corn shucking technique described by Vogt (1969:50-51). Tooth marks indicate that a rodent had gnawed on the antler. The long bone tapiscador had a square notch cut out of the proximal end, perhaps so it could be tied to the user like the tapiscador found stored with the ceremonial items. The east corridor contained a large number of vessels including storage, cooking and serving vessels. A bone tool was stored in this area. The tool was made from the rib of a large mammal. The rib was slightly curved and had been split along the marrow cavity. One edge had been smoothed and rounded. The long edge had been used as polish was noted along the border. Additionally, the rib was tapered into a constricted tip. The tip had been cut square and also had polish. It is not known exactly what this tool was used for. However, use along the long edge of the tool as well as the tip suggests that it was used for at least two different types of motion. 160

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The bone artifacts recovered in Structure 10 support the previous interpretation that Structure 10 may be a prehistoric version of the historic casa de cofradia. The bone artifacts present include components of a ceremonial costume for village rituals and utilitarian tools which could be used in the large scale preparation of maize based food and/or drink. The role that the white-tailed deer played in village ceremonialism will be explored in Chapter 8. Structure 12 -The Shamanic Building Structure 12 is unusual in both artifact assemblage and architecture. Sheets ( 1992) has suggested that the building was used by a practicing shaman or functioned as a shrine. A deer antler, four Oliva shell beads, and one Oliva shell bead fragment were recovered in Structure 12. Additionally, four fragments of unmodified spondylus shell were recovered from this structure The antler was stored in a deep niche in a bench in the front room. The niche contained the antler, a ceramic female figurine that had been painted red and black, a ceramic animal head (broken at the neck), half of a ceramic double ring, two spondylus shell fragments and a few scattered beans. The antler consists of a complete two-prong left antler from an adult white tailed deer stag. It had portions of the frontal and parietal bones still attached to the proximal end. The antler had a unique feature. A series of small holes had been uniconically drilled into and along the cranial aspect of the antler. The holes where consistently 1 mm in diameter but varied in depth Some of them were extremely shallow, barely penetrating the antler surface. Others were approximately 2 mm deep. The holes were 161

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located exclusively on the cranial side of the antler except for one hole which was drilled into the superior aspect of the antler tip. It is possible that bird feathers were placed in these holes as is sometimes still seen in Central America (Payson Sheets, personal communication 1995). Interestingly, if the antler was decorated with feathers, then placement of the holes is such that the feathers could have been in place even while the antler was lying down. The antler had many rodent gnaw marks on it, perhaps indicating that it had been curated for some time. The tips of both antler prongs showed evidence of polish and the distal antler tip had a small flake missing. While the presence of the drilled holes and the careful storage of the tool in the niche of the shamanic building suggests that the antler had ceremonial significance but it also may have been used for utilitarian purposes. Four Oliva spicata shell beads and one bead fragment were recovered from this structure. The bead fragment probably adjoins to one of the shells that broke during the eruption. A small jar with a modeled human face on the neck was carefully balanced on top of these shells. All four beads had the spires removed and suspension holes cut into the body whorl. The borders of the suspension holes showed smoothing, presumably from string wear. Apparently the beads were worn prior to being used as a support base for the pot. Two additional spondylus shell fragments were found in this structure. One was recovered just south of the structure. Apparently, it was dislodged from the top of a column by the force of the eruption. The other piece of 162

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spondylus was placed over the door lintel, possibly as an offering or payment. The Civic Buildings The village had two civic buildings -Structure 3 and Structure 13. One of the most interesting aspects about Structure 3 is the lack of artifacts found in it. Three artifacts were found in the front room; a large open mouthed vessel that was over 60 em in diameter, a polychrome bowl, perhaps used to dispense and serve the liquids from the vessel (Sheets 1992), and a tapiscador which had been stored in one of the niches. The back room had a donut stone and a large stone that had the corners worked with a hammerstone. The tapiscador was made from a long bone diaphysis of a large mammal, probably a deer. The bone had been split lengthwise and both epiphyses were removed. The distal tip tapered into what may have been a somewhat rounded tip. Unfortunately, as with all long bone tools recovered from the village, the extreme distal tip was broken. A shallow square notch was cut into the edge of the tool close to the distal end. The entire border of the tool had been smoothed and rounded and showed evidence of polish. The distal tip of the tool up to the notch was highly polished. Occasional long vertical striations were noted on the interior and exterior bone surface. Additionally, many fine short horizontal striations were noted in areas along the long edge of the tool. 163

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The other identified civic building is Structure 13, of which only a small part has been excavated. A complete mud turtle carapace and plastron was stored in an elevated context with other items. Gerstle (1992) noted that during excavation small friable bone fragments fell out from inside the turtle shell, leading her to believe that the turtle skeleton may have been still intact (Andrea Gerstle, personal communication, 1995). If this is the case, then the turtle shell may have been in storage for some future use, perhaps as a drum or rattle as described in ethnohistorical reports by Landa (Tozzer 1941). The Midden The midden is located just behind and to the south-southwest of the sweatbath (Structure 9). Only two modified artifacts, a small fragment of an incised bone and a dog canine tooth pendant, were recovered from the midden. The surface of the incised bone piece was highly polished. Unfortunately, the fragment is too small to identify the pattern. The other surface of the incised piece was covered with many fine striations. The canine tooth pendant was made from the whole canine tooth of a dog. It was biconically drilled through the proximal end of the tooth root. Polish was noted around the drilled hole. The pendant is in excellent condition and may have been inadvertently lost rather than deliberately discarded. 164

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Ernie Faunal Categories We can now begin to examine ernie faunal categories inferred from the Ceren artifact assemblage. The following list, based in the preceding analysis, provides some answers to these questions. What Kinds Of Animals Were The Villagers Using For What Kinds Of Things? Gastropods Bead Making Beads are better if the top spire is removed Spondylus Shell Adorno Carving Preference for painting red Offering/payment for shamanic activity Can be used as offering/payment in unmodified form Bivalves Incised large bivalves Preference for painting red Birds Long Bones Bead Making Beads are better if they are fire-hardened Needles for soft materials Mud Turtle Carapace and Plastron Save for possible use as drum or rattle 165

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Peccary Long Bones (tibia and fibula) Store for future use Dog Teeth Save Teeth Canine and carnassial teeth are good for pendants WhiteTailed Deer Long Bones Tapiscadores Spatula tools Needles Store for future use Bone tube beads for ceremonial use Preference for painting red Scapulae Adult Tool for scraping (used in ceremonial contexts) Juvenile Tool for scraping (may be worn in ceremonial dances) Naturally Shed Antlers Domestic tools and utilitarian purposes Tapiscadores Antlers from deer that were killed Tools used in ceremonial contexts Ceremonial use by shamans Cranium of adult stag Ceremonial use as headdress 166

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As seen in the above list, the white-tailed deer was the most versatile animal resource used by the Ceren villagers. Many parts of the animal were used for both ceremonial and utilitarian purposes. Figure 6.10 illustrates various uses of white-tailed deer skeletal remains by the villagers. Figure 6.10 elements of Ceren ernie faunal categories for uses of the white-tailed deer (modified from Halls I Teeth Toss in Midden Antlers-Natural Shed Domestic Uses Tools for Basketry? Ceremonial Bone Beads Often Painted Red Spatula Tools, Needles, Tapiscadores -------Antlers Deer KilledUsed In Ceremonial Activities Scraping Tools/ Used In Ceremonial Actvities Good to store ) \ I \ : I l \ j for future use i i i I ;spatula tool, : / / lrapiscad,2!es / /Bone ; ,:;_../ .:....._-' 167 skeletal 1984).

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Summary and Conclusions While many of the Ceren households were architecturally similar and constructed according to a standardized canon, a close examination of household animal remains reveals subtle differences. These differences may be indicative of differing economic roles, social status, and perhaps, responsibility and involvement in village ceremonialism. Likewise, animal remains in various public contexts were indicative of the specialized functions of many of these areas. Household 1 is the most completely excavated household. This household had a high percentage of unmodified animal remains scattered around the extramural activity and agricultural areas, which suggest that animals may have been processed there. While the higher number of faunal remains in Household 1 may be the result of more extensive excavation, the processing of animals (specifically dog and deer) in this household is supported by the type and location of unworked bone, as well other artifacts. Four obsidian blades recovered from Household 1 tested positive for the presence of dog (Canid) and deer blood. While other household contained obsidian blades, none tested positive for any animal protein. Household 1 contianed all of the unidentified medium and large-sized mammals as well as all of the artiodactyla, most of the scrap bone, and half of the dog and deer recovered from household contexts. Additionally, bodegas from three households have been completely excavated, yet Household 1 was the only bodega with a live animal (a duck) tethered inside the building. 168

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The numbers, contexts, and types of animals present in Household 1 suggests that this household may have provided and/or processed animals for public feasts. It is conceivable that a member(s) of Household 1 may have been involved with the precolumbian cofradia and provided meat as well as other consumable goods for public feasts and/or ritual. While this is a preliminary interpretation, the artifact assemblage and the close proximity of Household 1 to the ceremonial complex strengthens this interpretation. An additional, although less convincing, connection between this household and the ceremonial complex was noted. Household 1 did not contain a tapiscador (corn-husker), a basic tool of maize-based agriculturists. However, three tapiscadores were recovered in Structure 10. It is possible that Household 1 members may have retrieved tapiscadores from Structure 10 when necessary. If Household 1 members were involved in the ceremonial complex, it does not appear to have been a source of wealth. Despite the high percentage of animal remains recovered in this household, the architecture and artifact assemblage indicate that Household 1 is the poorest household excavated to date (Sheets 1992). However, if household members were involved in the preparation of public feasts (and perhaps public ritual), then this may have provided increased social prestige for household members, as is seen in contemporary cargo-systems. Household 2 was involved in gourd painting and production (Sheets 1992). A number of valuable artifacts including five miniature paint pots 169

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with varying hues of cinnabar (used for painting gourds), several highly valued shell artifacts, and other prestige items were recovered from this household. The artifact assemblage and the more substantial architecture indicate that Household 2 was a bit more wealthy than Household 1 members Sheets (1992) suggests that this household may have had a role in the upkeep of the sweatbath, located 7 meters south of the bodega. If so, this may have been a source of income for the household A member of Household 2 may have been working shell. A cut spondylus valve was recovered from the niche in the domicile. However, no shell debitage has been recovered from the household making this interpretation problematic. The presence of a carefully stored peccary tibia and fibula as well as a dog carnassial tooth suggest that these items were being stored for future use. However, the absence of bone fragments precludes any definite interpretation. A shell and jade necklace was recovered from the bodega of Household 2. No other households contained this kind of artifacts. The necklace could be related to a specialized occupation of a household member (curer or midwife) or perhaps it was an aesthetic and/or prestige item. All bone artifacts recovered from Household 4 were utilitarian. Several awls, most of the needles from the site, and several spatula tools were recovered from this household. Household 4 was involved in the production and processing of agave and the bone artifacts present are consistent with this. The needles could have be used for sewing with agave 170

