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The death and life of great American cities revisited

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The death and life of great American cities revisited Jane Jacobs in the streets of Englewood, Colorado
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Cartaya, Zachary David
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English
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vi, 97 leaves : illustrations ; 28 cm

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City planning -- Colorado -- Englewood ( lcsh )
Englewood (Colo.) ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 95-97).
Statement of Responsibility:
by Zachary David Cartaya.

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University of Florida
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747101231 ( OCLC )
ocn747101231
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LD1193.L64 2011m C37 ( lcc )

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Full Text
THE DEA THAND LIFE OF GREAT AMERICAN CITIES REVISITED: JANE
JACOBS IN THE STREETS OF ENGLEWOOD, COLORADO
By
Zachary David Cartaya
B. A., Metropolitan State College of Denver, 2005
A thesis submitted to the University of Colorado Denver in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Political Science
2011


This thesis for a Master of Arts
Degree by:
Zachary David Cartaya has been approved
by:
0^ -------------------
Professor Anthony Robinson

Professor Jana Everett
4 rn /2o v\
Date


Cartaya, Zachary David
The Death and Life of Great American Cities Revisited: Jane Jacobs in the Streets
of Englewood, Colorado
Thesis directed by Professor Anthony Robinson
This project will investigate the following question: have the two elements of New Urbanism both design and social diversity been preserved in Englewood, Colorado, or do we see that one element of New Urbanism is adopted at the expense of the other? More specifically, I will examine the new urbanist renewal of the downtown corridor, and contrast it with the vision, values, and framework put forth in Jane Jacobs The Death and Life of Great American Cities. Furthermore I will explore the nature of the people and businesses of Englewoods low-income east corridor, who arguably are creating the very kind of environment in which Jacobs saw so much value in, even though they are targeted by city officials for removal. Finally, this project explores ways that New Urbanist design philosophies in practice (which can be seen as neo-liberal, market driven philosophies) can better incorporate the needs of the urban poor by expanding on Jacobs philosophy. As New Urbanism has become a predominant school of thought in urban planning, a new political ideology has emerged behind urban planning as well. This ideology is neoliberalism.
ABSTRACT
Professor Anthony Robinson


DEDICATIONS
This thesis is dedicated to several people:
To my mom, dad, and sister for their unwavering support.
To Adam, Evan, Katy, Steve, Tasha, Jen, and Brian for their friendship and patience.
Finally, to the people of Englewood, who taught me that humanity and compassion is a universal, and not confined to certain socio-economic groups.


TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER
1. ) INTRODUCTION..........................................1
Research Question and Significance...................5
2. ) BACKGROUND AND METHODOLOGY............................8
Jane Jacobs Versus Modernist Urban Renewal...........8
Methodology and Application in Englewood.............9
Strengths and Limitations of Research...............12
3.) A THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE: THE DEATH & LIFE OF GREAT
AMERICAN CITIES.................................................17
4. ) THE PRINCIPALS OF JANE JACOBS..................................20
The Uses of Sidewalks: Safety & Contact......................20
The Need for Primary Mixed Uses..............................26
5. ) JANE JACOBS AND NEW URBANISM................................29
Neoliberal Spatial Control................................36
The Self-Destruction of Diversity and Loss of Social Capital.43
Consequences of the Self-Destruction of Diversity.........49
6. ) THE HISTORY AND GENTRIFICATION OF ENGLEWOOD.................51
Cinderella City...........................................51
The Justification for the Demolition of Cinderella City......53
v


7.) THE PEOPLE, PLACES, AND NEW PUBLIC CHARACTERS OF
THE EAST CORRIDOR.............................................65
Jim and The Old Gun Bar....................................67
Darryl.....................................................71
Military Urbanism, the Englewood Police, and Officer Macan.74
Roger......................................................76
Expansion into the Downtown Corridor.......................79
8.) CONCLUSION: STREETS OF HOPE IN ENGLEWOOD.....................85
vi


CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
This book is an attack on current city planning and rebuilding. It is also, and mostly, an attempt to introduce new principles of city planning and rebuilding, different and even opposite from those now taught in everything from schools of architecture and planning to the Sunday supplements and womens magazines.
My attack is not based on quibbles about rebuilding methods or hairsplitting about fashions in design. It is an attack, rather, on the principles and aims that have shaped modern, orthodox city planning and rebuilding.
- Jane Jacobs, 1964
Figure 1.1 Jane Jacobs in her Favorite bar in New York. Source: Jane Jacobs In writing The Death and Life of Great American Cities Jane Jacobs put forth what she believed to be a formula for the success of cities. This formula was meant to ensure the economic success of cities, preserve historic buildings and
1


landmarks, and ensure that current city residents were not displaced by urban
renewal projects (Jacobs 1969; Allen 1993). Jacobs' notes,
The main responsibility of city planning and design should be to develop -insofar as public policy and action can do so cities that are congenial places for this great range of unofficial plans, ideas and opportunities to flourish, along with the flourishing of the public enterprises. City districts will be economically and socially congenial places for diversity to generate itself and reach its best potential if the districts possess good mixtures of primary uses, frequent streets, a close-grained mingling of different ages in their buildings, and high concentration of people (Jacobs 1961, 315).
While Jacobs believed that this formula of respecting unofficial plans and diverse urban experiences would create successful cities, she saw the potential for disaster if this formula was not properly applied.
From The Death and Life of Great American Cities, a new school of thought emerged in the field of urban renewal known as New Urbanism. New Urbanism is a movement in architecture and planning that advocates design-based strategies based on traditional urban forms to help arrest suburban sprawl and inner-city decline and to build and rebuild neighborhoods, towns and cities (Bohl 2000, 508). In theory, New Urbanism is comprised of two key elements: a design element and a social diversity element (Bohl 2000; Ellis 2010).
New Urbanist design principles include narrow streets, large sidewalks, and amenities within walking distance of living areas. New Urbanism encourages mixed land use, where developers use property for both residential and commercial use (Bohl 2000; Ellis 2010). Notable elements of New Urbanist design principles include:
2


Metropolitan regions that are composed of well-structured cities and towns; infill development to revitalize city centers; interconnected streets, friendly to pedestrians and cyclists; well designed and sited civic buildings and public gathering spaces; and architectural design that shows respect for local history and regional character (Ellis 2010, 262).
New Urbanists claim that these integrated design principles will support social diversity. New Urbanists believe that the numerous public gathering spaces will attract people from all economic classes, thereby promoting diversity (Ellis 2010). In fact New Urbanists celebrate this diversity and as Cliff Ellis notes,
New Urbanists do not support the return of the racial, economic, or gender inequalities of earlier times (Ellis 2010, 268).
Born from Jacobss mixed-use philosophy that celebrated street life, New Urbanist design has become the standard design method for cities across the country undergoing urban renewal. As Stephen Pieler, a new urbanist designer/commentator observes, I see the two Jane Jacobs and New Urbanism as seamless, an historic continuity and that Jacobs must have generally supported it; there could be no good reason not to (Pieler 2006, 1). Other new
urbanists tout Jacobs as revolutionary and inspirational (Pieler 2006)
However, although one element of Jane Jacobs thought has been well applied by todays new urbanists (her design principles), the second element of her thought (her social justice/social diversity principles) have not been well applied. This pattern is apparent in Englewood, Colorado, where officials talk in theory about the New Urbanist credentials of their projects, but where the practice of New Urbanism is actually exclusionary and class-biased. The reasons for this pattern are largely due to the fact that private profit-seeking development interests
3


have co-opted New Urbanism to suit their own gentrification/class-sanitizing
agenda (Pyatok 2004; Turner 2002). As Michael Pyatok observes,
If the powers that be HUD or a local mayor or redevelopment agency -see homeownership as the solution to neighborhood revitalization, and renters must be displaced, the CNU (Congress for New Urbanism) adopts that ideology. Only those without property stand in the way of progress and since they are much cheaper to move, and since it is believed that they have serious social pathologies anyway (which is why they have gotten themselves poor in the first place), some must always be displaced to create healthier communities (Pyatok 2004, 807).
While in theory New Urbanism claims to uphold social justice principles, in practice those principles are forsaken to create sanitized communities and attract wealthy residents (Pyatok 2004).
The city of Englewood, Colorado is a changing city. Many of these
changes have been implemented and catalyzed by the Englewood Urban Renewal
Authority, which has sought a kind of urban renewal ostensibly in accordance
with new urbanist design principles. Unfortunately, however, this process has
inadvertently split the city into two corridors: the downtown corridor and the east
Broadway corridor. The downtown corridor designed explicitly along New
Urbanist lines is a gentrified area, filled with amenities to serve and cater to the
creative class (Florida 2004). Richard Florida identifies the creative class as:
A fast-growing, highly educated, and well-paid segment of the workforce on whose efforts corporate profits and economic growth increasingly depend. Members of the creative class do a wide variety of work in a wide variety of industries from technology to entertainment, journalism to finance, high-end manufacturing to the arts. They do not consciously think of themselves as a class. Yet they share a common ethos that values creativity, individuality, difference, and merit (Florida, 2002, 3).
4


The east Broadway corridor, neglected by New Urbanist renewal activities, is home to the urban poor and working class of the city.
It is ironic that the New Urbanism urban renewal principles inspired by Jane Jacobs who valued diversity and a mixing of social groups and classes above all else are now being used in cities like Englewood in a way that exacerbates segregation between classes and decreases overall urban diversity. The successful implementation of Englewood New Urbanist policies, in creating the downtown corridor, have turned a once dilapidated and crime ridden area into a thriving city corridor increasingly inhospitable to lower-income groups and uses, and the economic success of this plan has encouraged the Urban Renewal Authority to continue promoting the policies to spread this model throughout the city. Englewood planners speak the language of new urbanism but the reality is that Jane Jacobs vision of social mixing no longer under girds the kind of New Urbanism actually adopted by cities like Englewood.
Research Question and Significance
In this project I will investigate the following question: have the two elements of New Urbanism both design and social diversity been preserved in Englewood, Colorado, or do we see that one element of New Urbanism is adopted at the expense of the other? More specifically, I will examine the new urbanist renewal of the downtown corridor, and contrast it with the vision, values, and framework put forth in The Death and Life of Great American Cities. Furthermore I will explore the nature of the people and businesses of Englewoods low-income east corridor, who arguably are creating the very kind of environment in which
5


Jacobs saw so much value in, even though they are targeted by city officials for removal. Finally, this project will further explore ways that New Urbanist design philosophies in practice (which can be seen as neo-liberal, market driven philosophies) can better incorporate the needs of the urban poor by expanding on Jacobs philosophy.
As New Urbanism has become a predominant school of thought in urban planning, a new political ideology has emerged behind urban planning as well. This ideology is neoliberalism. Neoliberalism is a market-driven philosophy, which has created a guide to building capital-driven cities (Peck 2007). In the name of economic liberalization, city officials took accelerated steps to remove impediments to financial growth. These accelerated steps were characterized by acts of institutional reaction and political repression (Peck 2007, 28).
There are several reasons why this project is relevant. Urban renewal authorities and their gentrification-inducing practices are common across the country. Across the country, urban officials are working to redesign their cities to accommodate certain classes of people, and create a more capital driven, neoliberal city (Leitner 2007). Very often when these gentrification inducing strategies are being adopted, officials speak to their affinity for new urbanism and draw on the design principles of Jane Jacobs even while giving short shrift to her visions of social diversity. This project will look at the consequences of these widespread gentrification activities in a real-time setting as they are unfolding in the medium sized city of Englewood, Colorado.
6


This paper is of interest because it will explore the values Jacobs announced and the solutions Jacobs proposed to the destructive urban renewal activities of her time, and will contrast them with the modem approach to urban renewal. Jane Jacobs ideas remain the touchstone of modem urban planning. Almost every city planner and new urbanist architect is happy to note how their ideas fit within the framework of her magnus opus, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, but are these officials and developers really remaining true to Jacobs philosophy? In this project I will immerse myself in the streets of Englewood, Colorado, and explore what Jacobs would have thought of both the renewal of the downtown corridor and the people and places in the east corridor.
7


CHAPTER 2
Jane Jacobs valued and fought to protect the rhythms of local life the daily rounds of the people of a neighborhood, as she put it. She was a champion of not only the people who took part in these daily round interactions, but also of the places where these interactions took place (Allen, 1993). As Jacobs notes in her introduction to The Death and Life of Great American Cities,
BACKGROUND & METHODOLOGY
Figure 2.1 Jane Jacobs at a Protest in New York. Source: New York Times Jane Jacobs Versus Modernist Urban Renewal
8


Monopolistic shopping centers and monumental cultural centers cloak, under the public relations hoohaw, the subtraction of commerce, and of culture too, from the intimate and casual life of cities. That such wonders may be accomplished, people who get marked with the planners hex signs are pushed about, expropriated, and uprooted much as if they were the subjects of a conquering power. Thousands upon thousands of small businesses are destroyed, and their proprietors ruined, with hardly a gesture of compensation (Jacobs, 1961, 7).
These people and places commonly destroyed by urban renewal plans had
such an impact on Jacobs that she not only wrote about them, she stood beside
them and fought with them against practices that threatened the integrity of the
places they lived (Allen, 1993). As Max Allen observes,
Blocking expressways, and supporting neighborhoods seem to be a common theme in her life. In 1962 she was the chairman of the Joint Committee to Stop the Lower Manhattan Expressway, when the downtown expressway plan was killed. She was again involved in stopping the Lower Manhattan Expressway, and was arrested during a demonstration on April 10, 1968. Jacobs opposed Robert Moses, who had already forced through the Cross-Bronx Expressway and other motorways against neighborhood opposition (Allen, 1993, 170).
Methodology and Application in Englewood
Jacobs worked and wrote passionately because she cared about the neighborhoods around her, and the people she had befriended while exploring these neighborhoods. It is in that same vein that I chose to write about Englewood, and rediscover the values and potential problems that Jacobs discussed in The Death and Life of Great American Cities.
To study the gentrification of the downtown Englewood corridor, and to better understand the people of the downtown corridor this project will primarily use primary and secondary document review. To further understand the plight of
9


the urban poor in Englewood, this thesis will also incorporate participant-observation and field research. Over the last several years, I have been involved in the groups and cultures of the people of the downtown corridor. This direct interaction has helped me to develop an intimate knowledge of and appreciation for life in downtown Englewood, just as it did for Jacobs in New York City.
As Ferdinand Toonies observed in defending such an intimate knowledge approach to understanding of others,
Understanding is based upon intimate knowledge of each other in so far as this is conditioned and advanced by direct interest of one being in the life of one and other, and readiness to take part in his joy and sorrow. For that reason, the more constitution and experience or natural disposition, character, and intellectual attitude are similar or harmonize, the more probable is understanding (Toonies, 1887, 47).
Toonies asserts that continuous contact with people makes a person more prone to be involved. As a person becomes more involved in another persons life they are more prone to be compassionate and understanding towards the other persons problems.
This understanding is what I have come to see in Englewood, in the neighborhood, in the bars, and in the numerous other interactions I have observed in the course of my research. What was once different and kind of scary as I first spent time in low-income Englewood, became familiar over time, as these people became close friends and acquaintances. I shared their triumphs and mourned their losses. There were times that I was intimidated by occasions and people who were not particularly safe, and there were times that I questioned the merit of being this immersed in this project, but the overall value and merit these people brought into my life outweighed the internal objections I had.
10


The heart of my participant-observation took place at The Old Gun Bar (a run-down, low-income, local bar in the east corridor of Englewood), but I also spent time in several other notable sites across the city. In addition to participant-observation, I also spent time conducting interviews with several of the regulars in the bar, in the interest of better knowing and understanding these public characters of Englewood.
The people of this establishment, who are directly in the path of plans for urban redevelopment of Englewoods Broadway corridor will serve as living, breathing examples of Jacobs notion of a public character (Jacobs 1961), and understanding their situation will develop understanding of the human consequences to the path that neoliberal officials wish to take in ridding the city of lower-income uses in the interest of greater public safety. These interviews will be framed by the use of urban theory in Jacobs tradition, which asserts that while gentrification does beautify and enhance cities, the people being forced out also have value, and their removal is counter to what Jacobs proposed in her vision of a new city.
The immersion into the lives of these public characters will mimic the work of Mitchell Duneir (1999), Jonothan Kozol (1988), Peter Medoff (1994), Holly Sklar (1994), and Studs Terkel (1972), who build their analysis around individual life stories of people in specific urban places. As I worked to become familiar with and trusted among the people of central Englewood, I discovered that, like Jacobs, I found myself coming to the defense of the people who I had
11


surrounded myself with, and standing against the people and practices who sought to drive them out.
In addition to immersion in the street life of Englewood, I have studied the factors, which led to the remodeling of the downtown corridor. This involved research into the plans and methods the city used to build the City Center. Showing differing sides of the social conflict of the gentrification process, further proves that New Urbanists are not serious about their social justice proclamations, and in fact are influenced by neoliberal policy makers whose primary concern is building a city based on revenues instead of people.
Strengths and Limitations of Primary Document Review and Participant-Observation Research
As previously mentioned, to investigate this question, I have utilized two types of research: primary document review and participant-observation. Primary document review will involve reviewing Englewood city documents and accenting that with secondary research of other authors on New Urbanism and the social capital contributions that the urban poor make to city living. This research is limited by the possible biases of the authors and the scope of their research (McNabb 2010). To overcome this limitation, I have completed field observation to gain firsthand insight of the impact of neoliberal policies imposed on the people of Englewood.
There are several strengths and weaknesses to participant-observation research. The strengths of this research is summarized by Organ and Bateman (1991):
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[Simple] observation is an attractive method of research because it confronts its subject head-on. It deals with raw, real-world behavior. Because the data are rich with the drama of human existence, it is easy to relate to accounts of these studies (Organ & Bateman 1991, 37).
While this raw data serves as to strengthen this type of research, it contributes
to the limitations of it as well. As David McNabb (2010) observes:
Among the disadvantages of observation is that it often results in a report bias that is traceable to the natural tendency of people to exercise selective perception and selective retention. Selective perception means that from all the myriad stimuli that we encounter, everyone sees what they want to see, what they are interested in, and what they think is important. Whether they do so consciously or unconsciously, people ignore much of what else goes on (McNabb 2010, 270).
In working to overcome the selective perception and retention bias I will be working to understand both sides of the debate around urban renewal by observing both the low-income residents and the city officials of Englewood. Despite this, my affinity for the residents of central Englewood does influence me to view the problems with urban renewal through their eyes.
An example of this tendency of coming to see things from the perspective of my research subjects can be found in the case of a local prostitute that I came to know well through this research. Though many city planners, police officers, and traditional neighborhood residents tend to see prostitutes and prostitution as a blight to be removed from the city, my participant-observation research method gave me a different perspective. For example, a few months ago, I was at the local bar (The Old Gun Bar) and a young woman came in and was distraught. I approached her and asked what she was so upset about. She had just found out that her boyfriend had another family that she didnt know about. While this was
13


upsetting for her, she was distraught that she would have to return to prostitution in order to leave him and support her young son. While there are several things people can take issue with regarding this young prostitute, the bottom line is she is a mother who is concerned about the future of her son. It is that relatable and universal humanity, even of the least among us, that Jacobs sought to celebrate in her writing, and that I want to revisit in mine.
I have been warned to be cautious about romanticizing these people, and challenged to recognize some of the tangible benefits of the current process of urban renewal. I recognize the value of this advice. I know that there are police officers and city officials who have the best intentions of everyone in mind, and there are urban poor people in Englewood who deserve to have their lives interrupted by the police and city officials. I have no qualms with those truths; my issue is that too often the urban poor suffer at the hands of city officials, not because they are engaged in legitimately dangerous or destructive activities, but simply because city officials wish to remove them in favor of building a more affluent capital-driven city. It is in that light that I have chosen to mimic Jacobs in her approach toward studying the impact of urban renewal projects, and to revisit the value of the public character, even in low-income neighborhoods.
As McNabb further observes:
Human perception is never neutral. Rather, human knowledge and intelligence, what we think of as past experience, always influences perception. Furthermore, judgment is involved in all perception.
Otherwise, the perception is nothing more than a form of what is called sensory excitation. The process of observation is unconsciously influenced by the ideas, theories, hypotheses, or general knowledge that the researcher holds going into the observation (McNabb 2010, 271)
14


I believe that there is an inherent bias in this project, but it is not a left or right bias, or an anti-establishment bias, rather it is a bias in favor of the small-scale, the individual human life as opposed to a focus on the large and monumental, which is the same bias Jacobs used to advance the plight of the people and places in inner cities through The Death and Life of Great American Cities. As Roberta Gratz notes, Jacobs rooted her observations in the practical versus the visionary and abstract, the immediate versus the projected future, the small detail, not the large plan (Gratz 1994, 68).
Expanding on the core themes of The Death and Life of Great American Cities and applying them to Englewood will provide insight into the social conflict that occurs through the process of gentrification. Through interviews of the people responsible for and afflicted by this Englewood urban renewal process, I will attempt to find common ground between these groups of people who Jacobs argues share a commitment to safe and dynamic urban street life. In addition to this, I will attempt to reconcile the gap between the urban village philosophy of Jane Jacobs and the social justice philosophy of Jane Jacobs. By exploring the humanity of the urban poor, rather than enhancing middle-class fear of them, this thesis will build on the legacy of Jane Jacobs in supporting more equitable policies of urban renewal. This strategy will help to cement a point made by Jane Jacobs:
The economic rationale of current city rebuilding is a hoax. The economics of city rebuilding do not rest soundly on reasoned investment of public tax subsides, as urban renewal theory proclaims, but also on vast, involuntary subsides wrung out helpless site victims. And the increased tax returns from such sites, accruing to the cities as a result of this investment, are a mirage, a pitiful gesture against the ever increasing
15


sums of public money needed to combat disintegration and instability that flow from the cruelly shaken-up city. The means to planned city rebuilding are as deplorable as the ends (Jacobs 1961, 327).
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CHAPTER 3
A THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE: THE DEATH AND LIFE OF GREAT
AMERICAN CITIES
In The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Jane Jacobs explores the challenges associated with urban renewal. Jacobs asserts that within the process of urban renewal something has gone wrong. While Jacobs was writing, the cities, which had been through the process of urban renewal, were failing (Jacobs 1961). To remedy this pattern Jacobs contends that there is a need for diversity in order for a city to thrive. A key aspect of this diversity is social diversity, which Jacobs claims relies partly on the presence of mixed income groups and life-styles on the city streets (Jacobs 1961). In this way, Jacobs argues that the urban poor (commonly targeted for removal by renewal processes) are a part of this necessary diversity and play a crucial role in a thriving city.
The main aspect of the role that people on the street play including poor people in their own neighborhoods is the contribution the urban poor make in creating a safe environment within the city by acting as unofficial protectors of the streets. These people are viewed as the great protectors of the street because they have been there for a long time. They have built long enduring informal networks of connection (Jacobs 1961; Ritchie 2007). Urban renewal creates new and beautified cities, but disrupts existing social networks (Pyatok 2004). As Peter Medoff and Holly Sklar observe, It is clear that [the urban poor] care.
17


Contrary to what was commonly thought, people certainly cared about where they lived and bettering their lives and their childrens lives (Medoff & Sklar 1994).
The contribution that longtime residents make to city life even poor
residents is known as social capital (Sander 2002). As Thomas Sander notes,
A burgeoning literature over the last decade shows that social capital -social networks and the attendant norms of trust and reciprocity is central to many of the collective goods we care about, among them safe streets, healthy and happy citizens, effective education, responsive democracy, and childrens welfare. Thus social ties help us not only personally but collectively (Sander 2002, 213).
Social capital theory explores how a community of people, bound by their own values, comes to take an active interest in preserving and caring for their community (Sander 2002). As Charles Loomis observes, All social values and ideals have their points of reference in social relationships, collectives, and social organizations. The greater the understanding, harmony, and friendship existing between individuals, the greater the probability that their values will be common and the more the possessions of each will merge into those of the other (Loomis, 2002, 9).
The urban poor contribute to the social capital within urban areas. According to Jacobs, their main contribution is providing a watchful eye on the street, along with the several residents and newcomers in the mixed-use urban village (Jacobs 1961). In addition to providing eyes on the street, the urban poor also contribute to street life through their established social networks. This social capital contribution creates connections among individuals social networks and the norms of reciprocity and trust-worthiness that arise from them (Putnam 2000,
18


