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New Zealand's school breakfast clubs

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Title:
New Zealand's school breakfast clubs an exercise in public-private governance and a deepening of neoliberalism
Added title page title:
Exercise in public-private governance and a deepening of neoliberalism
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Fuentes, Krista ( author )
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Denver, Colo.
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University of Colorado Denver
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English
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1 electronic file (39 pages) : ;

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Master's ( Master of arts)
Degree Grantor:
University of Colorado Denver
Degree Divisions:
Department of Anthropology, CU Denver
Degree Disciplines:
Anthropology

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
School children -- Food -- Government policy -- New Zealand ( lcsh )
Children -- Nutrition -- Government policy -- New Zealand ( lcsh )
Children -- Nutrition -- Government policy ( fast )
School children -- Food -- Government policy ( fast )
New Zealand ( fast )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Review:
New Zealand has often been typified by its progressive stance on social welfare. Yet it is one of the few OECD countries that does not have a national in-school meal program for its children. As rates of child poverty continue to climb, more children are simultaneously coming to school hungry. Beginning in 2009, two of New Zealand's largest food companies stepped forward to create a system of school breakfast clubs available to schools in the lowest of socioeconomic areas, as a part of their commitment to social responsibility. As demand for the program increased, they sought support from the Ministry of Social Development, ultimately transforming the Kickstart Breakfast Club into a public-private partnership (PPP) between the business sector and the state. This article explores the ways that this particular partnership deepens people's relationship with neoliberal modes of governance and normalizes it, by looking closely at the everyday experiences of one particular primary school which utilizes the program. Ethnography provides a productive pathway for mapping the innovative ways we are seeing neoliberalism unfold as well as adapting it as the new normal.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references.
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System requirements: Adobe Reader.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Krista Fuentes.

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University of Colorado Denver Collections
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Auraria Library
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All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
985016339 ( OCLC )
ocn985016339
Classification:
LD1193.L43 2016m F94 ( lcc )

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Full Text
NEW ZEALANDS SCHOOL BREAKFAST CLUBS: AN EXERCISE IN PUBLIC-PRIVATE GOVERNANCE AND A DEEPENING OF NEOLIBERALISM
BY
KRISTA FUENTES
B.S., University of California, Berkeley, 2009
A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment Of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Anthropology Program
2016


2016
KRISTA FUENTES
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED


This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by Krista Alicia Fuentes Has been approved for the Anthropology Program By
John Brett, Chair Zaneta Thayer Mat Walton


Fuentes, Krista Alicia (M.A., Anthropology)
New Zealands School Breakfast Clubs: An Exercise of Public-Private Governance and A Deepening of Neoliberalism
Thesis directed by Associate Professor John Brett.
ABSTRACT
New Zealand has often been typified by its progressive stance on social welfare. Yet it is one of the few OECD countries that does not have a national in-school meal program for its children. As rates of child poverty continue to climb, more children are simultaneously coming to school hungry. Beginning in 2009, two of New Zealands largest food companies stepped forward to create a system of school breakfast clubs available to schools in the lowest of socioeconomic areas, as a part of their commitment to social responsibility. As demand for the program increased, they sought support from the Ministry of Social Development, ultimately transforming the Kickstart Breakfast Club into a public-private partnership (PPP) between the business sector and the state. This article explores the ways that this particular partnership deepens peoples relationship with neoliberal modes of governance and normalizes it, by looking closely at the everyday experiences of one particular primary school which utilizes the program. Ethnography provides a productive pathway for mapping the innovative ways we are seeing neoliberalism unfold as well as adapting it as the new normal.
The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication.
Approved: John Brett


IV
DEDICATION
This thesis is dedicated to my biggest cheerleader in life and now guardian angel, my mother Susan. She taught me how to work hard, be passionate, and care.


V
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER
1
I: INTRODUCTION
II: BACKGROUND 3
III: METHODS 9
IV: THE SETTING 11
V: ETHNOGRAPHIC INSIGHTS, 12
WAYS OF SEEING AND NOT SEEING FOOD INSECURITY
VF KICKSTART BREAKFAST, A ROLLING-OUT OF NEOLIBERALISM 15
VII: DISCUSSION, WHY IS THIS A PROBLEM 26
VIII: CONCLUSION 29
REFERENCES
31


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CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION
One site relatively unexplored by anthropologists as an institution of neoliberal ideology and practice are corporations social responsibility programs. Corporate social responsibility (CSR) is a philosophy that companies should accompany the pursuit of profit with good citizenship within the wider society (Sadler and Lloyd 2009). Over the past decade there has been tremendous global growth in the amount of CSR activity among businesses. This is driven, in part, by consumers shifting attitudes towards business responsibilities. Studies show that consumers want to buy from companies that are actively engaged in making society better (Deloitte 2015). A companys ability to demonstrate that they are actively involved in fostering community-engagement and environmental sustainability at a local, national, and/or global level has become part of their social and economic license to operate (Weither and Chandler 2011).
How CSR is implemented by companies takes shape in a variety of ways, from a simple public relations web-page designed to showcase their pledge to the community and environment to true commitments from companies to initiate and sustain collaborative community-engagement projects. An example of a comprehensive CSR program can be found in New Zealands Kickstart Breakfast Program, which is a national social responsibility effort started by Fonterra (a dairy cooperative) and Sanitarium (a cereal company), that serves breakfast, consisting of Weet-bix and milk, to any New Zealand school that requests the program. The growth in the number of CSR programs and the depth at which they function, also point to, a rolling-out of neoliberalization by extending the private sectors role in governance while the state role is simultaneously shrinking (Peck and Tickell 2002). Over the past decade, there has


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been a call for more research that documents how the rolling-out processes of neoliberalism are being implemented and consent from the public is secured in everyday life (Peck and Tickell 2002, Harvey 2005, Sadler and Lloyd 2009, Fairbanks 2012). The aim of this article is to explore how New Zealands private-public sponsorship of in-school breakfast clubs reflects a rolling-out of neoliberalization, and how it is perceived through the lens of stakeholders at one school where Kickstart breakfast is served.
The KickStart partnership represents an increasingly popular model of governance, where the delivery of social service programs is carried out by the private sector and partially funded by the government. New Zealands Ministry of Social Development calls this blend of public-private partnership (PPP) a social sector trial, which the Ministry describes as, an alternative approach to social service delivery in communities. It is centered around a community member or non-governmental organization, who shapes cross-agency resources with local organizations and government agencies to deliver more collaborative, directed, and effective social services (Ministry of Social Development, msd.govt.nz). Breakfast clubs with support from KickStart, offer a unique site to explore the ways that CSR and PPPs are innovatively re-casting the boundaries between corporate and state-centered welfare policy, and thus deepening the citizenrys relationship with neoliberlization (Sadler & Lloyd 2009).


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CHAPTER II BACKGROUND
Defining Neoliberalism
Though neoliberalism has become the dominant orthodoxy of our time, its definition is, polysemic and without a single referent (Ganti 2014). However, Peck and Tickell provide a productive framework that breaks it down into two phases; roll-back neoliberalism and rollout neoliberalism (Peck and Tickell 2002). Roll-back neoliberalism refers to economic deregulation, liberating free-trade, and the privatization of everything (including public enterprise), thereby dismantling the Keynesian idea of statehood from power (Peck and Tickell 2002, Harvey 2005, Ganti 2014). The propagation of roll-back neoliberalim is often pinpointed to Reagan and Thatchers fiscal policies during the 1980s, however it created a political-economic environment where even developed countries, including New Zealand, were forced to adapt or get left behind. Roll-out neoliberalism, which is still developing, focuses attention on the intentional construction of consent and consolidation of new neoliberal state forms, modes of governance, and regulatory relations (Peck and Tickell 2002). It also refers to the technologies of agency that are employed to encourage people to exercise their own agency, transform their own status, and manage their own risks (Larner 2000).
Roll-back neoliberal strategies inevitably lead to a reduction of social services governed by the state and push individuals to be personally responsible for their own well-being in a political-economic climate where few jobs of adequate pay are available. David Harvey describes this phase of neoliberalism as a shift from policies that support social welfare to the institutionalization of corporate welfare (Harvey 2005). A consequence of the state retreating in size was that it left room for other entities, such as private charity, churches, and now CSR


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programs, to partially fill in these service gaps. It is important to note that societys needs did not disappear even though the state was no longer attending to them. In fact, in many places the depth and degree of inequality worsened and basic essentials simply went unmet. Communities, schools, or individuals that were recipients of philanthropy through a charitable outlet counted themselves as lucky and were deeply grateful for the support. As one teacher at my fieldsite explained on the topic of food donations, Anything would help, we will take what we can get (fieldwork 2015).
Roll-out neoliberalism occurs at the individual level and ripples outward into workplaces, educational institutions, and health and welfare agencies. With neoliberal ideology, both social problems and solutions are framed in ways that focus on individual choices, mindset, and/or education, while ignoring the political-economic context from where these decisions are made. Roll-out neoliberalism is well known for its variegated forms and how it takes shape differently across geographies (Brenner et al 2010). Some of these deepening forms include incorporation of partnership-based modes of social welfare policy development and program delivery, the mobilization of voluntary and faith-based organizations in service of neoliberal goals, and the establishment of social-capital discourse and techniques to attain basic resources (Peck and Tickell 2002). It is also worth mentioning that the co-evolution of CSR and neoliberalism is no coincidence. Daniel Kinderman, charts the simultaneous rise of companies with CSR affiliations with the rise of neoliberal policy in the U.K from 1980 to 2010. Not surprisingly, in the early 1980s there were fewer than 100 companies with CSR programs in place. However, as regulations and corporate tax laws became looser more companies yearned to demonstrate how socially responsible they were. By 2010 there were nearly 900 companies in the CSR registry (Kinderman 2012). Although the Kickstart Breakfast Program began as a CSR endeavor, it has