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thread. Additionally, the use-wear noted on the antler awl is consistent with processing a coarse fibrous material such as agave. One civic building (Structure 3) was relatively devoid of artifacts. However, a large bone tapiscador was recovered from a niche. The other civic building only has been tested. However the artifact assemblage seems quite different from Structure 3 and it may have had a very different function. A turtle shell recovered in Structure 13 may have been stored for future use as a drum or a rattle. No artifacts were recovered from the sweatbath, however several bone artifacts were recovered from the midden behind the sweatbath. These were ornamental or non-utilitarian in function and include a dog tooth pendant and a fragment of incised bone. The ceremonial complex (Structure 10 and 12) contained a number of unique bone and shell artifacts. The shamanic workshop (Structure 12) contained a complete left antler from an adult stag -recovered in a niche in this building. It may have been decorated with feathers. A small jar had been carefully placed on top of four Oliva shell beads that were painted red. All of the unmodified spondylus shell remains were recovered from this structure. Apparently, unmodified spondylus shell was an appropriate payment or offering for shamanic services. The casa de cofradia (Structure 10) contained many white-tailed deer and large mammal remains These artifacts functioned in both utilitarian and ceremonial contexts. The high number of bone tapiscadores indicate that large-scale maize processing may have occurred in this area. Large-171

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scale food preparation also is evident in the abundance of stored foods and ample cooking and serving facilities. Other items included a deer headdress, bone beads, and an ornament probably used in ceremonial and symbolic contexts. In the following chapter some of the possible relationships between the white-tailed deer and Structure 10 will be explored. 172

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CHAPTER 7 SYMBOLIC ANALYSIS Introduction This chapter explores the symbolic use of animals in the village of Ceren. Two different types of animal use are noted: actual animal artifacts used in ceremonial contexts and animal symbolism on polychrome ceramics. First, a species list of fauna identified in the artifact assemblage is juxtaposed with a list of representational animal motifs to explore similarities and differences A total of 29 animal motifs were noted on Ceren ceramics. The animal representations included bird, monkey, crocodile, crab, snake, frog, snail, dog and several unidentified zoomorphs. Next, an in-depth exploration of village ceremonial use of animal artifacts, in particular the role of the white-tailed deer, is presented. A Comparison of Ceren Animal Motifs with Ceren Animal Remains Olga Linares (1977) conducted a systematic study of animal motifs recovered from burials at Sitio Conte in the Central Provinces of Panama. Linares noted that while plant motifs were rarely depicted on Sitio Conte ceramics, animal motifs were quite common. She suggested that in the tropics, where plant life is so abundant, animals may have been seen as a more valued good. She went beyond this strictly economic perspective of 173

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the use of animal and argued that animal motifs were a major component of a symbolic extrapolation of the natural environment. In this extrapolation, animal motifs become crucial paraphernalia used in establishing social rank and status in competing chiefdoms. Ultimately, animal motifs were a cultural symbol that was used and manipulated in an attempt to negotiate power relationships. Linares maintained that it was necessary to ask not only "what is in the environment?" but also, "why do people notice items A and B and ignore items C and D in the environment?" (1977:63). She suggested that the function of animal iconography could be discerned through a careful examination of which animals were depicted, which were not, and what qualities those animals shared. A similar approach is taken in this study of animal motifs at Ceren. Ceren Animal Motifs and Function Animal motifs from Ceren were examined for the types of animals represented. First, the distribution of different animal types in domestic and ceremonial areas of the site was examined to see if there was any pattern indicative of the use of animal icons in the signaling of domestic versus ceremonial areas of the village (Figure 7.1 ). A total of 29 animal motifs were recorded. Most of the animal motifs were on ceramics found in domestic contexts. The most common animal motif was a vulture glyph (n=13), referred to as Glyph C by Marilyn Beaudry (Beaudry 1994). This glyph was repeatedly 174

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Figure 7.1 The Distribution of Ceren Animal Motifs by Domestic and Ceremonial Areas of the Site. Distribution of Ceren Animal Motifs Tapir Snake Vulture Glyph Zoomorph Dog Owl 0 :iE Monkey m DOMESTIC E Mammal C'l'l CEREMONIAL c
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seen on the upper register of many polychrome vessels (Figures 7.2, 7.3). Animal representations such as crabs, birds, or other vultures often appeared in a lower register or the center of a piece (n=7). At times the vulture glyph appeared as the only animal motif on a particular vessel (n=6). The vessels counted under "vulture glyph" include only those in which this glyph was the only animal motif on the vessel. Domestic animal motifs include a red vulture-like bird with its mouth open wide and an large prominent beak (n=3), two dogs (one on a ladle incensario, and one ceramic dog head), two insect-like zoomorphs with large antenna, two monkeys (one of which carries a shield), a possible tapir on a ladle incensario, an owl on the handle of a jar, the miniature paint pot of God N emerging from a shell, and a snake. Animal motifs exclusively found in a ceremonial context include a crocodile and crab located in Structure 10 and a frog (or toad) and an unknown mammal head recovered from Structure 12. Table 7.1 shows the various animal motifs on Ceren pottery as compared to animal remains recovered from the site. Interestingly, the animal motifs depicted on Ceren ceramics are quite different from the animal remains found in the artifact assemblage. In fact, the only two animal types that overlap both categories are dogs and a broad category of unidentified birds. The question is, then, what accounts for this difference? 176

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7 .2. Glyph C Seen Figure Cylinder With "Swimming David Tucker Figure et al. 7.3. 1994). 1990. Glyph c on On The Figure" Upper from Upper Register 177 Register Ceren. of Copan Of A Copador Drawing By Vessel (Willey

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Table 7.1. A Comparison of Animal Motifs with Animal Remains Recovered at the Site frequency with most frequent at top). on Ceren Ceramics (listed in order of Animal Motifs Vulture (Glyph C) Unidentified Bird Zoomorph [k)g Monkey Crocodile Owl Tapir Crab Snake Water Bird Frogffoad Animal Remains Deer [k)g Unidentified Birds Rodent Peccary Duck Turtle Following Linares' (1977) model focusing on the shared qualities of the Ceren animal representations, an interesting pattern emerges. As Linares noted with the Sitio Conte animal motifs, in most of the Ceren animal motifs predatory, dangerous, or defensive qualities were visually emphasized. The Ceren animal motifs include predatory birds that "see in the dark"(owl), that feed off dead and carrion (vulture), animals with hard outer protective shells and claws that pinch (crab), predators with large teeth that prey on humans (crocodile), or make powerful poisons (frog/toad and snake). There is also a representation of a male monkey running while carrying a round shield (militaristic iconography). 178

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By contrast, the animal types in the Ceren faunal assemblage generally do not exhibit the same qualities as those seen in the iconography. The animal species identified in the village included deer, peccary, dog, rodent, turtle, and duck -all animals that are fairly "unprotected" excluding, of course, the turtle and perhaps the peccary (Linares 1977). Only dogs are seen in both the iconography and the faunal remains. Linares concluded her analysis by noting that in ancient Panama, the arts: centered on a rich symbolic system using animal motifs metaphorically to express the qualities of aggression and hostility... these people were not just portraying common animals or nature as they saw it, since the most common fish and mammal species found in their trash remains are not found in their iconography. It seems to me that they were emphasizing certain values, most especially those that would be held by warriors. Linares 1977:70 Interestingly, at Ceren one of the animals with more aggressive characteristics, the crocodile, was found in a public context in the ceremonial building for public feasting and ceremonial activities (Structure 10). The crocodile jar was filled with achiote seeds which may have been used for painting bodies red during rituals. Ethnohistoric records note that among the Maya, body painting was a common practice and red was the usual color (Tozzer 1941:89). Tozzer reported that Lancandones used a red body paint which they made from achiote, a practice that still continues today (McGee 1990). This paint was applied to faces, clothing, and used as a ceremonial incense (Tozzer 1907). Landa 179

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reported that "they [the Maya] had the custom of painting their faces and bodies red, and, although it was very unbecoming to them, yet they thought it very pleasing" (Landa in Tozzer 1941:89). In the Relaciones of Merida (RY, 1:41), it says "in order to show more ferocity and to appear more fierce and valiant [the warriors] painted their eyes and noses and whole face, body, and arms with black and red" (quoted in Tozzer 1941: N. 560). The frog or toad miniature "paint pot" was found in the shamanic building (Structure 12). Ethnohistoric information associates frogs and toads with rain. In the Codex Madrid frogs appear with rain imagery (folio 17c) or surrounded by the rain god Chac (folio 31a). Toads were also associated with women. In the Maya Highlands the word for "toad" also means fetus (M. Pohl 1983). The Maya used toads to decorate women's ceremonial robes and it is still practiced today by the Tzotzil and Tzeltal Indians in Chiapas (Morris 1980). The association of toads and women is interesting in light of Sweely's (1995) suggestion that a female shaman practiced in Structure 12. Furst (1981) has argued that toads symbolize, and were an essential aspect of, shamanic transformation. The Bufo marinus toad has skin glands that secret 27 distinct poisons including a hallucinogenic substance. There is archaeological evidence that the Olmecs may have harvested this hallucinogenic. At the Olmec site of San Lorenzo, large numbers of toad skeletons have been recovered. In more recent times, the Highland Maya added toad to tobacco to increase the potency (Thompson 1970). 180

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The snake, dog, and bird motifs (with the exception of the vulture glyph) were found exclusively in domestic contexts. A dog head incensario, which may have been used in household rituals, was found in Household 4. The incensario had remnants of burned copal incense and a palm leaf in it. Ethnographic information indicates that palm leaves were often used in association with incensarios. Specifically, the Lacandon Maya use palm leaves to spread the smoke during a ritual purification (McGee 1990). Palm leaves are not common at Ceren and they may have been brought in specifically for use in household rituals (Lentz et al. 1995). Another ethnographic source reports an additional association between dogs and palm leaves. Contemporary Lacandon Maya place palm, as symbols of dogs, at the four corners of human burials (Peterson 1990:66). One pot depicting a running monkey "warrior." The monkey was the only animal motif in which the sex of the animal is portrayed. The obviously male monkey runs with what appears to be a woven shield in its arm. Landa mentioned that warriors carried round shields made from woven reeds which were fitted with deer skin (Tozzer 1941: 121). This is the only motif found at Ceren with overt military iconography. A snake motif is on the upper register of the running monkey "warrior" pot. Interestingly, the snake may be an additional reference to warriors. Miller and Taube (1993) note a pan-Mesoamerican concept: that snakes were vehicles of rebirth and transformation, for the great supernatural serpents frequently belch another creature from their months -a warrior, a human, a god, or a skeleton. Miller and Taube 1993:149-150 181