106). By allowing the urban poor to remain in the city and designing areas which serve several different purposes and that cater to all people, Jacobs believes that the flaws in urban renewal can be corrected (Jacobs 1961).
A second element of the kind of diversity Jacobs celebrates is architectural, design and business diversity. Jacobs disdained block-busted megaprojects of a single land use (such as a mega-mall), and instead supported the preservation of traditional urban villages of small-scaled businesses, with a diverse mix of owners. Jacobs further argues for diverse land use in the process of urban renewal, incorporating residential, industrial, and recreational areas into the city, and she also stresses the need to keep the old buildings and less attractive (low-income) neighborhoods within the city (Jacobs 1961).
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CHAPTER 4
THE PRINCIPALS OF JANE JACOBS
In this regard, Jacobs serves as a dual visionary: on one hand she is one of the founders of New Urbanism as an architectural and urban design theory, and on the other she celebrates the diversity of street life, and advocates for class mixing, social diversity, and the need for low income uses in the city. New Urbanist thinkers claim to celebrate both aspects of Jacobs vision the urban village Jane Jacobs and the class justice Jane Jacobs (Jacobs 1961; Gratz 1994).
However, in practice, only the urban village Jane Jacobs has been preserved in modem New Urbanism. To better understand the depth of what new urbanists have sacrificed in neglecting the class justice Jane Jacobs, it is important to explore what Jacobs meant by such concepts as The Uses of Sidewalks.
The Uses of Sidewalks: Safety & Contact
In The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Jacobs argued her class justice principles through what she called The Uses of Sidewalks, and her urban village design principles through The Need for Mixed Primary Uses. Jacobs asserts that there is a fear of city streets, and that this fear is what drives the belief that urban areas are something to be reclaimed from the people who inhabit them (Jacobs 1961).
This fear is derived from what can be perceived as disorder in these areas, and drives the broken windows theory. The broken windows theory states, If
20


people are allowed to break windows with impunity, not only do smaller crimes lead to more serious ones, but the disordered appearance of the neighborhood perpetrates criminal disorder (Smith 2001, 45). Utilizing a broken windows theory, the homeless and urban poor in recent years have been subject to aggressive, zero tolerance policing for small crimes such as curfew violation, spitting wearing gang colors, or congregating on the sidewalk (Smith 2001; Davis 2002; Mitchell 2003). These strategies are used to drive lower income residents out of cities under the guise of neo-liberal1 progress, because of the belief that they are responsible for the problem of broken windows in the inner city and due to the need to restore order to the streets (Mitchell 2003).
Jacobs rejects the notion that the streets are overrun with disorder and instead suggests that the people who live and work on the street and not the police maintain the peace. Order is maintained by an intricate, almost unconscious network of voluntary controls and standards among the people themselves, and enforced by the people themselves (Jacobs 1961). The people who inhabit the street, including homeless panhandlers, street vendors and even young skateboarders, are constantly vigilant of things happening in the street, and if numerous enough, provide a level of safety for everyone else. In addition to this store keepers and other small businessmen are typically strong proponents of peace and order themselves; they hate broken windows and holdups; they hate
Neoliberalism for the purposes of this project is defined and explained by William Sites, Over the past several decades, neoliberal capitalism in the United States has been associated with a significant restructuring of the economic role, political environment, and spatial terrain of the city. Corporate strategies and state policies at multiple scales have reconfigured the labor, land, and consumption markets of central cities, benefiting investors, visitors and affluent residents. Meanwhile, a rightward-drifting politics and new institutional mechanisms (from flexible public-private partnerships to coercive policing strategies) have also enhanced elite capacities to regulate and expand these increasingly valued urban spaces (Sites,
2007).
21