5
now morphed into a PPP and serves as an example of the evolving identity of roll-out neoliberalism. However before diving into this particular case, it is necessary to discuss the political-economic climate in which it is situated.
The Political Economy of New Zealands School Breakfast
New Zealand was well known for its progressive cradle-to-grave welfare policies that were based on the premise of a collective citizenship which provides equal access to social rights such as healthcare, education, and employment. The purpose of governmental assistance was to support participation in society not just survival (Kingfisher & Goldsmith 2001). However, beginning in 1984 and through the 1990s this all began to shift dramatically as New Zealands policies became markedly more monetarist; state assets were sold to international interests, Britain joined the EU thereby removing NZs domination of particular markets (meat, wool, and dairy), and the trade relationship between Australia and New Zealand became much more integrated as the East Asian economy took flight (Kingfisher and Goldsmith 2001). Kelsey describes this period as one of unprecedented, rolling-back of the state characterized by large scale privatization of state assets and implementation of managerialist models of governance (cited in Signal 2015).
Deep cuts were also made to New Zealands social benefit programs and a campaign was made to encourage New Zealanders and their families to take care of themselves in order to address the social deficit. In 1991 the newly elected National government made severe cuts to welfare spending, and benefits were drastically reduced. This course of action signaled as a rejection of the nanny-state, which perceived the state as overly-protective and desperate to interfere in peoples daily lives (Signal et al 2015). In 1998 the government even produced and mailed a public pamphlet to every household called, Towards a Code of Social and Family


6
Responsibility that explicitly argued it was time for New Zealanders to turn the discussion of social issues from rights to responsibilities (Larner 2000). The intended purpose of the code was to, make it clear how people are expected to meet their responsibilities, influence behavior, set guidelines for policy development, and provide a starting point for ongoing discussion
(p. 3 cited in Lamer 2000). The unfolding of neoliberal policy and ideology over the last 25 years has created a context in which limited state responsibility has been normalized. Many New Zealanders believe that more people are afflicted by poverty than they were ten years ago, but 60% say this is because poor individuals Tack will power or are lazy (Rose et al 2005). This shift from egalitarian to personal responsibility values and policy has had unprecedented consequences on the social welfare of New Zealands citizens, particularly children, and has made higher levels economic inequality and social marginalization almost inevitable (Boston 2013, Barnett 2005, ODea & Howden-Chapman 2000).
In New Zealand, 29% of all children currently live in income poverty (Simpson et al. 2015: 12, Salmond et al 2005). Poverty rates for Pacific and Maori children have been reported consistently higher than for European children. Between 2012-2014, 33% of Maori children and 28% of Pacific Island children lived in poor households compared to an average of 16% of European children (Simpson 2015: 16). Many of these children live in households that must make decisions between paying for electricity and purchasing fresh fruits and vegetables (Simpson et al. 2014: 33). Although access to nutritional food is essential for all humans, it is especially important for children to support their growth and development, yet many families are struggling to provide adequate and affordable meals for their children. In New Zealands most recent report on household food security, 22% of households said that food runs out because of lack of money (Powell et al 2003: 110). It is unclear exactly how many children are coming to


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school hungry, but in a survey conducted by the NZ Herald, principals working with low-income student populations reported that the number of pupils turning up for school breakfast is increasing daily (Collins and Binning 2011). To date, no data has been collected either to support or disprove their claims about the number of children coming to school hungry.
However, it is clear that New Zealand (unlike many other OECD countries) has never had a government sponsored school meal program. Until recently, students who showed up to school hungry hoped that their school was one of the recipients of the ad hoc charity arrangements that donated meals to schools such as Kidscan or the Red Cross, otherwise they simply went without. Currently, Kidscan is struggling to meet the demands as more schools sign up and waitlists lengthen (Stewart 2015). New Zealands Red Cross Breakfast Program, which is no longer in existence because the supporting grocery store chain pulled out as a partner, admitted that it was a constant challenge to sustain volunteer relationships needed in order to run the program (Ware 2008). For many New Zealanders the assumption was, and still is for some, that children ate breakfast at home and that it was their parents responsibility to feed them. In 2009, two of the countrys largest food companies, Fonterra and Sanitarium, joined forces to offer a cereal KickStart breakfast in schools as a part of their corporate social responsibility plan. Fonterra and Sanitarium supplied the food products and left it up to the schools community to provide other provisions such as eating utensils, a space to facilitate breakfast, and adults to run the breakfast club. The original purpose of the campaign was to demonstrate the importance of eating breakfast by offering it at school two days a week. However the feedback they received from the schools said overwhelmingly that this just wasnt enough. To meet the growing demand and extend their reach to more of the nations schools, the two companies asked the government to financially support their efforts.


8
By 2013 the government decided and directed the Ministry of Social Development to help fund KickStart over the course of five years. Once the five years are up (in 2019) it will be evaluated for its impact and a decision to continue the program or not will be made. Government sponsorship transitioned KickStart from being purely a CSR initiative to becoming a public-private partnership. Currently schools can request to have the KickStart breakfast available five days a week instead of two, and all schools are eligible for the program, not just the poorer ones. As it stands today, KickStart breakfast clubs is now operating in 843 out of 2,538 NZ schools (Fonterra 2015, Education Counts 2016). However, it is unclear which schools have programs operating five days a week versus on a more ad hoc basis, or somewhere in between. This political-economic context stands as the backdrop in which my own recent ethnographic exploration was situated.


9
CHAPTER III METHODS
Prior to beginning my fieldwork, my research proposal was reviewed and approved by the Colorado Multiple Institutional Review Board (COMIRB). In this article, I have used pseudonyms to mask the names of my interviewees as well as the school and neighborhood where I was working. In late October of 2015,1 began my fieldwork at a decile 1 primary school1 nestled in a suburb outside of Wellington, New Zealand called Ferntown. Ferntown was once a thriving factory town, but today is an area of high unemployment, crime, and poverty. As one informant shared with me, poverty is well and alive in this region of New Zealand (fieldnotes 2015). Despite the high numbers of families living in economic poverty, many residents described Ferntown as a prideful and resilient community. One resident shared, there is a real cool community here, it has just had its foundations shaken in a couple of generations (interview 2015). By cool community she was referring to Ferntowns continued efforts, to raise our community up by bringing in as much social support that we can" (interview 2015).
During this time I volunteered four days a week at Hilltop Valley Schools breakfast club from October 2015 through December 2015. Volunteering provided me with a pathway to gain rapport with other volunteers, parents, and school staff, as well as engage in the everyday duties of serving breakfast, enabling me to become a participant-observer in the setting rather than a passive researcher. Using participant-observation provided me with the kind of experiential knowledge of organizing and running an in-school breakfast program in New Zealand and gave me an insiders perspective about what is working in the breakfast club model and what is not
1 Deciles are a measure of the socio-economic position of a school's student community relative to other schools throughout New Zealand. They are numbered 1-10. The lower the school decile number, the more state funding it receives (New Zealand's Ministry of Education 2016).


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(Bernard 2006). In addition to participant-observation, I conducted twelve semi-structured interviews with breakfast club stakeholders (parents, teachers, volunteers, school staff), and two interviews with Kickstart breakfast representatives from Fonterra. Exploring school stakeholders perspectives on Kickstart breakfast is essential to understanding the success as well the barriers schools face in implementing the program. It also provided more depth about their experiences as a witness to poverty and child hunger that I may not have acquired through participant-observation alone. One limitation of my research is the short amount of time that I was able to be at Hilltop Valley School. Semi-structured interviews provided me with an efficient method to inquire about school breakfast and gave me the flexibility to probe deeper when new leads were brought to the surface.
Of the 12 interviews with stakeholders, 5 were regular volunteers, 1 was a parent, 1 was an administrator, 2 were teachers, and 3 were school support staff. I asked all the participants about their perspective on the benefits of the breakfast club as well as some of the barriers they may face in implementing the program, their perceptions of child food insecurity in Ferntown, and whose responsibility did they think it was to feed children. To recruit this group of participants, I relied upon my rapport as a volunteer-researcher at the school. I also used snowball sampling by asking participants at the end of the interview if they knew of anyone else that I should speak with.


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CHAPTER IV THE SETTING
At Hilltop Valley School, a light chatter of children can be heard as you enter the building and the smell of buttered toast wafts through the brightly colored halls. Breakfast is served up regularly in the schools largest classroom, room 4. Room 4 also happens to have a sink, instant hot water, and refrigerator making it the ideal location to serve breakfast. Each morning the volunteers, some teachers, and parents come in at 7:30 am and transform the room into a mini cafe. A reusable plate and overturned mug are set in front of each chair; jams, spreads, and butter knives are put out on the two breakfast tables; milk, cereal, bowls, and spoons all sit on a smaller table located near the kitchen-space making it close enough for adults to help if they need to. Older children served themselves cereal and milk, while the younger ones relied on a helping hand of an adult or older peer. Children took a seat and would put a finger in the air to signal if they wanted toast, a hot cup of Milo, or refills.
The room felt warm and jovial. Lights were turned on, the radio played softly in the background, child artwork colored the walls. Parents, volunteers, and a few teachers helped out wherever they saw something that needed to be done. Kids visited quietly at their tables, evidence that they were still waking up and getting a good start to their day. Aside from cereal and milk, children also had the option of toast with butter and jelly, and milo. These extra items are not funded by KickStart but come out of the schools budget. Milo is a hot-chocolate type drink that is made by Nestle but has a bit more of a malty flavor. By the end of the hour, after many of the kids have eaten, they put everything away and room 4 is transitioned back into a
classroom.


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CHAPTER V
ETHNOGRAPHIC INSIGHTS: WAYS OF SEEING AND NOT-SEEING ( Hil l) FOOD
INSECURITY
Especially in our community you don't know if they've had dinner the night before. You don't know what they've been eating. You know, I can only presume that money must be tight on a lot of fronts. Sometimes you see children coming in and having 8 Weet-bix. You know you can sort of see... there are signs. a Hilltop Valley School teacher
Teachers, volunteers, and support staff at Hilltop Valley School, noted the various ways they have become witnesses to the experiences of child hunger at their school. Some of the more subtle signs of food insecurity they have learned to look for are repeated tardiness, not bringing a lunch or money to purchase one, observing childrens eating patterns at school (loading up on Weet-bix or eating multiple servings), and educational inattention (not focused or engaged in learning). Lucy, who has worked at Hilltop Valley as both an office manager and librarian for 9 years, shared that she has noticed a pattern among students who regularly come to school late, also often have not eaten breakfast, and did not bring anything with them for lunch. When I inquired about child hunger at the school she said:
Its [hunger] still around. And its like... when they [students] come through, if they are late, and they haven't got lunch, and that's why we know that like... even today [referring to a student who had come in late that morning]- nothing. So then that's when we go, alright, well we'll make something or we'll order it for you. Yeah, for kids that show up with no money and there's nothing. Then the teachers also in the morning, ask children when they do roll call, have you all got lunch?, and that is another sign too.
These ways of seeing food insecurity are all very apparent and familiar to teachers and school staff, who confront child poverty on a regular basis. However, it may be less visible to the general public and politicians who are far more removed from the everyday experiences of
poverty.