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Miller and Taube (1993) note two snake behaviors that might have reinforced a metaphorical snake-warrior connect -snakes swallow their prey whole and snakes shed their skin. Vessels with polychrome animal iconography were recovered from all contexts: domestic, civic, and ceremonial. It appears that all households had access to some animal iconography. However, the quality and particular animal represented varied somewhat between domestic and public areas. Some of the largest, finely rendered, and unique zoomorph motifs were recovered from a ceremonial building (Structure 10). Presumably these pieces would have been used in public feasting and ritual. Only one animal representation was found in domestic, civic, and ceremonial areas of the site. This was Glyph C, the vulture glyph, commonly seen on Copan polychrome pottery. Privilege. Power. and Animal-Use Defining Power Miller and Tilley (1984) distinguish between two general types of power, "power to" and "power over." By "power to," Miller and Tilley refer to the power which is an integral component of all social interactions. "Power to" is defined as that which enables agents (individually or collectively) to significantly and non-trivially alter, or attempt to alter, the conditions of 182

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their existence and the outcomes of determinate situations in specific social and material contexts Miller and Tilley 1984:5 Conversely, "power over" necessarily involves a dialectic relationship between those who hold it and those who do not. "Power over" then, is the accomplishment of effects which can only be realized by an agent (individual or collective) through the agency of others. This means power enables an agent to get another agent to do/not do something they would otherwise do/not do and this may be directly contrary to the objectives of the agent over whom this power is exercised. Miller and Tilley 1984:5 Aspects of both types of power are evident m the village of Ceren, specifically in the symbolic and ritual use of animals as metaphors. Animal Metaphors in the Village In the village of Ceren, animal metaphors appear to be operating at two distinctly different levels: a level of individual/collective participation and an imported symbolic level. The level of individual/collective participation refers to those artifacts in which animal-as-metaphor was the predominant function, and their use (possibly creation) required the active participation of some, if not all, of the villagers The imported symbolic level refers to those artifacts in which animal-as-metaphor was only one of the functions, and the artifacts creation excluded the participation from the villagers. 183

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Zoomorphic artifacts operating at a level of individual/collective participation include the deer-skull headdress and associated ceremonial costume elements. Their use in village ceremonialism probably involved many members of the village, ranging from direct participants in ceremonies to dancing, preparation, and participation in the feasting and festivities. Given the large corpus of ethnographic, ethnohistoric, and precolumbian Maya texts which associate the white-tailed deer with agriculture, the likely symbolic use for these artifacts were probably to promote agricultural growth, rain, renewal and, ultimately, economic prosperity. Therefore, these artifacts and the ceremonies in which they functioned enabled and required personal participation (individually and collectively) and the agency of the villagers. The ceremony and feasting provide an example of "power to" as defined by Miller and Tilley (1984). They are an attempt to alter the conditions of existence and determine the outcome of specific social and material contexts, in this case, to promote crop growth, fertility, rain and avert disaster. The imported symbolic level of animal-as-metaphor can be seen in the use of animal motifs on ceramics at Ceren. Most of the Ceren ceramics with animal motifs were a ceramic type called Copador pottery that may have been imported from other parts of El Salvador where, apparently potters were copying the Copador polychrome painting style used in Copan (Beaudry, personal communication, 1996). These ceramics may have been considered prestige vessels. 184

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As discussed earlier, the Ceren animal depictions visually emphasized particular predatory or defensive qualities. This iconography may have embodied a subtle, yet coercive, message, perhaps one in which the ruling elite class aligned themselves with aggressive animal motifs as a means of maintaining social control. The most aggressive and defensive animal motifs recovered at Ceren, the crocodile and crab, were found in public ritual contexts Given this apparent pattern, then the use of animal motifs may have reflected what Miller and Tilley (1984) refer to as "power over." Ceren ceremonialism and animal iconography indicate a great degree of ideological transfer between the Maya symbolic realm and the village. As mentioned earlier, the ethnicity of the villagers is unknown and they may have been Maya, or aligning themselves with the Maya, for various political and/or symbolic reasons. But whatever their ethnicity, they did live on the frontier of the Maya culture area -presumably an area which the main Maya political centers would have less control. As such, the association between village ceremonialism and animal symbols could represent an ideological infiltration which was designed to incorporate the multicultural periphery into the Maya network. Interestingly, the main ceremonial center of the Zapotitan Valley, San Andres, is located only 5 kilometers south of Ceren. Yet the close proximity of a main ceremonial center to Ceren did not preclude the existence of active village ceremonial complex at Ceren. 185

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Ceremonial Use of Ceren Animals Dogs are the second most abundant animal (MNI) found at Ceren. The dog played a significant role in Mesoamerican religion (Allen 1920; Pohl 1976; Schellhas 1904; Tozzer 1940; Tozzer and Allen 1910; Wright 1970). Dogs were associated with fire, especially the fire of the home hearth (Peterson 1990). Ethnohistoric documents indicate that dogs were raised in domestic areas (Landa in Tozzer 1941). Women also were associated with domestic areas and often are depicted in Classic Period pottery with dogs. Perhaps the dog had a somewhat gender specific association -with women and the domestic realms. If so, this might explain the pattern seen in the village of Ceren. All Ceren dog remains, whether iconographic or actual faunal material, were recovered in either domestic contexts or the midden. A ladle incensario with a dog was recovered from the bodega of Household 4, suggesting that the dog did have a symbolic meaning to the villagers. Specifically, the dog may have played a role in household ceremonialism as is suggested by the dog on the Household 4 incensario. The WhiteTailed Deer. The Ceren Cas a de cofradia .. and The Deer Ceremony White-tailed deer are the most common faunal material at Ceren. As discussed earlier, there may be a significant link between deer, ceremonial activity, and ideology. At Ceren, that link may be found in Structure 10, a possible casa de cofradia. 186

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The cofradia system may be of great antiquity (Gerstle 1996). The apparent functions of Structure 10 in the village of Ceren -ritual paraphernalia storage, large scale food storage, food preparation and food dispensing parallel the earliest reported functions of the "cas a de cofradia." The casa de cofradia became mobile, moving from house-tohouse with the changing cargo-holders, several hundred years ago. Prior to that time it was stationary at a fixed spot in villages. The historic cofradia system may have been so easily adopted because it closely paralleled an older indigenous system. The modern day cargo ceremony, while undergoing transformation during the post-conquest era, shares much continuity with ceremonies described in early ethnohistoric records, as well as depictions from the codices and Classic Period vessels and graffiti (M. Pohl 1981). The white tailed deer was (and in some places, still is) the central ritual player, and a deer sacrifice and public feasting were central aspects of the cargo or c u c h ceremony. The ceremony focuses, primarily, on the deer as a metaphor for agricultural fertility, rain, and themes of renewal and is performed at the end of the agricultural year. We can not know for sure what the villagers pre-conquest cofradia deer ritual was. However, a number of parallels in ritual components can be seen when comparing the ritual activities at Structure 10 at Ceren with cuch ceremonies documented in the ethnohistoric and ethnographic records. 187

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Five main ceremonial events make up the ethnohistoric cuch ritual which include 1) dancing with a deerskull headdress and arrow, 2) anointing the deerskull with blue, 3) blood-letting, 4) gift-giving, dancing, and drinking and, 5) sacrificing a deer (Landa in Tozzer 1941). Artifacts possibly representing all five of these ceremonial components are present in the artifact assemblage from Structure 10. The first two events are indicated by the deerskull headdress in Structure 10. Although the deerskull headdress was in storage in the apparent cofradia building at the time of the eruption, it undoubtedly was worn as part of a ceremonial dance costume. It was stored high on a shelf above the door in the front room and had been painted red. Interestingly, blue-green paint was also present on several places on the cranial aspect of the right antler. Ethnohistorically, blue was the color associated with sacrifice. Tozzer (1941: N537) states that blue pigment (probably from the species Indigofera a nil.) was used to anoint idols, divination stones, codices, sacrificial victims, and for anointing the arrow and the deerskull used in a ritual performed by "hunters." Blood-letting in Structure 10 is indicated by an obsidian blade containing residue of human blood on it. This is the only blade, thus far, to test positive for human blood anti-serum (Newman 1993). Sheets (1993) has suggested that blood-letting may have been practiced in the village. While it is possible that someone may have inadvertently cut themselves with the blade, Sheets notes that both the context of the blade (carefully stored high in an elevated context in a structure for community ritual) as well as the 188

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location of the human protein on the blade (the distal end of the blade, the end one would, presumably be holding away from oneself) make it more probable that the artifact was used in intentional human blood-letting. Friar Diego de Landa also stated that participants in the deer ceremony pierced their ears or their tongues and passed through the holes seven wide blades of grass. Another component to this ritual was the public gift giving, dancing and drinking. The high percentage and large size of serving vessels recovered in Structure 10, suggesting food or beverage consumption, would support this use. A low wall along the northern side of the building. would have allowed participants to approach the building for food and drink without having to enter it (Gerstle 1993). The final component of the ethnohistoric ritual was the sacrifice of a deer. It is clear from the presence of deer bone and deer blood residue on obsidian blades that the villagers were butchering deer. Thus far, the only two obsidian blades to test positive for deer protein were found in Household 1 which is located adjacent to Structure 10. As mentioned above, Household 1 may have been involved in providing and/or processing animals (dog and deer) for public feasts and perhaps rituals. It is not clear if the deer were being killed ritually or not. There is an overwhelming amount of ethnohistoric, ethnographic, and visual data from Maya paintings (summarized above) which documents a ceremony in which a deer deity and deer sacrifice is the central ritual drama. It is at least conceivable that the deer remains recovered close to the ritual complex in 189

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Ceren represent the remains of a deer sacrifice conducted in conjunction with public ceremony and feasting. Although we still can not say exactly what types of ceremonies the Ceren villagers were performing, their ritual activities clearly involve the use of a deersk.ull headdress, public feasting, anointing objects with blue pigment, and perhaps blood-letting, painting bodies red, and killing a deer. Those activities may have been part of a wide-spread Mesoamerican ceremonial complex that was not the exclusive domain of the elites at the major Maya urban centers In the village of Ceren, the white-tailed deer functioned as a symbolic fulcrum around which public ceremonialism revolved. The location of deer related ceremonial activities in an apparent pre-conquest casa de cofradia at Ceren raises questions about the possible continuity of a tradition which linked, and still links, rural agriculturists with the white tailed deer as a central animal metaphor in a cofradia-like system. A comparison of the Ceren Structure 10 artifact assemblage with the ethnohistoric records and contemporary ethnographic analogs supports the possibility that a deer ceremony may have been an important component of an indigenous cofradia-like system in pre-conquest Mesoamerica. 190