having customers nervous about safety. They are great street watchers and sidewalk guardians if present in sufficient numbers' (Jacobs 1961, 102).
Jacobs contends that the safety of the street is also enhanced by the diverse people who inhabit it, and how they interact with each other. Jacobs argues that a certain trust begins to exist among people on the street who interact with each other on a regular basis (Jacobs 1961). A key to building this trust is the long-term relationships established by the people on the street neighborhood trust takes time to grow and cant be constructed anew by new development, no matter how much it adopts new urbanist or any other design principle, such as front porch stoops to encourage people sitting outside and meeting their neighbors.
Jacobs argues that as this long-term trust slowly grows, and relationships develop, people on the street begin to become protective of the other people, and of the businesses and residential areas within the city. People in the inner city, even people who are poor or who dont fit the model of downtown professionals, care about the future of their community and the future of their children, and therefore take a personal stake in the betterment of their communities (Medoff & Sklar 1994). Jacobs called such people who take a personal interest in their communities, and serve as unofficial protectors of the street public characters. As Jane Jacobs observes,
The social structure of sidewalk life hangs partly on what can be called self-appointed public characters. A public character is anyone who is in frequent contact with a wide circle of people and who is sufficiently interested to make himself a public character. A public character need have no special talents or wisdom to fulfill his function although he often does. He just needs to be present, and there needs to be enough of his counterparts. His main qualification is that he is public that he talks to
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lots of different people. In this way, news travels that is of sidewalk interest (Jacobs 1961).
The public characters know and understand the long-time rhythms and needs of a community, keep the community informed of happenings in the street, and keep a watchful eye on the city. They arent necessarily affluent and they dont always match the vision of city officials planning for urban revitalization, but they are people who take an active role in ensuring the safety of the streets.
These people form a community, which is invested in protecting itself. As Jacobs observes,
The sum of such casual public contact at a local level most of it fortuitous, most of it associated with errands, all of it metered by the person concerned and not thrust upon him by anyone is a feeling for the public identity of people, a web of public respect and trust, and a resource in a time of personal or neighborhood need. The absence of this trust is a disaster of to a city street (Jacobs 1961, 73).
This communal feeling shared by the residents of the inner city evolves organically through casual contact that eventually leads to friendships, which eventually leads to a protective nature within the community. This protective nature of the street is extended to all the inhabitants of the city (Jacobs 1961).
The protective nature of the street is the social capital contribution that the urban poor make to cities. As Ritchie further notes, Embedded in the concept of [social capital theory] are norms of specific reciprocity which sustain social connections. Specific reciprocity involves an arrangement in which an individual or group agrees to do something for another individual or group based on high-levels of community trust (Ritchie 2007, 107).
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Jacobs argues that there are varying levels of civility and safety among the people who inhabit these areas, and much of the fear that may drive them away is merely a fear of difference (Jacobs 1961). In addition, Jacobs believed that this community of different people was actually the life-blood of cities. As Jacobs notes,
One can drive today for miles through American suburbs and never glimpse a human being on foot in a public space, a human being outside a car or truck. This is a visible sign that much of North America has become bereft of communities. For communities to exist, people must encounter one another in person. These encounters must include more than best friends or colleagues at work. They must include diverse people who share the neighborhood, and often enough share its needs (Jacobs 2004, 36-37).
Much like Jacobs, Richard Sennett (1970), believes that this constant flow of people creates forced interaction with difference (Sennett 1970). The forced exposure to people of different classes and life styles matures people and causes them to reject the notions of conventional safety and instead be more accepting of all people creating better societal connections. It causes people to feel incomplete without a certain anarchy in their lives, to learn to love the otherness around them (Sennett 1970, 108). Sennett further observes that, The great promise of city life is a new kind of confusion possible within its borders, an anarchy that will not destroy men, but make them richer and more mature (Sennett 1970, 109). Both Jacobs and Sennett believe that this constant interaction between people also helped to create and contribute to the safety of the street (Jacobs 1961; Sennett 1970).
Jacobs observes, Some of the safest sidewalks at any time of day or night are those along which poor people or minority groups live. And some of the most
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dangerous are in streets occupied by the same kind of people (Jacobs 1961, 39). By targeting the inhabitants of urban areas, usually composed of poor people and minorities, urban planners and city officials are not targeting the true source of the problems faced in inner cities, rather they are seeking to end the discomfort felt by the upper middle-class inhabitants of and visitors to the city (Leitner 2007; Jacobs 1961; Mitchell 2003). Rather than discriminate against the differences between people, Jacobs suggests that valuing and preserving these differences are essential to city living (Jacobs 1961).
As Jacobs notes, It is possible to be on excellent sidewalk terms with
people who are very different from oneself, and even, as time passes, on familiar
public terms with them. Such relationships can, and do, endure for many years,
for decades; they could never have formed without crossing that line, much less
endured (Jacobs 1961, 81). Jacobs believes that the differences between people
should be embraced, and embracing those differences creates the intricate social
network that enhances the safety of these areas. As Mitchell notes,
The city is the place where difference lives. And finally, in the city, different people with different projects must necessarily struggle with one another over the shape of the city, the terms of access to the public realm, and even the rights of citizenship. Out of this struggle the city as a work -as and ouvre, as a collective if not singular project emerges, and new modes of inhabiting are invented (Mitchell 2003, 18).
In addition to advocating for the people who live in urban neighborhoods, and celebrating social diversity, Jacobs also believes that a formula for diverse urban design needs to be implemented to ensure the economic success of the city. These architectural and design principles include city living equipped for workers,
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consumers, and residents (Jacobs 1961), and supplement Jacobs social diversity/class justice vision.
The Need for Mixed Primary Uses
In creating an equitable model for urban redevelopment, Jacobs advocates for cities to incorporate mixed uses into city planning. As Jacobs states, As it is, workers and residents together are able to produce more than the sum of our two parts. The enterprises we are capable of supporting, mutually, draw out onto the sidewalk by evening many more residents than would emerge if the place were moribund (Jacobs 1961, 199-200). Jacobs believes that areas that have a mix of residential, industrial, and commercial uses are essential to creating a prosperous city. Each use benefits the others, and feeds into the economy of the city. Mixed uses also increase the amount of people constantly flowing in and out of the city, and this continuity of movement also helps to ensure the safety of the street, by having both public characters and strangers to the city providing constant surveillance (Jacobs 1961).
Jacobs believed that the mixed-use philosophy, which is incorporated into New Urbanist design principles, is essential for a city to thrive and prosper.
Jacobs saw that segregating neighborhoods by uses such as having a residential-only neighborhood was not enough for a city to sustain itself. Instead she believed that mixing business districts with residential districts created a formula for a successful city. She believed that the residents of the city, combined with a strong business presence would compliment each other. The businesses would thrive from the residents patronage, and the residents would thrive from tax revenues
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brought in by the businesses (Jacobs 1961). As people continually patronized the
businesses in this urban village, newcomers would also be attracted to the area
further contributing to the safety of the street. As Jacobs notes:
The infusion of new potential uses would obviously result in the presence of maximum numbers of persons at the times when the district needs them for time balance: midaftemoons, evenings, Saturdays, and Sundays. The only possible concentrations large enough to make any difference would consist of great numbers of visitors at those times, and this in turn has to mean tourist together with many people of the city itself, coming back over and over again in their leisure time. Whatever it is that attracts this infusion of new people who work in the district. At least its presence cannot bore or repel them (Jacobs, 1961, 205-206).
Jacobs saw the potential for both strangers and residents to become bored with their surroundings, and believed in infusing both new and old buildings into designs of city planners. By being attractive to both newcomers and long-time residents, the mixed-use city would constantly thrive. This would create a constant feeling of renewal within the city and still preserve the integrity of a citys buildings (Jacobs, 1961).
In addition to defining mixed usage by a mixture of residential and business uses in each district, and by a mixture of new and historic buildings, Jacobs also believed that mixed-use areas needed to be defined by their architecture. Jacobs notes,
This new putative use (or uses) cannot, furthermore replace wholesale the very buildings and territories in which new, spontaneous enterprises and facilities, stimulated by the new time spread of people, can grow with the freedom and flexibility of accommodations they will need. And finally, this new use (or uses) ought to be in accord with the districts character, certainly not at a cross-purposes to it (Jacobs 1961, 206).
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Jacobs believed that infusing these design characteristics into city planning would
create an equitable solution to the problem of decaying cities. But beyond just
architectural and design diversity, it is important to note the social vision
embedded in Jacobs design philosophy: Jacobs did not just want to mix residents
and businesses with old and new buildings; she also sought to mix income uses,
and newcomers with long-time residents. As Jacobs observes,
To be sure, a good city neighborhood can absorb newcomers into itself, both newcomers by choice and immigrants settling by expediency, and can protect a reasonable amount of transient population too. But these increments or displacements have to be gradual. If self-government in the place is to work, underlying any float of population must be a continuity of people who have forged neighborhood networks (Jacobs 1961, 206).
Jacobs saw a city as something that was in constant transition. She believed that this transition had to be organic, and could not be forced or controlled by a governing organization (Jacobs 1961).
With these principles in place, Jacobs believed that cities would become settlements that consistently generate their economic growth from their own local economies. Their pools of skills, manufactures and materials, at once diverse and concentrated, provide the best conditions for the birth and growth of entrepreneurial small firms and an ever-increasing division of labor from which new work can be added to old. Economic development is a process of continually improvising in a context that makes injecting improvisations into everyday life feasible (Jacobs 1984). Despite their apparent messiness and impracticalities, cities provide not only new problems to be solved, but also the best environment to solve them (Jacobs 1969, 155).
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CHAPTER 5
JANE JACOBS AND NEW URBANISM
Whenever and wherever societies have flourished and prospered rather than stagnated and decayed, creative workable cities have been at the core of the phenomenon. Decaying cities, declining economies, and mounting social troubles travel together. The combination is not coincidental
-Jane Jacobs, 1964
As time passed, Jacobs ideas evolved into the modem design movement known as New Urbanism. As a method of urban renewal, New Urbanism has become an integral school of thought in the field of city planning (Bohl 2000). As Michael Pyatok notes, They [city officials] congealed only recently under the rubric of the New Urbanism, which formalized itself in the early 1990s. It came on the scene to serve the suburbs, which finally grew to being the nations centers of political and economic power, maturing to intolerable physical conditions while at the same time their offspring were rediscovering the cities (Pyatok 2000, 806). As Charles Bohl notes:
Herbert Muschamp, architectural critic for the New York Times, has described New Urbanism as the most important phenomenon to emerge in American architecture in the post-Cold War era. Complete with its own charter, annual conferences, and growing membership in the official Congress for the New Urbanism (CNU) organization, the movement attracts comparisons to the International Congress of Modern Architecture (CIAM), the equivalent organization for Modernism, even as it defines itself in direct opposition to Modernist architecture and planning (Bohl 2000, 761).
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New Urbanism was founded and infused with the many of the good intentions that Jacobs advocated for in The Death and Life of Great American Cities. As architect Pyatok further observes in describing the New Urbanist movement:
Our generations sense of mission sprang from both the benefits and mistakes of the previous generation of architects. An earlier generation of artists, designers, and architects who shaped the Modem Movement also sprang from a set of social, economic, and political conditions unique to their time that linked them with industrialists and other forms of emerging new wealth to promote the values of mass production and the liberating promises of the Machine Age. Partly inspired by admirable, socially motivated tendencies, many wanted to spread the cultural wealth that industrialization promised (Pyatok 2000, 804).
Jacobs design beliefs in an urban village with pedestrian friendly, consumer alluring, residential zones have inspired the New Urbanist movement. As Jennifer Lang notes,
New Urbanism is partly inspired by Jane Jacobs. Jacobs argued that the high-density, mixed-use neighborhoods that urban planners had targeted for urban renewal were not blighted but living, vital neighborhoods.
Theres no question that Jane Jacobs work is the leaping-off point for our whole movement, says the executive director of the Congress for the New Urbanism (Lang 2007, 10).
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Figure 5.1 Large, Pedestrian-Friendly Sidewalk in the City Center. Source: Author In following through on these high principles, New Urbanism, as a design philosophy, has maintained several of the ideals that Jacobs believed to be integral to urban renewal. These design principles include: a diverse mix of retail, business, and residential areas; large walk-able paths and sidewalks which encourage residents to walk to retail areas; few or no parking lots (garages hidden in a back alley, or parallel parking rather than parking lots); and the boundaries of the area are marked by a clear center and edges (Jacobs 1961; Sander 2002; Ellis 2010). New Urbanist communities have accessible and useful public space, and areas that encourage people to feel safe outside their homes (Sander 2002).
However, even as New Urbanism has seen success in advancing its design principles as the dominant urban design philosophy of the day, the movement has been less successful in advancing Jacobs broader class mixing/social diversity goals. Part of the reason for the difficulty is simply the fact that the visions of
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architects must, in the end, be funded by private developers who are not often excited about maintaining the integrity of the low-income neighborhood they are eyeing for renewal they seek higher profits by marketing to upper income uses -rather than seeking social justice or healthy neighborhoods by class mixing through low-income housing and business uses.
The Congress for New Urbanisms charter advocates the mixed-use ideology, not only as a method for increasing city revenues and creating visually interesting neighborhoods, but also as a method to promote cross-race and crossclass social ties (Sander 2002). The charter sets guidelines to create a somewhat utopian city, which mixes classes and races, while providing reasonable, affordable living for anyone. Despite these noble intentions of todays New Urbanist urban planners who claim to emerge from the philosophy of Jane Jacobs, in the end the movement caters to the upper class and building a capital driven city. As Pyatok further notes:
Both public and private developers, viewing the world from the middle of the class structure, see a well-designed environment as a higher priority than intensive people-oriented solutions. Never in words, but always in actions, the measure of success in this world-view is seen in terms of increased property values. Recent claims of success by HUD in its HOPE VI program state that residents incomes have risen by 32 percent in the transformed projects (Pyatok 2004, 808).
New Urbanism and neoliberal policies drive out the people who Jacobs found
invaluable in her critique of urban renewal. As Robert Gratz notes:
Todays nomenclature about renewing and rebuilding cities fails us.
Favorite terms economic development, master plan, urban renewal, community revitalization, contextual development, and even community development are too often misused. Such terms are used to advanced top-down projects devised by a combination of government planners,
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economic administrators, big developers and mayors or mayoral staff (Gratz 1994, 2)
Part of the problem with New Urbanism, as practiced, is that the high-minded New Urbanist commitment to social diversity (as announced in its charter) is hard to maintain when facing a reality that private, profit-seeking interests are often the key to stakeholders who implement new urbanist developments on the ground.
Figure 5.2 National Insurance Chain and Apartments in the City Center. Source: Author Cities, which incorporate New Urbanist design principals through public-private partnerships, are typically driven by the profit-seeking interests of the private partners (Leitner 2007). In such a situation, the new urbanist commitment
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to such things as class diversity and social equity is commonly sacrificed. This reliance on private profit seeking partners is common in urban developments. Increasingly, cities are relying upon privatized operations and financing through business improvement districts (BIDs), tax increment financing (TIF), and public-private partnerships as the primary vehicles to pursue downtown redevelopment (Turner 2002, 535).
Through TIF, urban renewal creates winners and losers, the winners are the private investors and the losers are the property owners within the city who are forced to pay higher taxes to subsidize the building and development of big-box retail stores (Lang 2007). This transfers the risks from the relatively small group of private investors to the residents of cities (Lang 2007). Urban-renewal districts then become even more attractive to private developers due to this lack of accountability, and the potential for greater profits from relatively small investments (Lang 2007).
As Turner further notes, A postmodern city is dominated by landscapes of consumption instead of production. There is abundant evidence that cities have embraced tourism, culture, and consumption of entertainment as an urban redevelopment strategy. Increasingly, downtown space is privatized and reflects a power over space that is generated through public authority, but often wielded by private interests. The result is that downtowns are designed to have segmented spaces that indicate not only use but also status (Turner 2002, 533). For example, New Urbanist developments coupled with neoliberal urban development policies impose spatial controls (such as bum-proof benches and parks with rough
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landscapes to discourage sleeping in them) on the city and its residents, actually reducing the extent of social mixing in cities.
In addition to the abandonment of Jacobs social justice commitments,
there are several cases where New Urbanist city planners also abandon the urban
village commitments as well. As William H. Whyte observes:
It is significant that the cities doing best by their downtowns are the ones doing best at historic preservation and reuse. Fine old buildings are worthwhile in their own right, but there is a greater benefit involved. They provide discipline. Architects and planners like a blank slate. They usually do their best work, however, when they dont have one. When they have to work with impossible lot lines and bits and pieces of space, beloved old eyesores, irrational old layouts, and other such constraints, they frequently produce the best of their new designs and the most neighborly (Whyte 1980, 93).
The reality is that both architects and developers commonly sacrifice the true mixed-use ideology of Jacobs (which favored incorporating existing uses and long-time residents into new plans) in favor of the blank slate (Jacobs 1961; Pyatok 2004). In doing this they demolish the existing buildings, and even entire city blocks, and completely replace them. In order to maintain the New Urbanist feel they build new structures designed to look like old-style buildings (Whyte 1980; Sanders 2002).
City officials commonly promote these neo-liberal, capital driven policies believing they are in the best interest of the entire city, but the reality is that lower-income communities are often on the losing end of gentrification in these models (Leitner 2007). Often times, for example, the homeless and urban poor and other long-term residents are driven out of the areas targeted for gentrification, further displacing an already oppressed group of people (Peck
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2007). These people are displaced through spatial controls, which can often turn into violent methods for removing the urban poor. Often times, this is the result of the influence large investors play in city planning.
Neoliberal Spatial Control
Just as New Urbanism has risen in prominence, so too has the philosophy of neoliberalism. Neoliberal philosophies influence policy makers and in turn create policies that constrict space (Peck 2007; Lang 2007). As the wealthy wish to return to the city, both New Urbanism and neoliberalism are unrolled as philosophies and strategies to help pave the way.
As Jeff Ferrell observes, The contemporary constriction of public space within new configurations of power and privilege points to emerging forms of control, and to growing uncertainty as to the very viability of public life. Yet these new forms of spatial control recall historical patterns of conflict and injustice as much as they invent new ones (Ferrell 2001,). Neoliberals seek to control public space in an effort to reclaim the city from the urban poor, especially when they are involved in disreputable activities like graffiti, youth gangs or dealing drugs.
In the 1964, the United States government began to address the issue of poverty through Lyndon Johnsons War on Poverty (Peck 2007). Several actions were taken as a part of the War on Poverty including; high paying jobs in the public sector, welfare as an entitlement as opposed to a discretionary item, and maximum feasible participation which allocated control of government funds directly to the poor (Leitner 2007; Peck 2007). These initiatives created a bottom
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up approach to ending poverty through government-sponsored programs (Leitner 2007).
The 1980s and the election of Ronald Regan represented the modern response to the urban capital accumulation crisis of the 1970s and began the era of rolling back expensive social programs. These social programs became too expensive to maintain and urban planners began reaching out to private investors, hoping to attract them back to the city (Peck 2007) Money began to move away from social programs, and towards private interests (Peck 2007). As privatization became the economic model of choice for the government, the need to restore order to the chaos of the inner city became prevalent (Mitchell 2003). The urban disorder that neoliberal governments seek to control refers specifically to aggressive panhandling, street prostitution, drunkenness and public drinking, menacing behavior, harassment, obstruction of streets and public spaces
(Mitchell 2003, 205). These behaviors of the urban poor drive middle class people away from the city.
As Fred Siegel notes, What was once funky and freaky is now seen more often than not, even by children of the Sixties, as merely repellent. That change of heart suggests the possibility of a new consensus on the problems of public space, a consensus based on the need to respect individuality even while demanding a common standard of behavior (Siegel 1992, 6). The sometimes outlandish behavior of the poor and homeless in the city brought a sense of discomfort to visitors and other inhabitants, and drove people and businesses away following the counter-cultural explosion of the 1960s. Even people, who
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once valued the intricate street ballet of urban streets, began to flee (Siegel 1992). The intricate street ballet that Siegel references is a direct reference to Jane Jacobs, who used the exact same term. Siegel believes that Jacobs love of intricate street life was no longer relevant (Siegel 1992). This demonstrates how and why Jacobs social justice/class mixing vision has been sacrificed by neoliberal New Urbanists.
To address this problem and to assuage the fear white suburbia had of the inner city, neoliberals began to restructure the way cities dealt with counter-cultural and deviant urban elements (such as the homeless) by implementing spatial controls to return upper income people to the city and address the problems that drove the away (Peck 2007; Eick 2007). As Mitchell further observes, Often this assault on homeless people, community gardeners, smalltime peddlers, and young people seeking a place to hang out is couched in the language of liberty. Without order, the argument goes, liberty is simply impossible. And that order must be explicitly geographic: it centers on control of the streets and the question of just who has the right to the city (Mitchell 2003, 17). Often, the answer to that question is the claim that people who have money have the right to the city. This discomfort, fear of crime, and fear of disorder caused many white city residents to leave, referred to as white flight away from the city and into suburbia (Leitner 2007).
To bring wealthy interests back to the city, cities strive to make urban areas and streets as unlivable as possible for the homeless and poor (Davis 1998). Policies are adopted that cause the homeless and urban poor to retreat from the
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city and move into the periphery. These measures are all taken in the hope that by redesigning the city, based on New Urbanist design principles, all manner of positive results will be obtained: increasing capital investment, reduction in crime, increasing revenues, and an influx of affluent people into the area (Lang 2007)
While these measures are taken in an effort to restore order to the city, and are often successful in reducing crime rates, violent methods are often used to remove the poor from the city. As Mitchell states, Public space has long been a place of exclusion no matter how much democratic ideology would like to argue otherwise (Mitchell 2003, 51). Mitchell called the result the end of public space. As Mitchell further observes, Public spaces were only public to the degree that they were taken and made public. Definitions of public space and the public are not universal and enduring; they are produced through constant struggle in the past and in the present. The places where the struggle may open up that is the opportunities for taking space are steadily diminishing as new forms of surveillance and control are implemented (even though many cities are in fact increasing their stock of open spaces) (Mitchell 2003, 142-143).
Ferrell furthers this notion and states, This is the history of resistance to emerging spatial controls the history of those who have long fought the regulation and closure of public space; whove time and again countered new forms of spatial exclusion with the inclusive politics of liberty, diversity, disorder; whove battled to create communities of difference and inclusion. This history isnt an easy one to tell; it remains fractured and unfinished, a secret history written more in traces of defiance than in the broad sweep of the official past
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(Ferrell 2001, 19-20). As spatial controls emerge within the city, public space is no longer public. Instead, open areas within the city are heavily regulated in an attempt to create a sanitized city (Mitchell 2003). Truly public areas unhampered by spatial controls are vital to Jacobs vision. These spaces are places where the communal interactions that Jacobs felt were vital to a successful city, take place (Jacobs 1961). They are also the spots that can and do ignite social change. Rather than encouraging the free use of these open spaces, neoliberal policies often lead to the removal of people through extreme methods.
The violent and exclusionary practice of removing the poor from the city through spatial controls is referred to as military urbanism (Davis 1998). Military urbanism is an extreme method, which sometimes takes violent measures to regulate and control the urban poor. Military urbanism and police harassment have led to policies that have caused brutality and death in several cases.
Dehumanizing the urban poor makes them easy targets for police violence as well. Mitchell sites the case of Santa Ana California and states; [The police] chained the arrestees to benches, some for as long as six hours, and wrote identification numbers on their bodies in indelible ink (Mitchell 2003, 213). Policies that dehumanize the homeless allow them to be severely brutalized by both the police and the public. The democratic rights of the homeless and urban poor are stripped away (Turner 2002; Mitchell 2003). The victims of these injustices are causalities of urban warfare. New Urbanist design principles and neoliberal spatial controls strive to make urban areas and streets as unlivable as
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possible for the homeless and poor. The city is made unlivable by design, with bum-proof benches and rough landscapes (Davis 1998).
Figure 5.2 Bum-Proof Bench in City Center Englewood. Source: Author
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Figure 5.3 Rough Landscapes in City Center Englewood. Source: Author Neoliberal policies influence new urbanist design and, as pictured above,
the bum-proof benches and rough landscapes are placed through new urbanist developments to discourage loitering in the supposed open, public spaces (Leitner 2007; Lang 2007). These design techniques are one of many ways that neoliberal spatial controls are incorporated into new urbanist design.
Spatial controls and military urbanism techniques cause the homeless and urban poor to retreat from the city and move into the periphery. As Pyatok further observes, This may disguise the fact that people with higher incomes were imported into the upscale projects and lower-income households were exported with vouchers (Pyatok 2004, 807). As these people are driven out of the city,
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their unique social contribution to the city is lost as well. Because of this cities become bland, repetitive landscapes that people quickly lose interest in (Jacobs 1961; Whyte 1980; Gratz 1994). Jacobs called this phenomenon The Self-Destruction of Diversity.
The Self-Destruction of Diversity by Repetition and Loss of Social Capital
Jacobs saw that popular mixed-use spaces had a potential for disaster, in that they could become so popular that they would begin to attract only the highest-paying uses and other low-income sources (the source of the original diversity) would begin to get priced out of the market. As Jacobs notes, Whichever form the self-destruction takes, this, in broad strokes, is what happens: A diversified mixture of uses at some place in the city becomes outstandingly popular and successful as a whole. Because of the locations success, which is invariably by flourishing and magnetic diversity, ardent competition for space in this locality develops (Jacobs 1961, 317).
As the competition for these dynamic spaces increase, businesses move to other locations, creating new areas of interest for people. As this occurs, existing businesses and residents leave the redeveloped area, allowing it to return to its original state (Jacobs 1961). These areas can also stagnate due to sameness. People can become bored if every city looks exactly the same. As Jacobs further argues:
We have pitifully few outstandingly successful residential districts in our American cities. There is a self-destruction that follows outstanding success in cities. The relatively few city residential districts that do become outstandingly magnetic and successful at generating diversity and vitality are subjected ultimately to the same forces of self-destruction as downtowns. In this case, so many people want to live in the locality that it
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becomes profitable to build, in excessive and devastating quantity, for those who can pay the most. These are usually childless people, and today they are not simply people who can pay the most in general, but people who can and will pay the most for the smallest space. Accommodations for this narrow, profitable segment of the population multiply, at the expense of all other populations. Families are crowded out, variety of scene is crowded out, and enterprises unable to support their share of the new construction costs are crowded out (Jacobs, 1961, 326-327).
Richard Florida believes that these childless professionals are the people that urban designers should target as potential residents for inner cities. This group of educated youth that has begun an influx into the cities is called the creative class. The creative class moves into these areas following jobs that value the creativity they bring to the work force. They seek to inhabit urban areas that have historical significance in the city, and at the same time have the amenities they crave. There are several examples of these amenities including: parks, coffee shops, museums, and venues for local music and performances. In essence, the creative class craves an urban setting packed with utilities that have a modem feel (Florida 2002).
There are several problems with cities catering to the creative class and as Jaime Peck observes, Rather than civilizing urban economic development by brining in culture, creativity strategies do the opposite: they commodify the arts and cultural resources, and even social tolerance itself (Peck 2005, 763). Further consequences of catering to the creative class are the dismantling of large government programs and unions, some of which the urban poor within the city heavily rely on (Peck 2005). As current city designers increasingly rely on Floridas strategies for urban revitalization, cities begin the cycle of repetition that
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Jacobs feared, and are becoming bland, repetitive places, rather than the hip, attractive locals Florida envisioned (Peck 2005).
The infusion of private capital into urban areas creates sanitized city areas lacking the people and places that once made them unique and creating a selfdestructive cycle. Jacobs accurately predicted that the infusion of private capital would create a small segment of winners in a competition for space (Jacobs 1961). This is largely due to the fact that some businesses would thrive in redesigned urban areas, and these successful businesses would replicate themselves in other cities. This phenomenon would cause real estate prices to rise, and inhibit the chances of a small business to open or thrive (Jacobs 1961). As a result of this, Jacobs observed, the locality will gradually be deserted by people using it for purposes other than those that emerged triumphant from the competition because those purposes are no longer there (Jacobs 1961).
An example of this phenomenon, across the state of Colorado, there are several cities where the similarities in recent New Urbanist developments are striking. In Belmar (southwest Denver area), Stapleton (northwest Denver), and City Center Englewood (south of Denver) these similarities are clear. Coincidentally, either a big-box WalMart or Target anchors Belmar, Stapleton, and City Center Englewood. In addition to this other big-box retailers are spread out in these locations such as; Office Depot, Petsmart, Qdoba, and Noodles & Company. This is opposed to the New Urbanist celebration of small-scale diversity and preservation of historic small businesses. As Robinson and Nevitt note,
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Unfortunately, Denvers TIF-subsidized retail projects currently appear heavily biased toward national chains. Among the tenants in the three signature retail projects examined in this study the Denver Pavilions, Broadway Marketplace, and Quebec Square only 13 of 115 storefronts are occupied by local businesses, or just over 10%. In terms of the square footage occupied by local businesses vs. national chains, the dominance of national chains is even more overwhelming: only 4.4% of the occupied retail space in these three projects is filled by locally-based tenants (Robinson & Nevitt 2005, 10).
By favoring private investors by allowing big-box retail chains to dominate renewed developments, architects are betraying the core principals of New Urbanism. Though the broader class mixing and small-scale diversity of New Urbanism is absent in these projects. In each of these developments one can notice the New Urbanist design principles applied. Each has wide sidewalks with narrow streets. The streets have parking on the shoulder of the road to provide a buffer to the people on the sidewalks. All of these developments have open-air outdoor shopping, and have housing units (usually apartments or condos) infused into these developments. The buildings are styled to mimic older buildings through their coloring and architecture (Bohl, 2000).
This similarity is driven from the neoliberal belief that people will be attracted to this sameness because it presents itself as safe, and from the developers constant reach for yield, which leads them to invest mostly in the largest big-box stores and national franchises, all with a proven record of profitmaking. Neoliberals believe that a sanitized city is a healthy city, attracting visitors and new residents with money to spend on housing (Moulton 2006, 35) and providing the city with growing revenues (Peck 2007). It also gives the city a feeling of safety with constant police patrols, and the constant movement of
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people removes the suspicious intentions of people loitering. This process of
sanitation has been dubbed Disneyfication (Mitchell, 2003). Disneyfication is
a reference to the homogenization that has occurred in city landscapes. There is
no need to fear street interaction, because the environment has been carefully
crafted to help ensure that there are no unscripted social interactions which
some fear (Mitchell 2003; Sennett 1970). As further Mitchell notes:
The Disneyfication of space consequently implies the increasing alienation of people from the possibility of unmediated social interaction and increasing control by powerful economic and social actors over the production and use of space (Mitchell 2003, 140).
The Disneyfication of urban areas is what concerned Jacobs when she saw the potential for repetition in cities. As Jacobs notes, However, when whole neighborhoods of streets, and entire districts, embark on excessive duplication of the most profitable or prestigious uses, the problem is far more serious (Jacobs 1961, 322). This excessive duplication along with the competition for space, and the removal of people, all contribute to the urban self-destruction of cities by repetition (Jacobs 1961). Cities would become stagnant and people would be turned off by the repetition everywhere they go (Jacobs 1961).
Jacobs believed the driving force behind the displacement of the people in the inner city was a competition for space (Jacobs 1961). The competition for space contributes to the creation spatial controls and eliminates public space. As competition for space increases, more and more areas are purchased in an attempt to capitalize on the growth of the city. As the land is constantly purchased by private investment, public spaces disappear, like parks and museums. This leaves
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only high priced apartments and condominiums for housing, and all former public land is privately owned (Mitchell 2003; Peck 2007; Jacobs 2004). This turns formerly public spaces that encouraged inclusion in to places of exclusion (Mitchell 2003). This exclusion generally leads to the displacement of people. As Jeff Ferrell states, Critical to this exclusionary model of public life is the control of the social and spatial dynamics the diverse, community-level interactions -that once enlivened it (Ferrell 2001, 5).
The displacement of people causes neighborhoods to lose many long-time residents. Jacobs believed that this loss of people which was what caused neighborhoods to lose their character and their long-existing social networks, was one of the several ways gentrifying neighborhoods could self-destruct (Jacobs 1961). As Michael Pyatok notes, We as a nation no longer have slavery, but tenants, whether rural or urban, are truly second-class citizens and are treated as less than equal by our property laws, tax codes, and development properties (Pyatok 2000, 807).
The influx of private money is generally responsible for the cycle of self-destruction. As Roberta Gratz notes,
The upgrading of any neighborhood has countless spin-offs, often as many good as bad. Streets get paved. Vacant property becomes inhabited.
Maintenance improves. The police respond more quickly. The aim, however, should be to retain a larger percentage of present residents than of newcomers. The problem is not that new people are moving in, but that residents and businesses are pushed out. There is nothing inherently wrong in this privately financed upgrading process. In fact, it is good, because there will never be enough public money to do the proper job (Gratz 1994,
64).
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In this way, while private interests, through New Urbanist design techniques, do
beautify urban areas, misguided neoliberal policies allow cities to lay the
foundation for self-destruction by becoming repetitive and losing the people who
are invaluable to city life (Leitner 2007; Jacobs 1961; Gratz 1994).
Consequences of the Self Destruction of Diversity
In addition to the self-destruction that can occur as a consequence of
urban displacement and repetition, other consequences can occur and have a
negative impact on cities. Roberta Gratz summarizes the problem and states,
The displaced dont disappear. The issue of poverty is not addressed.
Separated from their institutional anchors, they become rootless and more alienated. They take their poverty with them to other fragile neighborhoods, intensifying the decline of their new location at great public cost. It is a debilitating process, both to the individuals on the move and to the neighborhoods that receive them. This process negates many of the economic and social opportunities that can result from gentrification if it is properly managed or regulated (Gratz 1994, 66).
Jacobs believed that this constant migration was a continuing cycle, and
this cycle is what created slums in American cities. As Jacobs observed:
Slums and their population are the victims (and perhaps the perpetrators) of seemingly endless troubles that reinforce each other. Slums operate as vicious circles. In time, these vicious circles enmesh the whole operations of cities. Spreading slums require ever-greater amounts of public money -and not simply more money for publicly financed improvement or to stay even, but more money to cope with ever widening retreat and regression.
As needs grow greater, the wherewithal grows less. Our present urban renewal laws are an attempt to break this particular linkage in the vicious circles by forthrightly wiping away slums and their populations, and replacing them with projects intended to produce higher tax yields, or to lure back populations with less expensive public requirements. The method fails. At best, it merely shifts slums from here to there, adding its own tincture of extra hardship and disruption. At worst, it destroys neighborhoods where constructive and improving communities exist and where the situation calls for encouragement rather than destruction (Jacobs 1961,353).
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As the process of slumming and unslumming continues, and various and sometimes violent methods are practiced to remove and alienate the urban poor from gentrifying neighborhoods, a sense of hopelessness engulfs the urban poor and cities become the lifeless places Jacobs warned of. These consequences are all too common in urban renewal, and are a far cry from what Jacobs envisioned As a city in the process of urban renewal, Englewood, Colorado, is experiencing these consequences.
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CHAPTER 6
THE HISTORY AND GENTRIFICATION OF ENGLEWOOD Cinderella City
Figure 6.1 Center Fountain at Cinderella City. Source: City of Englewood While the history of Englewood stretches back over one hundred years, the modem urban renewal efforts in Englewood began with the Cinderella City Mall. Cinderella City was conceptualized in the early sixties, and in 1965 Englewood City Park was leveled to create the Cinderella City Mall (City of Englewood, 2004). The mall was Colorados first TIF project, and was strategically placed between US highway 285 and Santa Fe Drive (Lang, 2007). The mall opened in 1968, and was met with incredible enthusiasm. As Virginia
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Skartvedt (2002) notes, Cinderella City created a new center of activity and a new form of development for the city. With three levels of shopping and offices and parking for 7,000 cars, one report called it the worlds largest enclosed shopping city (Skarvedt 2002, 62). The mall was promoted as one of the countrys most modem and sophisticated shopping centers. The opening was called Once Upon a Time is now at Cinderella City, and the promotional material stated:
Where your shopping dreams come true. Cinderella City is the Rocky Mountain regions largest covered shopping center. More than 250 stores and services in five climate-controlled malls turn your shopping into a magical experience. Enjoy the vast selection and exciting variety of stores brimming with unusual gifts for the whole family. A forty foot indoor fountain, an enchanting Old English artisan village called Cinder Alley where major department stores are just a small part of the experience inside Cinderella City. Make your Colorado trip complete with a visit to Cinderella City where your shopping dreams can really come true (Lang,
2007, 6).
The malls opening was a tremendous success, and became a landmark in Colorado. The malls opening enticed new businesses to come to Englewood (City of Englewood 2004). It is ironic that Jacobs despised malls like Cinderella City (for their block busting monotony and lack of mixed uses), and while New Urbanist designers came to agree with her, their methods inspired places like City Center Englewood that ultimately replaced Cinderella City which are also quite distant from what Jacobs envisioned as her ideal urban village (Jacobs 1961).
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The Justification for the Demolition of Cinderella City and the Birth of City
Center Englewood
Figure 6.2 Cinderella City after Demolition. Source: City of Englewood In 1981 the City of Englewood was pleased with the development of
Cinderella City, but competition from surrounding areas became intense. In addition to this 1981 was the exact time that the capital accumulation crisis was sweeping over traditional city centers across the nation, leading them to panic and desperately seek new competitive edges to lure capital back to the city. As the City Council noted in what became known as The Englewood Downtown Redevelopment Plan:
The Englewood Central Business District-Cinderella City retail/commercial area is currently rated the second major retail activity center in the Denver Metropolitan Area, and it is the major tax generating source in Englewood. However, major retail/commercial developments are planned in the surrounding communities, such as the Southwest Plaza
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Mall, Centennial Race Track redevelopment, and the Littleton Riverfront Redevelopment project. These developments pose a serious competitive threat to the Englewood business district, and if the City is to retain its competitive edge, redevelopment is necessary (City of Englewood 1981, 5).
In order to fend off this growing competition, it was deemed necessary for the complete destruction and redevelopment of the Downtown Corridor, including the apartment complex adjacent to the Cinderella City Mall (City of Englewood 1981). Several reasons besides major competition were cited to help justify this redevelopment.
The Englewood Downtown Redevelopment Plan cites the deterioration of
the East Corridor as another reason for revitalization. The plan further states:
The business district east of Cinderella City is not as strong an economic center as Cinderella City. While there are several very successful businesses located within the area, there are many businesses which are marginal and do not contribute to the economic stability or vitality of the downtown. At the current time, there are 18 vacant stores in the downtown portion of the Redevelopment Area. Another indication of distress of this area is reflected in the sales tax receipts. This section of the Broadway commercial strip is the only area, which has experienced a decrease in sales tax revenues over the past few years. Another factor which indicates the need for redevelopment is the condition of existing buildings. In a recent survey of existing buildings within the downtown, it was established that 24% of the buildings are in poor condition relative to conformance with City Building and Fire Code standards.
The blighted conditions within the district as described above, have seriously impaired the growth of the downtown as evidenced by the lack of development when compared with the strong market demand, which currently exists. Englewood is currently built out with no annexable land available, necessitating redevelopment to sustain growth in housing, services, employment and public facilities.
The absence of development and growth in the downtown district, inflating costs of public services and decreasing tax revenues is creating a serious economic liability for the community. The renewal effort is necessary to reverse this trend (City of Englewood 1981, 5-7).
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The initial plans for City Center Englewood were well intentioned and were meant to benefit everyone. The Englewood Downtown Redevelopment Plan laid out twenty-three essential points to the redevelopment of the Downtown Corridor. These points were drafted and approved by the Englewood City Council on November 1, 1981 (City of Englewood 1981).
Figure 6.3 Municipal Buildings in the City Center. Source: Author These points included several design elements in the new plan, including:
areas that encourage home ownership; retention of current residents; a mixed-use design plan; useable open space; strengthened public transit; providing affordable housing to workers; utilize alternative energy solutions; and an overall aesthetically pleasing environment (City of Englewood 1981). This plan incorporated several aspects of what Jacobs envisioned in her urban village. These include: retention of current residents, large open spaces, the retention of
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public areas, and mixed-uses that encourage both shopping and living (City of Englewood 1981).
In addition to laying out these broad design principles, citizens input councils were established to gain insight into what the people wanted in the redeveloped downtown corridor (City of Englewood 1996). There were four additional questions asked of the Citizens Panel after being presented with the recommendations of the Downtown Plan:
1. )What types of stores, facilities, and buildings should be included?
2. ) What specific store names would you like to see?
3. )How should the new development be designed and laid out?
4. ) Other comments
(City of Englewood 1996, A-l)
In responding to these questions, the citizens input councils agreed in general with the original Downtown Redevelopment Plan (City of Englewood 1996), but some important additional principles were also advanced. One of their main recommendations was that a Walmart not be placed in the new development (City of Englewood 1996; City of Englewood 1998). The Englewood TOD Mixed Use Master Plan2 was the final plan and the recommendations within that plan are the ones that were implemented for City Center Englewood.
This final plan ignored several of the more innovative ideas put forth by the Redevelopment Plan and the Citizens Input Council, such as the citizens desire to keep out a big-box store like Walmart. The citizens preferences were
2 TOD is short for Transit Oriented Development. The Downtown Redevelopment was classified as a TOD when RTD Light Rail placed a station at Hampden and Santa Fe (City of Englewood, 1995).