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This is highlighted in Fonterra and Sanitariums early motivations for creating Kickstart.
The original purpose of Kickstart was to demonstrate to parents and children the importance of eating breakfast by offering it at school two days a week in low decile schools. The hope was that once parents saw the benefits of a cereal breakfast they might adjust their budgets to include this purchase in their weekly expenditures. Lilly, an executive at Fonterra and implementer of the KickStart program, described some of their initial reasoning for the program was to increase child access to better nutrition but mainly its about education of nutrition and why is it important for this age group to actually get access to something that hopefully they will drink for the rest of their lives (interview 2015). She admits that this was probably a bit naive considering all the other factors that impact this decision (interview 2015). In addition to sounding like the tagline of an advertisement, her comments also imply that if only parents had access to better nutrition education, they would make better food decisions and ignores the political-economic context of poverty in which these food decisions are made.
Teacher and school administrators using the early versions of the Kickstart program did not see it as a primary platform for delivering an educational lesson on the importance of eating breakfast, but more as a tangible means for feeding students breakfast that didnt have any. The feedback Fonterra and Sanitarium received from schools said this was not enough to address the number of hungry students coming to school. Maggie, a long-time teacher at Hilltop Valley School and initiator of their schools breakfast club, said that even though Kickstart provided breakfast two days a week, as a school they have always served breakfast for five because, I guess every day, you know, our kids need to be fed. Mika, a KickStart representative, shared some of his early reactions to the program,


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In the back of my head I always thought there would be a need for programs such as ours. I didn't realize what the volume would be until we got started. I kind of always thought that there are kids out there who need support, but did I ever think it was going to be at that volume- probably not (interview 2015).
Another teacher I spoke to who was also surprised by the need expressed,
I wasnt really aware that kids werent getting breakfast until it [the breakfast club] actually started up. I just presumed they were. This is the thing, you just sort of magically think, I provide my child breakfast... its the right thing to do, you know what I mean. You would, you just do... thats why I didnt realize the extent of how many kids wouldnt get it (interview 2015).
Their experiences illustrate how their assumptions about child hunger in New Zealand were turned upside down when the breakfast club was first introduced. The rhetoric of what a parent should do, and the reality of what many of them are able to provide was drastically revealed when Kickstart began and they saw the food gap firsthand. To help meet the growing demand and extend their reach to more of the nations schools, the two companies asked the government to financially support their efforts.


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CHAPTER VI
KICKSTART BREAKFAST: A ROLLING OUT OF NEOLIBERALISM
This section explores the ways that Kickstart is deepening individuals and schools relationship with business while simultaneously relinquishing the government from their role in alleviating child food insecurity. One way this is demonstrated is through the mostly private, somewhat public, infrastructure of the program itself. Meaning that, although the Ministry of Social Development is helping to fund and evaluate the program, Kickstart is by and large directed and maintained by private interests. In addition it also gives Fonterra and Sanitarium a seat at the table when discussing child health and poverty issues, most recently the food inschools bill. Second, rolling-out neoliberalism policies and programs privilege those which require a lean government (Peck and Tickell 2002). Kickstart was framed by Fonterra and Saniatarium to government officials using neoliberal ideals which minimized their involvement and maximized program efficiency. The deliberate stretching of the neoliberal policy repertoire also embraces selective appropriation of the word community which is used to encourage different aspects of community (church, family, schools, business) to become involved in addressing local social problems and decentralize responsibility and implementation of those social services. Kickstart emphasizes that the, government cant do it alone and that alleviating child poverty requires all hands on deck (interview 2015). Third, the motivations that drive these two companies, among many others, to create community-engagement programs draw on neoliberal ideologies for them to act as responsible corporate citizens. Beyond creating a positive public relations persona, giving back to the community is becoming corporations social license to operate, and Fonterra and Sanitarium are no exception to this new rule. Finally, the school stakeholders support of Kickstart could be interpreted as normalization of neoliberalism


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because many of them have come to believe that the solution to meeting childrens immediate needs is through more charity, CSR programs, and public-private partnerships.
Kickstart has become a small beacon in New Zealand of what a well-executed public-private partnership looks like. However prior to 2013, Kickstart was still a CSR program maintained by Fonterra and Sanitarium. In 2012, they approached the government and said,
Look this is a program that works very well. Logistically, we have it all set up, it is not something you need to run. You've got access to the highest quality food that is available, and we are already in 500 schools. So if you give us a grant, we can immediately expand and meet the need. And they did, instantly! So we went from... when we signed the agreement in May 2013, by the following August we had immediately turned up to deliver five days a week if required from the schools. For those decile 1-4, and then in the February of 2014 we then offered it out to all the schools (Lilly interview, 2015).
Lilly, boasted, I think that's been a demonstration to government about how important it is to find the right partner (interview 2015).
Kickstart exemplifies, a popularized mode of neoliberal governance, but a very atypical model of in-school meal programs. Although school meal programs in some developed countries have been utilizing major food corporations for decades to cook and deliver meals to schools as a business enterprise, Kickstart is very different because it relies on companies commitment or good citizenship to deliver a nutritious breakfast to school-age children on a consistent basis. The Kickstart breakfast program is almost entirely financed and led by Fonterra and Sanitarium, and is funded in-part by government. Fonterra and Sanitarium are able to use their commercial supply chains to produce and distribute the food out to schools, while keeping the cost to $.63 NZ cents per meal (interview 2015). Whereas, the Ministry of Social Development has agreed to support Kickstart with a grant of $9.5 million NZ dollars over the course of five years allowing the number of breakfasts served to increase exponentially (Food in Schools Bill 2015). Lilly shared that at the end of the five years the social impact of the program, as well as its ability to


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deliver a straight return on investment will be evaluated. She admits, There is nothing wrong with having commercial aspects to a sys...a community investment, or community program. There is nothing wrong with that as long as you're very clear on how you manage it. There is not... it shouldn't be seen as a reputational program or a marketing to children program. It needs to be done correctly and in a socially responsible way (interview 2015). Folks at Fonterra and Sanitarium are out to prove that even though they are a business, being socially responsible, is part of who we are as organizations (interview 2015).
Lilly claims, KickStart has always been held up by the government as one of those programs, very small, but one of those programs that is a very important demonstration of public and private coming together. She elaborates why the companies and government both take so much pride in the breakfast club.
We also hold KickStart breakfast very close, Fonterra and Sanitarium, because we started this program. It's not a government program, it is a program that is funded in part by government. And that is a very different, because our objectives are what Fonterra and Sanitarium need as well as what the government needs. And that can be very interesting (interview 2015).
Interesting indeed. What Fonterra and Sanitarium need is a CSR program that provides an affordable pathway for them to be seen as good corporate citizens and with a high return on their investment. This allows them to engage with the societys welfare on their own terms and in a way that is beneficial to their bottom line. CSR can be understood as a pragmatic and beneficial approach to the firm with unspecified benefits to outside stakeholders (Kinderman 2012). What the national government needs is to keep spending on welfare programs to an absolute minimum, not raise taxes, or be bothered with the logistics of implementing a program that brings breakfast to schools (Carter 2015). In 2013, Prime Minister, John Key spoke about the governments financial incentives for supporting Kickstart. He said, By teaming up with Fonterra and


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Sanitarium... we are building on the existing strengths of these organizations, while keeping the costs to taxpayers down, (Key 2013). Furthermore, a public-private breakfast program removes government from responsibility and blame if something goes wrong. If, for whatever reason, Kickstart were deemed ineffective, the government does not need to claim ownership in its failure, but will actually be part of the team evaluating and holding others accountable. It is clear that Kickstart is designed to meet the needs of Fonterra, Sanitarium, and the national government, but what about the needs of school stakeholders and the number of food insecure children coming to school. The inherent structure of Kickstart reflects an active construction of neoliberal governance that increases businesses power and minimizes that of the state.
Where does Fonterra and Sanitariums motivation to give back come from in the first place and how is this motivation an extension of roll-out neoliberalism? Businesses often say they are motivated to get involved in CSR projects, not because of its programmatic or instrumental benefits for business, but because it is the right thing to do (Kinderman 2012). This so-called sense of moral obligation stems in part from neoliberal ideology which stresses the state should not be the only supplier of social welfare, but that individuals, families, and voluntary faith-based organizations have a responsibility to contribute to and actively construct thriving communities (Larner 2000). This way of thinking is reiterated in a statement made by John Key while speaking about KickStart Breakfast. He said, The most enduring solutions to help vulnerable children and families happen when communities are stepping up not just government (Key 2013). Businesses like Fonterra and Sanitarium perceive themselves as part of the community. Lilly says,
The responsibility of solving the root cause [of poverty] is everyone has always thought, because of... we are a wealthy state, and for generations everyone automatically believed that its the government's responsibility, but it can't be. Because to solve that you need a


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community, you need business, you need every aspect of the community to come together and help support and solve that root cause (interview 2015).
Neoliberal ideology recast corporations as self-responsible and autonomous individuals just like any other community member preaching, if we each do our little part, we can make a difference. This is highlighted in one stakeholders response when I asked her about what businesses role should be in feeding children. She said,
Gosh, honestly I think that any way, any help from anyone... I would say, hands up everybody-all in! The way I see it, I can see that where it comes from, from all these other companies- it's great! I always think the more the better! (interview 2015).
Her comments illustrate the enthusiasm that has been generated in Ferntown around business involvement in feeding kids and how they have become incorporated as just another team member in the community. The creation of Kickstart provides a pathway for Fonterra and Sanitarium to fulfill their role as good corporate citizens.
It also taps into the emotional salience of consumers by allowing them to think the child hunger problem is under control not only through Kickstarts breakfast club, but also through their value-added purchases. Consumers who purchase Fonterras milk or Sanitariums Weet-bix can feel good about what they bought not only because theyre eating a nutritious meal, but they are indirectly supporting child hunger relief through their purchase. In the roll-out phase of the neoliberal economy, being actively engaged in making society better has become a central tenet of a business ability to succeed. The Fonterra CSR manager reaffirms this by saying,
If you don't demonstrate what you are doing in the communities, whether it is economic sustainability or social or environmental.. .that becomes your license to operate. So you're ability to be successful as a business can, many times, be directly related back to what you doing outside of making profit. And often the more you do that, the better return (interview 2015).
Another prevalent argument in defense of social services being run primarily by business and partially funded by government is that they can be implemented and maintained more