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Summary and Conclusions At Ceren, symbolic animal use encompassed two forms -actual animal remains used in ceremonialism and animal motifs on ceramics. For the Ceren villagers, the most important ceremonial animal was the white-tailed deer which was the central animal in public village ceremonial activities. The types of ceremonial activities inferred from Structure 10 closely parallel Maya ethnohistoric and ethnographic descriptions of the deer or cuch ceremony. Additionally, the association of the white-tailed deer with an apparent pre-conquest casa de cofradia raises questions concerning the antiquity of the deer as a central animal metaphor in a native cofradia-like system. At Ceren, the majority of village ceramics do not depict the same animals seen in the village faunal assemblage. Animals depicted in iconography have predatory, defensive, protective, dangerous, or poisonous qualities. This differs from the Ceren faunal remains which tend to be less defensive or predatory species. The most common animal motif was the vulture -Glyph C. Glyph C was the only animal motif recovered in all contexts (domestic, civic, and ceremonial) at Ceren. Some of the largest and most finely rendered animal motifs were recovered in Structure 10, the casa de cofradia. Presumably, these ceramics would have been used in conjunction with village ceremonial activities and feasting. The animal motifs in Structure 10 tended to have aggressive or defensive characteristics, including a large 191

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crocodile(with prominent protruding teeth) jar full of achiote seeds and a crab Copador tripod dish. By contrast, animal motifs found exclusively in domestic contexts included dog, monkey, snake, owl, and tapir. All dog remains (whether artifact or motif) were found in domestic contexts or the midden. It is possible that dogs were associated with the domestic contexts, in particular the domestic hearth and women, as indicated by ethnohistoric accounts. The dog did play a role in household ceremonialism at Ceren, as indicated by a dog head ladle-handle incensario containing the remnants of burned copal incense and a palm leaf (perhaps for fanning incense smoke, as reported ethnographically) recovered in Household 4. Most of the Ceren animal motifs were on a polychrome ceramic style called Copador -a stylistic canon seen in the large urban site of Copan. Recent evidence indicates that Ceren Copador ceramics may have been produced in El Salvador. Perhaps local potters were copying a ceramic style associated with elite-status. Copador may have been a prestige item and local potters may have been copying the Copador style to signal alliance with large ceremonial centers (Copan, or the Maya) for any number of political, social, or economic reasons. Alternatively, the elite on the southeast Maya periphery may have aligned themselves with powerful animal motifs for their own purposes. Animal motifs may played a role in negotiating power relationships in the south-east Maya periphery. 192

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CHAPTERS SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS Animals were an important component of village life at Ceren. The economic analysis based on minimum number calculations showed that the white-tailed deer was the most important species exploited by the villagers. Deer were used as a food source, a source of material for bone tools, and were an integral component of village ceremonialism. The second most important species at Ceren was the dog, possibly for consumption and ceremonial activities. Ethnohistorically, dogs were associated with the domestic hearth and at Ceren, all dog remains, whether artifact or motif, were recovered in domestic contexts or the midden. The other species exploited by the villagers included a duck, which was tethered to a pole in the Household 1 bodega, a mud turtle, a peccary, a large member of the rodent family, and a number of unidentifiable birds. The high percentage of young deer suggests that village women may have been taming or tending deer. Ethnohistoric records indicate that women also raised dogs and tamed fowl. It is possible that the Ceren women were actively raising and/or taming animals as a contribution to the domestic economy, as well as for ceremonial use. 193

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Not all households exhibited the same kind of animal use. Household 1 had a high percentage of unidentifiable mammal remains. Dog and deer blood were found on Household 1 obsidian blades, and dog and deer remains were recovered in and near the household compound. The presence of these artifacts, together with the close proximity of the household to the ritual complex, suggests that Household 1 may have provided and/or processed animals for public feasts and ceremonies. A member of Household 2 may have been carving shell. A spondylus shell, with the center removed, was stored in the Household 2 domicile and may have been used as material for shell ornaments. The presence of the shell remains, a stored shell and jade bead necklace, shell imagery, and the proximity to the sweatbath may be significant. Ethnohistoric information connects both shell imagery and sweatbaths with midwifery and curing. Perhaps a midwife or healer was a member of this household. Household 4 had many utilitarian bone tools stored in an elevated context in the bodega. Some of these tools may have been used in processing fiber from agave plants which were cultivated by household members. The needles stored in the roofing thatch suggests that the residents were also involved with sewing textiles, possibly made from agave fiber. The shamanic building, Structure 12, contained all the unmodified spondylus shell remains recovered from the village. Apparently, spondylus shell was used as a payment or offering Both the animal remains and animal iconography found in this building support the 194

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hypothesis that the building was used by a female shaman (Sheets 1992; Sweely ). Structure 10, the possible casa de cofradia, had the most white-tailed deer remains recovered anywhere in the village. White-tailed deer artifacts included ceremonial paraphernalia and utilitarian items. The association of the white-tailed deer, village-level cofradias, and an ancient c u c h ceremony, may extend well into pre-conquest Mesoamerica. The c u c h ceremony may have revolved around the end of the agricultural cycle similar to present day cargo-rituals. The deer ceremony itself appears to have been part of a wide-spread ceremonial complex involving the white tailed deer as a metaphor for agricultural fertility, and the cycles of lifedeath-and renewal. Components of this ceremony may have included the use of a white-tailed deer headdress, bloodletting, anointing ceremonial objects with blue, and public feasting perhaps involving the sacrifice of a de'er. This ceremony was not the exclusive domain of the elite, the white tailed deer may have functioned as a metaphorical fulcrum upon which village-level cofradia systems revolved. In conclusion, I suggest that there were two distinctly different levels of animals use apparent in the village -a level of individual/collective participation and an imported symbolic level. The level of individual/collective participation focused on the use of the white-tailed deer as the central animal metaphor. The degree of individual and/or collective participation in this use of animal-as-metaphor was quite high and many, if not all, of the villagers shared in some aspect of the public 195

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feasting and dancing that would have involved the use of the village ceremonial paraphernalia found in Structure 10. By contrast, the imported symbolic level of animal-as-metaphor excluded direct participation by the villagers. This level involved the import of animal motifs in as a representational style called Copador seen in Copan. Potters in the region (perhaps in El Salvador) were copying the Copador canon including some of the animal motifs commonly seen in ceramics from Copan. These copied animal symbols did not depict the kinds of animals typically used by the village. Generally, the animal motifs depicted predatory, dangerous, or highly defensive animals. These motifs may have been used by local artisans, or the elite, as a means of negotiating power relationships and alliances in the south-east Maya periphery. A clue concerning the amount of ideological interaction with the Maya culture was found in Household 2. A small miniature paint pot depicting a Maya underworld god emerging from a conch shell was stored in an elevated cache in the bodega. While this alone can not resolve the question of the ethnicity of the villagers it certainly suggests that they were aware of, and influenced, by Maya ideology as is further reinforced by the c u c h ceremony. Ceren village ceremonialism and animal iconography indicate a great degree of ideological transfer between the Maya core culture area and the village. Ceren is on the frontier of the Maya culture area, presumably a region in which the Maya elite would have less control. Ideology, once rendered in concrete form, can be a powerful tool in attempts to extend the 196

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dominant ideology (and ultimately control) of an elite-political core to a peripheral population (DeMarrais et al. 1996). As such, the association between village ceremonialism, animal symbolism, and Maya ideology could represent an ideological infiltration which was designed to incorporate the multicultural periphery into the Maya network. Alternatively, the local potters may have been deliberately signaling an alliance of some sort with the larger Maya ceremonial centers. Continuing investigations at Ceren and current excavations at San Andres, the civic-ceremonial center of the Zapotitan Valley, will provide valuable data for a better understanding of these interactions. Future research is needed to explore the various ways in which the Maya interacted with the residents of southeast periphery. 197

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APPENDIX A Key to Data Form Symbols 198

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A-1: Key to Abbreviations on Data Form Headings Abbreviation ID ELEMENT AGE SIDE STRUCfFUNC DOM/PUB HOLEDIA C-TYPE 199 Meaning Identification Skeletal Element Animal Age Side of Animal Structure Function Domestic or Public Hole Diameter Ceramic Type

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A-2: Alphabetical Symbols for Abbreviations Listed on Data Forms SYMBOL SYMBOL flO AM ARf /lS AV AW B BD Bl BL BN BP BR BV c 0\ C8 cc roJ CD CH a< a... Cfv1S CN CD CXl3 CR CRB CRM cr 01 ON or D OK DR DT DU Adult Anthropomorphic Artiodactyla Articulated Skeleton Aves Awl Bone Bead Biconical Beveled Bench Blue Pigment Burned Bivalve Ceramic Canine Tooth Crab Cypraea cervinetta Copador Cylinder Vase Canid cache Crocodile Cluster Copador Melon Stripe Carnassial Copador Copador Open Bowl Carnivore Copador Recurved Bowl Cranium Cut Carnivore Gnaw Marks Cowry Condyle Dish Disk Drilled Dish with Tripod Duck 200 DY EL FB FD FE FB Fl FK FL FR G3 G) ffi HD HS HU HZ I IC IN IR JR JV L LA LB LF M MD Ml MK MM MMA rvo MP MPP Nl\ NE Nl Diaphysis Elevated Flat Bone Fire-Hardened Femur Fragment Fibula Flaked Floor Frog Gualpopa Bowl Glyph C Ground Surface Headdress Homo sapien Humerus Horizontal Wear lnsensario Incisor Tooth Incised Irregular Bone Jar Juvenile Large Lagamorph Long Bone Left Mammal Medium Midden Monkey Mocal Modeled Mocal Modeled Applique Molar Medapodial Miniature Paint Pot Natural Needle Niche

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A-2: Alphabetical Symbols for Abbreviations Listed on Data Forms SYMBOL NT CE (D./ Q_ 01 ON ()( PA PD PL PN FO PR PT R RD RM FO RP RS RT RW s S\ SB SF Notched Open Bowl Odocoileus virginianus Oliva Oval Owl Oyster Prime Adult Peccary Pendant Polish Pin Pointed Porch Patella Rib Rodent Gnaw Marks Reamed Rodentia Red Pigment Rosette Right Rounded from Wear Small Sacral Subadult Scrap Shelf 201 SYMBOL s; SK SL SP SR ffi sr STR sw S( T TAP TB TD TP TR TT TU TY UN UN UP VL w WB ws VA Shell Snake Scapula Spatula Serrated Subsurface Star Striations Saw Marks Spondylus Turtle Tapir Tibia Teardrop Tripod Turtleshell Tooth Tube Tayassu Unknown Uniconical Upper Premolc: Vulture Whole Water Bird White Substanc Young Adult