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ignored, even though they aligned nicely with New Urbanist design principles, because of the reality of financing such a project. In the era of this limited public financing support for urban renewal, cities everywhere are forced to seek public-private partnerships to leverage new urban development. In the case of Englewood, the City Center redevelopment plan was ultimately drafted by the principle financers of the Downtown Redevelopment: Walmart and Miller Weingarten (a private land developer) (City of Englewood 1998).
Driven by the interests of these large capital investors who were so influential in shaping the plan, the principle goals of the Master Plan were announced as:
Propose the best tenant mix for the Englewood City Center (Best = Highest quality price point and merchandise that will a.) pay market rents, b.) can be attracted to the site, and c.) has a good chance of success.) (City of Englewood 1998, 6)
In accordance with this plan to maximize the exchange value of the development, proposed tenants in the Master Plan contradicted the citizens panel desire to exclude big boxes like WalMart and included:
National tenants because they are better capitalized to make site decisions Signature Tenants that send a market signal to future tenant prospects
The final plan also directly excluded some tenants that from experience were argued to be highly unlikely prospects because they wouldnt be able to afford the high price point and market rents of the new development (City of Englewood 1998, 8). As Savanah Benedick (2010) notes that the current City
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Manager, Gary Sears, stated that reasons for sacrificing the affordable housing in the original development plan were that the tax base would decrease and suffer due to decreased property values, and there was a desire for high-end rental housing (Benedick 2010, 41)
Several people were displaced during the development of City Center Englewood. The initial plan to redevelop Cinderella City included space for an affordable residential zone. This was a concession for the planned demolition of the apartments near Cinderella City. The apartments near Cinderella City had fallen into poor condition, but were affordable dwellings for people in Englewood. In the end however, the affordable housing plan was removed in favor of the Alexan Luxury Apartments, which took up less space, and created living space for the niche group of higher income people, and was an opportunity for Englewood to capture profits from the growing rental market (City of Englewood 1981; City of Englewood 1998; City of Englewood 2000).
As innovative and interesting as the ideas in the initial redevelopment plan were, like affordable housing and renewable energy solutions, few of them were put into place when City Center Englewood became a reality. The differences between the original (1981) development plan, and the master (1998) plan are staggering. The affordable housing proposed in the original plan was sacrificed for luxury apartments, because a study determined that rentals would bring in greater revenues. Instead of infusing existing residents into the new development, alternative sets of residents were targeted. The Master Plan states that such upper income tenants would be the best way to benefit from the unusual trade area
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characteristics (City of Englewood 1998). The alternative energy solutions were sacrificed because they were believed to be more expensive by the developers (Miller/Weingarten) (City of Englewood 1998; City of Englewood 1981).
With the implementation of the Master Plan, Cinderella City and the apartments in the surrounding area were declared blighted3 and demolished, and City Center Englewood was built. The project was celebrated as a wonderful example of New Urbanist thinking, though it clearly did not encode the social vision of New Urbanism within it. The City of Englewood (2000) proclaimed, City Center Englewood is the first project in Colorado and among a handful nationally to replace a suburban shopping mall with a living, breathing, mixed-use downtown. It provides a model for intelligent regional design that directs development into established cities served by transit. It is true that much of the mixed-use City Center was designed under New Urbanist principles, such as wide sidewalks and a mix of housing and shopping. Charles Bohl describes some of these facets of New Urbanism and notes; The neighborhood is limited to an area approximating a 5 to 10 minute walk from center to edge, ensuring all neighborhood activities are within convenient walking distance of residents (Bohl 2000, 763). The apartments located within the Englewood City Center, are, in fact, the center of the downtown area. Residents of the Alexan Luxury Apartments are mere steps away from all the major shopping points of City Center Englewood.
3 Colorado law gives cities the right to form urban renewal authorities that can use money to eliminate blight and promote urban revitalization. About half of the cities in the Denver metro area have created such an authority (Lang, 2007).
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Bohl further notes, Within the neighborhood are a variety of housing types and land uses, and a mix of shops, services, and civic uses capable of satisfying many of the residents daily needs (Bohl 2000, 763). Matching this mixed-use philosophy the City Center is home to all of Englewoods municipal offices and has a variety of architectural elements. Another element of New Urbanist design, Bohl observes, is that Streets are designed for pedestrian use, with generous sidewalks, street trees, and on-street parking to provide a buffer from street traffic and make walking a safer and more appealing option (Bohl 2000, 763). The streets in the City Center match this description exactly. The streets are narrow, with optional parking, and the sidewalks are decorated with trees. These trees are located about ten feet apart from one and other. They are set on large, walkable sidewalks, which are very friendly for pedestrians. These examples and several more exemplify the New Urbanist philosophies that built City Center Englewood. The success of the City Center has caused the Urban Renewal Authority to begin to expand their renewal efforts out to the East Corridor, with similar announcements of New Urbanist development to come.
As Jacobs predicted this process ultimately crowded out families and the urban poor in favor of new residents with higher incomes (Jacobs 1961). Jacobs would have stood by the original plan, that had changes interwoven into it, but none of these changes included a total destruction of the original building, nor the removal of existing residents. Jacobs advocated for old buildings to be included and cleaned up as a central part of the renewal project (Jacobs 1961).
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Jacobs would also have taken issue with the declaration of blight being
used as a tool to destroy the same old buildings. As Jacobs suggests:
By blight they mean that too many of the college professors and other middle-class families steadily deserted this dull and dangerous area and their places were often, quite naturally, taken by those with little economic or social choice among living places. The plan designates and removes these chunks of blight and replaces them with chunks of Radiant Garden City designed, as usual, to minimize use of the streets. The plan also adds still more empty spaces here and there, blurs even further the districts already poor distinctions between private and public space, and amputates the existing commerce, which is no great shakes (Jacobs 1961, 58).
While Jacobs despised block-busting mega-malls like Cinderella City, in favor of more vibrant neighborhood areas, the rise and success of the downtown Broadway corridor can be attributed to Cinderella City. The downtown corridor has the vibrant neighborhood qualities Jacobs felt were essential to city living, but this area is targeted for renewal, as will be seen later.
Figure 6.4 Blighted Building in the East Corridor. Source: Author
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As is often the case, the interests of private investors (like WalMart and Miller/Weingarten in the City Center) overwhelm the interests of the average citizen through such processes. Community meetings were held in 1996, and it was apparent that the community and Miller Weingarten greatly disagreed on the future of the former Cinderella City site (Skartdvedt 2002).
Neoliberal policy makers see the potential for increased revenue and city
plans (like The Downtown Redevelopment Plan) that include input from citizens
are replaced by plans (like the Master Plan), which are heavily, if not entirely,
influenced by private interests (Sander 2002; Pyatok 2004). In Englewood, the
city collaborated with a private group of developers, landscape architects,
bankers, real estate executives, planners, and attorneys who came together to
create this transit-oriented development (City of Englewood 2004). The
consequence was the sacrifice of the broader social vision goals of residents and
presumably of innovative New Urbanist thinkers, in favor of a narrower
exchange value vision of the actual developers who ended up funding and
owning much of the development. As Skartvedt further observes,
The situation begs the question of why Miller/Weingarten chose to stick with the project and even more significantly, why the city did not end its relationship with the developer. Because as the developer/owner and as the supposed advocate for community values the city would have had a vested interest in getting both community and exchange value and the ambitions we have seen previously suggests that city would have wanted to do the best job of getting a TOD to maximize amenity-image value. But they stuck with what they had because the council didn't have the guts in the face of staff members who were concerned about risk (Skartvedt 2002,
72).
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Skartvedt also notes that the reticence on the part of city officials to abandon the plans as composed by Miller/ Weingarten and Walmart may have also been due to the fact that construction was already under way (Skartvedt 2002).
While Jacobs would have been upset with the issues mentioned above, she would have been enraged by the dislocation of the current city tenants (City of Englewood 1998; Jacobs 1961). These are the people that Jacobs believed were essential to city living. While she felt that mixed-uses were important, and businesses, which attracted strangers, were vital, neither of these beliefs outweighed her notion that the current residents of a city were paramount to the safety of the streets. As a city in the process of gentrification, Englewood represents this kind of city
Jacobs would have felt that Englewood was on a path of self-destructive purification, as it contains the downtown corridor, which has been renewed and increasingly class-purified with New Urbanist designs, and the stagnating east corridor targeted for the next wave of renewal, and which contains the public characters who Jacobs believed were essential to a successful city, but who are commonly cast by city officials as the enemy to be removed by the next wave of gentrification plans (Jacobs 1961). Some city officials are complacent and even somewhat hostile toward the urban poor and as Benedick further observes, The City Manager, Gary Sears contends that lower income individuals tend to be more desperate and less educated; therefore they have more potential to participate in harmful or disruptive activities (Benedick 2010, 48). People like Jacobs and Duneier reject this notion, and believe that these people are essential to urban life.
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Despite the intentions of Gary Sears, these lower income people continue to inhabit Englewood and provide a unique social capital to the city.
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CHAPTER 7
THE PLACES, PEOPLE, AND NEW PUBLIC CHARACTERS OF THE
EAST CORRIDOR
While Jacobs was and still is considered a visionary, she did not foresee the decay and economic divides infused into current city life (Duneier 1999). Jacobs believed that the role of the public character would be filled by conventionally respectable people (local business people and concerned city residents). Duneier (199, 120) argues, Today, the people sharing the public space are separated by much greater economic inequalities and cultural differences. As conditions in the inner city changed, so did the role of the public character. Duneier states:
I would propose that the role of the public character need not be filled by conventionally respectable people. Not only do the vendors and scavengers, often unhoused, abide by codes and norms; but mostly their presence on the street enhances the social order. They keep their eyes upon the street, and the structure of sidewalk life encourages one another (Duneier 1999, 43).
Duneier studied current street life in New York City applying the class justice principles of Jacobs and notes, In the period when Jane Jacobs was researching her book, she saw the value the alcoholics living on skid row provided simply by being eyes on the street (Duneier 1999, 122). Similarly, the men Duneier observed were unhoused scavengers, poor magazine vendors, crack-cocaine addicts, and recently released inmates (Duneier 1999). Despite the flaws these men had, Duneier argues that these men can serve as public characters by
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being eyes on the street, and serve as new public characters in the intricate social networks they build that encourages them to help one another.
While Jacobs believed that the public character needed to be a respectable member of society, Duneier contends that respectable is an ambiguous term. The urban poor and homeless within the city live in the public view and dont necessarily have the luxury of keeping their somewhat illicit interactions (i.e. drugs, prostitution, drunkenness etc.) private, because they dont own or have their own dwellings to hold these interactions in (Duneier 1999). More affluent people are able to act privately in the confines of their homes without the constant scrutiny of public observers. There is no way to know how many of the conventionally respectable people Jacobs believed had potential as public characters, were actually drug addicts or worse (Duneier 1999). Acts of street deviance also have a greater stigma than some crimes committed by affluent people such as; domestic violence, insider trading, or tax fraud (Duneier 1999)
People who live conventionally respectable lives are just as susceptible to deviant behavior as the people who inhabit the streets (Duneier 1999). It is in this regard that Duneier believes that the urban poor on the street actually fit the description of the public character better than the traditional public character of Jacobs time simply because they are constantly public (Duneier 1999). Despite their flaws, these people, by the intricate social networks they build by being long-time residents of the city, have a vested interest in maintaining the safety of the street (Duneier 1999; Medoff & Sklar 1994). This social capital provided by people on the street is enhanced by their willingness to help each other. It is this
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willingness to help each other that causes Duneier to refer to these people as new public characters, who not only provide a watchful eye on the street, but hope to live better lives by encouraging their peers (Duneier 1999). These new public characters are prominent in Englewood, and are frequent visitors to The Old Gin Bar.
Jim and The Old Gun Bar
The low-income east corridor of Englewood is home to several establishments, which contribute to safety of the sidewalk. Jacobs observes,
Bars, and indeed all commerce, have a bad name in many city districts precisely because they do draw strangers (Jacobs 1961, 247). She further argues that while these establishments do have a bad name, they are in fact one of the most essential contributors to the safety of the sidewalk. These businesses attract more people to urban areas providing more eyes on the street. Having more people frequenting the area, along with a dense population, serves to deter crime. When there are more eyes on the street, people are less likely to openly commit crimes (Jacobs 1961).
An example of Jacobs intricate network of social controls operating
voluntarily in healthy neighborhoods can be found in The Old Gun Bar, a small
bar in the east corridor of Englewood. As one reviewer notes:
For nearly 35 years, The Old Gun Bar better known to passersby as Eatin' Drinkin' Darts, thanks to its signature red-and-yellow sign has been an old-timey saloon for billiards and dart enthusiasts. For many decades (some say a century or more), it was an actual gun shop. And to this day, the phone rings five or more times every day with calls from ammo enthusiasts searching for bullets of this or that size. Jim is the sole owner. During the afternoons, he keeps an eye on things while running back and forth between the bar and the Laundromat, staying only long enough to
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slam a beer between cycles of bar rags and unmentionables. Weeknight business has been slow, but Spaceman a Gun Bar long timer is kicking' up interest in an open-mike night, and beer pong draws a crowd on Friday evenings. Last New Year's Eve, the Gun Shop provided a free designated driver for trips of five miles or less. "The place was doggone packed, man," Spaceman tells me over a smoke on the spacious back patio. You know I took a ride. The daytime regulars are friendly, if not a bit down on their luck. Even the bartendress chatty, efficient, obviously a pro can't help but spill guts about her multiple DUIs, pot charges and the never-ending struggle to make ends meet for her kid. Sometimes it's nice to spend time with folks who aren't always pretending to be okay.
Sometimes it's good enough to know you're not alone (Bixby 2009).
This bar is a second home to several sidewalk guardians. Perhaps because of this, The Old Gun Bar has come to serve as a point of urban resistance to diversity-destroying gentrification in Englewood, much like Denvers old homeless squat, the Towering Inferno stood as a point of urban resistance for street punk turned scholar, Jeff Ferrell. As Ferrell observes, Open to all comers the inferno offered shelter to the storm, sans entrance fees or entertainment location areas or FCC interference, and so produced an eclectic and diverse community of outcasts (Ferrell 2001, 19). By simply housing these outcasts, the Towering Inferno was an affront to the neoliberal city and stood in opposition to downtown driven New Urbanist redevelopment plans.
In just the same way, the people within The Old Gun Bar contribute to the public culture (Jacobs might call it the sidewalk culture, while others may call it counter culture) that makes the bar and the people in it unique. They are also excellent examples of public characters and new public characters. All are interwoven into each others lives through several channels. Some bring news into the bar of local happenings, others provide knowledge and hope to encourage
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others, and every one of these people provides protection to the bar and the people who inhabit it simply by providing the service of being a public character.
The Old Gun Bar is owned and operated locally by a man named Jim. Jim is the child of Greek immigrants, and his family bred a sense of individualism into their children. Jims parents worked hard to support their family, often working multiple jobs to keep food on the table, and constantly told their boys to go out and be their own boss. Jim and his brother did just that, his brother opened a liquor store and Jim opened The Old Gun Bar.
There were few spaces available in the Englewood area in the early seventies when Jim wanted to open the bar. The success of Cinderella City had filled both the Downtown Corridor and the East Corridor with businesses, motels, and residential districts. In addition to the limited spaces in Englewood, Jim was only sixteen when he decided that he wanted to own a bar. He had worked in several bars and restaurants already, but the law said he had to be eighteen to own a business. Regardless, Jim made his way around Englewood trying to find a spot to open his bar. Jim knew that Englewood was the place to open his bar as businesses were thriving in Englewood with the Cinderella City Mall (City of Englewood 1981).
In 1975, Jim was eighteen, and the opportunity to buy a space in the East Corridor presented itself. On the comer of Broadway, just blocks away from US 285 (a.k.a. Hampden Avenue), the owner of the local shooting range and gun shop was ready to retire and sell his business. The problem was that in order to buy the space, whoever wanted the land had to buy the entire lot, including an
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empty mechanics garage. Also, the building that housed the shooting range was attached to an old convenience store that had been empty for years. Jim said this was because no business could stay open next to the noise of a shooting range. Despite these problems, Jim took out a loan with help from his father and bought the gun shop and the land around it, and began to remodel. He expanded the gun shop into the convenience store and turned the shooting range into a beer cooler equipped to hold kegs. He also cleaned up the garage, and found someone to rent it. The garage was turned it a muffler shop, and the shooting range/gun shop was turned into a bar. All of the antique guns and shooting signs were left on the walls, and Jim chose the name The Old Gun Bar.
The bar opened in spring 1975, (one of the first bars in the area) and was met with similar success that was enjoyed by most of the businesses near Cinderella City Mall. There were certainly growing pains when the bar opened. The bar was filled with Jims family and friends, and he had to learn to draw the line between being a friend and a business owner. He also had to learn to deal with the problems that can occur with drunken people, such as; fighting, police visits, and the occasional destruction of property. Despite these occasional problems, the bar thrived and continues to keep its doors open after thirty-five years.
Its local businesses like The Old Gun Bar that Jacobs saw so much value in. As Jacobs notes,
Bars, and indeed all commerce, have a bad name in many city districts precisely because they do draw strangers, and the strangers are not believed to work out as an asset at all, but these strangers contribute to the safety of the streets. We are fortunate enough, on the street, to be gifted
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with a locally supported bar. This bar draws continuous troops of strangers from adjoining neighborhoods, and even from out of town. The bar takes on a life of its own, more like a college bull session with beer, combined with a literary cocktail party, and this continues until the early hours of the morning (Jacobs 1961, 52-53).
In many ways The Old Gun Bar, served and continues to serve this same purpose in Englewood. The bar draws customers from all parts of Colorado, and these strangers contribute to the safety of Englewoods streets. While the bar is considered to be a burden on the community by some, to others it is also like a home that helps to create the safety that Jacobs valued. Darryl is one of the public characters Araps is home to.
Darryl
Darryl is a local musician in Englewood. Looking at him gives you the impression that he is a stereotypical person living in poverty. Darryl is in his late fifties with tattered clothes, a shaggy beard, long hair, and roughly ten teeth.
Darryl spends most of his time at the bar, drinking himself into a stupor, and is generally avoided by most newcomers to the bar. At first glance, Darryl is an example of the societal problems that poor areas face, but there is more to Darryl than his appearance and demeanor. Darryl has succumbed to what Duneier refers to as the Fuck it mentality. As Duneier observes, Some aspects of this extreme I dont care mentality have an explicit political justification, especially when a person believes that his attitude is the result of an indifferent society rather than of his own addictions and personal weakness (Duneier 1999, 61).
Darryl has lived in Englewood for most of his life. His father was not around much when he was a child, and at an early age Darryl left school and took
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a job to help support his mother. In his downtime he taught himself how to play the guitar, and as he grew older he began to play and sing in local bars and other venues. With little formal education, Darryl began taking odd jobs around the city to support himself, and continues to do so today, in addition to playing his guitar.
As the economy turned sour in late 2008, most of the odd jobs Darryl relied on dried up, and his age and health forced him to turn to the local church to survive. Both Darrin and his mother are devout Christians, and Darryls dedication to the church has always been strong. Rather than just taking handouts from the church, Darryl prefers to try to earn his keep. He volunteers to hand out food when the church runs its food bank on Tuesdays and Saturdays, and plays his guitar at church events. Darryl is almost a living textbook definition of Jacobs public character. He takes a personal stake in the well being of the people around him, and as he travels from bar to bar playing music he also carries news and happenings of things going on in the city. As Jacobs observes, Not only do public characters spread the news and learn the news at retail, so to speak. They connect with each other and thus spread the word wholesale, so to speak (Jacobs 1964, 92). This is Darryls and several other east corridor residents contribution as public characters. Despite his obvious failings, Darryl is a proud, kind, man.
My first impression of Darryl was a poor one. All I knew of him was that he was an obnoxious drunk, who played the guitar well, but due to his lack of teeth, sang terribly. The first words we exchanged were not kind ones; in fact we came close to fighting over something so trivial I dont even remember what it was. Eventually, Darryl and 1 found some common ground and became friends. It
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was Darryl who came to me and wanted to discuss our differences because as he says, I choose to live my life like Christ, and try to make peace with everyone. As I got to know Darryl, I realized that there was much more to people than their surface appearance, and that an incredible level of humanity exists in some of the most unlikely people. Darryl has a lot of reasons to resent the world and the people in it, and that may explain his constant drinking, but he chooses to live in peace with others. It is Darryls humanity and compassion that made the people of Englewood come to his aid in his darkest hour.
Early one morning in September, Darryl came stumbling into the church and passed out. When the pastor found him, he assumed Darryl was drunk, because this was not the first time Darryl had come in and passed out in the church. The pastor pilled Darryl into a back room, and continued on with his day. Later, he went to check on Darryl and noticed that his lips had turned blue. He called for help, and Darryl was hospitalized. Darryl had gone to the church seeking help because he didnt feel well. Darryl spent several weeks in the hospital, and his medical bills loomed, especially since he doesnt have insurance.
To help him, the people at the bar came together to help one of their own.
A pool of money was collected to help Darryl with his medical bills, and while it didnt cover everything, it did save him from being discharged early. No one hesitated to try to help Darryl, and Darryl would not hesitate to help someone else in need. As Duneier further observes, I found strong evidence for the rehabilitative forces of sidewalk life in the complex interactions these men maintained and their ability to help one another (Duneier 1999, 3).
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While society has written off some of these people, their humanity has shone through to help others. It is places like The Old Gun Bar and the social connections made there that may help Darryl live a better life, or at very least prevent him from dying alone. Duneier notes that these social connections are necessary to overcome the fuck it mentality, and are in fact more effective than prison and private rehabilitation programs (Duneier 1999). Furthermore, because the people of The Old Gun Bar came together to help Darryl with his medical bills, the city actually saved money that public services may have had to pay. While there is a human aspect to these people, the culture in Englewood is shifting to sanitize the streets. The Englewood Police Department is enforcing this drive towards a sanitized street.
Military Urbanism, the Englewood Police Department, & Officer Macan
The use of military urbanism to remove and harass the poor is widespread in cities in the process of gentrification across the country, and Englewood is no exception. Over the last three years the Englewood Police Department has been actively recruiting officers. The number of patrol officers has expanded from twenty-eight to thirty six in the last year (City of Englewood 2010). This increased police presence has not gone unnoticed, and their treatment of the urban poor in Englewood is similar to the cases sited by Mitchell (2003). The Englewood police are constantly patrolling the east Broadway corridor, and making frequent stops in the bars and marijuana dispensaries. The goal of these frequent stops is to intimidate the people within these establishments, in the hope of deterring crime.
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The officers travel in groups of four, three who enter the establishment and one outside who is usually carrying a semi-automatic weapon. Araps is one of the many establishments that have seen this increased police presence. The police will come in on Friday and Saturday nights to ensure that no one is being overserved. Officer Macan is usually the patrol officer that leads the charge into the bar and takes a rough approach to enforcing the law. He is constantly vigilant, waiting in the parking lot or across the street for something to occur to merit his constant intrusions. When asked why he spent so much time at this particular spot in Englewood when there are plenty of other places in the city he responded, We know where the problems are.
The officers are known to bring in their Breathalyzer and if they believe that someone is too drunk they will test them, with or without the permission of the individual in question. If they do find that the person has been over-served, the cops will not only arrest the individual, they will arrest the bartender as well, despite the well-known fact that the bar pays for anyone to take a cab, and the bartenders will take the keys of anyone who seems intoxicated. In addition to these stops, the police will also wait in the alleys and watch the people leaving the bar, or waiting for someone to go to the parking lot to smoke weed or try to score some other type of drug.
When the police do catch someone doing something illegal, the tactics they use are often violent to further intimidate both the people in the immediate area and the suspect. Jacobs claims that this is a systemic problem and states, Police can seldom be depended on to police themselves. Their most common
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forms of crime are bribe taking, brutality, and bearing false witness (Jacobs, 2004, 130).
The Englewood police department has several of the same problems that Jacobs identifies, especially the brutality and intimidation. What they [the police] dont realize is that, Some behavior that appears disorderly to the casual observer is actually bringing about community controls, rather than leading to their breakdown (Duneier 1999, 315). Despite this, the police continually patrol and harass the people of the east corridor and Rodger Subed was a victim of this intimidation.
Rodney
Rodger is the karaoke DJ on Friday nights at The Old Gun Bar. Rodger is tall, skinny, and gay. He is very proud to be gay, and never hides it. Every year he marches in the Denver PRIDE parade, he has gay pride stickers covering his truck, and he actively works for gay rights. Everyone in the bar knows about Rodger, and even the inhabitants of The Old Gun Bar, who you would assume to be homophobic because of their gruff exteriors, accept and love Rodger.
Rodger knew he was different since he was three. Once his younger brother was bom, Rodger realized that he was not a typical boy. This caused a rift between Rodger and his father, and when his parents divorced the two rarely ever spoke. He came out in high school to his friends and family and had a lot of support from his mother and brother. Despite this support, he still faced ridicule from his peers at school and in society in general. Rodger turned to alcohol to deal with societal and parental rejection, which is not uncommon for disenfranchised
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youth (U.S. Department of Justice 1994). This led to DUIs and problems with the police and his family.
After coming to terms with his sexuality and finishing his alcohol programs and sentence for his DUI, Rodger set out to clean up his life. He quit drinking and found a job as a distributor for a beer company, and found a boyfriend and fell in love. Unfortunately, he lost his job due to lay-offs and is currently unemployed. Even though his job loss was a setback, he supplements his income by working at the bar on weekends and gets paid under the table, and generally has a positive attitude about his future. Rodger is completely adverse to violence, and wouldnt hurt anyone. Despite this, the Englewood police chose to make an example of Rodger.
Rodger was outside smoking a cigarette with one of the girls from the bar who was smoking pot. The police crept up in their squad car, smelled the pot and turned on their lights. Rodger and the girl ran inside the bar and locked the back door, the girl hid and Rodger went back to his DJ booth. The cops came in the front door and immediately recognized Rodger. Officer Macan pulled him out of the booth by his shirt and held him against the wall by his throat, demanding he tell them whom he was with, and where she was. (The bar staff had hidden her in the office in the basement, because she has two children, and couldnt afford another altercation with the police without the real possibility of losing her kids, or going to jail for evading the police.) Rodger refused to tell the police anything, and they dragged him outside in handcuffs. They sat him on the comer, in front of all the traffic on Broadway, and spent the next hour threatening to take him to jail
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if he didnt tell them who he was with. Other squad cars pulled up, and other police officers spent time trying to force a confession out of Rodger, but Rodger knew he didnt do anything wrong and refused to say anything.
Eventually the cops let Rodger go without any repercussions other than a
warning. This kind of harassment happens constantly in the east Broadway
corridor, to both its residents and visitors. This behavior is contrary to the
mission statement of the Englewood Police Department, which states:
We value human life and dignity above all else. We give first priority to situations that threaten human life. We respond to life and death situations with a dignity befitting the situation. We use only that level of force that is necessary and appropriate to the circumstances necessary. We treat all people with courtesy and respect. We are compassionate, caring and helpful (City of Englewood: Mission and Values Statement 2010, 1)
While the police department professes to abide by these standards, the level of force used against Rodger and several others in the east corridor has been excessive to say the least. This increased police presence is intended to, and sometimes does reduce crime rates; but Englewood has actually seen an increase in crime despite the increased police presence in the east corridor. Assault, burglary, and theft are all up over three percent, and robbery is up over twenty five percent, despite the increased number of patrols (City of Englewood: Crime Statistics 2010). This rise in crime can be viewed in one of two ways:
1. ) Heightened crime justifies the heightened police presence
2. ) The heightened police presence is causing the Englewood Police to find reasons
to arrest and harass the urban poor of the city
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For Jacobs, the later is certainly the reason. In her final book, Dark Age Ahead (2004), Jacobs asserts her belief that the police, as a fraternal organization, are more likely to harass poor citizens for no reason and invent crimes instead of taking measures to actually prevent real crime (Jacobs 2004). The police will also drive their point home with violence, and shield each other from consequences of this violence if a victim decides to expose it (Jacobs 2004).
These violent tactics are meant to drive the poor from the urban landscape. These policies are being enforced in greater capacity as plans for renewal expand into the east corridor.
Expansion into the Downtown Corridor
There are two main projects that Englewood Mayor Jim Woodward and the Urban Renewal Authority are focused on in the continued redevelopment of Englewood; the further development of www.englewoodsites.com (a website facilitating commercial redevelopment in the city) and the Acoma Project. (EURA 2010) The Urban Renewal Authority is currently debating the Acoma Project. The Acoma Project is a portion of land bought by the Englewood Urban Renewal Authority (EURA), in between Broadway and Acoma, this land was declared blighted and purchased under eminent domain. EURA wants to sell this land to a private developer for both retail and residential use. To promote this sale and future properties that EURA hopes to acquire through eminent domain, englewoodsites.com has been developed. (EURA 2010) Englewoodsites.com is a user friendly commercial property website. Users can search for available commercial properties, access business data from the County Assessors Office,
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obtain zoning information, market and workforce demographics and print maps from each listed property (EURA 2010). By developing the Acoma Project, and promoting the land sale through englewoodsites.com, the Urban Renewal Authority is taking its first steps toward gentrifying the east corridor.
Once completed, the Acoma Project, will make way for larger projects through the east corridor to revitalize and gentrify the street. The main project to be implemented is the South Broadway Plan. As the plan states, The South Broadway Plan (SBP) incorporates many Roadmap goals and objectives and includes the following project specific objectives:
A. Revitalize the corridor
B. Support redevelopment of under-used properties
C. Support multiple modes of transportation
D. Increase diversification of City tax base
E. Improve the variety of housing types and opportunities for workforce housing
F. Prepare five and ten year public and private investment strategy for the corridor (City of Englewood 2004, 7).
To complete these goals, Englewood, like many cities, will begin to survey these under-used properties to see if they are blighted. If they are declared blighted, the city can then declare eminent domain and purchase the land at fair market value (City of Englewood 2004).
The plan states the need to promote a balanced mix of housing opportunities serving the needs of all current and future Englewood citizens; providing for affordable housing for low- and moderate-income groups including workforce
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housing, accessory living units, and efficiency units; encourage housing investments that improve the housing mix, including both smaller and larger unit sizes, and a wider range of housing types such as duplexes, town homes, and condominium units (City of Englewood 2004, 7).
Figure 7.1 Leveled and Unused Acoma Property. Source: Author
While both the Acoma and South Broadway plans have several items that sound promising for the city, neither plan has been funded. The urban renewal authority is waiting on private investors to bring these plans into fruition (EURA 2010). In the mean time, these properties are sitting unoccupied, and are of little use to anyone. Once these plans are funded it is probable if the patterns of City Center Englewood are replicated that the private investors will have an
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inordinate amount of leverage, and some, if not all, of the promising points in these plans may be sacrificed.
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Figure 7.3 Bookstore and Low-Income Apartments in the East Corridor. Source: Author As Jamie Peck observes there is an inherent hypocrisy in neoliberal
politics (Peck 2007). Figures 6.2 and 6.3 are areas in the east corridor that are the main targets of the South Broadway Plan (City of Englewood 2010), and are examples of both this hypocrisy, and how neoliberalism has engrained itself into New Urbanism. As seen in the images, there is a mix of both residential and commercial uses on both of these sites, which New Urbanism claims to celebrate and incorporate into its design methods. Rather than find ways to incorporate this mixed-use into the South Broadway Plan, the plan calls for the demolition of the area to make way for new buildings and businesses backed by private investors (City of Englewood 2010). This revamped area will probably displace the current residents and businesses.
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While this is a bleak outlook on the future of the east corridor, there is hope that can be derived from other models of urban renewal, and from city officials elsewhere who have shown themselves to be dedicated to people and not large moneyed interests.
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CHAPTER 8
CONCLUSION: STREETS OF HOPE IN ENGLEWOOD
Jacobs believed that even with the potential for self-destruction, cities still have the capacity to be great and prosperous (Jacobs, 1961). Jacobs believed that the forces of private money and replication of successful businesses within cities would act as a catalyst to the destruction of cities. Jacobs saw the potential for city destruction and correctly assumed that her predictions would eventually come true (Jacobs 1961). Despite her correct assumption that urban revitalization would be corrupted, she believed that all was not lost. She advocated working within the system, corrupt as it might be, to correct the inequities in gentrifying cities (Jacobs 1961). She believed that while private money could glut or starve cities, she also advocated using private money as a tool to create prosperous cities (Jacobs 1961).
There is nothing inherently wrong with urban redevelopment. The problem lies with the inequities toward the urban poor built into urban redevelopment (Gratz, 1994). The public servants who write these policies have undoubtedly good intentions, but their priorities too often become misguided as they partner with private investors who have profit-seeking needs not always aligned with a citys broader social purpose. Too often as well, city leaders simply establish priorities that dont recognize the seriousness of the crisis facing lower-income city residents.
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Mayor Woodward is currently engulfed in a battle to save the Englewood post office, because it houses a historic mural, and is in danger of being shut down. To combat this Mayor Woodward has stated, We intend as a city to aggressively oppose the closing of that post office, we intend to fight it with everything we have" (MacMillan, 2010). If the mayor were as passionate about every business that was about to be shut down, or every person that was about to be evicted, reasonable and fair solutions to the problems the city faces could possibly be achieved. There is humanity in every person, whether they deal drugs at a bar or are productive members of society. Seeing that humanity in people changes your perspective, and allows compassion towards all people. Coach Penn is an example of a city official who understands this compassion.
Randy Penn is the coach of the Englewood High School football team. In addition to this, Coach Penn is also the District 3 Representative for the Englewood City Council. Coach Penn has spent almost forty years in different forms of public service in Englewood. At his church, the parish jokingly refers to him as the Mayor of Englewood, and when he talks people around him say to quiet down, the Mayor is speaking. Coach Penn knows Englewood better than most, and more than this, he feels the plight of the people struggling to make it.
The Coach volunteers his free time, when he is not busy with the City Council, volunteering at nearly every food bank in the city. He gives generously, and one of the other volunteers noted, Theres never anything left when the Coach is here. He makes sure that people have more than enough. The Coach also has pioneered a program that feeds and clothes over thirty homeless kids at
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Englewood High School, and provides assistance to countless other children in the area. All of this was done independently of the City Council. Coach Penn said he did this independently because, The City Council and the Urban Renewal Authority have become complacent. There is so much we can do, but it all gets lost in the interest of money.
The Coach doesnt volunteer his time, or makes an effort on behalf of the urban poor for political reasons. He has run unopposed several times, and his seat is never truly threatened. He does these things because he cares. It hurts him to see his underprivileged students not get a fair shake. He was mortified to know that some students were not going home to a meal after school. It was his compassion that drove him to take on the plight of the urban poor, and continues to drive him to fight for change within the City Council, regardless of how fruitless his efforts may be. Having people like Coach Penn in government is one of many things that can be done to create an equitable solution to decaying cities.
Another factor to creating a solution to the problem of urban decay is strong citizen involvement. This not only does this mean that citizens have to be engaged, it also means that government officials have to be willing to listen and compromise. There was a lost opportunity in the development of City Center Englewood. The citizen input panels could have done so much more to make the City Center great for everyone, but instead the City offered lackluster alternatives, and the citizens became complacent (City of Englewood 1998). As Duneier notes, Only by understanding the rich social organization of the sidewalk, in all of its complexity, might citizens and politicians appreciate how much is lost when we
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accept the idea that the presence of a few broken windows justifies tearing down the whole informal structure (Duneier 1999, 315). To truly make a difference the citizens need to fight, even against all odds, if they believe that there is truly value behind what they are fighting for.
New Urbanism has increasingly lost its values in the interests of attracting private capital to cities. Social justice principals are sacrificed in the interests of providing a sanitized city, and design principles are sacrificed to attract big-box retail (Pyatok 2004; Sander 2002). As Turner further notes, As public space is increasingly controlled by the private sector, we have to question if political authority and local decision structures are sufficiently concerned about the erosion of democracy. At some point the downtown development market becomes more valuable as symbolic capital than actually producing revenue for the city (Turner 2002, 543).
As private interests increasingly control cities, it is the private investors
who decide if a city will thrive or suffer further. As Medoff & Sklar observe:
Banks, as an important source of capital, play a pivotal but often invisible role in determining whether a community will thrive or decline. Mortgage and construction lending decisions are often based upon expectations about neighborhood growth of decline expectations about risk. Thus, banks expectations of neighborhood growth or decline often become a reality a self-fulfilling prophecy. Without a steady flow of credit, neighborhoods deteriorate. Economic opportunities for residents of these neighborhoods are reduced, even during periods of economic growth.
During periods of economic decline, disinvested neighborhoods suffer disproportionately (Medoff & Sklar 1994, 25).
The design principles of New Urbanism, corrupted by neoliberal policies and private investors, have betrayed the vision of Jacobs. Jacobs was considered to be
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an anti-planner because in her opinion diversity cant be planned (Jacobs 1961; Allen 1993).
Different facets built the diversity Jacobs celebrated, and can be applied to the case study of Englewood. Jacobs believed first that safe streets were essential to city living, and the inhabitants and public characters of the streets helped enforce this safety (Jacobs 1961). Englewood lacks these conventionally respectable public characters that Jacobs envisioned, but the city has an abundance of the new public characters that Duneier envisioned. While these people may contribute to street crime, they also encourage each other to live better lives. At The Old Gun Bar, the local cocaine dealer had a fight with his wife, got drunk, and disappeared. The people of The Old Gun Bar banded together to find him, and once they did they encouraged him to fix the problems in his life. He is currently back with his wife and family and studying to be an EMT. While this is not a large community of people, Duneier believes that this kind of encouragement in small groups can create something bigger and actually enhance the safety of the street (Duneier 1999).
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Figure 8.1 Diverse Design Locations in the East Corridor. Source: Author While there is no way to prove that Duneiers philosophy can enhance
street safety, there is not much proof that the City Center is any safer for removing these people. In fact, the City Center creates and encourages an environment that lacks the difference and is bereft of the social capital Jacobs celebrated. As Sennett further observes, The present use of affluent community life in cities is to make it possible for [people] to hide together from being adults (Sennett 1970, 139). It is this ability to hide that the residents of the City Center utilize, and the area has a feeling of blandness. It is missing the funky diversity present in the east corridor. This funky diversity in the east corridor is largely due to the social capital contribution made by its inhabitants.
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Sennett further argues that forced interaction with people like those in the east corridor will create a more mature, compassionate populace (Sennett 1970). Sennett calls this a survival community and notes, Building a survival community where men must confront differences around them will require two changes in the structuring of city life (Sennett 1970, 139). People, essentially affluent people, need to mature and realize that difference is inherent in life (Sennett 1970). By doing this, people can accept difference, and begin to create more equitable solutions to urban renewal. In addition to accepting difference, an engaged citizenry is necessary.
If the citizens council had pressed harder, there may have been affordable housing in the City Center, and the housing problems in Englewood may not have been as severe when the housing bubble burst in 2008 (Jacobs, 2004). In reality, there is potential if affordable housing is incorporated into future urban renewal projects. As Benedick further notes:
While specific conclusions cannot be made as to the need for affordable housing in Englewood, it can be concluded that affordable housing could potentially assist the cost-burdened residents in the community. However, the desire to incorporate a mixed-income TOD environment in Englewood was very low during the planning and implementation stages of the City Center TOD. The policy intention behind the TOD project was to create a high-end development in order to encourage an increase in the community tax base (Benedick 2010, 45).
People such as Coach Penn and ideas like an engaged citizenry may seem utopian, but they are entirely possible. In Medoff and Sklars book Streets of Hope, the story of the Dudley Street Neighborhoods urban renewal is chronicled. Dudley Street is a block in the greater Boston area, which had fallen into severe
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disrepair, and was home to several long-time poor residents. City officials targeted Dudley Street for renewal, and private investors backed the project. The plan for renewal by public investors removed and displaced several of these poor residents. Through a series of protests and negotiations, the people of Dudley Street won their fight to keep their homes, and at the same time, the private investors were able to revitalize the city (Medoff & Sklar 1994). The people of Dudley Street were not willing to back down or be relocated; instead they fought for what they believed in and created an equitable solution to renew their decaying neighborhood. That solution was, and continues to be a success story. Dudley Street residents were able to keep their homes and the places that were important to them, and at the same time allow their decaying neighborhood to be renewed (Medoff & Sklar, 1994). Medoff &Sklar (1994) assert that in order to create fair solutions to the problem of decaying cities, an unrelenting political will is necessary.
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Figure 8.2 Students of Englewood High School Protesting. Source: Author
The political will described by Medoff & Sklar can be seen in Englewood, and the students of Englewood High School are an example of this fighting spirit alive in the community. A math teacher at Englewood High did not have her contract renewed for the 2011-2012 school year, because her salary could be split amongst two newer, less experienced teachers. The students were enraged by this decision, and encouraged by Coach Penn, decided to do something about it. Despite threats of suspension and police intervention, the students took to the streets and fought for their teacher. While the teachers contract was not renewed and several students were suspended, these students are representative of the political will to make a change in their community. This is precisely because
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these students are not only familiar with difference, but because they live in a community of difference.
This political will is exactly what is necessary on both the side of the citizenry and of government to create truly great and just cities. Jacobs had this political will, and spent the rest of her life after The Death and Life of Great American Cities, fighting for these kinds of equitable solutions (Allen, 1993). Today, Dudley Street serves as an example of what Jacobs believed could and can happen if truly fair solutions are put into practice when renewing urban areas. Such examples provide a hopeful direction to the people of Araps and other low-income residents and users of the Englewood South Broadway corridor, if only city officials would recognize it.
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Full Text