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efficiently and cost effectively than if the government were to do it alone. Kickstart defends this efficiency argument by suggesting that because they already have the productive and distributive food systems in place they can get breakfast delivered quicker and at a lower cost than government would be able to. From Lillys perspective utilizing a public-private partnership was the way to go because,
We [Fonterra and Sanitarium] had the supply chain already sorted. We went within 18 months, well actually less than that, within about twelve months we had doubled the size of the program, and that was due to the government investment. That was kind of an example, because business was running it, because it was just part of what we did every day. We had the milkman going and delivering milk to the school themselves for the teachers staff room, or to the dairy down the road. We didn't have to create a supply chain, we already had it. And that's why it's worked very well! (interview 2015).
She argues that another reason the public-private partnership works so well is because as a
business they have a stake in the program and in keeping costs to a minimum. Lilly says,
Everything [is kept] completely low, because we are paying for half of it. Which in itself is a very good thing because you're not just there spending government money, you are spending your own money, so you are of course going to be as efficient as possible (interview 2015).
This is all part of the rolling out of neoliberalism. Neoliberalism rests on a pervasive naturalization of market logics, justifying on the grounds of efficiency and is interpreted as an effective method to evaluate policy (Peck and Tickell 2002: 394). It rests on the assumption that more could be achieved at a quicker pace and at less cost if companies and their communities tackled these problems in a local context (Kinderman 2012).
Although many stakeholders expressed that it should ultimately be the parents responsibility to feed kids, they also firmly believed they had an obligation to ensure the students had everything they needed in order to learn and thrive, including food in their bellies. One volunteer stated, It will always be parents responsibility to ensure their children are safe, healthy and happy and providing breakfast is a significant part of this but if they arent able


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to do so we need to make sure their children dont go without, and are able to make the most of their education (interview 2015). When I inquired about peoples perceptions of the in-school breakfast club at Hilltop Valley School and its impact, most participants expressed a positive attitude of the program, and were deeply appreciative of Kickstarts services. One stakeholder said, I don't know where we would be without the breakfast program. He explained how being a first-year principal at Hilltop Valley School has allowed him to get to know intimately some the personal and financial struggles families are facing.
By that I mean, I know their stories, and their bank accounts, and their day-to-day living. Monday's and Tuesday's are hard; there is no food in the house at all, on Monday's and Tuesdays. And these are just some families that have been open enough to ask me for help. And so... the foodbank closes Monday, Wednesday, and Friday. And one of the foodbanks closes at 12 o'clock, so we've had parents turn up here at 12:30 saying, the bus was late or missed, or whatever else but they missed the foodbank, and they need food. And we give them lunch, and that's fine, and then they don't have any food for tomorrow as well, so we give them lunch for tomorrow, and then what about tonight? Um, don't have food for tonight. So we've got them food, so no kid will had to miss a dinner. So yeah, having one meal a day that parents can access is pretty important (interview 2015).
This excerpt highlights the some of the immediate benefits of having an in-school breakfast club which provides short-term hunger relief for children at their school living in poverty and economic relief for parents knowing that if they send their kids to school early, that is one less meal they dont have to worry about. During my time in the school I listened to the many reported benefits of having in-school breakfast and was also able to see them in action. In addition to getting children fed and taking off some economic pressure from parents, stakeholders believed the breakfast club provided a safe, warm, and friendly place for children to go in the morning, it led to less disruption and fatigue in the classroom, as well as higher levels of concentration and academic engagement. It also provided a place for students to build community among their peers and teachers. However, it is important to note that school participation in Kickstart requires the mobilization of volunteers, teachers, and staff to be active


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citizens in order to function. The notion of active citizenship is premised on the ability of individuals and agencies to be self-responsible and act autonomously as the key to social inclusion (Larner 2000).
To get the breakfast club started at Hilltop Valley School required teachers and staff to be active citizens, or to be self-motivated, and take on the responsibility of running an in-school breakfast program in addition to their primary responsibility of educating children. Maggie, a full time teacher at Hilltop Valley and mother of three, is also the initiator of the whole breakfast setup at her school. Setting up the mechanics of the breakfast club involved filling out the Kickstart application to see if they were eligible, seeking out and securing enough bowls, spoons, and mugs, finding a facility large enough and well-equipped to serve breakfast, and finally figuring out how they would run the program with adult supervision. Maggie said this was definitely the hardest part,
Initially it was going to be a volunteer situation, so we'd get volunteers in who would run breakfast, ideally. But for many of those years, it just didn't happen, we didn't get volunteers coming in. So it was really teacher led.
She created a rotating roster for teachers to come in and help supervise but admitted,
That just didn't work, teachers didn't have that buy-in or teachers were very busy in the morning. So it was pretty... that's been probably one of the biggest [challenges] is getting people to help, and being there regularly (interview 2015).
Currently the breakfast club is run primarily by one of the schools retired teachers. Joan facilitates the program five days a week because she says quite simply, I just love it and also It is easier for me to be here in the mornings recognizing that teachers and staff have many other responsibilities they have to take care before the start of the school day. Joan has also helped secure a base of regular volunteers. Maggie and the other teachers are very appreciative to
have such a dedicated volunteer like Joan.


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We are really fortunate because we have wonderful volunteers at the moment. So that would definitely be an obstacle is getting the help needed to deliver the food each day. I used to get here at a quarter to 8, and then since having another child, I don't get here until about ten past 8. So we are just really blessed that Joan, who was a teacher here, she's just retired but she wants to do breakfast. And that is a real blessing to have Joan.
She continues,
In the past few years we've really received some awesome volunteers so that's made it sustainable, at the moment. Which is good, but volunteers come and go (interview 2015).
Although Maggies comments express deep gratitude for the volunteers running the program, they also convey the programs fragility. At the moment reveals the fleeting stability of a program they rely on to be regular and routinized. It is clear that having enough consistent volunteers is something the education team at Hilltop Valley does not take for granted because they know how quickly things can change. Although Fonterra and Sanitarium provide the food supplies and the government spends some money on the program without having to fuss over infrastructure and long-term viability, the bulk of the work and responsibility falls on the shoulders of teachers and volunteers.
Individual responsibility is strongly connected to how consent of the neoliberal ideology is constructed and the rolling out of neoliberalism takes place. Neoliberal strategies encourage individuals to see themselves as active subjects responsible for their own well-being (Larner 2000). At Hilltop Valley School, I observed the ways that new political technologies have seeped into the educational paradigm where the school itself has been forced to take on the role of an active citizen in order to meet the basic needs of their students. The school has taken on the role of applying immediate triage to poverty in the best way they know how; by donating their time (coming in early, staying late, giving children rides to school), seeking funds or charity from private sources, and applying for grants in order to provide their students with the tools to be successful. As a school they recognize that unless childrens most basic needs are met,


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learning will not happen. Chrissy, the office manager shared, There are heaps of possibilities out there for our students, you dont want them to be held up by circumstance (interview 2015). The school has taken all of this on in addition to their primary responsibilities of educating children. I share all of this to illustrate how the construction of neoliberal consent using personal responsibility rhetoric at the school was already well under way. Kickstart builds off of the ideology proposed by Poppendieck, that neoliberals believe hunger can be cured through charity and volunteerism (Poppendieck 2000).
One illustrative example of this is comes through in my discussions with Hilltop Valleys principal. I asked him what steps the school has taken to try to relieve the pressures of poverty. He spoke candidly of their efforts and listed numerous examples. Some of these include: finding sponsors to pay students school fees; picking-up students in the morning and driving them to school; collaborating with a law firm to implement an after-school tutoring service; applying for additional food charity services (one of which they have been on the waiting list for more than a year); seeking donations of shoes and used uniforms; and even replacing broken kitchen appliances in the home of several families, just to name a few.
Hilltop Valley School has clearly found success within the social-capital model and this has helped frame solutions to child poverty at their school. When I asked teachers and volunteers if they felt that charity model of individual and corporate donations was enough to meet the need, many did not think so, but they believed the solution was to solicit more business support and more private donations. This sentiment is well illustrated in Joans comments:
More businesses could maybe come on board and donate money to KidsCan, but then they are always being asked to give as well. You know businesses like Countdown and supermarkets, they do support things. They supported us. Countdown supported us for about a year. Everything- that was wonderful really, it was fantastic! I suppose they can't keep


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doing that. I don't know how you do it. You need a lot a money and you could invest in New Zealand interests, so you always have a supply of money you could use. But it really comes down to people going out and asking, I guess, people donating (interview 2015).
KidsCan is a charity that supports children in schools by providing them with donated lunches,
rain jackets, and shoes. In addition to being convinced that the right approach to meeting the
food needs of hungry kids was to seek more donations, her remarks demonstrate empathy and
understanding for the business point of view. Although Joan does not mention taxes
specifically, part of her seems to recognize that having a collective pool of money available to
spend on New Zealand citizens interests would be a beneficial way to tackle the problem. But
she discredits this by emphasizing that she is not an expert and that being active citizens was
probably the best approach. Another teacher said, Definitely having those businesses involved,
is great! It would be great to get maybe a few more on board (interview 2015). What seemed to
matter to stakeholders more than where the food was coming from, who funded it, or whose
responsibility it was to feed their students in the first place was the ability to consistently provide
breakfast and a promise that it will be there when they need it.


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CHAPTER VII
DISCUSSION: WHY IS THIS A PROBLEM?
It may seem odd to be critiquing the do-good efforts of two companies and the government as they come together to tame child hunger. A growing number of children, and adults for that matter, in New Zealand are food insecure, but similar to poor housing, and a whole host of other conditions, this is a symptom, not a cause, of poverty. Although the public-private partnership of Kickstart exemplifies a new institutionalized response to children coming to school hungry, it also institutionalizes and reinforces the old underlying problems of poverty and inequality. The 2015 New Zealand Child Commission Report on Poverty was released while I was doing my fieldwork in New Zealand. They reported that the number of children living in economic poverty was 29%, which is 5% more than what was reported than the previous year. Joan, Hilltop Valleys unsung-hero volunteer, and I looked at the newspaper together the morning the report was released. She expressed that reading the paper made her feel depressed, knowing that these rates continued to climb despite all their local efforts to reduce it. I suppose there really is no easy solution is there, said Joan. I suppose its like Mother Theresa said, you start by helping one. Joan and others at Hilltop Valley School are certainly doing their kind-hearted part, but it makes me question whether the other systems and structures set in place are doing theirs. While their attention is diverted to attending to the triage of child poverty that comes through their classroom doors each morning, businesses are busy pressing government to loosen tax laws-freeing them up so they can act responsibly (Kinderman 2012). It allows companies to cherry-pick social welfare solutions that dont actually fix a whole lot, but silences and obstructs comprehensive structural reform and reduces the urgency to do something about it.