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APPENDIXB Data Forms 202

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N 0 w 1!,204 -21! -01' 1-01' l$-020 1-025 IH27 1-039 17-086 1041 IZ,J36 ._,, 17 17 106 IB-176 1 !1,446 1,466 t-526,525 INA '"" INJ NJ INJ INJ I>D I >D INJ INJ INA IAN INJ I INA .VGc NA INA INJ Ml NA INA NA NA LN NA NA INJ I>D PT 2 I >D INJ 2 I >D Ml INJ INA NA INA INJ_ if:N IAN INJ INJ NA INA lbod eoa LN LN NA INA I""""-''' NA NA """""" 12 I INA_ INA hamao!c lF AD led LN ... ""'""" INJ INA LN INJ lrntpo INJ LN INJ LN ... ""'"""-I>D AD I >D IS l:lldoy LN NA NA oomm rituot 10 oomm 10 AD LN oomm 10 LN LN 10 NA INA NA IAD.FK DCM 0 IBN ,Sl uauc 0 cr l9l 0.8! \J&lC 3.55 0.74 0 IN:> ... \JBUC 6.24 4.71 .36_ IN:> ... U!UC 16.6 2.29 I.NOW8 DCM liN 16SSL lP 3.5< 3.59 .43 '""""' .BN IN:I' lP 0 0 0 IN:> IBN IIR IPt ;sco lP 0.61 ... lflJ!;sL 00 _0 0 _g_ IN:I' IP19 ;Sl2 ""' 0.36 \.OJ _5.75 0.91 _0"6.!. IAO.FK.CT IBN UBL NA NA NA 'NA NA U!UC .... _6.' 1Pl.S1 IAN_ UBUC S!R.SR liN '.6 L C L \J&lC 0.96 o IN,Pl ... U8L 6.09 2.44 0 I Pl.STR.FK.RW BN 0.29

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10 lN lm ..,-INA 1 3 NA OV INA INA T.IC INA INA INA I I ldomid I bodo IS3W1C 4 6. .. 2. a: o. 9. ;-:,-....-2. 2 NA a: 2 lev Toi ZL _!!,_28 5H "' --INA--

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APPENDIXC CONTEXT OF ALL ANIMAL REMAINS AT CEREN 205

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C: Complete List and Context of Modified and Unmodified Ceren Fauna Household 1. Includes four structures; a kitchen (structure 11), a bodega (structure 6), a domicile (structure 1) and a workshop (structure 5) Also includes activity areas around these structures and agricultural areas in direct vicinity of Household 1. Structure 1 The Domicile Unidentified Bivalve Shell fragments, 3 Unidentified Large Mammal long bone fragments, 2 Structure 6 --The Bodega Duck articulated skeleton 1 Structure 11 The Kitchen Odocoileus virginianus tibia, L 1 Unidentified Large Mammal Long Bone Fragment, 1 Unidentified Medium Mammal Long Bone Beads fragments, 2 Unidentified Medium Aves (bird) Long Bone Beads fragments, 3 Unidentified Mammal scrap, 1 Unidentified Gastropod Shell fragment, 1 The Kitchen Garden Unidentified Medium Mammal Rib fragment, 1, subsurface 0-10cm in TBJ Artiodactyla Burned metapodial, 1 fragment, 10-20 in TBJ Unidentified Large Mammal Rib fragment, 1 ground surface Irregular bone fragment, 1 ground surface Unidentified Scrap Bone fragment, 1, ground surface The Exterior Ground Surface Artiodactyla tibia, L, 1, subsurface 0-1 Ocm in TBJ Unidentified Large Mammal scrap (possible Artiodactyla), 1, subsurface 0-10cm in TBJ Canis familiaris premolar, P3 (upper), L, 1, subsurface 10-20cm in TBJ Unidentified Medium Mammal (possible Canis familiaris) scrap, 1, subsurface, 10-20cm in TBJ Young Milpa Field Unidentified Medium Mammal, rib (burned) fragment, 1 206

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HOUSEHOLD 2 Includes two structures; a bodega (Structure 7), and a domicile (Structure 2). Also includes activity areas around these structures and agricultural areas in direct vicinity of Household 2. Structure 2 The Domicile Unidentified Large Mammal long bone tapiscador, 1 rib possible awl fragments, 2 Spondylus calcifer shell valve, 1, center removed Structure 7 --The B ode g a Tayassu sp. tibia, L, 1 fibia, L, 1 Canis familiaris Carnassial Tooth premolar P4 (upper) L, 1 Unidentified Large Mammal long bone, 1 male figurine, 1 Spondylus sp. rosette, 1 Cypraea cervinetta bead, 1 Oliva sp. bead, 1 Unidentified Bivalve bead, 1 incised, 2 unmodified frag, 1 Unidentified Gastropod bead, 1 Area Outside of the Bodega Unidentified Mammal long bone needle fragment, 1 207

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HOUSEHOLD 4 Includes one structure; a bodega (Structure 4). Also includes activity areas around this structure and agricultural areas in direct vicinity of Household 4 Structure 4 --The B o d e g a Odocoileus virginianus Antler, 1 pointed tool, 1 Unidentified Large Mammal long bone spatula tool, 1 long bone needle fragment, 1 rib possible awl, 1 Unidentified Bird long bone needle fragments, 2 Ground Surface NW of Bodega Odocoileus virginianus humerus, L, 1 ground surface The Agave Patch Unidentified Large Mammal scrap, 1 THE RITUAL COMPLEX Includes the building for public feasting and storage of ritual paraphernalia (Structure 10), and the shaman's building (Structure 12). STRUCTURE 10 --THE COMMUNITY RITUAL BUILDING Odocoileus virginianus male cranium headdress, 1 scapula adult, R, 1 juvenile, L, 1 antler tapiscador, 1 Unidentified Large Mammal (probably Odocoileus virginianus) long bone beads, 2 long bone tapiscador, 2 rib curved edged tool, 1 flat bone teardrop ornament, 1 208

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STRUCTURE 12 -THE SHAMAN'S BUILDING Odocoileus virginianus, antler, L, 1, ceremonial Oliva spicata beads, 4 Spondylus sp. fragments, 4 CIVIC STRUCTURES Includes the possible meeting place (Structure 3) and a structure identified through testing which has not been excavated (Structure 13). STRUCTURE 3 -. COMMUNITY MEETING PLACE Unidentified Bivalve Shell fragment, 1 Unidentified Large Mammal (probably deer) long bone possible tapiscador, 1 STRUCTURE 13 Kinosternon sp. (Mud Turtle) carapace, 1 plastron, 1 MISCELLANEOUS CONTEXTS EXTERIOR GROUND SURFACE SOUTH OF STRUCTURE 3 Homo sapiens patella fragment, 1 fragment THE MIDDEN Includes the areas south-southwest, behind and downslope from the communal sweatbath (Structure 9) Canis familiaris molar tooth M1 (lower) R, 1 canine tooth pendant, 1 Unidentified Aves (Bird) long bone fragment, 1 Unidentified Large Mammal long bone incised frag, 1 irregular bone fragment, 1 fibia fragment, 1 scrap bone, fragments, 6 Unidentified Large Rodentia incisor tooth fragment, 1 209

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BEHIND STONE SEATS OUTSIDE OF THE TEMESCAL Unidentified Large Rodentia incisor tooth fragment, 1 Unidentified Large Mammal MISCELLANEOUS CLAY PREPARED SURFACES Unidentified Medium Mammal rib, 2, Pit 11120-30 em in TBJ rib pointed tool, 1, Pit 7/30-40 em in TBJ long bone, 1, Pit 6/10-20 em in TBJ long bone, 1, Pit 14/cm 30-40 in TBJ Unidentified Large Mammal burned sacrum frag, 1, Pit 14/cm 10-20 in TBJ 210

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APPENDIXD DESCRIPTION OF WORKED BONE AT CEREN 211

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ARTIFACT FORM: SUBFORM: FREQUENCY: MATERIAL: CONTEXT: D: Description of Worked Bone at Geren Bead Tubular 2 Long Bone of Large Mammal (probably deer) Structure 10 -the "Casa de Cofradia" -Elevated COMMENT: Artifacts 295-8-533 and 295-8-449 consist of two tube bone beads that were fashioned from the long bone diaphysis of a large mammal (Figure E.1 ). The bone's epiphyses had been removed, the suspension hole was the natural marrow cavity. The beads were smoothed, highly polished, and were covered with many fine striations, presumably from being worn and/or the manufacturing process. Both bead ends had been cut and were rounded and smoothed. Several deep grooves were noted on one of the beads (295-8-533). These grooves may have been made when the craft person was attempting to cut the bone as the grooves were noted close to the cut ends. These artifacts were recovered from the area near the deer skull headdress. The bone beads and may have been part of a ceremonial costume. ARTIFACT FORM: SUBFORM: FREQUENCY: MATERIAL: CONTEXT: Bead Tubular 2 Long Bone of Medium Mammal (possibly dog) Household 1, Structure 11-the Kitchen -On original floor COMMENT: Artifact 295-1-301 consists of two fragments from a medium-sized mammal long bone which may have been a bead or beads (Figure E.2). Both bead fragments had been fire-hardened, have a slight overall polish, and have been smoothed. One fragment had an end which was slightly serrated, perhaps from being cut. The suspension hole was the natural marrow cavity. ARTIFACT FORM: SUBFORM: FREQUENCY: MATERIAL: CONTEXT: Bead Tubular 3 Long Bone of a Medium Bird Household 1, Structure 11 -the Kitchen -Elevated COMMENT: Artifact 295-1-240 consists of three long bone fragments fashioned from a medium-sized bird (Figure E.2). The largest fragment was covered with many fine striations and had a slight overall polish (295-1-240). All fragments had been fire hardened. The suspension hole was the natural marrow cavity. 212