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THE DEATH AND LIFE OF GREAT AMERICAN CITIES REVISITED: JANE JACOBS IN THE STREETS OF ENGLEWOOD, COLORADO By Zachary David Cartaya B.A., Metropolitan State College of Denver, 2005 A thesis submitted to the University of Colorado Denver in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Political Science 2011 A

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This thesis for a Master of Arts Degree by: Zachary David Cartaya has been approved by: Professor Anthony Robinson Professor Lucy McGuffey Lf/2,(Zo\\ Date

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Cartaya, Zachary David The Death and Life of Great American Cities Revisited: Jane Jacobs in the Streets of Englewood Colorado Thesis directed by Professor Anthony Robinson ABSTRACT This project will investigate the following question: have the two elements of New Urbanism both design and social diversity been preserved in Englewood., Colorado, or do we see that one element of New Urbanism is adopted at the expense of the other? More specifically, I will examine the "new urbanist" renewal of the downtown corridor, and contrast it with the vision, values and framework put forth in Jane Jacobs' The Death and Life of Great American Cities. Furthermore I will explore the nature of the people and businesses of Englewood's low-income east corridor who arguably are creating the very kind of environment in which Jacobs saw so much value in, even though they are targeted by city officials for removal. Finally this project explores ways that New Urbanist design philosophies in practice (which can be seen as neo-liberal, market driven philosophies) can better incorporate the needs of the urban poor by expanding on Jacobs' philosophy. As New Urbanism has become a predominant school of thought in urban planning a new political ideology has emerged behind urban planning as well. This ideology is neoliberalism. Professor Anthony Robinson

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DEDICATIONS This thesis is dedicated to several people: To my mom dad and sister for their unwavering support. To Adam Evan, Katy Steve Tasha, Jen and Brian for their friendship and patience. Finally to the people of Englewood who taught me that humanity and compassion is a universal and not confmed to certain socio-economic groups

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TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1.) INTRODUCTION ................................................................... 1 Research Question and Significance .......................................... 5 2.) BACKGROUND AND METHODOLOGy .................................... 8 Jane Jacobs Versus Modernist Urban Renewal ............................ .. 8 Methodology and Application in Englewood ................................ 9 Strengths and Limitations of Research ...................................... 12 3.) A THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE: THE DEATH & LIFE OF GREAT AMERICAN CITIES .............................................. ................ 17 4.) THE PRINCIPALS OF JANE JACOBS ....................................... .20 The Uses of Sidewalks: Safety & Contact .................................. 20 The Need for Primary Mixed Uses .......... .. ..... ......................... 26 5.) JANE JACOBS AND NEW URBANISM .................. .. ................. 29 Neoliberal Spatial Control.. ... ............. ... .. ... ....................... .36 The Self-Destruction of Diversity and Loss of Social Capital.. ........ .43 Consequences of the Self-Destruction of Diversity ........ ... .. .. .. .. .49 6.) THE HISTORY AND GENTRIFICATION OF ENGLEWOOD ..... ....... 51 Cinderella City ......... .. .............. ....................................... 51 The Justification for the Demolition of Cinderella City ................... 53 v

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7.) THE PEOPLE PLACES AND NEW PUBLIC CHARACTERS OF THE EAST CORRIDOR ........ .. .. .............. .. ........................... 65 Jim and The Old Gun Bar ............................................ ......... 67 Darryl ............................................................................ 71 Military Urbanism, the Englewood Police and Officer Macan ......... 74 Roger ............................................................................ 76 Expansion into the Downtown Corridor ..... ............... .. .............. 79 8.) CONCLUSION: STREETS OF HOPE IN ENGLEWOOD .................. 85 VI

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CHAPTERl INTRODUCTION This book is an attack on current city planning and rebuilding. It is al s o and mostly, an attempt to introduce new principles of city planning and rebuilding different and even opposite from those now taught in everything from s chools of architecture and planning to the Sunday supplements and women s maga z ines My attack i s not based on quibbles about rebuilding methods or hairsplitting about fashions in design. It is an attack, rather on the principles and aims that have shaped modern orthodox city planning and rebuilding. Jane Jacobs 1964 Figure 1 1 Jane Jacobs in her Favorite bar in New York. Source: Jane Jacobs In writing The Death and Life of Great American Cities Jane Jacobs put forth what she believed to be a formula for the success of cities. This formula was meant to ensure the economic success of cities preserve historic buildings and 1

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landmarks and ensure that current city residents were not displaced by urban renewal projects (Jacobs 1969 ; Allen 1993). Jacobs' notes The main responsibility of city planning and design should be to develop insofar as public policy and action can do so cities that are congenial places for this great range of unofficial plans ideas and opportunities to flourish along with the flourishing of the public enterprises. City districts will be economically and socially congenial places for diversity to generate itself and reach its best potential if the districts possess good mixtures of primary uses frequent streets a close-grained mingling of different ages in their buildings and high concentration of people (Jacobs 1961, 315). While Jacobs believed that this formula of respecting unofficial plans and diverse urban experiences would create successful cities she saw the potential for disaster if this formula was not properly applied. From The Death and Life of Great Ame rican C i ties, a new school of thought emerged in the field of urban renewal known as New Urbanism. New Urbanism is a movement in architecture and planning that advocates designbased strategies based on 'traditional urban forms to help arrest suburban sprawl and inner-city decline and to build and rebuild neighborhoods towns and cities (Bohl2000 508) In theory New Urbanism is comprised of two key elements: a design element and a social diversity element (Bohl2000 ; E llis 2010). New Urbanist design principles include narrow streets large sidewalks and amenities within walking distance of living areas. New Urbanism encourages mixed land use where developers use property for both residential and commercial use (Bohl 2000 ; Ellis 2010). Notable elements of New Urbanist design principles include: 2

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Metropolitan regions that are composed of well-structured cities and towns ; infill development to revitalize city centers ; interconnected streets friendly to pedestrians and cyclists ; well designed and sited civic buildings and public gathering spaces ; and architectural design that shows respect for local history and regional character (Ellis 2010 262). New Urbanists claim that these integrated design principles will support social diversity. New Urbanists believe that the numerous public gathering spaces will attract people from all economic classes thereby promoting diversity (Ellis 2010). In fact New Urbanists celebrate this diversity and as Cliff E llis notes 'New Urbanists do not support the return of the racial economic or gender inequalities of earlier times (Ellis 2010 268). Born from Jacobs's mixed-use philosophy that celebrated street life New Urbanist design has become the standard design method for cities across the country undergoing urban renewal. As Stephen Pieler a new urbanist designer / commentator observes I see the two Jane Jacobs and New Urbanism as seamless an historic continuity and that Jacobs must have generally supported it ; there could be no good reason not to (Pieler 2006 1). Other new urbanists tout Jacobs as "revolutionary" and "inspirational" (pieler 2006) However although one element of Jane Jacobs' thought has been well applied b y today s new urbanists (her design principles) the second element of her thought (her social justice / social diversity principles) have not been well applied This pattern is apparent in Englewood, Colorado where officials talk in theory about the New Urbanist credentials of their projects but where the practice of New Urbanism is actually exclusionary and class-biased. The reasons for this pattern are largely due to the fact that private profit-seeking development interests 3

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have co-opted New Urbanism to suit their own gentrification/class-sanitizing agenda (Pyatok 2004 ; Turner 2002 ) As Michael Pyatok observes If the powers that be HUD or a local mayor or redevelopment agency see homeownership as the solution to neighborhood revitalization and renters must be displaced the CNU (Congress for New Urbanism) adopts that ideology. Only those without property stand in the way of progress and since they are much cheaper to move and since it is believed that they have serious social pathologies anyway (which is why they have gotten themselves poor in the fust place) some must always be displaced to create healthier communities (Pyatok 2004 807). While in theory New Urbanism claims to uphold social justice principles in practice those principles are forsaken to create sanitized communities and attract wealthy residents (pyatok 2004). The city of Englewood Colorado is a changing city. Many of these changes have been implemented and catalyzed by the Englewood Urban Renewal Authority which has sought a kind of urban renewal ostensibly in accordance with new urbanist design principles Unfortunately however this process has inadvertently split the city into two corridors: the downtown corridor and the east Broadway corridor. The downtown corridor designed explicitly along "New Urbanist lines is a gentrified area, fIlled with amenities to serve and cater to the creative class" (Florida 2004). Richard Florida identifies the creative class as: A fast-growing highly educated and well-paid segment of the workforce on whose efforts corporate profits and economic growth increasingly depend. Members of the creative class do a wide variety of work in a wide variety of industries from technology to entertainment journalism to finance high-end manufacturing to the arts. They do not consciously think of themselves as a class. Yet they share a common ethos that values creativity individuality difference and merit (Florida 2002 3). 4

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The east Broadway corridor neglected by New Urbanist renewal activities, is home to the urban poor and working class of the city. It is ironic that the "New Urbanism" urban renewal principles inspired by Jane Jacobs who valued diversity and a mixing of social groups and classes above all else are now being used in cities like Englewood in a way that exacerbates segregation between classes and decreases overall urban diversity. The successful implementation of Englewood New Urbanist policies, in creating the downtown corridor have turned a once dilapidated and crime ridden area into a thriving city corridor increasingly inhospitable to lower-income groups and uses, and the economic success of this plan has encouraged the Urban Renewal Authority to continue promoting the policies to spread this model throughout the city. Englewood planners speak the language of "new urbanism" but the reality is that Jane Jacobs vision of social mixing no longer under girds the kind of New Urbanism actually adopted by cities like Englewood. Research Question and Significance In this project I will investigate the following question: have the two elements of New Urbanism both design and social diversity been preserved in Englewood, Colorado or do we see that one element of New Urbanism is adopted at the expense of the other? More specifically I will examine the new urbanist renewal of the downtown corridor and contrast it with the vision values and framework put forth in The Death and Life of Great American Cities. Furthermore I will explore the nature of the people and businesses of Englewood s low-income east corridor who arguably are creating the very kind of environment in which 5

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Jacobs saw so much value in even though they are targeted by city officials for removal. Finally this project will further explore ways that New Urbanist design philosophies in practice (which can be seen as neo-liberal market driven philosophies) can better incorporate the needs of the urban poor by expanding on Jacobs philosophy. As New Urbanism has become a predominant school of thought in urban planning, a new political ideology has emerged behind urban planning as well. This ideology is neoliberalism. Neoliberalism is a market-driven philosophy which has created a guide to building "capital-driven" cities (Peck 2007). In the name of "economic liberalization, city officials took accelerated steps to remove impediments to fmancial growth. These accelerated steps were characterized by acts of institutional reaction and political repression (Peck 2007 28). There are several reasons why this project is relevant. Urban renewal authorities and their gentrification-inducing practices are common across the country. Across the country urban officials are working to redesign their cities to accommodate certain classes of people, and create a more capital driven neo liberal city (Leitner 2007). Very often when these gentrification inducing strategies are being adopted officials speak to their affinity for new urbanism" and draw on the design principles of Jane Jacobs even while giving short shrift to her visions of social diversity. This project will look at the consequences of these widespread gentrification activities in a real-time setting as they are unfolding in the medium sized city of Englewood Colorado. 6

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This paper is of interest because it will explore the values Jacobs announced and the solutions Jacobs proposed to the destructive urban renewal activities of her time and will contrast them with the modem approach to urban renewal. Jane Jacobs ideas remain the touchstone of modem urban planning. Almost every city planner and new urbanist architect is happy to note how their ideas fit within the framework of her magnus opus The Death and Life of Great American Cities but are these officials and developers really remaining true to Jacobs philosophy? In this project I will immerse myself in the streets of Englewood, Colorado, and explore what Jacobs would have thought of both the renewal of the downtown corridor and the people and places in the east corridor. 7

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CHAPTER 2 BACKGROUND & METHODOLOGY Figure 2.1 Jane Jacobs at a Protest in New York Source : New York Times Jane Jacobs Versus Modernist Urban Renewal Jane Jacobs valued and fought to protect the rhythms of local life the "daily rounds of the people of a neighborhood, as she put it. She was a champion of not only the people who took part in these "daily round" interactions, but also of the places where these interactions took place (Allen, 1993). As Jacobs notes in her introduction to The Death and Life of Great American Cities 8

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Monopolistic shopping centers and monumental cultural centers cloak under the public relations hoohaw the subtraction of commerce and of culture too from the intimate and casual life o f c i ties. That such wonders may be accomplished people who get marked with the planners hex signs are pushed about, expropriated and uprooted much as if they were the subjects of a conquering power. Thousands upon thousands of small businesses are destroyed and their proprietors ruined with hardly a gesture of compensation (Jacobs 1961, 7). These people and places commonly destroyed by urban renewal plans had such an impact on Jacobs that she not only wrote about them she stood beside them and fought with them against practices that threatened the integrity of the places they lived ( Allen 1993). As Max Allen observes Blocking expressways and supporting neighborhoods seem to be a common theme in her life. In 1962 she was the chairman of the Joint Committee to Stop the Lower Manhattan Expressway when the downtown expressway plan was killed. She was again involved in stopping the Lower Manhattan Expressway and was arrested during a demonstration on April 10, 1968. Jacobs opposed Robert Moses who had already forced through the Cross-Bronx Expressway and other motorwa y s against neighborhood opposition (Allen 1993 170 ) Methodology and Application in Englewood Jacobs worked and wrote passionately because she cared about the neighborhoods around her and the people she had befriended while exploring these neighborhoods It is in that same vein that I chose to write about Englewood and rediscover the values and potential problems that Jacobs discussed in The D e ath and Life o/Gre at A m e ri c an Citi es To study the gentrification of the downtown Englewood corridor and to better understand the people of the downtown corridor this project will primarily use primary and secondary document review. To further understand the plight of 9

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the urban poor in Englewood this thesis will also incorporate participantobservation and field research. Over the last several y ears I have been involved in the groups and cultures of the people of the downtown corridor. This direct interaction has helped me to develop an intimate knowledge of and appreciation for life in downtown Englewood, just as it did for Jacobs in New York City As Ferdinand Toonies observed in defending such an intimate knowledge" approach to understanding of others Understanding is based upon intimate knowledge of each other in so far as this is conditioned and advanced by direct interest of one being in the life of one and other and readiness to take part in his joy and sorrow. For that reason the more constitution and experience or natural disposition, character and intellectual attitude are similar or harmonize the more probable is understanding (Toonies, 1887 47). Toonies asserts that continuous contact with people makes a person more prone to be involved As a person becomes more involved in another persons life they are more prone to be compassionate and understanding towards the other person s problems. This understanding is what I have come to see in Englewood in the neighborhood in the bars and in the numerous other interactions I have observed in the course of my research What was once different and "kind of scary" as I first spent time in low-income Englewood became familiar over time as these people became close friends and acquaintances. I shared their triumphs and mourned their losses There were times that I was intimidated by occasions and people who were not particularly safe and there were times that I questioned the merit of being this immersed in this project but the overall value and merit these people brought into my life outweighed the internal objections I had. 10

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The heart of my participant-observation took place at The Old Gun Bar (a run-down low-income local bar in the east corridor of Englewood) but I also spent time in several other notable sites across the city. In addition to participant observation I also spent time conducting interviews with several of the regulars in the bar in the interest of better knowing and understanding these public characters of Englewood. The people of this establishment who are directly in the path of plans for urban redevelopment of Englewood's Broadway corridor will serve as living breathing examples of Jacobs notion of a public character (Jacobs 1961) and understanding their situation will develop understanding of the human consequences to the path that neoliberal officials wish to take in ridding the city of lower-income uses in the interest of greater public safety. These interviews will be framed by the use of urban theory in Jacobs tradition which asserts that while gentrification does beautify and enhance cities the people being forced out also have value and their removal is counter to what Jacobs proposed in her vision of a "new city. The immersion into the lives of these public characters will mimic the work of Mitchell Duneir (1999) Jonothan Kozol (1988) Peter Medo f f (1994) Holly Sklar (1994) and Studs Terkel (1972) who build their analysis around individual life stories of people in specific urban places. As I worked to become familiar with and trusted among the people of central Englewood, I discovered that like Jacobs I found myself coming to the defense of the people who I had 11

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surrounded myself with, and standing against the people and practices who sought to drive them out. In addition to immersion in the street life of Englewood, I have studied the factors which led to the remodeling of the downtown corridor. This involved research into the plans and methods the city used to build the City Center. Showing differing sides of the social conflict of the gentrification process further proves that New Urbanists are not serious about their social justice proclamations and in fact are influenced by neoliberal policy makers whose primary concern is building a city based on revenues instead of people. Strengths and Limitations of Primary Document Review and Participant Observation Research As previously mentioned to investigate this question I have utilized two types of research: primary document review and participant-observation. Primary document review will involve reviewing Englewood city documents and accenting that with secondary research of other authors on New Urbanism and the social capital contributions that the urban poor make to city living. This research is limited by the possible biases of the authors and the scope of their research (McNabb 2010). To overcome this limitation I have completed field observation to gain frrsthand insight of the impact of neoliberal policies imposed on the people of Englewood There are several strengths and weaknesses to participant-observation research The strengths of this research is summarized by Organ and Bateman (1991): 12

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[Simple] observation is an attractive method of research because it confronts its subject head-on. It deals with raw, real-world behavior. Because the data are rich with the drama of human existence it is easy to relate to accounts of these studies (Organ & Bateman 1991, 37). While this "raw" data serves as to strengthen this type of research, it contributes to the limitations of it as well. As David McNabb (2010) observes: Among the disadvantages of observation is that it often results in a report bias that is traceable to the natural tendency of people to exercise selective perception and selective retention. Selective perception means that from all the myriad stimuli that we encounter everyone sees what they want to see, what they are interested in, and what they think is important. Whether they do so consciously or unconsciously people ignore much of what else goes on (McNabb 2010 270). In working to overcome the "selective perception and retention" bias I will be working to understand both sides of the debate around urban renewal by observing both the low-income residents and the city officials of Englewood. Despite this my affinity for the residents of central Englewood does influence me to view the problems with urban renewal through their eyes. An example of this tendency of coming to see things from the perspective of my "research subjects" can be found in the case of a local prostitute that I came to know well through this research. Though many city planners police officers, and traditional neighborhood residents tend to see prostitutes and prostitution as a blight to be removed from the city my participant-observation research method gave me a different perspective. For example, a few months ago, I was at the local bar (The Old Gun Bar) and a young woman came in and was distraught. I approached her and asked what she was so upset about. She had just found out that her boyfriend had another family that she didn't know about. While this was 13

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upsetting for her she was distraught that she would have to return to prostitution in order to leave him and support her young son. While there are several things people can take issue with regarding this young prostitute, the bottom line is she is a mother who is concerned about the future of her son. It is that relatable and universal humanity, even of the least among us that Jacobs sought to celebrate in her writing and that I want to revisit in mine. I have been warned to be cautious about romanticizing these people and challenged to recognize some of the tangible benefits of the current process of urban renewal. I recognize the value of this advice. I know that there are police officers and city officials who have the best intentions of everyone in mind and there are urban poor people in Englewood who deserve to have their lives interrupted by the police and city officials. I have no qualms with those truths ; my issue is that too often the urban poor suffer at the hands of city officials not because they are engaged in legitimately dangerous or destructive activities but simply because city officials wish to remove them in favor of building a more affluent capital-driven city. It is in that light that I have chosen to mimic Jacobs in her approach toward studying the impact of urban renewal projects and to revisit the value of the public character even in low-income neighborhoods. As McNabb further observes: Human perception is never neutral. Rather human knowledge and intelligence what we think of as past experience always influences perception. Furthermore, judgment is involved in all perception. Otherwise the perception is nothing more than a form of what is called sensory excitation. The process of observation is unconsciously influenced by the ideas theories hypotheses or general knowledge that the researcher holds going into the observation (McNabb 2010 271) 14

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I believe that there is an inherent bias in this project, but it is not a left or right bias, or an anti-establishment bias rather it is a bias in favor of the smallscale, the individual human life as opposed to a focus on the large and monumental, which is the same bias Jacobs used to advance the plight of the people and places in inner cities through The Death and Life of Great American Cities. As Roberta Gratz notes "Jacobs rooted her observations in the practical versus the visionary and abstract, the immediate versus the projected future, the small detail not the large plan" (Gratz 1994 68). Expanding on the core themes of The Death and Life of Great American Cities and applying them to Englewood will provide insight into the social conflict that occurs through the process of gentrification. Through interviews of the people responsible for and afflicted by this Englewood urban renewal process I will attempt to find common ground between these groups of people who Jacobs argues share a commitment to safe and dynamic urban street life In addition to this I will attempt to reconcile the gap between the ''urban village philosophy of Jane Jacobs and the "social justice" philosophy of Jane Jacobs. By exploring the humanity of the urban poor rather than enhancing middle-class fear of them this thesis will build on the legacy of Jane Jacobs in supporting more equitable policies of urban renewal. This strategy will help to cement a point made by Jane Jacobs: The economic rationale of current city rebuilding is a hoax. The economics of city rebuilding do not rest soundly on reasoned investment of public tax subsides as urban renewal theory proclaims, but also on vast involuntary subsides wrung out helpless site victims. And the increased tax returns from such sites accruing to the cities as a result of this 'investment,' are a mirage a pitiful gesture against the ever increasing 15

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sums of public money needed to combat disintegration and instability that flow from the cruelly shaken-up city. The means to planned city rebuilding are as deplorable as the ends (Jacobs 1961, 327). 16

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CHAPTER 3 A THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE: THE DEATH AND LIFE OF GREAT AMERICAN CITIES In The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Jane Jacobs explores the challenges associated with urban renewal. Jacobs asserts that within the process of urban renewal something has gone wrong. While Jacobs was writing the cities which had been through the process of urban renewal were failing (Jacobs 1961). To remedy this pattern Jacobs contends that there is a need for diversity in order for a city to thrive. A key aspect of this diversity is social diversity which Jacobs claims relies partly on the presence of mixed income groups and life-styles on the city streets (Jacobs 1961) In this way Jacobs argues that the urban poor (commonly targeted for removal by renewal processes) are a part of this necessary diversity and playa crucial role in a thriving city. The main aspect of the role that people on the street play including poor people in their own neighborhoods is the contribution the urban poor make in creating a safe environment within the city by acting as unofficial protectors of the streets. These people are viewed as the great protectors of the street because they have been there for a long time. They have built long enduring informal networks of connection (Jacobs 1961; Ritchie 2007). Urban renewal creates new and beautified cities but disrupts existing social networks (Pyatok 2004). As Peter Medoff and Holly Sklar observe "It is clear that [the urban poor] care. 17

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Contrary to what was commonly thought people certainly cared about where they lived and bettering their lives and their children s liv es (Medoff & Sklar 1994) The contribution that longtime residents make to city life even poor residents is known as social capital (Sander 2002). As Thomas Sander notes A burgeoning literature over the last decade shows that social capital social networks and the attendant norms of trust and reciprocity is central to many of the collective goods we care about among them safe streets healthy and happy citizens effective education, responsive democracy and children s welfare. Thus social ties help us not only personally but collectively (Sander 2002 213). Social capital theory explores how a community of people bound by their own values comes to take an active interest in preserving and caring for their community (Sander 2002). As Charles Loomis observes All social values and ideals have their points of reference in social relationships collectives and social organizations. The greater the understanding harmony and friendship existing between individuals the greater the probability that their values will be common and the more the possessions of each will merge into those of the other (Loomis 2002 9). The urban poor contribute to the social capital within urban areas. According to Jacobs their main contribution is providing a watchful eye on the street along with the several residents and newcomers in the mixed-use urban village (Jacobs 1961). In addition to providing eyes on the street the urban poor also contribute to street life through their established social networks This social capital contribution creates connections among individuals social networks and the norms of reciprocity and trust-worthiness that arise from them (putnam 2000 18

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106). By allowing the urban poor to remain in the city and designing areas which serve several different purposes and that cater to all people Jacobs believes that the flaws in urban renewal can be corrected (Jacobs 1961). A second element of the kind of diversity Jacobs celebrates is architectural design and business diversity Jacobs disdained block-busted mega projects of a single land use (such as a mega-mall) and instead supported the preservation of traditional "urban villages" of small-scaled businesses with a diverse mix of owners. Jacobs further argues for diverse land use in the process of urban renewal incorporating residential industrial and recreational areas into the city and she also stresses the need to keep the old buildings and less attractive (low-income) neighborhoods within the city (Jacobs 1961). 19

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CHAPTER 4 THE PRINCIPALS OF JANE JACOBS In this regard, Jacobs serves as a dual visionary: on one hand she is one of the founders of New Urbanism as an architectural and urban design theory, and on the other she celebrates the diversity of street life, and advocates for class mixing, social diversity, and the need for low income uses in the city. New Urbanist thinkers claim to celebrate both aspects of Jacobs' vision the "urban village" Jane Jacobs and the "class justice" Jane Jacobs (Jacobs 1961; Gratz 1994). However, in practice, only the "urban village" Jane Jacobs has been preserved in modem New Urbanism. To better understand the depth of what new urbanists have sacrificed in neglecting the "class justice" Jane Jacobs, it is important to explore what Jacobs meant by such concepts as "The Uses of Sidewalks. The Uses of Sidewalks: Safety & Contact In The Death and Life o/Great American Cities, Jacobs argued her "class justice" principles through what she called "The Uses of Sidewalks," and her "urban village" design principles through "The Need for Mixed Primary Uses." Jacobs asserts that there is a fear of city streets, and that this fear is what drives the belief that urban areas are something to be reclaimed from the people who inhabit them (Jacobs 1961). This fear is derived from what can be perceived as disorder in these areas, and drives the "broken windows" theory. The "broken windows" theory states "If 20