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In New Zealand when it comes to feeding kids breakfast- whos responsibility is it? What is becoming clear is that the state wont, the parents cant, and so businesses will step up to feed a nation of food insecure children. This inserts corporations ever deeper into the population, integrating business interests with securing societys needs. Although Kickstarts work is helping to meet an immediate need, this bypasses the question of why more of New Zealands children are simultaneously hungry and malnourished in the first place. Ironically, when a Food In-Schools Bill was presented in the New Zealand Parliament early in 2015 to bring meals (breakfast and lunch) to all lower decile schools on a regular basis, Fonterra and Sanitarium did not support it. They argued, It wasnt appropriate because we have our KickStart breakfast (interview 2015). The bill would have detracted from their bottom line and taken the spotlight off of their do-good efforts. Utilizing CSR as opposed to having businesses pay higher taxes to support public works like in-school breakfast, makes companys contributions voluntary as opposed to statutory. Corporations benefit the most from CSR projects because not only does it increase the visibility of their brand and are seen as a good company, but it keeps support for child welfare services a voluntary engagement, allowing companies to opt in our out as they see fit. The primary concern of school stakeholders is that the breakfast be provided on a regular basis, but who is to say that it will still be there if Kickstart does not deliver the high returns promised to investors.
Another concern is whether or not this public-private partnership is adequately meeting the food needs of hungry children in New Zealand. In 2015 it was reported that 29% of children (approx. 305,000 children) between the ages of 2-17 are living in poverty, many of whom go to school hungry every day (Simpson 2015). One parliament member sums it up when he says,


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It is nice to know that KidsCan feeds some 10,000 of them on most days, and that the KickStart Breakfast programme feeds about 12,000 a day, but the reality is that even with the Governments announcement in last years Budget, nearly 80,000 children are still going to school hungry in Aotearoa every single day. Yes, schools around the country have started their own breakfast clubs with support from teachers, students, parents, local businesses, and the wider community, but they tell us that it takes a lot of hard work and a lot of goodwill to keep them going, and that having secure funding would be a godsend HONE HARAWIRA (LeaderMana 2014)
Kickstarts ability to serve 12,000 meals per day is certainly nothing to scoff at, but it appears unable to sufficiently meet the scale of child hunger in schools.


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CHAPTER VIII CONCLUSION
The purpose of this article is not to argue that Fonterra and Sanitarium are bad companies, but to think critically about what it means to rely on companies good citizenship for meeting societys most basic needs. Similar to Ruckert and Labonte, I am suggesting that the inherent structure of public-private partnerships inevitably reshapes the realm of public and private and that this represents a deepening of neoliberal ideals into the management of individuals and communities, allowing private interest to become more embedded within the public sphere and to influence or redirect child welfare policy (Ruckert and Labonte 2014).
Using Kickstart as an example allows us to look more closely at the ways that neoliberalism has inserted itself into the school community, as well as how neoliberal attitudes have become the new normal.
Even a 7-week long ethnography can open up new domains of theory that prompt rethinking and problematizing. Before going to New Zealand, I framed the feeding the kids conundrum as a responsibility of either parents or the state, an individualist or collective action. But as the KickStart Breakfast example highlights, it is a hybrid form, an individualized-collective approach that is a more private, than public solution to combating child hunger (Sadler and Lloyd 2009). Innovative forms of neoliberalism, such as CSR and public-private partnerships demonstrate how it is a rascal concept, described as promiscuously pervasive, yet inconsistently defined, empirically imprecise, and frequently contested (Brenner et al.
2010). Ethnographic methods can be very useful for revealing the often hidden connections and contradictions of neoliberalism. We should expect to see more public-private partnerships similar


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to Kickstart because they are attractive to businesses and politicians alike, and are some-what inevitable due to the weakened state capacity neoliberalism has helped create (Carter 2015).


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PRIVATE GOVERNANCE AND A DEEPENING OF NEOLIBERALISM BY KRISTA FUENTES B.S., University of California, Berkeley, 2009 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment Of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Anthropology Program 2016

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2016 KRISTA FUENTES ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

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ii This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by Krista Alicia Fuentes Has been approved for the Anthropology Program By John Brett, Chair Zaneta Thayer Mat Walton July 1, 2016

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iii Fuent es, Krista Alicia (M.A., Anthropology) Private Governance and A Deepening of Neoliberalism Thesis directed by Associate Professor John Brett. ABSTRACT New Zealand has often been typified by its progressive stance on social welfare. Yet it is one of the few OECD countries that does not have a national in school meal program for its children. As rates of child poverty continue to climb, more chil dren are simultaneously coming to school hungry. forward to create a system of school breakfast clubs available to schools in the lowest of socioeconomic areas, as a part of their commitment to social responsibility. As demand for the program increased, they sought support from the Ministry of Social Development, ultimately transforming the Kickstart Breakfast Club into a public private partnership (PPP) between the business sector and the state. This article explores the ways that this particular partnership modes of governance and normalizes it, by looking closely at the everyday experiences of one particular primary school which utilizes the program. Ethnography provides a productive pathway for mapping the innovative ways we are seeing neoliberalism unfold as well as adapting it as the new normal. The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication. Approved: John Brett

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iv DEDICATION This thesis is dedicated to my biggest cheerleader in life and now guardia n angel my mother Susan. She taught me how to work hard, be passionate, and care

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v TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION 1 II: BACKGROUND 3 III: METHODS 9 IV: THE SETTING 11 V: E THNOGRAPHIC INSIGHTS, WAYS OF SEEING AND NOT SEEING FOOD INSECURITY 12 VI: K ICKSTART BREAKFAST, A ROLLING OUT OF NEOLIBERALISM 15 VII: D ISCUSSION, WHY IS THIS A PROBLEM 26 VIII: CONCLUSION 29 REFERENCES 31

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1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION One site relatively unexplored by anthropologists as an institution of neoliberal ideology and practice are corporati programs. Corporate social responsibility (CSR) is a philosophy that companies should accompany the pursuit of profit with good citizenship within the wider society (Sadler and Lloyd 2009). Over the past decade there has been tremendous global growth in the amount of CSR activity among businesses. This is driven, in responsibilities Studies show that consumers want to buy from companies that are actively engaged in making s ociety better (Deloitte 2015 are actively involved in fostering community engagement and environmental sustainability at a local, national, and/or global level has become part of their social and economic license to operate (Werther and Chandler 2011) How CSR is implemented by comp kes shape in a variety of ways from a simple public relations web page designed to showcase their pledge to the community and environment to true commitments from companies to initiate and susta in collaborative community eng agement projects An example of a comprehensive CSR program can be found in New Fonterra (a dairy cooperative) and Sanitarium (a cereal company), that serves breakfast, consis ting of W eet bix and milk, to a ny New Zealand school that requests the program. T he growth in the number of CSR programs and the depth at whi ch they function, also point to a rnanc e while the state role is simultaneously shrinking (Peck and Tickell 2002). Over the past decade, there has

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2 been a call for more research that documents how the rolling out processes of neoliberalism are being implemented and consent from the public is secured in everyday life (Peck and Tickell 2002, Harvey 2005, Sadler and Lloyd 2009, Fairbanks 2012). The aim of this article is to explore how ivate public sponsorship of in school breakfa st clubs reflects ling out how it is perceived through the lens of stakeholders at one school where Kickstart breakfast is served. The KickStart partnership represents an increa singly popular model of governance, where the deliver y of social service programs is carried o ut by the private sector and partia lly funded by the government. New Zealand private partnership (PPP) describes approach to social service delivery in communities. It is centered around a community member or non governmental organization, who shapes cross agency resources with local organizations and government agencies to deliv er more collaborative, directed, (Ministry of Social Development, msd.govt.nz). Breakfast clubs with support from KickStart, offer a unique site to explore the ways that CSR and P are innovatively re casting the boundaries between corporate and state centered welfare policy, and thus deepening the

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3 CHAPTER II BACKGROUND Defining Neoliberalism Though neoliberalism has become the dominant orthodoxy of our time, its definition is, Peck and Tickell provide a (Peck and Tickell 2002) oll deregulation, liberating free trade, and the privatization of everything (including public enterprise), t hereby dismantling the Keynesian idea of statehood f rom power ( Peck and Tickell 2002, Harvey 2005 Ganti 2014 ). The propagation of roll back neoliberalim is often pinpointed econo mic environment where even developed countries, including New Zealand, were forced to adapt or get left behind. oll the intentional construction of consent and consolidation of new neoliberal state forms, modes o f own status, and manage their own risks (Larner 2000). Roll b ack neoliberal strategies inevitably lead to a reduction of social services governed by the state and push individuals to be personally responsible for their own well being in a political economic climate where fe w jobs of adequate pay are available David Harvey describes this phase of neoliberalism as a shift fr om policies that support social welfare to the institutionalization of (Harvey 2005). A consequence of the state retreating in size was that it left room for other entities such as private charity churches, and now CSR

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4 programs, to partially fill in the se service gaps It is important to note that needs did not disappear even though the state was no longer attend ing to them. In fact, i n many places the depth and degree of inequality worsened and basic essentials simply went unmet. Communities, schools, or individuals that were recipients of philanthropy through a charitable outlet counted were deeply grateful for the support As one teacher at my fieldsite explained on the topic of food donations A nything would help (fieldwork 2015). Roll out neoliberalism occur s at the individual level and ripple s outward into workplaces, educational institution s, and health and welfare agencies. With neoliberal ideology, both social problems a nd solutions are framed in ways that focus education, while ignoring the political economic context from where these decisions are made Roll out neoliberalism is well known for its variegated form s and how it takes shape differently across geographies (Bre nner et al 2010) Some of these deepening forms include incorporation of partnership based modes of social welfare policy development and program delivery, the mobilization of voluntary and faith based organizations in service of neoliberal goals, and the establishment of social capital discourse and techniques to attain basic resources (Peck and Tickell 2002). It is also worth mentioning that t he co evolution of CSR and neoliberalism is no coincidence. Daniel Kinderman, charts the simultaneous rise of comp anies with CSR affiliations with the rise of neoliberal policy in the U.K from 1980 to 2010. Not surprisingly, in the early than 100 companies with CSR programs in place. However, as regulations and corporate tax laws became looser more companies yearned to demonstrate how socially responsible they were. By 2010 there were nearly 900 companies in the C SR registry (Kinderman 2012) Although the Kickstart Breakfast Program began as a CSR endeavor, it has