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ARTIFACT FORM: SUBFORM: FREQUENCY: MATERIAL: CONTEXT: Pendant Canine Tooth 1 Canis familiaris The Midden COMMENT: Artifact 295-2-547 consists of a pendant fashioned from the canine tooth of a dog (Figure E.3). The pendant was whole and in excellent condition. The root tip was biconically drilled for suspension. A slight polish was noted encircling the suspension hole presumably from string friction from being worn and/or the drilling process ARTIFACT FORM: SUBFORM: FREQUENCY: MATERIAL: CONTEXT: Pendant Anthropomorphic -Male Figure 1 Long Bone Epiphysis of Large Mammal Household 2, Structure 7 --the Bodega -Elevated Cache COMMENT: Artifact 295-2-298 consists of a carved male standing figure (Figure E.4) The man was wearing a wide brim hat and carried an unknown object on the top of his hat. Unfortunately, the unknown object will remain such, as it was broken, presumably during the eruption. The man wears a loin cloth which is tied around his waste. He has long hair gathered in a pony tail in the back. The left arm and both legs are missing. One suspension hole is still visible in the intact arm. It was biconically drilled through the shoulder area. Presumably the missing arm would have had an additional suspension hole. Rodent gnaw marks were noted on the anterior right arm as well as the posterior left buttocks of the carving. ARTIFACT FORM: SUBFORM: FREQUENCY: MATERIAL: CONTEXT: Headdress White-Tailed Deer Cranium 1 Odocoileus virginianus Structure 10 -The "Casa de Cofradia" -Elevated COMMENT: Artifact 295-8-34 consists of the cranium (minus the mandible) of an adult male white-tailed deer (Figure E.5). The headdress had been painted red. Blue-green pigment was noted on the cranial aspect of the right antler. The headdress had been badly burned in several areas from fires ignited from the eruption. However, polish was noted on both antler tips and along several other areas on the antlers. Additionally, rodent gnaw marks were noted on the cranial aspect of the left antler. 213

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ARTIFACT FORM: SUBFORM: FREQUENCY: MATERIAL: CONTEXT: Ornament Teardrop 1 Flat Bone from an Unidentified Large Mammal (probably Deer) Structure 1 0 -The "Casa de Cofradia" Elevated COMMENT: Artifact 295-8-526/525 consists of a flat teardrop shaped ornament which was fashioned from a flat bone (possibly scapula) from a large mammal (Figure E.6). This artifact was recovered from the area of the deer headdress and bone beads and may have been part of a ceremonial costume. It was covered in many fine striations which were presumably from being worn and/or the manufacturing process. Vertical, horizontal ,and angled striations were noted. Two flakes were noted along one of the long margins of the artifact. The proximal end also had several flakes missing. ARTIFACT FORM: FREQUENCY : MATERIAL: CONTEXT: Scapula Tool 2 Odocoileus virginianus Structure 1 0 -The "Casa de Cofradia" -Elevated COMMENT: Artifact 295-8-400 was fashioned from the left scapula of an adult deer (Figure E.7). This tool showed polish following along the caudal and anterior margins of the scapula. Several deep striations and polish were noted on the flat medial aspect of the blade. A series of vertical striations were noted on the lateral distal end of the scapula. Additionally polish was noted on intact areas of the lateral blade surface. A flat square notch had been removed from the spine of the scapula. The distal border of the tool was somewhat jagged, either from being shaped or the result of scraping the end against another surface, or both. Slight serration was noted on the right lateral distal border suggesting that this border of the blade may have been serrated at some point in the past. The other scapula tool (295 8-524/495) was made from the right scapula of a juvenile deer (Figure E.8). The glenoid process was missing, as the deer had not yet matured to an age when epiphyseal fusion begins. Polish was noted on all intact borders of the scapula. Additionally, polish and many short horizontal striations were noted on the flat medial surface of the blade. An unknown white substance was noted adhering to both medial and lateral aspects of the distal portion of the blade. A diamond shaped notch (perhaps for suspending the tool from something or someone) had been cut into the blade close to the proximal end. An occas i onal rodent gnaw mark was also noted 214

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ARTIFACT FORM: FREQUENCY: MATERIAL: CONTEXT: Tapiscador 4 Long Bone of Large MammalProbably Odocoileus virginianus Structure 1 0 -The "Casa de Cofradia" -Elevated 2 Structure 3 -The Meeting Hall -Elevated 1 Household 2, Structure 2 -The Domicile -Elevated 1 COMMENT: All artifacts were fashioned from the diaphysis of long bones. The diaphysis had been split open longitudinally and both epiphyseal ends had been removed. All artifacts with intact distal ends had distal ends which had been shaped and tapered (Figure E.9). Artifact 295-3-13 had polish on all borders of the tool. It appears that both proximal and distal ends of the tool had been used. The proximal end had a flake removed. Several angled and one vertical striation were noted at this location. An area with very heavy short horizontal striations was noted along one of the lateral edges. This area was approximately 6.5 em in length. The distal end of the tool also had a flake removed and horizontal and vertical striations were noted. A square notch had been cut into one of the lateral edges of the artifact. Artifact 295-8-188 had polish along both distal and proximal borders of the tool. A square notch had been cut into one s i de of the artifact, close to the proximal end, and a vertical groove was noted at this location. Several areas of the tool contained many short horizontal striations. Additionally, several deep vertical striations were noted. Artifact 295-8-448 exhibited polish along the interior longitudinal border of the bone surface. The outer surface of the tool had been badly burned from fires ignited from the eruption. Thus, most of the use wear patterns were obscured. The distal tip of the tool was broken. Polish was noted on the intact portion of the proximal end. A circular hole, which had been uniconically drilled was noted on the proximal end of the tool. Polish was noted encircling this hole. Ethnographic examples of tapiscadores had similar holes so that the tool could be suspended from the belt or wrist of the user. Artifact 295-2-60 exhibited a high polish over most of the tool surface. All borders were rounded and smoothed. Many long fine vertical and several fine horizontal striations were noted. The distal tip of the tool had a very small piece missing. Apparently, the tool continued to be used after this break as was evident from the presence of polish in the broken area. The proximal erid had been cut in a v-shaped and a small hole was cut out of this end of the tool. ARTIFACT FORM: SUBFORM: FREQUENCY : MATERIAL: CONTEXT: Tapiscador Antler 1 Odocoileus virginianus Structure 1 0 -The "Casa de Cofradia"-Elevated COMMENT: Artifact 295-8-176 was fashioned from the proximal end of a white-tailed deer antler (Figure E.1 0). The entire tool exhibits a high polish. The distal antler point was cut and the remaining antler was shaped into a slight taper. Many long vertical striations and several short horizontal striations were noted. Several shallow flakes were observed on the antler beam close to the burr. Additionally, a few rodent gnaw marks were noted on the tool. 215

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ARTIFACT FORM: SUBFORM: FREQUENCY: MATERIAL: CONTEXT: Spatula Long Bone Diaphysis 2 Long Bone of Large Mammal Household 1, Structure 1 -the Domicile -on original floor 1 Household 4, Structure 4 -the Bodega -elevated 1 COMMENT: Artifact 295-1-201 was made from the diaphysis of long bones (Figure E.11 ). It was recovered from Household 1. The diaphysis had been spit open longitudinally and both epiphyseal ends had been removed. The distal end was cut into a spatula shape which was beveled. Polish was noted on the interior bone surface and along the distal edge of this beveled area. Several small flakes were observed on the distal tip. The proximal end was not shaped and had been broken. However, the outer proximal bone surface was smoothed and polished, perhaps from being held during use. Artifact 295-4-52 was made from the diaphysis of long bones. It was recovered from Household 4. The diaphysis had been spit open longitudinally and both epiphyseal ends had been removed. The surface of the bone is in poor condition, as a result, any evidence of polish has been obscured. The spatula end on the tool appears to have been serrated as several small shallow cut marks were noted along the distal margin of the tool. ARTIFACT FORM: FREQUENCY: MATERIAL: CONTEXT: Curved-Notched Tool 1 Large Mammal Long Bone Household 1, Structure 11 --The Kitchen -Elevated COMMENT: Artifact 295-1-232 was fashioned from the diaphysis of long bones (Figure E.11 ). The diaphysis had been spit open longitudinally and both epiphyseal ends had been removed. Three shallow u-shaped notches were cut into the long edge of the tool close to the distal end. The entire notched area covered an area of 2.22 em. Polish was noted on the interior bone surface in the notches and extended from the notched area to the distal end of the tool. The intact portion of the distal border exhibited polish along the edge. The proximal end was missing however the break appeared fresh and may have occurred during excavation. ARTIFACT FORM: FREQUENCY: MATERIAL: CONTEXT: Pointed Antler Tool 2 Odocoileus virginianus Structure 12 -Niche in Bench 1 Household 4, Structure 4 -The Bodega-in Jar 1 COMMENT: Artifact 295-5-27 consists of a complete two-point antler from a white-tailed deer with a portion of the parietal and frontal cranial bones still attached (Figure E.12). The tool was recovered in Structure 12 the shamanic building. Both antler tips exhibit polish and a small portion of the longest point had been broken. A series of small uniconical holes (all of which were 1 mm in diameter) were drilled into the longest point, all along the cranial aspect of the antler. Some of these holes were very shallow and barely broke the antler surface, while 216

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others were fairly deep at approximately 2mm. Additionally, one hole was drilled into the medial distal antler tip. No holes were drilled into the caudal side of the antler. Many rodent gnaw marks were noted on the antler. Artifact 295-4-265 consists of the basal portion of a white-tailed deer antler (Figure E.13}. The distal portion of the antler had been shaped into a tapered rounded point which was 3.42 em in length. Two small flakes were missing from the distal tip. Several horizontal, and many deeper vertical striations, were noted on the shaped portion of the antler. A limited amount of polish was noted on the extreme distal tip. ARTIFACT FORM: FREQUENCY: MATERIAL : CONTEXT: Awl 2 Rib from Unidentified Mammal Household 4, Structure 4 -The Bodega Household 2, Structure 2 The Domicile 1 1 COMMENT: Artifact 295-4-204 consists of a small pointed tool which may be an awl or a portion of an awl. The artifact was recovered from the bodega of Household 4. The total length of the artifact is 2.42 em. A flake was missing from the distal tip of the tool. Extensive rodent gnaw marks were noted along the interior bone surface The outer bone surface was fairly deteriorated, obscuring any evidence of polish or striations Artifact 295-2-90 consists of two fragments (a distal and proximal fragment) of a pointed tool which may be an awl (Figure E.14}. The two fragments quite possibly are from the same tool, however, the adjoining mid-section is missing. The distal tip is somewhat blunted ar;td rounded from use and a slight polish was noted on the tip. Angled and curved striations were noted on the proximal fragment. Additionally, rodent gnaw marks were noted on the interior bone surface of the proximal fragment. ARTIFACT FORM: FREQUENCY: MATERIAL: CONTEXT: Needle 3 Long Bone of Unidentified Mammal Household 4, Structure 4 -The Bodega --in Vessel Household 2 --The Exterior Ground Surface 2 1 COMMENT: Artifact 295-4-119 consists of a mid-section fragment of a needle made from mammal long bone diaphysis. The needle broke at the "eye" area, thus, only the lower border of the eye is present. A v-notch was carved into the bone immediately under the eye. Several short vertical striations were noted on this fragment. Artifact 295-2-276 consists of a needle tip fragment which was recovered from the ground surface outside of Household 2. The needle was fashioned from the long bone of an unidentified mammal. The fragment showed evidence of polish on all sides of the tip. The polish extended 1.2 em up from the tip. Several short spiral striations were also noted. 217