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people are allowed to break: windows with impunity not only do smaller crimes lead to more serious ones but the disordered appearance of the neighborhood perpetrates criminal disorder (Smith 2001 45). Utilizing a broken windows theory the homeless and urban poor in recent years have been subject to aggressive zero tolerance" policing for small crimes such as curfew violation, spitting wearing gang colors or congregating on the sidewalk (Smith 2001 ; Davis 2002 ; Mitchell 2003). These strategies are used to drive lower income residents out of cities under the guise of neo-liberall progress because of the belief that they are responsible for the problem of broken windows in the inner city and due to the need to restore order to the streets (Mitchell 2003) Jacobs rejects the notion that the streets are overrun with disorder and instead suggests that the people who live and work on the street and not the police maintain the peace. Order is maintained by an intricate almost unconscious network of voluntary controls and standards among the people themselves and enforced by the people themselves (Jacobs 1961) The people who inhabit the street including homeless panhandlers street vendors and even young skateboarders are constantly vigilant of things happening in the street and if numerous enough provide a level of safety for everyone else. In addition to this store keepers and other small businessmen are typically strong proponents of peace and order themselves ; they hate broken windows and holdups ; they hate I Neolibe rali s m f o r th e pu rposes of thi s pr o j ec t i s d efUled an d explaine d b y Willi am Sit es Ove r th e p as t severa l deca d es neo l ibera l capitalis m in th e U nit e d S t a t es h as b ee n assoc i a t e d w ith a significa nt r es tru c turin g of th e eco n o mic rol e p olitica l e n viro nm e nt a nd s pati a l t e rrain of the c ity. Co rporat e s trat eg i es a nd sta t e p olicies a t multipl e sca l es h ave r eco nfi g ur e d the labor land and c on s umption mark ets of central cities be nefitin g inv es tors vi s it ors and afflu e nt r eside n ts Mea nwhil e a rig h twar d-drift i n g p olitics a nd n e w instituti o nal m ec h anis m s (fro m flex ibl e public-pri v at e partn ers h i p s to coerc i ve polici n g strategies) h ave a l so enhance d e l i t e capaciti es t o regula t e and expand these i n c r easing l y value d urban s p aces (Sites 200 7 ). 2 1

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having customers nervous about safety. They are great street watchers and sidewalk guardians if present in sufficient numbers" (Jacobs 1961 102) Jacobs contends that the safety of the street is also enhanced by the diverse people who inhabit it, and how they interact with each other. Jacobs argues that a certain trust begins to exist among people on the street who interact with each other on a regular basis (Jacobs 1961). A key to building this trust is the long-term relationships established by the people on the street neighborhood trust takes time to grow and can t be constructed anew by new development no matter how much it adopts "new urbanist or any other design principle such as front porch stoops to encourage people sitting outside and meeting their neighbors Jacobs argues that as this long-term trust slowly grows and relationships develop people on the street begin to become protective of the other people and of the businesses and residential areas within the city. People in the inner city even people who are poor or who don t fit the model of downtown professionals care about the future of their community and the future of their children and therefore take a personal stake in the betterment of their communities (Medoff & Sklar 1994) Jacobs called such people who take a personal interest in their communities and serve as unofficial protectors of the street public characters. As Jane Jacobs observes The social structure of sidewalk life hangs partly on what can be called self-appointed public characters. A public character is anyone who is in frequent contact with a wide circle of people and who is sufficiently interested to make himself a public character. A public character need have no special talents or wisdom to fulfill his function although he often does. He just needs to be present and there needs to be enough of his counterparts His main qualification is that he i s public that he talks to 22

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lots of different people. In this way news travels that is of sidewalk interest (Jacobs 1961). The public characters know and understand the long-time rhythms and needs of a community keep the community informed of happenings in the street and keep a watchful eye on the city They aren t necessarily affluent and they don t always match the vision of city officials planning for urban revitalization, but they are people who take an active role in ensuring the safety of the streets. These people form a community which is invested in protecting itself. As Jacobs observes The sum of such casual public contact at a local level most of it fortuitous most of it associated with errands all of it metered by the person concerned and not thrust upon him by anyone is a feeling for the public identity of people a web of public respect and trust and a resource in a time of personal or neighborhood need. The absence of this trust is a disaster of to a city street (Jacobs 1961, 73). This communal feeling shared by the residents of the inner city evolves organically through casual contact that eventually leads to friendships which eventually leads to a protective nature within the community. This protective nature of the street is extended to all the inhabitants of the city (Jacobs 1961). The protective nature of the street is the social capital contribution that the urban poor make to cities. As Ritchie further notes Embedded in the concept of [social capital theory] are norms of specific reciprocity which sustain social connections. Specific reciprocity involves an arrangement in which an individual or group agrees to do something for another individual or group based on highlevels of community trust (Ritchie 2007 107). 23

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Jacobs argues that there are varying levels of civility and safety among the people who inhabit these areas and much of the fear that may drive them away is merely a fear of difference (Jacobs 1961). In addition Jacobs believed that this community of different people was actually the life-blood of cities. As Jacobs notes One can drive today for miles through American suburbs and never glimpse a human being on foot in a public space a human being outside a car or truck. This is a visible sign that much of North America has become bereft of communities. For communities to exist people must encounter one another in person These encounters must include more than best friends or colleagues at work. They must include diverse people who share the neighborhood and often enough share its needs (Jacobs 2004 36-37). Much like Jacobs Richard Sennett (1970) believes that this constant flow of people creates forced interaction with difference (Sennett 1970) The forced exposure to people of different classes and life styles matures people and causes them to reject the notions of conventional safety and instead be more accepting of all people creating better societal connections. It causes people to feel incomplete without a certain anarchy in their lives to learn to love the otherness around them (Sennett 1970 108). Sennett further observes that The great promise of city life is a new kind of confusion possible within its borders an anarchy that will not destroy men but make them richer and more mature (Sennett 1970 109). Both Jacobs and Sennett believe that this constant interaction between people also helped to create and contribute to the safety of the street (Jacobs 1961; Sennett 1970). Jacobs observes "Some of the safest sidewalks at any time of day or night are those along which poor people or minority groups live. And some of the most 24

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dangerous are in streets occupied by the same kind of people (Jacobs 1961, 39) B y targeting the inhabitants of urban areas usually composed of poor people and minorities urban planners and city officials are not targeting the true source of the problems faced in inner cities rather they are seeking to end the discomfort felt by the upper middle-class inhabitants of and visitors to the city (Leitner 2007 ; Jacobs 1961 ; Mitchell 2003) Rather than discriminate against the differences between people Jacobs suggests that valuing and preserving these differences are essential to city living (Jacobs 1961 ). As Jacobs notes "It is possible to be on excellent sidewalk terms with people who are very different from oneself and even as time passes on familiar public terms with them. Such relationships can and do endure for many years for decades ; they could never have formed without crossing that line much less endured (Jacobs 1961 81). Jacobs believes that the differences between people should be embraced and embracing those differences creates the intricate social network that enhances the safety of these areas As Mitchell notes The city is the place where difference lives And [mally in the city different people with different projects mu s t necessarily struggle with one another over the shape of the city the terms of access to the public realm and even the rights of citizenship. Out of this s truggle the city as a work as and ouvre as a collective if not singular project emerges and new modes of inhabiting are invented (Mitchell 2003 18) In addition to advocating for the people who live in urban neighborhoods and celebrating social diversity Jacobs also believes that a formula for diverse urban design needs to be implemented to ensure the economic success of the city. These architectural and design principles include city living equipped for workers 25

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consumers and residents (Jacobs 1961) and supplement Jacobs' social diversity / class justice vision. The Need for Mixed Primary Uses In creating an equitable model for urban redevelopment, Jacobs advocates for cities to incorporate mixed uses into city planning. As Jacobs states "As it is workers and residents together are able to produce more than the sum of our two parts. The enterprises we are capable of supporting mutually draw out onto the sidewalk by evening many more residents than would emerge if the place were moribund (Jacobs 1961 199-200) Jacobs believes that areas that have a mix of residential industrial and commercial uses are essential to creating a prosperous city. Each use benefits the others and feeds into the economy ofthe city. Mixed uses also increase the amount of people constantly flowing in and out of the city and this continuity of movement also helps to ensure the safety of the street by having both public characters and strangers to the city providing constant surveillance (Jacobs 1961). Jacobs believed that the mixed-use philosophy which is incorporated into New Urbanist design principles is essential for a city to thrive and prosper. Jacobs saw that segregating neighborhoods b y uses such as having a residential only neighborhood was not enough for a city to sustain itself. Instead she believed that mixing business districts with residential districts created a formula for a successful city. She believed that the residents of the city combined with a strong business presence would compliment each other The businesses would thrive from the residents patronage and the residents would thrive from tax revenues 26

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brought in by the businesses (Jacobs 1961). As people continually patronized the businesses in this urban village," newcomers would also be attracted to the area further contributing to the safety of the street. As Jacobs notes: The infusion of new potential uses would obviously result in the presence of maximum numbers of persons at the times when the district needs them for time balance: midaftemoons evenings Saturdays and Sundays. The only possible concentrations large enough to make any difference would consist of great numbers of visitors at those times and this in turn has to mean tourist together with many people of the city itself coming back over and over again in their leisure time. Whatever it is that attracts this infusion of new people who work in the district. At least its presence cannot bore or repel them (Jacobs 1961, 205-206). Jacobs saw the potential for both strangers and residents to become bored with their surroundings and believed in infusing both new and old buildings into designs of city planners. By being attractive to both newcomers and long-time residents the mi x ed-use city would constantly thrive. This would create a constant feeling of renewal within the city and still preserve the integrity of a city s buildings (Jacobs 1961). In addition to defIning mixed usage by a mixture of residential and business uses in each district and by a mixture of new and historic buildings Jacobs also believed that mixed-use areas needed to be defmed by their architecture. Jacobs notes This new putative use (or uses) cannot furthermore replace wholesale the very buildings and territories in which new spontaneous enterprises and facilities stimulated by the new time spread of people can grow with the freedom and flexibility of accommodations they will need. And fmall y, this new use (or uses) ought to be in accord with the districts character certainly not at a cross-purposes to it (Jacobs 1961, 206). 27

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Jacobs believed that infusing these design characteristics into city planning would create an equitable solution to the problem of decaying cities But be y ond just architectural and design diversity it is important to note the social vision embedded in Jacob s design philosophy: Jacobs did not just want to mix residents and businesses with old and new buildings ; she also sought to mix income uses and newcomers with long-time residents. As Jacobs observes To be sure a good city neighborhood can absorb newcomers into itself both newcomers by choice and immigrants settling by expediency and can protect a reasonable amount of transient population too. But these increments or displacements have to be gradual. If self-government in the place is to work, underlying any float of population must be a continuity of people who have forged neighborhood networks (Jacobs 1961, 206) Jacobs saw a city as something that was in constant transition. She believed that this transition had to be organic and could not be forced or controlled by a governing organization (Jacobs 1961) With these principles in place Jacobs believed that cities would become settlements that consistently generate their economic growth from their own local economies Their pools of skills manufactures and materials at once diverse and concentrated provide the best conditions for the birth and growth of entrepreneurial small firms and an ever-increasing division of labor from which new work can be added to old'. Economic development is a process of continually improvising in a context that makes injecting improvisations into everyday life feasible (Jacobs 1984). Despite their apparent messiness and impracticalities cities provide not only new problems to be solved but also the best environment to solve them (Jacobs 1969 155). 28

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CHAPTERS JANE JACOBS AND NEW URBANISM "Whenever and wherever societies have flourished and prospered rather than stagnated and decayed, creative workable cities have been at the core of the phenomenon. Decaying cities declining economies, and mounting social troubles travel together. The combination is not coincidental" -Jane Jacobs, 1964 As time passed, Jacobs' ideas evolved into the modem design movement known as New Urbanism. As a method of urban renewal, New Urbanism has become an integral school of thought in the field of city planning (Bohl 2000). As Michael Pyatok notes "They [city officials] congealed only recently under the rubric of the 'New Urbanism,' which formalized itself in the early 1990's. It came on the scene to serve the suburbs which finally grew to being the nation's centers of political and economic power, maturing to intolerable physical conditions while at the same time their offspring were rediscovering the cities (Pyatok 2000, 806). As Charles Bohl notes: Herbert Muschamp, architectural critic for the New York Times has described New Urbanism as the 'most important phenomenon to emerge in American architecture in the post-Cold War era.' Complete with its own charter, annual conferences, and growing membership in the official Congress for the New Urbanism (CNU) organization, the movement attracts comparisons to the International Congress of Modem Architecture (ClAM), the equivalent organization for Modernism even as it defmes itself in direct opposition to Modernist architecture and planning (Bohl 2000, 761). 29

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New Urbanism was founded and infused with the many of the good intentions that Jacobs advocated for in The D e ath and Life of Gr eat A m e ri c an Cities As architect Pyatok further observes in describing the New Urbanist movement : Our generation s sense of mission sprang from both the benefits and mistakes of the previous generation of architects. An earlier generation of artists designers and architects who shaped the Modem Mo v ement also sprang from a set of social economic and political conditions unique to their time that linked them with industrialists and other forms of emerging new wealth to promote the values of mass production and the liberating promises of the Machine Age. Partly inspired by admirable socially motivated tendencies many wanted to spread the cultural wealth that industrialization promised (pyatok 2000 804). Jacob s design beliefs in an urban village" with pedestrian friendly consumer alluring residential zones have inspired the New Urbanist movement. As Jennifer Lang notes New Urbanism is partly inspired by Jane Jacobs Jacobs argued that the high-density mixed-use neighborhoods that urban planners had targeted for urban renewal were not blighted but living vital neighborhoods. There s no question that Jane Jacobs work is the leaping-off point for our whole movement,' says the executive director of the Congress for the New Urbanism (Lang 2007 10). 30

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Figure 5.1 Large, Pedestrian-Friendly Sidewalk in the City Center. Source: Author In following through on these high principles, New Urbanism, as a design philosophy, has maintained several of the ideals that Jacobs believed to be integral to urban renewal. These design principles include: a diverse mix of retail, business, and residential areas; large walk-able paths and sidewalks which encourage residents to walk to retail areas; few or no parking lots (garages hidden in a back alley, or parallel parking rather than parking lots); and the boundaries of the area are marked by a clear center and edges (Jacobs 1961; Sander 2002; Ellis 2010). New Urbanist communities have accessible and useful public space, and areas that encourage people to feel safe outside their homes (Sander 2002). However, even as New Urbanism has seen success in advancing its design principles as the dominant urban design philosophy of the day, the movement has been less successful in advancing Jacobs' broader class mixing/social diversity goals. Part of the reason for the difficulty is simply the fact that the visions of 31

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architects must in the end, be funded by private developers who are not often excited about maintaining the integrity of the low-income neighborhood they are eyeing for renewal they seek higher profits by marketing to upper income uses-rather than seeking social justice or healthy neighborhoods by class mixing through low-income housing and business uses. The Congress for New Urbanism's charter advocates the mixed-use ideology, not only as a method for increasing city revenues and creating visually interesting neighborhoods but also as a method to promote cross-race and crossclass social ties (Sander 2002). The charter sets guidelines to create a somewhat utopian city which mixes classes and races while providing reasonable affordable living for anyone. Despite these noble intentions oftoday' s New Urbanist urban planners who claim to emerge from the philosophy of Jane Jacobs in the end the movement caters to the upper class and building a capital driven city. As Pyatok further notes: Both public and private developers viewing the world from the middle of the class structure see a well-designed environment as a higher priority than intensive people-oriented solutions. Never in words but always in actions the measure of success in this world-view is seen in terms of increased property values. Recent claims of success by HUD in its HOPE VI program state that residents' incomes have risen by 32 percent in the transformed projects (Pyatok 2004 808). New Urbanism and neoliberal policies drive out the people who Jacobs found invaluable in her critique of urban renewal. As Robert Gratz notes: Today s nomenclature about renewing and rebuilding cities fails us. Favorite terms economic development, master plan urban renewal community revitalization contextual development and even community development are too often misused. Such terms are used to advanced top-down projects devised by a combination of government planners 32

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economic administrators, big developers and mayors or mayoral staff (Gratz 1994 2) Part of the problem with New Urbanism, as practiced, is that the highminded New Urbanist commitment to social diversity (as announced in its charter) is hard to maintain when facing a reality that private profit-seeking interests are often the key to stakeholders who implement new urbanist developments on the ground. Figure 5.2 National Insurance Chain and Apartments in the City Center. Source : Author Cities which incorporate New Urbanist design principals through publicprivate partnerships are typically driven by the profit-seeking interests of the private partners (Leitner 2007). In such a situation, the new urbanist commitment 33

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to such things as class diversity and social equity is commonly sacrificed. This reliance on private profit seeking partners is common in urban developments. Increasingly cities are relying upon privatized operations and fmancing through business improvement districts (BIDs) tax increment fmancing (TIF) and public private partnerships as the primary vehicles to pursue downtown redevelopment" (Turner 2002 535). Through TIF urban renewal creates winners and losers the winners are the private investors and the losers are the property owners within the city who are forced to pay higher taxes to subsidize the building and development of big box retail stores (Lang 2007). This transfers the risks from the relatively small group of private investors to the residents of cities (Lang 2007) Urban-renewal districts then become even more attractive to private developers due to this lack of accountability and the potential for greater profits from relatively small investments (Lang 2007). As Turner further notes A postmodem city is dominated by landscapes of consumption instead of production. There is abundant evidence that cities have embraced tourism, culture and consumption of entertainment as an urban redevelopment strategy. Increasingly downtown space is privatized and reflects a power over space that is generated through public authority but often wielded by private interests. The result is that downtowns are designed to have segmented spaces that indicate not only use but also status (Turner 2002 533). For example New Urbanist developments coupled with neoliberal urban development policies impose spatial controls (such as bum-proof benches and parks with rough 34

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landscapes to discourage sleeping in them) on the city and its residents actually reducing the extent of social mixing in cities. In addition to the abandonment of Jacobs social justice" commitments there are several cases where New Urbanist city planners also abandon the urban village commitments as well. As William H. Whyte observes: It is significant that the cities doing best by their downtowns are the ones doing best at historic preservation and reuse. Fine old buildings are worthwhile in their own right but there is a greater benefit involved. They provide discipline. Architects and planners like a blank slate. They usually do their best work., however when they don t have one. When they have to work with impossible lot lines and bits and pieces of space beloved old eyesores irrational old layouts and other such constraints they frequently produce the best of their new designs and the most neighborly (Whyte 1980 93). The reality is that both architects and developers commonly sacrifice the true mi x ed-use ideology of Jacobs (which favored incorporating existing uses and long-time residents into new plans) in favor of the blank slate" (Jacobs 1961; Pyatok 2004) In doing this they demolish the existing buildings and even entire city blocks and completely replace them. In order to maintain the New Urbanist feel they build new structures designed to look like old-style buildings (Whyte 1980; Sanders 2002). City officials commonly promote these neo-liberal capital driven policies believing they are in the best interest of the entire city but the reality is that lower-income communities are often on the losing end of gentrification in these models (Leitner 2007) Often times for example the homeless and urban poor and other long-term residents are driven out of the areas targeted for gentrification further displacing an already oppressed group of people (peck 35

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2007). These people are displaced through spatial controls which can often turn into violent methods for removing the urban poor. Often times this is the result of the influence large investors play in city planning. Neoliberal Spatial Control Just as New Urbanism has risen in prominence so too has the philosophy of neoliberalism. Neoliberal philosophies influence policy makers and in turn create policies that constrict space (Peck 2007 ; Lang 2007) As the wealthy wish to return to the city both New Urbanism and neoliberalism are unrolled as philosophies and strategies to help pave the way. As Jeff Ferrell observes The contemporary constriction of public space within new configurations of power and privilege points to emerging forms of control and to growing uncertainty as to the very viability of public life. Yet these new forms of spatial control recall historical patterns of conflict and injustice as much as they invent new ones (Ferrell 2001 ). Neoliberals seek to control public space in an effort to reclaim the city from the urban poor especially when they are involved in disreputable activities like graffiti youth gangs or dealing drugs In the 1964 the United States government began to address the issue of poverty through Lyndon Johnson s War on Poverty (peck 2007) Several actions were taken as a part of the War on Poverty including ; high paying jobs in the public sector welfare as an entitlement as opposed to a discretionary item and maximum feasible participation which allocated control of government funds directly to the poor (Leitner 2007 ; Peck 2007). These initiatives created a bottom 36

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up approach to ending poverty through government-sponsored programs (Leitner 2007). The 1980 s and the election of Ronald Regan represented the modem response to the urban capital accumulation crisis of the 1970 s and began the era of rolling back expensive social programs. These social programs became too expensive to maintain and urban planners began reaching out to private investors hoping to attract them back to the city (peck 2007) Money began to move away from social programs and towards private interests (peck 2007). As privatization became the economic model of choice for the government the need to restore order to the chaos of the inner city became prevalent (Mitchell 2003). The urban disorder that neoliberal governments seek to control refers specifically to aggressive panhandling street prostitution drunkenness and public drinking menacing behavior harassment obstruction of streets and public spaces (Mitchell 2003 205). These behaviors of the urban poor drive middle class people away from the city. As Fred Siegel notes What was once funky and 'freaky is now seen more often than not, even by children of the Sixties as merely repellent. That change of heart suggests the possibility of a new consensus on the problems of public space a consensus based on the need to respect individuality even while demanding a common standard of behavior (Siegel 1992 6). The sometimes outlandish behavior of the poor and homeless in the city brought a sense of discomfort to visitors and other inhabitants and drove people and businesses away following the counter-cultural explosion of the 1960 's. Even people who 37

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once valued the "intricate street ballet of urban streets began to flee (Siegel 1992). The intricate street ballet that Siegel references is a direct reference to Jane Jacobs who used the exact same term. Siegel believes that Jacobs' love of intricate street life was no longer relevant (Siegel 1992). This demonstrates how and why Jacobs "social justice/class mixing vision has been sacrificed by neoliberal New Urbanists. To address this problem and to assuage the fear white suburbia had of the inner city neoliberals began to restructure the way cities dealt with counter cultural and deviant urban elements (such as the homeless) by implementing spatial controls to return upper income people to the city and address the problems that drove the away (peck 2007; Eick 2007). As Mitchell further observes Often this assault on homeless people community gardeners small time peddlers and young people seeking a place to hang out is couched in the language of liberty. Without order the argument goes liberty is simply impossible. And that order must be explicitly geographic: it centers on control of the streets and the question of just who has the right to the city (Mitchell 2003 17). Often the answer to that question is the claim that people who have money have the right to the city This discomfort fear of crime and fear of disorder caused many white city residents to leave referred to as 'white flight away from the city and into suburbia (Leitner 2007) To bring wealthy interests back to the city cities strive to make urban areas and streets as unlivable as possible for the homeless and poor (Davis 1998). Policies are adopted that cause the homeless and urban poor to retreat from the 38

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city and move into the periphery. These measures are all taken in the hope that by redesigning the city based on New Urbanist design principles all manner of positive results will be obtained: increasing capital investment reduction in crime increasing revenues and an influx of affluent people into the area (Lang 2007) While these measures are taken in an effort to restore order to the city and are often successful in reducing crime rates v iolent methods are often used to remove the poor from the city. As Mitchell states Public space has long been a place of exclusion no matter how much democratic ideology would like to argue otherwise (Mitchell 2003 51). Mitchell called the result the end of public space. As Mitchell further observes Public spaces were only public to the degree that they were taken and made public. Defmitions of public space and the public are not universal and enduring ; they are produced through constant struggle in the past and in the present. The places where the struggle may open up that is the opportunities for taking space are steadily diminishing as new forms of surveillance and control are implemented (even though many cities are in fact increasing their stock of open spaces) (Mitchell 2003 142-143). Ferrell furthers this notion and states This is the history of resistance to emerging spatial controls the history of those who have long fought the regulation and closure of public space ; who ve time and again countered new forms of spatial e x clusion with the inclusive politics ofliberty, diversity disorder ; who ve battled to create communities of difference and inclusion. This history isn t an easy one to tell ; it remains fractured and unfmished a secret history written more in traces of defiance than in the broad sweep of the o f ficial past 39

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(Ferrell 2001 19-20). As spatial controls emerge within the city public space is no longer public. Instead open areas within the city are heavily regulated in an attempt to create a sanitized city (Mitchell 2003). Truly public areas unhampered by spatial controls are vital to Jacobs vision. These spaces are places where the communal interactions that Jacobs felt were vital to a successful city take place (Jacobs 1961) They are also the spots that can and do ignite social change. Rather than encouraging the free use of these open spaces neoliberal policies often lead to the removal of people through extreme methods. The violent and exclusionary practice of removing the poor from the city through spatial controls is referred to as military urbanism (Davis 1998). Military urbanism is an extreme method which sometimes takes violent measures to regulate and control the urban poor. Military urbanism and police harassment have led to policies that have caused brutality and death in several cases Dehumanizing the urban poor makes them easy targets for police violence as well. Mitchell sites the case of Santa Ana California and states ; [The police] chained the arrestees to benches some for as long as six hours and wrote identification numbers on their bodies in indelible ink (Mitchell 2003 213). Policies that dehumanize the homeless allow them to be severely brutalized by both the police and the public The democratic rights of the homeless and urban poor are stripped away (Turner 2002 ; Mitchell 2003). The victims of these injustices are causalities of urban warfare. New Urbanist design principles and neoliberal spatial controls strive to make urban areas and streets as unlivable as 40

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possible for the homeless and poor. The city is made unlivable by design, with bum-proof benches and rough landscapes (Davis 1998). Figure 5.2 Bum-Proof Bench in City Center Englewood. Source : Author 41

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Figure 5.3 Rough Landscapes in City Center Englewood. Source: Author Neoliberal policies influence new urbanist design and, as pictured above, the bum-proof benches and rough landscapes are placed through new urbanist developments to discourage loitering in the supposed open, public spaces (Leitner 2007; Lang 2007). These design techniques are one of many ways that neoliberal spatial controls are incorporated into new urbanist design. Spatial controls and military urbanism techniques cause the homeless and urban poor to retreat from the city and move into the periphery. As Pyatok further observes, "This may disguise the fact that people with higher incomes were imported into the upscale projects and lower-income households were exported with vouchers" (Pyatok 2004,807). As these people are driven out of the city, 42

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their unique social contribution to the city is lost as well. Because of this cities become bland, repetitive landscapes that people quickly lose interest in (Jacobs 1961; Whyte 1980; Gratz 1994). Jacobs called this phenomenon "The SelfDestruction of Diversity." The Self-Destruction of Diversity by Repetition and Loss of Social Capital Jacobs saw that popular mixed-use spaces had a potential for disaster, in that they could become so popular that they would begin to attract only the highest-paying uses and other low-income sources (the source of the original diversity) would begin to get priced out of the market. As Jacobs notes "Whichever form the self-destruction takes, this, in broad strokes is what happens: A diversified mixture of uses at some place in the city becomes outstandingly popular and successful as a whole. Because of the location's success, which is invariably by flourishing and magnetic diversity, ardent competition for space in this locality develops" (Jacobs 1961, 317). As the competition for these dynamic spaces increase, businesses move to other locations, creating new areas of interest for people. As this occurs existing businesses and residents leave the redeveloped area, allowing it to return to its original state (Jacobs 1961). These areas can also stagnate due to sameness. People can become bored if every city looks exactly the same. As Jacobs further argues: We have pitifully few outstandingly successful residential districts in our American cities. There is a self-destruction that follows outstanding success in cities. The relatively few city residential districts that do become outstandingly magnetic and successful at generating diversity and vitality are subjected ultimately to the same forces of self-destruction as downtowns. In this case so many people want to live in the locality that it 43