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5 now morphed into a PPP and serv es as an example of the evolving identity of roll out neoliberalism. However before diving into this particular case it is necessary to discuss the political economic climate in which it is situated st to were based on the premise of a collective citizenship which provides equal access to social rights such as healthcare, education, and employment. The purpose of governme ntal assistance was to support participation in society not just survival (Kingfisher & Goldsmith 2001). However, beginning in 1984 and through the 1990 policies became markedly more monetarist; state assets were sold to international interests, Britain joined the EU thereby removing NZ domination of particular markets (meat, wool, and dairy), and the trade re lationship between Australia and New Zealand became much more integrated as the East Asian ec onomy took flight (Kingfisher and Goldsmith 2001 ). Kelsey scale privatization of state assets and implementation of man a gerialist models of governance (cited in Signal 2015). made to encourage New Zealanders and their families to take care of themselves in order to address the social deficit. In 1991 the newly elected Nationa l government made severe cuts to welfare spending, and benefits were drastically reduced This course of action signaled as a ly protective and desperate to (Signal et al 2015). In 1998 the government even produced and mailed a public pamph let to every household called, Towards a Code of S ocial and Family

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6 Responsibility that explicitly argued it was time for New Zealanders to turn the discussion of social issues from rights to responsibilities (Larner 2000). The intended purpose of the code was (p. 3 cited in Larner 2000 ). The unfolding of neoliberal policy and ideology over the last 25 years has created a context in which limited state responsibility ha s been normalized. Many New shift from egalitarian to personal responsibility values and policy has had unprecedented consequences on the social we and has made higher levels economic inequality and social marginalization almost inevitable (Boston 2013 Barnett 2005, Chapman 2000 ). In New Zealand 29% of all children currently live in inc ome poverty (Simpson et al. 2015 : 12 Salmond et al 2005 ). Poverty rates for Pacific and Mori children have been reported consistently higher than for European children. Between 2012 2014, 33% of Mori children and 28% of Pacific Island children lived in poor households compared to an average of 16% of Europea n children (Simpson 2015 : 16). Many of these children live in households that must make decisions between paying for electricity and purchasing fresh fruits and vegetables (Simpson et al. 2014: 33). Although access to nutritional food is essential for all humans, it is espec ially important for children to support their growth and devel opment, y et many families are recent report on household food security, 22% of ho It is unclear exactly how many children are coming to

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7 school hungry, but i n a survey conducted by the NZ Herald, principals working with low income student populations re ported that the number of pupils turning up for school breakfast is increasing daily ( Collins and Binning 2011). To date, no data has be en collected either to support or disprove their claims about the number of children coming to school hungry. However, it is clear that New Zealand (unlike many other OECD countries) has never had a government sponsored school meal program. U ntil recently, students who showed up to school hungry hoped that their school was one of the recipients of the ad hoc charity arrang ements th at donated meals to schools such as Kidscan or the Red C ross, otherwise they simply went without. Currently, Kidscan is struggling to meet the demand s as more schools sign up and waitlist s lengthen Red Cross Breakfast P rogram, which is no longer in existence because the supporting grocery store chain pulled out as a partner, admitted that it was a constant challenge to sustain volunteer relation ships needed in order to run the program (Ware 2008 ). For many New Zealande rs the assumption was, and still is for some, that children ate Kic kStart breakfast in schools as a part of their corporate social responsibility plan. Fonterra and provisions such as eating utensils, a space to facilitate breakfast, and adults to run the breakfast club. The original purpose of the campa ign was to demonstrate the importance of eating breakfast by offering it at school two days a week. However the feedback they received from the extend their reach to m financially support their efforts.

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8 By 2013 the government decided and directed the Minis try of Social Development to help fund KickStart over the course of five years. Once the five ye ars are up (in 2019) it will be evaluated for its impact and a decision to continue the program or not will be made. Governmen t sponsorship transitioned KickS tart from being purely a CSR initiative to becoming a public private partnership. Currently school s can request to have the KickStart breakfast available five days a week instead of two and all school s are eligible for the program not just the poorer ones As it stands today, KickStart breakfast clubs is now operating in 843 out of 2,538 NZ schools ( Fonterra 2015, Education Counts 2016). However, it is unclear which schools have programs operating five days a week versus on a more ad hoc basis or somewhere in between This political economic context stands as the backdrop in which my own recent ethnographic exploration was situated.

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9 CHAPTER III METHODS Prior to beginning my fieldwork, my research proposal was reviewed and approved by the Colorado Multiple Institutional Review Board (COMIRB). In this article, I have used pseudonyms to mask the names of my interviewees as well as the school and neighborhood where I was working. In late October of 2015, I began my fieldwork at a decile 1 primary school 1 nestled in a suburb outside of Welling ton, New Zealand called Ferntown. Ferntown was once a thriving fact ory town, but today is an area of high unemployment, crime, and poverty As overty is well and alive in this region of New Zealand (fieldnotes 2015) Despite the high numbers of families living i n economic poverty, many residents described Ferntown as a prideful and resilient community (in terview 2015). raise our community up by bringing in as much social support that we can" (interview 2015). breakfast club from October 2015 through December 2015. Volunteering provided me with a pathway to gain rapport with other volunteers, parents, and school staff, as well as engage in the everyday duties of serving breakfast, enabling me to become a partic ipant observer in the setting r ather than a passive researcher Using participant observation provided me with the kind of experiential knowledge of organizing and running an in school breakfast program in New Zealand and gave bout what is working in the breakfast club model and what is not 1 Deciles are a measure of the socio throughout New Zealand. They are numbered 1 10. The lower the school decile number, the more state funding it f Education 2016).

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10 (Bernard 2006) In addition to participant observation, I conducted twelve semi structured interviews with breakfast club stakeholders (parents, teachers, volunteers, school staff ), and two i nterviews with Kickstart breakfast representatives from Fonterra Exploring school stakeholders perspectives on Kickstart breakfast is essential to understanding the success as well the barriers schools face in implementing the program. It also provided more depth about their experiences as a witness to poverty and child hunger that I may not have acquired through participant observation alone One limitation of my research is the short amount of time that I was able to be at Hilltop Valley School. Semi structured interviews provided me with an efficient method to inquire abo ut school breakfast and gave me the flexibility to probe deeper when new leads were brought to the surface. Of the 12 interviews with stakeholders, 5 were regular volunteer s, 1 was a parent, 1 was an administrator, 2 were teachers, and 3 were school support staff. I asked all the participants about their perspective on the benefits of the breakfast club as well as some of the barriers they may face in implementing the program, their perceptions of child food insecurity in Ferntown and whose responsibility did they think it was to feed children. To recruit this group of participants, I relied upon my rapport as a volunteer researcher at th e school. I also used snowball sampling by ask ing participants at the end of the interview if they knew of anyone else that I should speak with

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11 CHAPTER IV THE SETTING At Hilltop Valley School, a light chatter of children can be heard as you enter the building and the smell of butt ered toast wafts through t he brightly colored halls. B reakfast is served up regularly in room 4. Room 4 also happens to have a sink, instant hot water, and refrigerator making it the ideal location to serve breakfast Each morning the volunteers, some teachers, and parents come in at 7:30 am and transfor m the room into a mini cafe A reusable plate and overturned mug are set in front of each chair; jams, spreads, and butter knives are put out on the two breakfast tables; milk, cereal, bowls, and spoons all sit on a smaller table located near the kitchen space making it close enough for adults to help if they need to. Older children served themselves cereal and milk, while the younger ones relied on a helping hand of an adult or older pe er Children took a seat and would put a finger in the air to signal if they wanted toast, a hot cup of M ilo or refills The room felt warm and jovial. Lights were turned on, the ra dio played softly in the ba ckground, child artwork colored the walls. Par ents, volunteers, and a few teachers helped out wherever they saw something that needed to be done. Kids visited quietly at their tables, evidence that they were still waking up and getting a good start to their day. Aside from cereal and milk, children al are not funded by KickStart but Milo is a hot chocol ate type drink that is made by N estle but has a bit more of a malty flavor By the end of the hour, after many of the kids have eaten, they put everything away and room 4 is transitioned back into a classroom.

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12 CHAPTER V ETHNOGRAPHIC INSIGHTS: WAYS OF SEEING AND NOT SEEING CHILD FOOD INSECURITY n't know if they've had dinner the night before. You don't know what they've been eating. You know, I can only presume that money must be tight on a lot of fronts. Sometimes you see ch ildren coming in and having 8 W eet bix. You know you can sort a Hilltop Valley School teacher T eachers, volunteers, and support staff at Hill top Valley School, noted the various ways they have become witnesses to the experiences of child hunger at their school. Some of the more subt le signs of food insecurity they have learned to look for are repeated tardiness, not bringing a W eet b or eating multiple servings), and educatio nal ina ttention (not focused or engaged in learning). Lucy, who has worked at Hilltop Valley as both an office manager and librarian for 9 years, shared that she has noticed a pattern among students who regularly come to school late, also often have not eaten bre akfast, and did not bring anything with them for lunch. When I inquired about child hunger at the school she said: still arou come through, if they are late, and they haven't got lunch, and that's wh y w e know that like... even today [ referring to a student wh o had come in late that morning] Yeah, for kids that show up with no money and there's nothing. Then the teachers also in the morning, ask children when they do These ways of seeing food i nsecurity are all very apparent and familiar to teachers and school staff, who confront child poverty on a regular basis However, it may be less visible to the general public and politicians who are far more removed from the everyday experiences of poverty.

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13 The original purpose of Kickstart was to demonstrate to parents and children the importance of eating breakfast by offering it at school two days a week in low decile schools. The hope was that once parents saw the benefits of a cereal breakfast they migh t adjust their budgets to include this purchase in their weekly expenditures. Lilly, an executive at Fonterra and implementer of the KickStart program described some of their initial reasoning for the program was to increase child acc ess to better nutrition but important for this age group to actually get access to something that hopefully they will drink for She admits ably a bit nave (interview 2015) In addition to sounding like the tagline of an advertisement, her comments also imply that if only parents had access to better nutrition education, they would make better food decisions and ignores the political economic context of poverty in which t hese food decisions are made. Teacher and school administrators using the early versions of the Kickstart program did not see it as a primary platform for deliverin g an educational lesson on the importance of eating breakfast, but more as a tangible means for feeding students breakfast The feedback Fonterra and Sanitarium received from schools said this was not enough to address the number of hungry students coming to school. Maggie, a long time teacher at Hilltop Valley Kickstart provided breakfast two days a week, as a school they have always served bre akfast for five because Mika a KickStart representative shared some of his early reactions to the program

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14 In the back of my head I always thought there would be a need for programs such as ours. I didn't realize what the volume would be until we got started. I kind of always thought that there are kids out there who need support, but did I ever think it was going to be at that volum e Another teacher I spoke to who was a lso surprised by the need expressed st until it [the breakfast club] actually started up. I just presumed they were. This is the thing, you just sort of magically think, I (interview 2015). Their experiences illustrate how their assumptions about child hunger in New Zealand were tu rned upside down when the breakfast club was first introduced. The rhetoric of what a parent should do, and the reality of what many of them are able to p rovide was drastically revealed when Kickstart began and they saw the food gap firsthand To help meet the growing demand to financially support their efforts.