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ARTIFACT FORM: FREQUENCY: MATERIAL: CONTEXT: Needle 1 Long Bone of Medium Sized Bird Household 4, Structure 4 -The Bodega -Elevated COMMENT: Artifact 295-4-215 consists of the tip and a small midsection fragment of a needle which was fashioned from the long bone of a medium sized bird. The tip of the needle was somewhat rounded and blunted, perhaps from use. Polish and vertical and spiral striations were noted on the needle tip. No use-wear was noted on the mid-section fragment. ARTIFACT FORM: FREQUENCY: MATERIAL: CONTEXT: Incised Bone Tube 1 Unidentified Mammal Long Bone The Midden COMMENT: Artifact 295-2-415 consists of four small fragments from an incised bone tube. Apparently, the tube had been painted red, as one fragment had the remnants of red pigment adhering to the outer surface of the tube. It is not know n what the bone tube may have been. Several areas showed evidence of polish along intact borders. ARTIFACT FORM: FREQUENCY: MATERIAL: CONTEXT: Incised Bone Tool 1 Rib of a Large Mammal Structure 1 0 -The "Casa de Cofradia" -Elevated COMMENT: Artifact 295-8-456 consists of a section of rib from a large mammal (Figure E.14) The rib was split lengthwise and one of the long edges was shaped into a slightly curved form. This was the edge of the tool that was used. Polish was noted all along this edge. Two horizontal incisions were cut into the outer bone surface. Close to the proximal end of the tool, several angled striations were noted. However, no polish was observed on either the distal or proximal ends. ARTIFACT FORM: FREQUENCY: MATERIAL: CONTEXT: Incised Bone 1 Flat Bone from an Unidentified Mammal The Midden COMMENT: Artifact 295-2-546 consists of a small fragment of flat bone which had been extensively incised on one surface. Polish was noted on all surfaces which had not been incised. Many fine horizontal striations were noted on the other (not incised) surface of the bone. 218

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' APPENDIXE ILLUSTRATIONS OF WORKED BONE AT CEREN 219

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E.1. Bone Beads -Possible Components of Ceremonial Costume. Recovered in Structure 10. Illustration by L. Brown 1996. 0 1 2 em Possible of Ceremonial Costume Cross-Section 295-8-449 Bead 0 Cross-Section 220 Striations 295-8-533 Bead I

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E.2. Bone Tube Beads Recovered in Household 1 -the Kitchen. Illustration by L. Brown 1996. 0 1 2cm Bone Tube Beads Household 1 Both Ends Broken 295-1-301 Medium Mammal Long Bone Cross-Section 0 Both Ends Cut Cross-Section End Cut 295-1-301 Medium Mammal Long Bone Beveled Broken End ... 0 295-1-240 Cross-Section Bird Long Bone 221

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E.3. Ceren "Loose" Dog Teeth Recovered From Various Contexts. Illustration by L. Brown 1996. Ceren Dog Teeth 295-2-547 Canine Tooth Pendant The Midden 295-2-1 Carnassial Tooth The Bodega Household 2 222 295-7306 Premolar Tooth The MilpaHousehold 1 295-2-624 Carnassial Tooth The Midden

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E.4. Anthropomorphic Bone Figurine Recovered From Elevated Cache (with shell necklace) in the Bodega of Household 2. Illustration by D. Tucker 1992. Anthropomorphic Figure Possible Pendant Household 2 -Elevated Cache 295-2-234 3 CENTIMETERS 223

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E.5. The Ceren Deerskull Headdress Recovered From Structure 10. Illustration by L. Brown 1996. The Ceren Deer Skull Headdress 295-8-34 Polish \ 0 2 4 em. 224

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E.6. Bone Teardrop Ornament -Possible Component of Ceremonial Costume. Recovered From Structure 10. Illustration by L. Brown 1996. Possible Comoonent of Ceremonial Costume 0 1 2 em Bone Ornament 295-8-525/526 225

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E.7. Bone Scapula Tool From An Adult White-Tailed Deer. From Structure 10. Illustration by L. 'Brown 1996. 0 2cm. Polish Polish 295-8-400 Deer Scapula Tool Striations 226 Cross-section of notch on spine Recovered

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E.S. Bone Scapula Tool From A Juvenile White-Tailed Deer. Recovered From Structure 10. Illustration by L. Brown 1996. 295-8-496/524 Deer Scapula Tool 0 1 2 em white substance fine vertlc:le striations short honzonta grooves MEDIAL ASPECT 227 epiphysis not fused LATERAL ASPECT fracture lines

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E.9. Long Bone Tapiscadores Recovered From Various Contexts. Illustration by L. Brown 1996. 0 2 em Polish Burn Obscures : Use-Wear -,I' r, : : : .j, .: Broken Tip 295-8-448 Tapiscadores Striations Polish 295-8-188 Flake "/ I I \ '. [:/Polish :' . ... : :; Flake 295-3-13 228 Striations ..._Flake 295-2-60

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E.1 0. Antler Tapiscador Recovered From Structure 10. Illustration by L. Brown 1996. 0 1 2 em Flakes Antler Tapiscador Structure 1 0 295-8-176 Striations Polish Noted Flake On Broken Tip High Polish Noted Over Entire Tool 229

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E.11. Utilitarian Bone Tools Recovered From Household 1. Illustration by L. Brown 1996. 0 2cm Utilitarian Bone Tools Household 1 '"-Spatula end of Tool Used Polish on Area Smoothed 295-1-201 Spatula Tool Notched Side of Tool Used Polish ""' 295-1-201 Side-View 295-1-232 Curved Notched Rib Tool 230 Bevel

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E.12. Ceremonial Antler Recovered From The Niche In Structure 12. Illustration by L. Brown 1996. Ceremonial Antler The Shaman's Workshop Structure 1 2 295-5-27 0 2 em 231 Polish 0 .. ... .. } .. Rodent Gnaw Marks

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E.13. Antler Awl Recovered From The Bodega of Household 4. Illustration by L. Brown 1996. 0 1 2 em 295-4-264 Worked Antler Awl 232 Polish Flake "-, .II'

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E.14. Bone Awl Recovered From Household 2 And Curved Rib Tool Recovered From Structure 10. Illustration by L. Brown 1996. 0 1 2 em. Rodent Gnaw Marks C = 1 .. : II \-:..; .. -.;.; _,.;. ;,; ..... <> -; __ f: .......... ;:;::: Polish 295-2-90 Awl Utilized Edge Missing Section Str'ations Curved Rib Tool 233

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APPENDIXF DESCRIPTION OF WORKED SHEIL AT CEREN 234

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ARTIFACT FORM: SUBFORM : FREQUENCY: MATERIAL: CONTEXT: F Descriptions of Worked Shell at Geren Largely Whole Worked Shells Bead 5 Oliva spicata Structure 12 The Shamanic Building Under Jar COMMENT: Artifact 295-5-11 consists of four mostly whole Oliva spicata shell beads and 1 shell fragment that probably adjoins to the one broken bead (Figure G.1 ) These shells had been carefully placed under a jar in Structure 12. All of the shell had the top spire removed by sawing, and had a suspension hole cut into the shell whorl. Three of the suspension holes were irregularly shaped, while the remaining one consisted of a beveled oblong "eye" shape. Rounding was noted around the suspension holes, presumably from being strung and worn. All beads had remnants of red hematite pigment adhering to the outer shell surface. ARTIFACT FORM: SUBFORM: FREQUENCY: MATERIAL: CONTEXT: Largely Whole Worked Shells Bead 1 Oliva sp. Household 2 Structure 7 The Bodega -Elevated Cache 3 COMMENT: Artifact 295-2-232 consists of possible shell bead fragment which was identified as belonging to the genus Oliva. The shell had the top spire removed by cutting. The Oliva shell appears to have been full of red hematite pigment as a dried hematite "plug" (which may have dislodged from inside the shell) was noted when the specimen was unwrapped. Red hematite was noted adhering to both interior and exterior shell surfaces. No suspension hole was noted on this fragment. ARTIFACT FORM: SUBFORM: FREQUENCY: MATERIAL: CONTEXT: Largely Whole Worked Shells Bead 1 Gastropod Household 2, Structure 7 The Bodega -Elevated Cache 3 COMMENT: Artifact 295-2-232 consists of a shell bead. The shell was identified as unknown gastropod, due to the degree of fragmentation. The top sire was removed by cutting. A uniconical suspension hole was cut into the shell whorl. No red pigment was noted on this specimen. 235

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ARTIFACT FORM: SUBFORM: FREQUENCY: MATERIAL: CONTEXT: Largely Whole Worked Shells Bead 5 Cypraea cervinetta Household 2, Structure 7 The Bodega -Elevated Cache 3 COMMENT: Artifact 295-2-219 consists of a complete Cypraea cervinetta shell bead which had been painted red (Figure G 2) The bead had a suspension hole cut into the shell whorl. A long wide striation (width 0.2 em) and many short fine abrasions (presumably from being worn) were noted on the back surface of the bead. Additionally, several rodent gnaw marks were noted on the outer shell surface. ARTIFACT FORM: FREQUENCY: MATERIAL: CONTEXT: Largely Whole Worked Shell 1 Spondylus calcifer Household 2, Structure 2 The Domicile -in Niche COMMENT: Artifact 295-2-49 consists of a complete valve of a Spondylus calcifer that had the center of the valve removed Cut marks were noted along the border of the cut area. When viewed from the exterior shell surface, the cut marks beveled inwards, towards the center of the shell, indicating that the shell had been cut from the outer surface inward ARTIFACT FORM: SUBFORM: FREQUENCY: MATERIAL: CONTEXT: Adorno Rosette 1 Spondylus sp. Household 2, Structure 7 The Bodega -Elevated Cache COMMENT: Artifact 295-2-228 consists of a rosette which had a five-pointed star carved into one side of the specimen (Figure G.2). A centrally place round hole had been reamed. The un-incised side of the specimen had been painted red. The outer outline of the rosette was shaped into 10 curved scallops. ARTIFACT FORM: SUBFORM: FREQUENCY: MATERIAL: CONTEXT: Incised Shell Possible Pendant Fragments 2 Bivalve Household 2, Structure 7 The Bodega -Elevated Cache COMMENT: Artifacts 295 2-220 and 295-2-229 consist of two fragments of an unidentified bivalve which had been incised, drilled, and painted red (Figure G.2). These fragment probably belonged to the same original piece. Artifact 295-2-220 had three uniconical holes. Art i fact 295-2-229 had 1 uniconical hole and 2 reamed holes 236