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becomes profitable to build in excessive and devastating quantity for those who can pay the most. These are usually childless people and today they are not simply people who can pay the most in general but people who can and will pay the most for the smallest space. Accommodations for this narrow profitable segment of the population multiply at the expense of all other populations. Families are crowded out variety of scene is crowded out and enterprises unable to support their share of the new construction costs are crowded out (Jacobs 1961, 326-327) Richard Florida believes that these childless professionals are the people that urban designers should target as potential residents for inner cities. This group of educated youth that has begun an influx into the cities is called the creative class The creative class moves into these areas following jobs that value the creativity they bring to the work force. They seek to inhabit urban areas that have historical significance in the city and at the same time have the amenities they crave There are several examples of these amenities including: parks coffee shops museums and venues for local music and performances. In essence the creative class craves an urban setting packed with utilities that have a modem feel (Florida 2002). There are several problems with cities catering to the creative class and as Jaime Peck observes Rather than civilizing urban economic devet'opment by brining in culture,' creativity strategies do the opposite: they commodify the arts and cultural resources and even social tolerance itself' (peck 2005 763). Further consequences of catering to the creative class are the dismantling of large government programs and unions some of which the urban poor within the city heavily rely on (Peck 2005). As current city designers increasingly rely on Florida s strategies for urban revitalization cities begin the cycle of repetition that 44

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Jacobs feared and are becoming bland repetitive places rather than the hip attractive locals Florida envisioned (Peck 2005) The infusion of private capital into urban areas creates sanitized city areas lacking the people and places that once made them unique and creating a self destructive cycle. Jacobs accurately predicted that the infusion of private capital would create a small segment of winners in a competition for space (Jacobs 1961). This is largely due to the fact that some businesses would thrive in redesigned urban areas and these successful businesses would replicate themselves in other cities This phenomenon would cause real estate prices to rise and inhibit the chances of a small business to open or thrive (Jacobs 1961). As a result of this Jacobs observed the locality will gradually be deserted by people using it for purposes other than those that emerged triumphant from the competition because those purposes are no longer there (Jacobs 1961). An example of this phenomenon across the state of Colorado there are several cities where the similarities in recent New Urbanist developments are striking. In Belmar (southwest Denver area) Stapleton (northwest Denver) and City Center Englewood (south of Denver) these similarities are clear. Coincidentally either a big-box WalMart or Target anchors Belmar Stapleton and City Center Englewood. In addition to this other big-box retailers are spread out in these locations such as; Office Depot Petsmart, Qdoba and Noodles & Company This is opposed to the New Urbanist celebration of small-scale diversity and preservation of historic small businesses. As Robinson and Nevitt note 45

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Unfortunately Denver's TIF-subsidized retail projects currently appear heavily biased toward national chains. Among the tenants in the three s ignature retail projects examined in this study the Denver Pavilions Broadway Marketplace and Quebec Square only 13 of 115 storefronts are occupied by local businesses or just over 10%. In terms of the square footage occupied by local businesses vs national chains the dominance of national chains is even more overwhelming : only 4.4% of the occupied retail space in these three projects is filled by locally-based tenants (Robinson & Nevitt 2005 10). By favoring private investors by allowing big-box retail chains to dominate renewed developments architects are betraying the core principals of New Urbanism. Though the broader class mixing and small-scale diversity of New Urbanism is absent in these projects. In each of these developments one can notice the New Urbanist design principles applied. Each has wide sidewalks with narrow streets. The streets have parking on the s houlder of the road to provide a buffer to the people on the sidewalks. All of these developments have open-air outdoor shopping and have housing units (usually apartments or condos ) infused into these developments. The buildings are styled to mimic older buildings through their coloring and architecture (Bohl 2000). This similarity is driven from the neoliberal belief that people will be attracted to this sameness because it presents itself as safe and from the developers constant reach for yield, which leads them to invest mostly in the largest big-bo x s tores and national franchises all with a proven record of profitmaking. Neoliberals believe that a sanitized city is a healthy city attracting visitors and new residents with money to spend on housing (Moulton 2006 35) and providing the city with growing revenues (Peck 2007). It also gives the city a feeling of safety with constant police patrols and the constant movement of 46

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people removes the suspicious intentions of people loitering. This process of sanitation has been dubbed Disneyfication (Mitchell 2003). Disneyfication is a reference to the homogenization that has occurred in city landscapes. There is no need to fear street interaction, because the environment has been carefully crafted to help ensure that there are no unscripted social interactions which some fear (Mitchell 2003 ; Sennett 1970) As further Mitchell notes: The Disneyfication of space consequently implies the increasing alienation of people from the possibility of unmediated social interaction and increasing control by powerful economic and social actors over the production and use of space (Mitchell 2003 140 ) The Disneyfication of urban areas is what concerned Jacobs when she saw the potential for repetition in cities As Jacobs notes However when whole neighborhoods of streets and entire districts embark on excessive duplication of the most profitable or prestigious uses the problem is far more seriou s" ( Jacobs 1961, 322). This e x cessive duplication along with the competition for space and the removal of people all contribute to the urban self-destruction of cities by repetition (Jacobs 1961) Cities would become stagnant and people would be turned off by the repetition everywhere they go (Jacobs 1961). Jacobs believed the driving force behind the displacement of the people in the inner city was a competition for space (Jacobs 1961). The competition for space contributes to the creation spatial controls and eliminates public space. As competition for space increases more and more areas are purchased in an attempt to capitalize on the growth of the city. As the land is constantly purchased by private investment public spaces disappear like parks and museums This leaves 47

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only high priced apartments and condominiums for housing and all former public land is privately owned (Mitchell 2003 ; Peck 2007 ; Jacobs 2004). This turns formerly public spaces that encouraged inclusion in to places of exclusion (Mitchell 2003). This exclusion generally leads to the displacement of people. As Jeff Ferrell states "Critical to this exclusionary model of public life is the control of the social and spatial dynamics the diverse community-level interactions that once enlivened it (Ferrell 2001 5). The displacement of people causes neighborhoods to lose many long time residents Jacobs believed that this loss of people which was what caused neighborhoods to lose their character and their long-existing social networks was one of the several ways gentrifying neighborhoods could self-destruct (Jacobs 1961). As Michael Pyatok notes We as a nation no longer have slavery but tenants whether rural or urban are truly second-class citizens and are treated as less than equal by our property laws tax codes, and development properties" (Pyatok 2000 807). The influx of private money is generally responsible for the cycle of selfdestruction. As Roberta Gratz notes The upgrading of any neighborhood has countless spin-offs, often as many good as bad. Streets get paved. Vacant property becomes inhabited. Maintenance improves. The police respond more quickly. The aim however should be to retain a larger percentage of present residents than of newcomers. The problem is not that new people are moving in but that residents and businesses are pushed out. There is nothing inherently wrong in this privately fmanced upgrading process. In fact it is good because there will never be enough public money to do the proper job (Gratz 1994 64). 48

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In this way while private interests through New Urbanist design techniques, do beautify urban areas misguided neoliberal policies allow cities to lay the foundation for self-destruction by becoming repetitive and losing the people who are invaluable to city life (Leitner 2007 ; Jacobs 1961; Gratz 1994). Consequences of the Self Destruction of Diversity In addition to the "self-destruction that can occur as a consequence of urban displacement and repetition, other consequences can occur and have a negative impact on cities. Roberta Gratz summarizes the problem and states The displaced don t disappear. The issue of poverty is not addressed. Separated from their institutional anchors, they become rootless and more alienated. They take their poverty with them to other fragile neighborhoods intensifying the decline of their new location at great public cost. It is a debilitating process both to the individuals on the move and to the neighborhoods that receive them. This process negates many of the economic and social opportunities that can result from gentrification if it is properly managed or regulated (Gratz 1994 66) Jacobs believed that this constant migration was a continuing cycle and this cycle is what created slums in American cities. As Jacobs observed: Slums and their population are the victims (and perhaps the perpetrators) of seemingly endless troubles that reinforce each other. Slums operate as vicious circles. In time these vicious circles enmesh the whole operations of cities. Spreading slums require ever-greater amounts of public money and not simply more money for publicly fmanced improvement or to stay even but more money to cope with ever widening retreat and regression. As needs grow greater the wherewithal grows less. Our present urban renewal laws are an attempt to break this particular linkage in the vicious circles by forthrightly wiping away slums and their populations and replacing them with projects intended to produce higher tax yields or to lure back populations with less expensive public requirements. The method fails. At best it merely shifts slums from here to there adding its own tincture of extra hardship and disruption At worst it destroys neighborhoods where constructive and improving communities exist and where the situation calls for encouragement rather than destruction (Jacobs 1961 353). 49

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As the process of slumming and unslumming continues, and various and sometimes violent methods are practiced to remove and alienate the urban poor from gentrifying neighborhoods, a sense of hopelessness engulfs the urban poor and cities become the lifeless places Jacobs warned of. These consequences are all too common in urban renewal and are a far cry from what Jacobs' envisioned. As a city in the process of urban renewal Englewood Colorado is experiencing these consequences 50

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CHAPTER 6 THE mSTORY AND GENTRIFICATION OF ENGLEWOOD CindereUa City Figure 6.1 Center Fountain at Cinderella City Source: City of Englewood While the history of Englewood stretches back over one hundred years, the modem urban renewal efforts in Englewood began with the Cinderella City Mall. Cinderella City was conceptualized in the early sixties and in 1965 Englewood City Park was leveled to create the Cinderella City Mall (City of Englewood, 2004). The mall was Colorado's first TIF project, and was strategically placed between US highway 285 and Santa Fe Drive (Lang, 2007). The mall opened in 1968 and was met with incredible enthusiasm. As Virginia 51

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Skartvedt (2002) notes, "Cinderella City created a new center of activity and a new form of development for the city. With three levels of shopping and offices and parking for 7 000 cars, one report called it the world's largest enclosed shopping city (Skarvedt 2002 62). The mall was promoted as one of the country's most modem and sophisticated shopping centers. The opening was called Once Upon a Time is now at Cinderella City ", and the promotional material stated: Where your shopping dreams come true. Cinderella City is the Rocky Mountain region s largest covered shopping center. More than 250 stores and services in five climate-controlled malls turn your shopping into a magical experience. Enjoy the vast selection and exciting variety of stores brimming with unusual gifts for the whole family. A forty foot indoor fountain, an enchanting Old English' artisan village called Cinder Alley whe r e major department stores are just a small part of inside Cinderella City. Make your Colorado trip complete with a visit to Cinderella City where your shopping dreams can really come true (Lang 2007 6). The mall's opening was a tremendous success and became a landmark in Colorado. The malls opening enticed new businesses to come to Englewood (City of Englewood 2004) It is ironic that Jacobs despised malls like Cinderella City (for their block busting monotony and lack of mixed uses) and while New Urbanist designers came to agree with her their methods inspired places like City Center Englewood that ultimately replaced Cinderella City which are also quite distant from what Jacobs envisioned as her ideal urban village" (Jacobs 1961). 52

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The Justification for the Demolition of Cinderella City and the Birth of City Center Englewood Figure 6 2 Cinderella City after Demolition. Source: City of Englewood In 1981 the City of Englewood was pleased with the development of Cinderella City but competition from surrounding areas became intense. In addition to this 1981 was the exact time that the capital accumulation crisis was sweeping over traditional city centers across the nation leading them to panic and desperately seek new competitive edges to lure capital back to the city. As the City Council noted in what became known as The Englewood Downtown Redevelopment Plan: The Englewood Central Business District-Cinderella City retail/commercial area is currently rated the second major retail activity center in the Denver Metropolitan Area, and it is the major tax generating source in Englewood. However major retail/commercial developments are planned in the surrounding communities such as the Southwest Plaza 53

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Mall Centennial Race Track redevelopment and the Littleton Riverfront Redevelopment project. These developments pose a serious competitive threat to the Englewood business district and if the City is to retain it s competitive edge redevelopment is necessary (City of Englewood 1981 5). In order to fend off this growing competition, it was deemed necessary for the complete destruction and redevelopment of the Downtown Corridor including the apartment complex adjacent to the Cinderella City Mall (City of Englewood 1981). Several reasons besides major competition were cited to help justify this redevelopment. The Englewood Downtown Redevelopm e nt Plan cites the deterioration of the East Corridor as another reason for revitalization. The plan further states: The business district east of Cinderella City is not as strong an economic center as Cinderella City. While there are several very successful businesses located within the area there are many businesses which are marginal and do not contribute to the economic stability or vitality of the downtown. At the current time there are 18 vacant stores in the downtown portion of the Redevelopment Area. Another indication of distress of this area is reflected in the sales tax receipts. This section of the Broadway commercial strip is the only area, which has experienced a decrease in sales tax revenues over the past few years. Another factor which indicates the need for redevelopment is the condition of existing buildings. In a recent survey of existing buildings within the downtown, it was established that 24% of the buildings are in poor condition relative to conformance with City Building and Fire Code standards. The blighted conditions within the district as described above have seriously impaired the growth of the downtown as evidenced by the lack of development when compared with the strong market demand which currently exists. Englewood is currently built out with no annexable land available necessitating redevelopment to sustain growth in housing services employment and public facilities. The absence of development and growth in the downtown district inflating costs of public services and decreasing tax revenues is creating a serious economic liability for the community. The r enewal effort is necessary to reverse this trend (City of Englewood 1981 5-7) 54

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The initial plans for City Center Englewood were well intentioned and were meant to benefit everyone. The Englewood Downtown Redevelopment Plan laid out twenty-three essential points to the redevelopment of the Downtown Corridor. These points were drafted and approved by the Englewood City Council on November 1 1981 (City of Englewood 1981). Figure 6.3 Municipal Buildings in the City Center. Source: Author These points included several design elements in the new plan, including: areas that encourage home ownership; retention of current residents ; a mixed-use design plan; useable open space; strengthened public transit; providing affordable housing to workers; utilize alternative energy solutions; and an overall aesthetically pleasing environment (City of Englewood 1981). This plan incorporated several aspects of what Jacobs envisioned in her urban village. These include: retention of current residents large open spaces, the retention of 55

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public areas, and mixed-uses that encourage both shopping and living (City of Englewood 1981). In addition to laying out these broad design principles, citizen's input councils were established to gain insight into what the people wanted in the redeveloped downtown corridor (City of Englewood 1996). There were four additional questions asked of the Citizens Panel after being presented with the recommendations of the Downtown Plan: 1.) What types of stores, facilities, and buildings should be included? 2.) What specific store names would you like to see? 3.)How should the new development be designed and laid out? 4.) Other comments (City of Englewood 1996 A-I) In responding to these questions, the citizens input councils agreed in general with the original Downtown Redevelopment Plan (City of Englewood 1996) but some important additional principles were also advanced. One of their main recommendations was that a Walmart not be placed in the new development (City of Englewood 1996; City of Englewood 1998). The Englewood TOD Mixed Use Master Plan2 was the fmal plan and the recommendations within that plan are the ones that were implemented for City Center Englewood. This fmal plan ignored several of the more innovative ideas put forth by the Redevelopment Plan and the Citizens Input Council, such as the citizen's desire to keep out a big-box store like Walmart. The citizens' preferences were 2 TOO is short for Transit Oriented Development. The Downtown Redevelopment was classified as a TOO when RTD Light Rail placed a station at Hampden and Santa Fe (City of Englewood, 1995) 56

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ignored even though they aligned nicely with New Urbanist design principles, because of the reality of financing such a project. In the era of this limited public financing support for ur b an renewal cities everywhere are forced to seek "public private partnerships to leverage new urban development. In the case of Englewood the City Center redevelopment plan was ultimately drafted by the principle financers of the Downtown Redevelopment: Walmart and Miller Weingarten (a private l and developer) (City of Englewood 1998). Driven by the interests of these large capital investors who were so influential in shaping the plan the principle goals of the Master Plan were announced as : Propose the best" tenant mix for the Englewood City Center ( Best = Highest quality price point and merchandise that will a.) pay market rents b.) can be attracted to the site and c.) has a good chance of success ) (City of Englewood 1998 6) In accordance with this plan to maximize the exchange value of the development proposed tenants in the Master Plan contradicted the citizen s panel desire to exclude big boxes like WalMart and included: National tenants because they are better capitalized to make site decisions Signature Tenants that send a market signal to future tenant prospects The [mal plan also directly excluded some tenants that from ex perience were argued to be highly unlikely prospects because they wouldn t be able to afford the high price point and market rents of the new development (City of Englewood 1998 8). As Savanah Benedick (2010) notes that the current City 57

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Manager Gary Sears stated that reasons for sacrificing the affordable housing in the original development plan were that the tax base would decrease and suffer due to decreased property values and there was a desire for high-end rental housing (Benedick 2010 41) Several people were displaced during the development of City Center E nglewood. The initial plan to redevelop Cinderella City included s pac e for an affordable residential zone. This was a concession for the planned demolition of the apartments near Cinderella City The apartments near Cinderella City had fallen into poor condition but were affordable dwellings for people in E nglewood. In the end however the affordable housing plan was remo v ed in favor of the Alexan Luxury Apartments which took up less space and created living space for the niche group of higher income people and was an opportunity for Englewood to capture profits from the growing rental market (City of E nglewood 1981 ; City of Englewood 1998 ; City of Englewood 2000). As innovative and interesting as the ideas in the initial redevelopment plan were like affordable housing and renewable energy solutions few of them were put into place when City Center Englewood became a reality. The differences between the original (1981) development plan and the master (1998 ) plan are staggering. The affordable housing proposed in the original plan was sacrificed for luxury apartments, because a study determined that rentals would bring in greater revenues Instead of infusing existing residents into the new development, alternative sets of residents were targeted. The Master Plan states that such upper income tenants would be the best way to benefit from the unusual trade area 58

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characteristics" (City of Englewood 1998). The alternative energy solutions were sacrificed because they were believed to be more expensive by the developers (Miller/Weingarten) (City of Englewood 1998 ; City of Englewood 1981). With the implementation of the Master Plan Cinderella City and the apartments in the surrounding area were declared blighted3 and demolished and City Center Englewood was built. The project was celebrated as a wonderful example of New Urbanist thinking though it clearly did not encode the social vision of New Urbanism within it. The City of Englewood (2000) proclaimed, "City Center Englewood is the first project in Colorado and among a handful nationally to replace a suburban shopping mall with a living, breathing mixeduse downtown. It provides a model for intelligent regional design that directs development into established cities served by transit." It is true that much of the mixed-use City Center was designed under New Urbanist principles such as wide sidewalks and a mix of housing and shopping. Charles Bohl describes some of these facets of New Urbanism and notes; "The neighborhood is limited to an area approximating a 5 to 10 minute walk from center to edge, ensuring all neighborhood activities are within convenient walking distance of residents" (Bohl2000, 763). The apartments located within the Englewood City Center, are, in fact, the center of the downtown area. Residents of the Alexan Luxury Apartments are mere steps away from all the major shopping points of City Center Englewood. 3 Colorado law gives cities the right to form urban renewal authorities that can use money to eliminate blight and promote urban revitalization About half of the cities in the Denver metro area have created such an authority (Lang 2007) 59

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BoW further notes, "Within the neighborhood are a variety of housing types and land uses and a mix of shops services and ci v ic uses capable of satisfying many of the residents daily needs" (BoW 2000, 763). Matching this mixed-use philosophy the City Center is home to all of Englewood s municipal offices and has a variety of architectural elements. Another element of New Urbanist design Boh! observes is that Streets are designed for pedestrian use with generous sidewalks street trees and on-street parking to provide a buffer from street traffic and make walking a safer and more appealing option (BoW 2000 763). The streets in the City Center match this description exactly. The streets are narrow with optional parking and the sidewalks are decorated with trees. These trees are located about ten feet apart from one and other. They are set on large walkable sidewalks which are very friendly for pedestrians. These examples and several more exemplify the New Urbanist philosophies that built City Center Englewood. The success of the City Center has caused the Urban Renewal Authority to begin to expand their renewal efforts out to the East Corridor with similar announcements of "New Urbanist" development to come. As Jacobs predicted this process ultimately crowded out families and the urban poor in favor of new residents with higher incomes (Jacobs 1961). Jacobs would have stood by the original plan that had changes interwoven into it, but none of these changes included a total destruction of the original building nor the removal of existing residents. Jacobs advocated for old buildings to be included and cleaned up as a central part of the renewal project (Jacobs 1961). 60

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Jacobs would also have taken issue with the declaration of blight being used as a tool to destroy the same old buildings. As Jacobs suggests: By blight they mean that too many of the college professors and other middle-class families steadily deserted this dull and dangerous area and their places were often quite naturally taken by those with little economic or social choice among living places The plan designates and removes these chunks of blight and replaces them with chunks of Radiant Garden City designed as usual, to minimize use of the streets. The plan also adds still more empty spaces here and there blurs even further the district's already poor distinctions between private and public space, and amputates the existing commerce, which is no great shakes (Jacobs 1961 58). While Jacobs despised block-busting mega-malls like Cinderella City in favor of more vibrant neighborhood areas the rise and success of the downtown Broadway corridor can be attributed to Cinderella City. The downtown corridor has the vibrant neighborhood qualities Jacobs felt were essential to city living but this area is targeted for renewal, as will be seen later. F igure 6.4 Blighted Building in the East Corridor. Source: Author 61

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As is often the case the interests of private investors (like WalMart and MillerlWeingarten in the City Center) overwhelm the interests of the average citizen through such processes. Community meetings were held in 1996 and it was apparent that the community and Miller Weingarten greatly disagreed on the future of the former Cinderella City site (Skartdvedt 2002). Neoliberal policy makers see the potential for increased revenue and city plans (like The Downtown Redevelopment Plan) that include input from citizens are replaced by plans (like the Master Plan) which are heavily if not entirely influenced by private interests (Sander 2002; Pyatok 2004). In Englewood "the city collaborated with a private group of developers landscape architects bankers real estate executives planners and attorneys who came together to create this transit-oriented development (City of Englewood 2004). The consequence was the sacrifice of the broader "social vision goals of residents and presumably of innovative New Urbanist thinkers in favor of a narrower exchange value vision of the actual developers who ended up funding and owning much of the development. As Skartvedt further observes The situation begs the question of why Miller/Weingarten chose to stick with the project and even more significantly, why the city did not end its relationship with the developer. Because as the developer/owner and as the supposed advocate for community values the city would have had a vested interest in getting both community and exchange value and the ambitions we have seen previously suggests that city would have wanted to do the best job of getting a TOD to maximize amenity-image value. But they stuck with what they had because the council didn't have the guts in the face of staff members who were concerned about risk (Skartvedt 2002 72). 62

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Skartvedt also notes that the reticence on the part of city officials to abandon the plans as composed by Miller/ Weingarten and Walmart may have also been due to the fact that construction was already under way (Skartvedt 2002). While Jacobs would have been upset with the issues mentioned above, she would have been enraged by the dislocation of the current city tenants (City of Englewood 1998; Jacobs 1961). These are the people that Jacobs believed were essential to city living. While she felt that mixed-uses were important, and businesses, which attracted strangers, were vital, neither of these beliefs outweighed her notion that the current residents of a city were paramount to the safety of the streets. As a city in the process of gentrification, Englewood represents this kind of city Jacobs would have felt that Englewood was on a path of self-destructive purification, as it contains the downtown corridor, which has been renewed and increasingly "class-purified" with New Urbanist designs, and the stagnating east corridor targeted for the next wave of renewal, and which contains the "public characters" who Jacobs believed were essential to a successful city but who are commonly cast by city officials as the enemy to be removed by the next wave of gentrification plans (Jacobs 1961). Some city officials are complacent and even somewhat hostile toward the urban poor and as Benedick further observes, "The City Manager, Gary Sears contends that lower income individuals tend to be more desperate and less educated; therefore they have more potential to participate in harmful or disruptive activities" (Benedick 2010, 48). People like Jacobs and Duneier reject this notion, and believe that these people are essential to urban life. 63

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Despite the intentions of Gary Sears these lower income people continue to inhabit Englewood and provide a unique social capital to the city. 64

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CHAPTER 7 THE PLACES, PEOPLE, AND NEW PUBLIC CHARACTERS OF THE EAST CORRIDOR While Jacobs was and still is considered a visionary she did not foresee the decay and economic divides infused into current city life (Duneier 1999). Jacobs believed that the role of the public character would be filled by conventionally respectable people (local business people and concerned city residents). Duneier (199 120) argues Today the people sharing the public space are separated by much greater economic inequalities and cultural differences. As conditions in the inner city changed so did the role of the public character. Duneier states: I would propose that the role of the public character need not be filled by conventionally respectable people. Not only do the vendors and scavengers, often unhoused abide by codes and norms; but mostly their presence on the street enhances the social order. They keep their eyes upon the street and the structure of sidewalk life encourages one another (Duneier 1999 43). Duneier studied current street life in New York City applying the class justice principles of Jacobs and notes In the period when Jane Jacobs was researching her book she saw the value the alcoholics living on skid row provided simply by being eyes on the street'" (Duneier 1999 122). Similarly the men Duneier observed were unhoused scavengers poor magazine vendors crackcocaine addicts and recently released inmates (Duneier 1999). Despite the flaws these men had Duneier argues that these men can serve as public characters by 65

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being eyes on the street and serve as new public characters in the intricate social networks they build that encourages them to help one another. While Jacobs believed that the public character needed to be a respectable member of society Duneier contends that respectable is an ambiguous term. The urban poor and homeless within the city live in the public view and don't necessarily have the luxury of keeping their somewhat illicit interactions (i.e. drugs prostitution drunkenness etc.) private because they don t own or have their own dwellings to hold these interactions in (Duneier 1999). More affiuent people are able to act privately in the confines of their homes without the constant scrutiny of public observers. There is no way to know how many of the conventionally respectable people Jacobs believed had potential as public characters ," were actually drug addicts or worse (Duneier 1999) Acts of street deviance also have a greater stigma than some crimes committed by affiuent people such as; domestic violence insider trading or tax fraud (Duneier 1999) People who live conventionally respectable lives are just as susceptible to deviant behavior as the people who inhabit the streets (Duneier 1999) It is in this regard that Duneier believes that the urban poor on the street actually fit the description of the public character better than the traditional public character of Jacobs time simply because they are constantly public (Duneier 1999). Despite their flaws these people by the intricate social networks they build by being long-time residents of the city have a vested interest in maintaining the safety of the street (Duneier 1999; Medoff & Sklar 1994). This social capital provided by people on the street is enhanced by their willingness to help each other. It is this 66

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willingness to help each other that causes Duneier to refer to these people as new public characters," who not only provide a watchful eye on the street but hope to live better lives by encouraging their peers (Duneier 1999). These new public characters are prominent in Englewood and are frequent visitors to The Old Gin Bar. Jim and The Old Gun Bar The low-income east corridor of Englewood is home to several establishments which contribute to safety of the sidewalk. Jacobs observes Bars and indeed all commerce have a bad name in many city districts precisely because they do draw strangers (Jacobs 1961 247) She further argues that while these establishments do have a bad name they are in fact one of the most essential contributors to the safety of the sidewalk. These businesses attract more people to urban areas providing more eyes on the street. Having more people frequenting the area, along with a dense population serves to deter crime. When there are more eyes on the street, people are less likely to openly commit crimes (Jacobs 1961). An example of Jacob s intricate network of social controls operating voluntarily in healthy neighborhoods can be found in The Old Gun Bar a small bar in the east corridor of Englewood. As one reviewer notes: For nearly 35 years The Old Gun Bar better known to passersby as Eatin' Drinkin' Darts thanks to its signature red-and-yellow sign has been an old-timey saloon for billiards and dart enthusiasts. For many decades (some say a century or more) it was an actual gun shop. And to this day, the phone rings five or more times every day with calls from ammo enthusiasts searching for bullets of this or that size. Jim is the sole owner During the afternoons he keeps an eye on things while running back and forth between the bar and the Laundromat staying only long enough to 67