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15 CHAPTER VI KICKSTART BREAKFAST: A ROLLING OUT OF NEOLIBERALISM This section explores relationship with business while simultaneously relinquishing the government from their role in alleviating child food insecurity One way this is demonstrated is through the mostly private, s omewhat public infrastructure of the program itself. Meaning that, although the Ministry of Social De velopment is helping to fund and evaluate the program Kickst art is by and large directed and maintained by private interests In addition it also gives Fonterra and Sanitarium a seat at the table when discussing child health and poverty issues, most recently the food in schools bill. Second, rolling out neoliberalism policies and programs privilege those which 2002). Kickstart was framed by Fonterra and Saniatarium to government officials using neoliberal ideals which minimized their involvement and maximized program efficiency. The deliberate stretching of the neoliberal policy repertoire also embraces selecti which is used to encourage different aspects of community (church, family, schools, business) to become involved in addressing local social problems and decentralize responsibility and implementation of those social services Kickstart emphasizes that the, that alleviating child poverty requires all hands on deck (interview 2015) Third, the motivations that drive these two companies, among many others, to create community engagement programs draw on neoliberal ideologies for them to act as responsible corporate citizens. Beyond creating a positive public relations persona, is becoming corporations social license to operate, and Fonterra and Sanitarium are no ex ception to this new rule Finally, the school support of Kickstart could be interpreted as normalization of neoliberalism

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16 because many of them have come to believe that immediate needs is through more charity, CSR programs, and public private partnerships. Kickstart has become a small beacon in New Zealand of what a well executed pub lic private partnership looks like. However prior to 2013, Kickstart was still a CSR program maintained by Fonterra and Sanitarium. I n 2012, they approached the government and said, Logistically, we have it all set up, it is not something you need to run. You've got access to the highest quality food that is available, and we are already in 500 schools. So if you give us a grant, we can immediately expand and meet th e need. And they did, instantly! So we went from... when we signed the agreement in May 2013, by the following August we had immediately turned up to deliver five days a week if required from the schools. For those decile 1 4, and then in the February of 2014 we then of Lilly int erview, 2015). Lilly, boasted, I think that's been a demonstration to government about how important it is to find the right partner (interview 2015) Kickstart exemplifies a popularized mode of neoliberal governance but a very atypical model of in school meal programs. Although school meal programs in some developed countries have been utilizing major food corporations for decades to cook and deliver meals to sc hools as a business enterprise, Kickstart is very different because it relies on comp commitment or age children on a consistent basis. The Kickstart breakfast program is almost entirely financed and led by Fonterra and Sanitarium, and is funded in part by government. Fon terra and Sanitarium are able to use their commercial supply chains to produce and distribute the food out to schools, while keeping the cost to $ .63 NZ cents per meal ( interview 2015) Whereas, t he Ministry of Social Development has agreed to support Kickstart with a grant of $ 9.5 million NZ dollars over the course of five years allowing the number of breakfasts served to increase exponentially (Food in Schools Bill 2015) Lilly shared that a t the end of the five years the social impact of the program as well as its ability to

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17 deliver a straight return on investment will be evaluated. She with having commercial aspects to a sys...a community investment, or communi ty program. There is nothing wrong with that as long as you're very clear on how you manage it. There is not... it shouldn't be seen as a reputational program or a marketing to children program. It needs to be done correctly and in a socially responsible w F olks at F onterra and Lilly claims, Start has always been held up by the government as one of those programs, very small, but one of those programs that is a very important demonstration of public She elaborates why the companies and government both ta ke so much pride in the breakfast club. very close, Fonterra and Sanitarium because we started this program. It's not a government program, it is a program that is funded in part by government. An d that is a very different, b ecause our objectives a re what Fon terra and Sanitarium need as well as what the government needs. An (interview 2015) Interesting indeed. What Fonterra and Sanitarium need is a CSR program that provides an affordable pathway for them to be seen as good corp orate c itizens and with a high return on their investment This allows them to engage wi on their own terms and in a way that is beneficial to their bottom line. CSR can be understood as a pragmatic and beneficial approach to the fi rm with unspecified benefits to outside stakeholders (Kinderman 2012). What the national government needs is to keep spending on welfare programs to a n absolute minimum, not raise taxes or be bothered with the logistics of implementing a program that brings breakfast to schools (Carter 2015) In 2013, Prime Minister, John Key spoke about the government s financial incentives for supporting Kickstart. He said, Fonterra and

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18 we are building on the existing strengths of these organizations while keeping the (Key 2013). Furthermore, a public private breakfast program removes government from responsibility and blame if something goes wrong. If, for whatever reason, K ickstart were deemed ineffective, th e government does not need to claim ownership in its failure, but will actually be part of the team evaluating and holding others accountable. It is clear that Kickstart is designed to meet the needs of Fonterra, Sanitarium, and the national government, bu t what about the needs of scho ol stakeholders and the number of food insecure children coming to school. The inherent structure of Kickstart reflects an active construction of neoliberal governance that increases businesse s power and minimizes that of the state and how is this motivation an extension of roll out neoliberalism? Businesses often say they are called sense of moral obligation stems in pa rt from neoliberal ideology which stresses the state should not be the only supplier of social welfare, but that individuals, families, and voluntary faith based or ganizations have a responsibility to contribute to and actively construct thriving communiti es (Larner 2000). This way of thinking is reiterated in a stat ement made by John Key while speaking about KickStart Breakfast. He said, vulnerable children and families happen when communities are ste pping up not just Businesses like Fonterra and Sanitarium perceive themselves as part of the community. Lilly says, he responsibility of solving the root cause [of poverty] is everyone has always thought, because of... we are a wealthy state, and for generations everyone automatically believed that the government's responsibility, but it can't be. Because to solve that you need a

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19 community, you need business, you need every aspect of the community to come together and help support a (interview 2015) Neoliberal ideology recast corporations as self responsible and autonomous individuals just like any other community member pre p art, we can make a Gosh, honestly I think that any way, any help from anyone... I would say, hands up everybody all in! The way I see it, I can see that w here it comes from, from all th ese other companies (interview 2015). Her comments illustrate the enthusiasm that has been generated in Ferntown around business involvement in feeding kids and how they have become incorporated as just another team member in the community The creation of Kickstart provides a pathway for Fonterra and Sanitarium to fulfill their role as good corporate citizens. It also taps into the emotional salience of con sumers by allowing them to think the child their value added purchases. Consumers who purchase Fo eet bix can feel good about what t hey bought e ating a nutritious meal, but they are indirectly supporting child hunger relief through their purchase In the roll out phase of the neoliberal eco nomy, being actively engaged in making society better has become a centr al tenet If you don't demonstrate what you are doing in the communities, whether it is economic perate. So you're ability to be successful as a business can, many times, be directly related back to what you doing outside of making profit. And often the more (interview 2015) Another prevalent argument in defense of social services being run primarily by business and partially funded by government is that they can be implemented and maintained more

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20 efficiently and cost effectively than if the government wer e to do it alone. Kickstart defends this effici ency argument by suggesting that because they already have the productive and distributive food systems in place they can get breakfast delivered quicker and at a lower cost than government would be able to. From perspective utilizing a public priv ate partnership was the way to go because, [Fonterra and Sanitarium] had the supply chain already sorted. We went within 18 months, well actually less than that, within about twelve months we had doubled the size of the program, and that was due to th e government investment. That was kind of an example, because business was running it, because it was just part of what we did every day. We had the or to the dairy do wn the road. We didn't have to create a supply chain, we already had it. And t hat's why it's worked very well! (interview 2015). She argues that another reason the public private partnership works so well is because as a business they have a stake in the program and in keeping costs to a minimum. Lilly says, [is kept] completely low, because we are paying for half of it. Which in itself is a very good thing because you're not just there spending government money, you are spending your own money, so you are of course going (interview 2015). This is all part of the rolling out of neoliberalism. Neoliberalism rests on a pervasive is interpreted as an effective method to evaluate policy (Peck and Tickell 2002: 394). It r ests on t he assumption that more could be achieved at a quicker pace and at less cost if companies and their communities tackled these problems in a local context (Kinderman 2012). resp onsibility to feed kids, they also firmly believed they had an obligation to ensure the students had everything they needed in order to learn and thrive, including food in their bellies. One volunteer stated, nsure their children are safe, healthy and happy and providing breakfast is a significant part of this

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21 015). school breakfast club at Hilltop Valley School and its impact, most participants expressed a positive One stakeholder said, I don't know where we would be wit He explained how being a first year principal at Hilltop Valley School has allowed him to get to know intimately some the personal and financial struggles families are facing. to day living. Monday's and Tuesday's are hard; t here is no food in the house at all, on Monday's and Tuesdays. And these are just some families that have been open enough to ask me for help. And so... the foodbank closes Monday, Wednesday, and Friday. And one of the foodbanks closes at 12 o'clock, so we've had parents turn up here at 12:30 saying, the bus was late or missed, or whatever else but they missed the foodbank, and they need food. And we give them lunch, and that's fine, and then they don't have any food for tomorrow as well, so we give them lunch for tomorrow, and then what about tonight? Um, don't have food for tonight. So we've got them food, so no kid will had to mis s a dinner. So yeah, having one meal a day that parents c This excerpt highlights the some of the immediate benefits of having an in school breakfast club which provide s short term hunger relief for children at their school living in poverty and economic relief for parents knowing that if they send their kids to school early, that is one le ss meal they have to worry about. During my time in the school I listened to the many reported benefits of having i n school breakfast and was also able to see them in action. In addition to getting children fed and taking off some economic pressure from parents, stakeholders believed the breakfast club provided a safe, warm, and friendly place for children to go in the morning, it led to less disruption and fatigue in the classroom as well as higher levels of concentration and academic engagement. It also provided a place for students to build community among their peers and teachers. However, it is important to note that school participation in Kickstart requires the mobilization of