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ARTIFACT FORM: SUBFORM: FREQUENCY: MATERIAL: CONTEXT: Incised Shell Pellet 1 Bivalve Household 2, Structure 7 The Bodega Elevated Cache COMMENT: Artifact 295-2-231 consists of a small incised white shell pellet (Figure G.2). The function of this artifact is unknown. Striations (possibly from cutting) were noted on both ends of this specimen. 237

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APPENDIXG ILLUSTRATIONS OF WORKED SHELL AT CEREN 238

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G.1. Shell Beads Recovered From Structure 12. Illustration by L. Brown 1996. 0 1 2 em Beveled Spire Removed Shell Beads The Shaman's Workshop Structure 1 2 295-5-11 Spire Removed Oliva spicata shells Spire Removed Spire Removed 239

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G.2. Components of Shell Necklace Recovered From Household 2. Illustration by L. Brown 1996. Red Pigment Incised Components of Shell Necklace Household 2 -Elevated Cache Adorno 295-2-228 I Incised Shell 295-2-220 Suspension Hole Cowry Shell Bead 295-2-219 0 2 em 240 Shell Pellet 295-2-231 Incised Shell 295-2-229

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APPENDIXH RECONSTRUCTION OF SPECIES IN CLASSIC PERIOD ENVIRONIVIENT 241

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H. Reconstruction Of Species m Classic Period Environment Genus And Species Of Nonmarine And Known To Have Inhabited El Salvador Time Period (Daugherty 1969:57-59) ZOOLOGICAL NAME Artiodactyla Tayassu tajacu Tayassu pecari Odocoileus virginianus Mazama american Canivora Canis latrans Urocyon cinereoargenteus Procyon lotor N asua narica Potos flavus Mustela frenata Eira barbara Galactis allamandi Spilogale angustifrons Melphitis macroura Conepatus mesoleucus Lutra annectens Felis one a Felis con color Felis pardalis Felis wiedii Felis yagouaroundi 242 N onflying Mammals During The Historical COMMON NAME collared peccary white-lipped peccary white-tailed deer brocket deer coyote gray fox racoon coati kinkaj ou. long-tailed weasel tayra grison southern spotted skunk hooded skunk hog-nosed skunk southern river otter jaguar mountain lion ocelot mar gay jaguarundi

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Nonflying Edentata Mammals (continued) Myrmecophaga tridactyla Tamandua tetradactyla Cabassous centralis Dasypus novemcinctus Bradypus griseus Insecti vora Cryptotis micrura Lagamorpha Sylvilagus floridanus Marsupialia Didelphis marsupialis Chironectes panamensis Philander opossum Marmosa mexicana Perissodactyla Tapirus bairdii Primates Alouatta villosa Ateles geoffroyi Rodentia Sciurus variegatoides Sciurus deppei Orthogeomys pygacanthus 243 giant anteater three-toed anteater five-toed armadillo nine-banded armadillo three-toed 1 sloth Guatemalan small-eared shrew eastern cottontail opossum water opossum four-eyed opossum Mexican mouse opossum tapir howler monkey spider monkey tree squirrel tree squirrel pocket gopher

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Nonflying Rodentia Mammals Liomys saluini (continued) Heteromys desmarestianus Oryzomys couesi Oryzomys alfaroi Oryzomys fulvencens Tylomys nudicaudus Ototylomys phyllotis Nyctomys sumichrasti Reithrodontomys sumichrasti Reithrodontomys fulvescens Reithrodontomys gracilis Reithrodontomys mexicanus Peromyscus boylii Peromyscus mexicanus Peromyscus stirtoni Baiomys musculus Scotinomys teguina Sigmodon hispidus Rheomys thomasi Coendu mexicanus Dasyprocta punctata Agouti paca spiny pocket mouse spiny pocket mouse rice rat rice rat pigmy rice rat climbing rat climbing rat vesper rat harvest mouse harvest mouse harvest mouse Mexican harvest mouse brush mouse Mexican deer mouse deer mouse southern pigmy mouse brown mouse cotton rat water mouse porcupine agouti paca Genus And Species Of Representative Bird Species Have Inhabited El Salvador During The Historical Known Time To Period (Daugherty 1969:57-59) ZOOLOGICAL NAME Lowland Species Aratinga canicularis Crotophaga sulcirostris COMMON NAME cotorra petzi anf de pico acanalado 244

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Genus And Species Of Representative Bird Species (continued) ZOOLOGICAL NAME Lowland Species Amazilia rutila Centurus aurifrona Progne chalybea Heleodytes rufinucha Icterus gularis Thraupis abbas Saltator grandis Saltator atriceps Upland Species Dactyportyx thoracicus Columba fasciata Geococcyx velox Colaptes mexicanoide Corvus corax Icterus wagleri Piranga flava Zonotrichia capensis Spizella passerina Spinus psaltria Cloud Forest Species Penelopina nigra Strix ful vescens Pharomachrus mocinno Dryobates villosus Empidonax flavescens Troglodytes rufociliatus 245 COMMON NAME colibrf pico de coral pico o carpintero Velasquez martin de pico gris huacalchia oropendola de Lichenstein tangara de Abbott salton pacifica salton de cabeza negra godornfz de largos dedos pich6n salvadorefio cola franj eada corredor caminero pico salvadorefio cuervo oropendola de Wagler tangara roja gorrion coronado gorrion picador pinzon dorado chachalaca negra bubo listado quetzal pajaro carpintero velludo papamoscas de Dwight reyezuelo de cejas rojizas

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Genus And Species Of Representative Bird Species (continued) ZOOLOGICAL NAME Cloud Forest Species Turdus infuscatus Diglossa baritula Chlorospingus opthalmicus Atlapetes gutturalis COMMON NAME petirrojo negro pipi de la montana tangara de cabeza gris gorri6n de pecho amarillo Fresh Water Fish Recorded In El Salvador (Daugherty 1969:63-64) ZOOLOGICAL NAME Heterognathi Astyanax fasciatus Roeboides salvadoris Nematognathi Galeichthys guatemalensis Aruis taylori Rhamdia guatemalensis Cyprinodontes Profundulus punctatus Mollienesia sphenops 246 COMMON NAME plateada, sardina plateada, sardina, alma, seca, ulumina bagre, catfish bagre, catfish filin, catfish chimbola, killfish chimbola, top minnow

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Fresh Water Fish Recorded In EI Salvador (continued) ZOOLOGICAL NAME Cyprinodontes Priapichthys letonai Priapichthys fosteri COMMON NAME chimbola, top minnow chimbola, top minnow Anableps dovii cuatro-ojo Pseudooxiphophorus bimasculatus Poecilistes pleurospilus Poeciliopsis turrubarensis Perc amorphi Thyrina guija Mugil cephalis Agonostomus monticola Perc amorphi Centropomus nigrescens Centropomus robalito Centropomus pectinatus Chromides Cichlasoma nigrofasciatum Cichlasoma macracanthus Cichlasoma meeki Cichlasoma trimaculatum Cichlasoma motaguense Gobioidea Gobiomorus masculatus Eleotris picta Dormitator latifrons 247 pepesca, manjuda liebre ancha, liza tepemechin, chimbera, liza ro halo ro halo ro halo burro, achiba, chamarra, chincoyo, conga, mojarra moj arra mojarra negra, mojarra plateada guapote, mojarra, istataqua guapote, mora, panda guvina

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Reptiles Recorded In El Salvador (Daugherty 1969:66-68) ZOOLOGICAL NAME Gobioidea Sicyopterus gymnogaster Awaous banana Gobionellus microdon Testudines (Turtles) Kinosternon cruentatum Staurotyphus salvinii Geoemyda pulcherrima Pseudemys ornata Eretmochelys imbricata Cheloniia mydas Loricata (Crocodiles/Caimans) Caiman crocodilus Crocodylus acutus S au ria (Lizards) Coleonyx mitratus Gonatodes fuscus Phyllodactylus eduardofischeri Anolis crassulus Anolis heteropholidotus Anolis lemurinus Anolis sericeus Basiliscus vittatus Corytophanes percarinatus Ctenosaura similis Iguana iguana Sceloporus malachiticus 248

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Reptiles Recorded In El Salvador (continued) ZOOLOGICAL NAME Sauria (Lizards) Sceloporus squamosus Sceloporus uaiabilis Lepidophyma smithii Barisia moreletii Ameiva undulata Cnemidophorus deppii Cnemidophorus sackii Gymnophthalmus speciosus Lygosoma assatum Lygosoma cherriei mabouya Serpentes (Snakes) Leptotyphlops phenops Constrictor constrictor Loxocemus bicolor Coluber mentovarius Coniophanes fissidens Coniophanes piceivittis Conophis pulcher Dryadophis dorsalis Drymarchon corais Drymobius margaritiferus Elaphe triaspis Enulius flavitorques Geophis fulvoguttatus Imaotodes gemmistratus Lampropeltis doliata Leptodeira annula 249

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Reptiles Recorded In EI Salvador (continued) ZOOLOGICAL NAME Serpentes (Snakes) Leptodeira rhombifera Leptodrymus pulcherrimus Ninia sebae Oxybelis aeneus Oxybelis fulgidus Pliocercus elapoides Rhadinaea godmani Rhadinaea montecristi Rhadinaea pinicola Rhadinaea zilchi Scolecophis atrocinctus Sibynophis albonuchalis Spilotes pullatus Stenorrhina freminvillii Tantilla armillata Tantilla brevicauda Thamnophis sauritus Trimetopon posadasi Trimorphodon biscutatus Tropidodipsas carri Micrurus nigrocinctus Agkistrodon bilineatus Bothrops godmani Bothrops nummifer Bothrops ophryomegas Crotalus durissus Trimeresurus godmani 250

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Amphibians Recorded In El Salvador (Daugherty 1969:69) ZOOLOGICAL NAME Gymnophiona Gymnopis mexicana Caudata Magnadigita engelhardti Oedipina salvadorensis Salentia (Frogs/Toads) Eleutherodactylus rhodopis Eleutherodactylus rugulosus Engystomops pustulosus Leptodacty Ius labialis Leptodactylus melanonotus Bufo canaliferus Bufo cocci fer Bufo marin us Bufo valliceps Agalychnis moreletii Hyla baudinii Hyla euthysanota Hyla modesta Hyla robertmertensi Hyla salvadorensis Hyla stafferi Plectrohyla guatemalensis Rana macroglossa Rana pipiens Hypopachus aquae 251

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