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22 in order to function The notion of active citizenship is premised on the ability of individuals and agencie s to be self res ponsible and act autonomously as the key to social inclusion (Larner 2000). To get the breakfast club started at Hilltop Valley School required teachers and staff to be motivated, and take on the responsibi lity of running an in school breakfast program in addition to their primary responsibility of educating children. Maggie, a full time teacher at Hilltop Valley and mother of three, is also the initiator of the whole breakfast set up at her school. Setting up the mechanics of the breakfast club involved filling out the Kickstart application to see if they were eligible, seeking out and securing enough bowls, spoons, and mugs, finding a facility large enough and well equipped to serve breakfast, and finally f iguring out how they would run the program with adult supervision. Maggie said this was definitely the hardest part breakfast, id eally. But for many of those yea rs, it just didn't happen, we didn't get volunteers She created a rotating roster for teachers to come in and help supervise but admitted, in or teachers were very busy in the morning. So it was pretty... that's been probably one of the biggest [challenges] is getting people to h Currently the breakfast club is run primarily by one of the rs. Joan other responsibilities they have to take care before the start of the school day. Joan has also helped secure a base of regular volunteers. Maggie and the other teachers are very appreciative to have such a dedicated volunteer like Joan

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23 t. So that would definitely be an obstacle is getting the help needed to deliver the food each day. I used to get here at a quarter to 8, and then since having another child, I don't get here until about ten past 8. So we are just really blessed that Joan, who was a teacher here, she's just She continues, sustainable, at the moment. Which i s go deep gratitude for the vol unteers running the program, they also convey the programs fragility. of a program they rely on to be regular and routinized. It is clear that h aving enough consistent volunteers is something the education team at Hilltop Valley does not take for granted because they know how quickly things can change. Although Fonterra and Sanitarium provide the food supplies and the government spends some money on the program without having to fuss over infrastructure and long term viability, the bulk of the work and responsibility falls on the shoulders of teachers and volunteers. Individual responsibility is strongly connected to how consent of the neoliberal ideology is constructed and the rolling out of neoliberalism takes place individuals to see themselves as active subjects responsible for their own well 2000). At Hilltop Valley School, I observed the ways that new political technologies have seeped into the educational paradigm where the school itself has been forced to take on the role of an in order to meet the basic needs of their students The school has taken on the role of applying immediate triage to poverty in the best way they know ho w; by donating thei r time (coming in early, staying late giving children rides to school ), seeking funds or charity from private sources and applying for grants in order to provide th eir students with the tools to be successful. As a school they recognize that unless child

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24 learning will not happen. The school has taken all of thi s on in addition to their primary r esponsibilities of educating children. I share all of this to illustrate how the construction of neoliberal consent using personal responsibility rhetoric at the school was already well under way. Kickstart builds off of the ideology proposed by Poppendieck, that neoliberals believe hunger can be cured through charity and volunteerism (Poppendieck 2000) One illustrative example of this is comes through in my discussions s principal. I a sked him what steps the school has taken to try to relieve the pressures of poverty. He spoke candidly of their efforts and listed numerous examples. Some of these include: finding sponsor sc hool fees ; pick ing up s tudents in the morning and driving them to school; collaborating with a law firm to implement a n after school t utoring service ; applying for additional food charity services ( one of which they have been on the waiting list for more than a year ); seeking don ations of shoes and us ed uniforms ; and even replacing broken kitchen appliances in the home of several families, just to name a few. Hilltop Valley School has clearly found success within the social capital model and this has helped frame solutions to child poverty at their sc hool. When I asked teachers and volunteers if they felt that charity model of individual and corporate donations was enough to meet the need, many did not think so, but the y believed the solution was to solicit more business support and more private donati ons. This sentiment is well are always being asked to give as well. You know businesses like Countdown and supermarkets, they do support things. They supported us. Countdown supported us for about a year. Everything that was wonderful really, it was fantastic! I suppose they can't keep

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25 doing that. I don't know how you do it. You need a lot a money and you could invest in New Zealand interests, so you always have a supply of money you could use. But it really comes down to people going out and asking, I guess, p KidsCan is a charity that supports children in schools by providing them with donated lunches, rain jackets, and shoes. In addition to being convinced that the approach to meeting the food needs of hungry kids was to seek more donations, her remarks demonstrate empathy and Although Joan does not mention taxes specifically, part of her seems to recognize that having a collective pool of money available to spend on New Z ealand citizens interests would be a beneficial way to tac kle the problem. But she was probably the best approach. Another nesses involved, (interview 2015) What seemed to matter to stakeholders more than whe re the food was coming from, who funded it, or whose responsibility it was to feed their students in the fir st place was the ability to consistently provide breakfast and a promise that it will be there when they need it.

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26 CHAPTER VII DISCUSS ION: WHY IS THIS A PROBLEM? as they come together to tame child hunger. A growing number of children, and adults for that matter, in New Zealand are food insecure but similar to poor housing, and a whole host of other conditions, this is a symptom, not a cause, of poverty. Although the public private partnership of Kickstart exemplifies a new institutionalized response to children coming to school hungry, it also institutionalizes and reinforce s the old underlying problems of poverty and inequality. The 2015 New Zealand Child Commission Report on Poverty was released while I was doing my fieldwork in New Zealand They reported that the number of children living in economic poverty was 29%, which is 5% more than what was reported than the previous year Joan, Hilltop unsung was released. She expressed that reading the paper made her feel depressed, knowing tha t these rates continued to climb despite all their local efforts to reduce it. Joan and others at Hilltop Valley School a re certainly doing their kind hearted part, but it makes me question whether the other systems and structures set in place are doing theirs. While their attention is diverted to attending to the triage of child poverty that comes through their classroom do ors each morning, businesses are busy pressing government to loosen tax laws freeing them up so they can act responsibly (Kinderman 2012) It allows companies to cherry obstructs comprehensive structural reform and reduces the urgency to do something about it.

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27 In New Zealand when it comes to feeding kids breakfast nation of food insecure children. This inserts corporations ever deeper into the population, to meet an immediate need, this bypasses the question of why are simultaneously hungry and malnou rished in the first place. Ironically, when a Food In Schools Bill was presented in the New Zealand Parliament early in 2015 to bring meals (breakfast and lunch) to all lower decile schools on a regular basis, Fonterra and Sanitarium did not support it. Th ey argued It ( interview 2015). The bill would have detracted from their bottom line and taken the spotlight off er taxes to support public works like in opposed to statutory. Corporations benefit the most from CSR projects because not only does it but it keeps support for child welfare services a voluntary engagement, allowing companies to opt in our out as they see fit. The primary concern of school stakeholders is that the breakfast be provided on a regular basis, but who is to say t hat it will still be there if Kickstart does not deliver the high returns promised to investors. Another concern is whether or not this public private partnership is adequately meeting the food needs of hungry children in New Zealand. In 2015 it was report ed that 29% of children (approx. 305,000 children) between the ages of 2 17 are living in poverty, many of whom go to school hungry every day (Simpson 2015). One parliament member sums it up when he says,

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28 KickStart Breakfast programme feeds about 12,000 a day, but the reality is that even with still going to school hungry in Aotearoa every single day. Yes, schools around the country have started their own breakfast clubs with support from teachers, students, parents, local businesses, and the wider community, but they tell us that it takes a lot of hard work and a lot of goodwill to keep them going, and that having secure funding would be a HONE HARAWIRA (Leader Mana 2014) unable to suff iciently meet the scale of child hunger in schools.

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29 CHAPTER VIII CONCLUSION The purpose of this article is not to argue that Fonterra and Sanitarium are bad companies, but to think critically about what it means to rely on companies Similar to Ruckert and Labonte, I am suggesting that the inherent structure of public private partnerships inevitably reshape s the realm of public and private and that this represents a deepening of neo liberal ideals into the management of individuals and communities, allowing private interest to become more embedded within the public sphere and to influence or redirect child welfare policy (Ruckert and Labonte 2014). Using Kickstart as an example allows us to look more closely at the ways that neoliberalism has inserted itself into the school community, as well as how neoliberal attitudes have become the new normal. Even a 7 week long ethnography can open up new domains of theory that prompt rethinking the kids But as the KickStart Breakfast example highlights, it is a hybrid form, a n co llective approach that is a more private, than public solution to combating child hunger (Sadler and Lloyd 2009) Innovative forms of neoliberalism, such as CSR and public private 2010). Ethnographic methods can be very useful for revealing the often hidden connections and contradictions of neoliberalism. We should expect to see more public private partnerships similar

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30 to Kickstart because they are attractive to businesses and politicians alike, and are some what inevitable due to the weakened state capacity neoliberalism has helped create (Carter 2015).

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32 Larner, Wendy (2000). Post Welfare State Governance: Towards a Code of Social and Family Responsibility. Social Politic s. Oxford University Press: 244 265 Ministry of Education (2016). Education Counts: Number of Schools in New Zealand. Accessed 4/19/2016 https://www.educationcounts.govt.nz/statistics/schooling/number of schools Ministry of Education (2016). School Deciles. Accessed 4/20/2016. http://www.education.govt.nz/school/running a school/resourcing/operational funding/school decile ratings/ https://www.msd.govt.nz/about msd and our work/work programmes/initiatives/social sector trials/ Report. Chil d Poverty Action Group School) Amendment Bill Hansard and Journals. http://www.parliament.nz/en nz/pb/debates/debates/50HansD_20140528_00000044/education breakfa st and lunch programmes in schools amendment. n.d. Sitting date May 28, 2014. Volume 699, Page 18457. Chapman (2000). Income and inequality and health. In M. Tobias, & P. Howden Chapman (Eds.), Social Inequalities in Health, New Zeala nd 1999: a summary (pp. 65 86). Wellington, Ministry of Health Poppendieck, Janet (2010). Free For All: Fixing School Food in America. University of California Press, Berkeley, California Poppendieck, Janet (2000). Chapter 38: Want Amid Plenty: From Hunger to Inequality. Food and Culture: A Reader from Counihan, Carole and Penny Van Esterick, eds. (Third Edition) NY: Routledge Rose, E., Huakau, J., Sweetsur, P., Casswell, S. (2005) Socia l Values: A Report from the New Zealand Values Study 2005. Center for Social and Health Outcomes Research and Evaluation & Te Ropu Whariki. Massey University Ruckert, Arne and Ronald Labonte (2014). Public private partnerships (ppps) in global health: the good, the bad and the ugly. Third World Quarterly. Vol 35 (9): 1598 1614 Salmond, Clare, Peter King, Peter Crampton, Charles Waldegrave (2005). New Zealand I ndex of Socioeconomic Deprivation for Individuals. Sadler, David and Lloyd, Stuart (2009). Neo liberalising corporate social responsibility: A political economy of corporate citizenship. Geoforum. Vol 40: 613 622

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