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slam a beer between cycles of bar rags and unmentionables. Weeknight business has been slow, but Spaceman a Gun Bar long timer is kicking' up interest in an open-mike night, and beer pong draws a crowd on Friday evenings. Last New Year's Eve the Gun Shop provided a free designated driver for trips of five miles or less. "The place was doggone packed, man, Spaceman tells me over a smoke on the spacious back patio. You know I took a ride.' The daytime regulars are friendly if not a bit down on their luck. Even the bartendress chatty efficient obviously a pro can t help but spill guts about her multiple Dill' s pot charges and the never-ending struggle to make ends meet for her kid. Sometimes it's nice to spend time with folks who aren't always pretending to be okay. Sometimes it's good enough to know you're not alone (Bixby 2009) This bar is a second home to several sidewalk guardians. Perhaps because of this The Old Gun Bar has come to serve as a point of urban resistance to diversity-destroying gentrification in Englewood much like Denver s old homeless squat the Towering Inferno stood as a point of urban resistance for street punk turned scholar leffFerrell. As Ferrell observes "Open to all comers the inferno offered shelter to the storm sans entrance fees or entertainment location areas or FCC interference and so produced an eclectic and diverse community of outcasts (Ferre112001 19) By simply housing these outcasts the Towering Inferno was an affront to the neoliberal city and stood in opposition to downtown driven New Urbanist redevelopment plans In just the same way the people within The Old Gun Bar contribute to the public culture (Jacobs might call it the sidewalk culture," while others may call it counter culture ) that makes the bar and the people in it unique. They are also excellent examples of public characters and new public characters. All are interwoven into each other s lives through several channels. Some bring news into the bar of local happenings others provide knowledge and hope to encourage 68

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others and every one of these people provides protection to the bar and the people who inhabit it simply by providing the service of being a public character. The Old Gun Bar is owned and operated locally by a man named Jim. Jim is the child of Greek immigrants and his family bred a sense of individualism into their children. Jim's parents worked hard to support their family often working multiple jobs to keep food on the table and constantly told their boys to go out and be their own boss." Jim and his brother did just that, his brother opened a liquor store and Jim opened The Old Gun Bar. There were few spaces available in the Englewood area in the early seventies when Jim wanted to open the bar. The success of Cinderella City had filled both the Downtown Corridor and the East Corridor with businesses motels and residential districts. In addition to the limited spaces in Englewood Jim was only sixteen when he decided that he wanted to own a bar. He had worked in several bars and restaurants already but the law said he had to be eighteen to own a business. Regardless Jim made his way around Englewood trying to fmd a spot to open his bar. Jim knew that Englewood was the place to open his bar as businesses were thriving in Englewood with the Cinderella City Mall (City of Englewood 1981). In 1975 Jim was eighteen and the opportunity to buy a space in the East Corridor presented itself. On the comer of Broadway just blocks away from US 285 (a.k.a. Hampden A venue) the owner of the local shooting range and gun shop was ready to retire and sell his business. The problem was that in order to buy the space whoever wanted the land had to buy the entire lot including an 69

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empty mechanics garage. Also, the building that housed the shooting range was attached to an old convenience store that had been empty for years. Jim said this was because no business could stay open next to the noise of a shooting range. Despite these problems Jim took out a loan with help from his father and bought the gun shop and the land around it, and began to remodel. He expanded the gun shop into the convenience store and turned the shooting range into a beer cooler equipped to hold kegs. He also cleaned up the garage and found someone to rent it. The garage was turned it a muffler shop and the shooting range / gun shop was turned into a bar. All of the antique guns and shooting signs were left on the walls and Jim chose the name The Old Gun Bar The bar opened in spring 1975 (one of the fIrst bars in the area) and was met with similar success that was enjoyed by most of the businesses near Cinderella City Mall. There were certainly growing pains when the bar opened. The bar was fIlled with Jim s family and friends and he had to learn to draw the line between being a friend and a business owner. He also had to learn to deal with the problems that can occur with drunken people such as ; fIghting police visits and the occasional destruction of property. Despite these occasional problems the bar thrived and continues to keep its doors open after thirty-fIve years It s local businesses like The Old Gun Bar that Jacobs saw so much value in. As Jacobs notes Bars and indeed all commerce have a bad name in many city districts precisely because they do draw strangers and the strangers are not believed to work out as an asset at all but these strangers contribute to the safety of the streets. We are fortunate enough on the street, to be gifted 70

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with a locally supported bar. This bar draws continuous troops of strangers from adjoining neighborhoods and even from out of town. The bar takes on a life of its own more like a college bull session with beer combined with a literary cocktail party and this continues until the early hours of the morning (Jacobs 1961 52-53). In many ways The Old Gun Bar served and continues to serve this same purpose in Englewood. The bar draws customers from all parts of Colorado and these strangers contribute to the safety of Englewood s streets. While the bar is considered to be a burden on the community by some to others it is also like a home that helps to create the safety that Jacobs valued. Darryl is one of the public characters Araps is home to. Darryl Darryl is a local musician in Englewood. Looking at him gives you the impression that he is a stereotypical person living in poverty. Darryl is in his late fifties with tattered clothes, a shaggy beard long hair and roughly ten teeth. Darryl spends most of his time at the bar drinking himself into a stupor and is generally avoided by most newcomers to the bar. At fust glance Darryl is an example of the societal problems that poor areas face but there is more to Darryl than his appearance and demeanor. Darryl has succumbed to what Duneier refers to as the Fuck it" mentality. As Duneier observes "Some aspects of this extreme 'I don t care mentality have an explicit political justification, especially when a person believes that his attitude is the result of an indifferent society rather than of his own addictions and personal weakness (Duneier 1999 61). Darryl has lived in Englewood for most of his life. His father was not around much when he was a child and at an early age Darryl left school and took 71

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a job to help support his mother. In his downtime he taught himself how to play the guitar, and as he grew older he began to play and sing in local bars and other v enues With little formal education Darryl began taking odd jobs around the city to support himself and continues to do so today in addition to pla y ing his guitar. As the economy turned sour in late 2008 most of the odd jobs Darryl relied on dried up and his age and health forced him to turn to the local church to survive. Both Darrin and his mother are devout Christians and Darryl s dedication to the church has always been strong Rather than just taking handouts from the church Darryl prefers to try to earn his keep. He volunteers to hand out food when the church runs its' food bank on Tuesdays and Saturdays and plays his guitar at church events. Darryl is almost a living textbook definition of Jacobs public character. He takes a personal stake in the well being of the people around him, and as he travels from bar to bar playing music he also carries news and happenings of things going on in the city. As Jacobs observes Not only do public characters spread the news and learn the news at retail so to speak. They connect with each other and thus spread the word wholesale so to speak (Jacobs 1964 92). This is Darryl s and several other east corridor residents contribution as public characters. Despite his ob v ious failings Darryl is a proud kind man. My fust impression of Darryl was a poor one All I knew of him was that he was an obnoxious drunk who pla y ed the guitar well but due to his lack of teeth sang terribly. The fust words we exchanged were not kind ones ; in fact we came close to fighting over something so trivial I don t e v en remember what it was Eventually Darryl and I found some common ground and became friends. It 72

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was Darryl who came to me and wanted to discuss our differences because as he says I choose to live my life like Christ and try to make peace with everyone. As I got to know Darry 1, I realized that there was much more to people than their surface appearance and that an incredible level of humanity exists in some of the most unlikely people. Darryl has a lot of reasons to resent the world and the people in it and that may explain his constant drinking but he chooses to live in peace with others. It is Darryl's humanity and compassion that made the people of Englewood come to his aid in his darkest hour. Early one morning in September Darryl came stumbling into the church and passed out. When the pastor found him he assumed Darryl was drunk because this was not the first time Darryl had corne in and passed out in the church. The pastor pilled Darryl into a back room, and continued on with his day. Later he went to check on Darryl and noticed that his lips had turned blue. He called for help and Darryl was hospitalized. Darryl had gone to the church seeking help because he didn t feel well. Darryl spent several weeks in the hospital and his medical bills loomed especially since he doesn t have insurance. To help him the people at the bar came together to help one of their own. A pool of money was collected to help Darryl with his medical bills and while it didn t cover everything it did save him from being discharged early No one hesitated to try to help Darryl and Darryl would not hesitate to help someone else in need. As Duneier further observes I found strong evidence for the rehabilitative forces of sidewalk life in the complex interactions these men maintained and their ability to help one another (Duneier 1999 3). 73

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While society has written off some of these people their humanity has shone through to help others. It is places like The Old Gun Bar and the social connections made there that may help Darryl live a better life or at very least prevent him from dying alone. Duneier notes that these social connections are necessary to overcome the fuck it mentality and are in fact mor e effective than prison and private rehabilitation programs (Duneier 1999). Furthermore because the people of The Old Gun Bar came together to help Darryl with his medical bills the city actually saved money that public services may have had to pay. While there is a human aspect to these people the culture in Englewood is shifting to sanitize the streets. The Englewood Police Department is enforcing this drive towards a sanitized street. Military Urbanism. the Englewood Police Department. & Officer Macan The use of military urbanism to remove and harass the poor is widespread in cities in the process of gentrification across the country and E nglewood is no exception. Over the last three years the Englewood Police Department has been actively recruiting officers. The number of patrol officers has expanded from twenty-eight to thirty six in the last year (City of Englewood 2010). This increased police presence has not gone unnoticed and their treatment of the urban poor in Englewood is similar to the cases sited by Mitchell (2003) The E nglewood police are constantly patrolling the east Broadway corridor and making frequent stops in the bars and marijuana dispensaries. The goal of these frequent stops is to intimidate the people within these establishments in the hope of deterring crime 74

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The officers travel in groups of four three who enter the establishment and one outside who is usually carrying a semi-automatic weapon Araps is one of the many establishments that have seen this increased police presence. The police will come in on Friday and Saturday nights to ensure that no one is being o v er served. Officer Macan is usually the patrol officer that leads the charge into the bar and takes a rough approach to enforcing the law. He is constantly vigilant waiting in the parking lot or across the street for something to occur to merit his constant intrusions. When asked wh y he spent so much time at this particular spot in Englewood when there are plenty of other places in the city he responded We know where the problems are. The officers are known to bring in their Breathalyzer and if they believe that someone is too drunk they will test them, with or without the permission of the individual in question. If they do fmd that the person has been over-served the cops will not only arrest the individual they will arrest the bartender as well despite the well-known fact that the bar pays for anyone to take a cab and the bartenders will take the keys of anyone who seems intoxicated. In addition to these stops the police will also wait in the alleys and watch the people leaving the bar or waiting for someone to go to the parking lot to smoke weed or try to score some other type of drug. When the police do catch someone doing something illegal the tactics they use are often violent to further intimidate both the people in the immediate area and the suspect. Jacobs claims that this is a systemic problem and states Police can seldom be depended on to police themselves. Their most common 75

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forms of crime are bribe taking brutality and bearing false witness (Jacobs 2004 130). The Englewood police department has several of the same problems that Jacobs identifies especially the brutality and intimidation. What they [the police] don t realize is that, Some behavior that appears disorderly to the casual observer is actually bringing about community controls rather than leading to their breakdown" (Duneier 1999 315). Despite this, the police continually patrol and harass the people of the east corridor and Rodger Subed was a victim of this intimidation. Rodney Rodger is the karaoke DJ on Friday nights at The Old Gun Bar Rodger is tall skinny and gay. He is very proud to be gay and never hides it. Every year he marches in the Denver PRIDE parade he has gay pride stickers covering his truck and he actively works for gay rights Everyone in the bar knows about Rodger and even the inhabitants of The Old Gun Bar who you would assume to be homophobic because of their gruff exteriors accept and love Rodger. Rodger knew he was different since he was three Once his younger brother was born, Rodger realized that he was not a typical boy. This caused a rift between Rodger and his father and when his parents divorced the two rarely ever spoke. He came out in high school to his friends and family and had a lot of support from his mother and brother. Despite this support, he still faced ridicule from his peers at school and in society in general. Rodger turned to alcohol to deal with societal and parental rejection which is not uncommon for disenfranchised 76

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youth (U.S. Department of Justice 1994) This led to DUI s and problems with the police and his family. After coming to terms with his sexuality and finishing his alcohol programs and sentence for his DUI Rodger set out to clean up his life. He quit drinking and found ajob as a distributor for a beer company and found a boyfriend and fell in love. Unfortunately he lost his job due to la y -ofIs and is currently unemployed. Even though his job loss was a setback he supplements his income by working at the bar on weekends and gets paid under the table and generally has a positive attitude about his future. Rodger is completely adverse to violence and wouldn t hurt anyone Despite this the Englewood police chose to make an example o f Rodger. Rodger was outside smoking a cigarette with one of the girls from the bar who was smoking pot. The police crept up in their squad car smelled the pot and turned on their lights Rodger and the girl ran inside the bar and locked the back door the girl hid and Rodger went back to his DJ booth The cops came in the front door and immediately recognized Rodger. Officer Macan pulled him out of the booth by his shirt and held him against the wall b y his throat demanding he tell them whom he was with and where she was. (The bar staff had hidden her in the office in the basement because she has two children and couldn t afford another altercation with the police without the real possibility of losing her kids or going to jail for evading the police ) Rodger refused to tell the police anything and they dragged him outside in handcuffs. They sat him on the comer in front of all the traffic on Broadway and spent the next hour threatening to take him to jail 77

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if he didn t tell them who he was with. Other squad cars pulled up and other police officers spent time trying to force a confession out of Rodger but Rodger knew he didn t do anything wrong and refused to say anything. Eventually the cops let Rodger go without any repercussions other than a warning This kind of harassment happens constantly in the east Broadway corridor to both its residents and visitors. This behavior is contrary to the mission statement of the Englewood Police Department which states: We value human life and dignity above all else. We give first priority to situations that threaten human life We respond to life and death situations with a dignity befitting the situation We use only that level of force that is necessary and appropriate to the circumstances necessary. We treat all people with courtesy and respect. We are compassionate caring and helpful (City of Englewood: Mission and Values Statement 2010 1) While the police department professes to abide by these standards the level of force used against Rodger and several others in the east corridor has been excessive to say the least. This increased police presence is intended to and sometimes does reduce crime rates ; but Englewood has actually seen an increase in crime despite the increased police presence in the east corridor. Assault burglary and theft are all up over three percent and robbery is up over twenty five percent despite the increased number of patrols (City of Englewood : Crime Statistics 2010). This rise in crime can be viewed in one of two ways : 1 ) Heightened crime justifies the heightened police presence 2.) The heightened police presence is causing the Englewood Police to find reasons to arrest and harass the urban poor of the city 78

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For Jacobs the later is certainly the reason. In her fmal book Dark Age Ahead (2004) Jacobs asserts her belief that the police as a fraternal organization are more likely to harass poor citizens for no reason and invent crimes instead of taking measures to actually prevent real crime (Jacobs 2004). The police will also drive their point home with violence and shield each other from consequences of this violence if a victim decides to expose it (Jacobs 2004). These violent tactics are meant to drive the poor from the urban landscape. These policies are being enforced in greater capacity as plans for renewal expand into the east corridor. Expansion into the Downtown Corridor There are two main projects that Englewood Mayor Jim Woodward and the Urban Renewal Authority are focused on in the continued redevelopment of Englewood; the further development ofwww.englewoodsites.com (a website facilitating commercial redevelopment in the city) and the Acoma Project (E URA 2010) The Urban Renewal Authority is currently debating the Acoma Project The Acoma Project is a portion ofland bought by the Englewood Urban Renewal Authority (EURA) in between Broadway and Acoma this land was declared blighted and purchased under eminent domain. EURA wants to sell this land to a private developer for both retail and residential use. To promote this sale and future properties that EURA hopes to acquire through eminent domain englewoodsites.com has been developed. (EURA 2010) "Englewoodsites.com is a user friendly commercial property website Users can search for available commercial properties access business data from the County Assessors Office 79

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obtain zoning information market and workforce demographics and print maps from each listed property (EURA 2010). By developing the Acoma Project ", and promoting the land sale through englewoodsites.com the Urban Renewal Authority is taking its first steps toward gentrifying the east corridor. Once completed the Acoma Project," will make way for larger projects through the east corridor to revitalize and gentrify the street. The main project to be implemented is the South Broadway Plan. As the plan states The South Broadway Plan (SBP) incorporates many Roadmap goals and objectives and includes the following project specific objectives: A. Revitalize the corridor B. Support redevelopment of under-used properties C Support multiple modes of transportation D. Increase diversification of City tax base E. Improve the variety of housing types and opportunities for workforce housing F. Prepare five and ten year public and private investment strategy for the corridor (City of Englewood 2004 7) To complete these goals, Englewood like many cities will begin to survey these under-used properties" to see if they are blighted. If they are declared blighted the city can then declare eminent domain and purchase the land at fair market value (City of Englewood 2004) The plan states the need to promote a balanced mix of housing opportunities serving the needs of all current and future Englewood citizens ; providing for affordable housing for lowand moderate-income groups including workforce 80

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housing, accessory living units, and efficiency units; encourage housing investments that improve the housing mix including both smaller and larger unit sizes and a wider range of housing types such as duplexes, town homes, and condominium units (City of Englewood 2004, 7). Figure 7 1 Leveled and Unused Acoma Property Source: Author While both the Acoma and South Broadway plans have several items that sound promising for the city neither plan has been funded. The urban renewal authority is waiting on private investors to bring these plans into fruition (EURA 2010). In the mean time, these properties are sitting unoccupied and are oflittle use to anyone. Once these plans are funded it is probable -if the patterns of City Center Englewood are replicated that the private investors will have an 81

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inordinate amount of leverage, and some, if not all, of the promising points in these plans may be sacrificed. Figure 7.2 Naij Salon and Low-income Apartments on Floyd and Broadway Source : Author 82

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Figure 7.3 Bookstore and Low-Income Apartments in the E ast Corridor. Sourc e : Author As Jamie Peck observes there is an inherent hypocrisy in neoliberal politics (Peck 2007) Figures 6.2 and 6.3 are areas in the east corridor that are the main targets of the South Broadway Plan (City of Englewood 2010) and are examples of both this hypocrisy and how neoliberalism has engrained itself into New Urbanism. As seen in the images there is a mix of both residential and commercial uses on both of these sites which New Urbanism claims to celebrate and incorporate into its design methods. Rather than fmd ways to incorporate this mixed-use into the South Broadway Plan the plan calls for the demolition of the area to make way for new buildings and businesses backed by private investors (City of Englewood 2010) This revamped area will probably displace the current residents and businesses 83

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While this is a bleak outlook on the future of the east corridor there is hope that can be derived from other models of urban renewal and from city officials elsewhere who have shown themselves to be dedicated to people and not large moneyed interests. 84

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CHAPTERS CONCLUSION: STREETS OF HOPE IN ENGLEWOOD Jacobs believed that even with the potential for self-destruction, cities still have the capacity to be great and prosperous (Jacobs, 1961). Jacobs believed that the forces of private money and replication of successful businesses within cities would act as a catalyst to the destruction of cities Jacobs saw the potential for city destruction and correctly assumed that her predictions would eventually come true (Jacobs 1961). Despite her correct assumption that urban revitalization would be corrupted, she believed that all was not lost. She advocated working within the system, corrupt as it might be, to correct the inequities in gentrifying cities (Jacobs 1961). She believed that while private money could "glut or starve" cities she also advocated using private money as a tool to create prosperous cities (Jacobs 1961). There is nothing inherently wrong with urban redevelopment. The problem lies with the inequities toward the urban poor built into urban redevelopment (Gratz 1994). The public servants who write these policies have undoubtedly good intentions, but their priorities too often become misguided as they partner with private investors who have profit-seeking needs not always aligned with a city's broader social purpose. Too often as well, city leaders simply establish priorities that don't recognize the seriousness of the crisis facing lower income city residents. 85

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Mayor Woodward is currently engulfed in a battle to save the Englewood post office because it houses a historic mural and is in danger of being shut down. To combat this Mayor Woodward has stated "We intend as a city to aggressively oppose the closing of that post office we intend to fight it with everything we have" (MacMillan 2010). If the mayor were as passionate about every business that was about to be shut down, or every person that was about to be evicted reasonable and fair solutions to the problems the city faces could possibly be achieved. There is humanity in every person whether they deal drugs at a bar or are productive members of society. Seeing that humanity in people changes your perspective and allows compassion towards all people. Coach Penn is an example of a city official who understands this compassion. Randy Penn is the coach of the Englewood High School football team. In addition to this Coach Penn is also the District 3 Representative for the Englewood City Council. Coach Penn has spent almost forty years in different forms of public service in Englewood At his church the parish jokingly refers to him as the Mayor of Englewood and when he talks people around him say to quiet down the Mayor is speaking. Coach Penn knows Englewood better than most and more than this he feels the plight of the people struggling to make it. The Coach volunteers his free time when he is not busy with the City Council volunteering at nearly every food bank in the city. He gives generously and one of the other volunteers noted There s never anything left when the Coach is here. He makes sure that people have more than enough ." The Coach also has pioneered a program that feeds and clothes over thirty homeless kids at 86

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Englewood High School and provides assistance to countless other children in the area. All of this was done independently of the City Council. Coach Penn said he did this independently because The City Council and the Urban Renewal Authority have become complacent. There is so much we can do but it all gets lost in the interest of money. The Coach doesn t volunteer his time or makes an effort on behalf of the urban poor for political reasons. He has run unopposed several times and his seat is never trul y threatened He does these things because he cares. It hurts him to see his underprivileged students not g e t a fair shake. He was mortified to know that some students were not going home to a meal after school. It was his compassion that drove him to take on the plight of the urban poor and continues to drive him to fight for change within the City Council regardless of how fruitless his efforts may be. Having people like Coach Penn in government is one of many things that can be done to create an equitable solution to decaying cities. Another factor to creating a solution to the problem of urban decay is strong citizen involvement. This not only does this mean that citizens have to be engaged it also means that government officials have to be willin g to listen and compromise. There was a lost opportunity in the development of City Center Englewood The citizen input panels could have done so much more to make the City Center great for everyone but instead the City offered lackluster alternatives and the citizens became complacent (City of Englewood 1998). As Duneier notes Only b y understanding the rich social organization of the sidewalk in all of its complexity might citizens and politicians appreciate how much is lost when we 87

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accept the idea that the presence of a few broken windows justifies tearing down the whole informal structure (Duneier 1999 315). To truly make a difference the citizens need to fight, even against all odds if they believe that there is truly value behind what they are fighting for New Urbanism has increasingly lost its values in the interests of attracting private capital to cities. Social justice principals are sacrificed in the interests of providing a sanitized city and design principles are sacrificed to attract big-box" retail (pyatok 2004 ; Sander 2002) As Turner further notes "As public space is increasingly controlled by the private sector we have to question if political authority and local decision structures are sufficiently concerned about the erosion of democracy. At some point the downtown development market becomes more valuable as symbolic capital than actually producing revenue for the city (Turner 2002 543). As private interests increasingly control cities it is the private investors who decide if a city will thrive or suf fer further. As Medoff & Sklar observe: Banks as an important source of capital playa pivotal but often invisible role in determining whether a community will thrive or decline. Mortgage and construction lending decisions are often based upon expectations about neighborhood growth of decline expectations about risk. Thus banks expectations of neighborhood growth or decline often become a reality -a self-fulfilling prophecy. Without a steady flow of credi t, neighborhoods deteriorate. Economic opportunities for residents of these neighborhoods are reduced even during periods of economic growth. During periods of economic decline disinvested neighborhoods suffer disproportionately (Medoff & Sklar 1994 25) The design principles of New Urbanism corrupted by neoliberal policies and private investors have betrayed the vision of Jacobs. Jacobs was considered to be 88

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an anti-planner" because in her opinion diversity can't be planned (Jacobs 1961; Allen 1993). Different facets built the diversity Jacobs celebrated and can be applied to the case study of Englewood Jacobs believed ftrst that safe streets were essential to city living and the inhabitants and public characters of the streets helped enforce this safety (Jacobs 1961). Englewood lacks these conventionall y respectable public characters that Jacobs envisioned but the city has an abundance of the new public characters that Duneier envisioned. While these people may contribute to street crime they also encourage each other to live better lives. At The Old Gun Bar, the local cocaine dealer had a ftght with his wife got drunk, and disappeared. The people of The Old Gun Bar banded together to fmd him and once they did they encouraged him to ft x the problems in his life. He is currently back with his wife and family and studying to be an E MT. While this is not a large community of people Duneier believes that this kind of encouragement in small groups can create something bigger and actually enhance the safety of the street (Duneier 1999). 89

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Figure 8.1 Diverse Design Locations in the East Corridor. Source: Author While there is no way to prove that Duneier's philosophy can enhance street safety, there is not much proof that the City Center is any safer for removing these people. In fact, the City Center creates and encourages an environment that lacks the difference and is bereft of the social capital Jacobs celebrated. As Sennett further observes, "The present use of affluent community life in cities is to make it possible for [people] to hide together from being adults" (Sennett 1970, 139). It is this ability to hide that the residents of the City Center utilize, and the area has a feeling of blandness. It is missing the funky diversity present in the east corridor. This funky diversity in the east corridor is largely due to the social capital contribution made by its inhabitants. 90

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Sennett further argues that forced interaction with people like those in the east corridor will create a more mature compassionate populace (Sennett 1970). Sennett calls this a survival community" and notes Building a survival community where men must confront differences around them will require two changes in the structuring of city life (Sennett 1970 139). People essentially affluent people need to mature and realize that difference is inherent in life (Sennett 1970). By doing this people can accept difference and begin to create more equitable solutions to urban renewal. In addition to accepting difference an engaged citizenry is necessary. If the citizens council had pressed harder there may have been affordable housing in the City Center and the housing problems in Englewood may not have been as severe when the housing bubble burst in 2008 (Jacobs 2004) In reality there is potential if affordable housing is incorporated into future urban renewal projects. As Benedick further notes: While specific conclusions cannot be made as to the need for affordable housing in Englewood, it can be concluded that affordable housing could potentially assist the cost-burdened residents in the community. However the desire to incorporate a mixed-income TOD environment in Englewood was very low during the planning and implementation stages of the City Center TOD. The policy intention behind the TOD project was to create a high-end' development in order to encourage an increase in the community tax base (Benedick 2010 45) People such as Coach Penn and ideas like an engaged citizenry may seem utopian but they are entirely possible In Medoff and Sklar s book Str eets of Hope the story of the Dudley Street Neighborhood s urban renewal is chronicled. Dudley Street is a block in the greater Boston area, which had fallen into severe 91

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disrepair and was home to several long-time poor residents. City officials targeted Dudley Street for renewal and private investors backed the project. The plan for renewal by public investors removed and displaced several of these poor residents. Through a series of protests and negotiations the people of Dudley Street won their fight to keep their homes and at the same time the private investors were able to revitalize the city (Medoff & Sklar 1994) The people of Dudley Street were not willing to back down or be relocated; instead they fought for what they believed in and created an equitable solution to renew their decaying neighborhood. That solution was and continues to be a success story. Dudley Street residents were able to keep their homes and the places that were important to them and at the same time allow their decaying neighborhood to be renewed (Medoff & Sklar 1994). Medoff &Sklar (1994) assert that in order to create fair solutions to the problem of decaying cities an unrelenting political will IS necessary. 92

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Figure 8 2 Students of Englewood High School Protesting. Source : Author The political will described by Medoff & Sklar can be seen in Englewood and the students of Englewood High School are an example of this fighting spirit alive in the community. A math teacher at Englewood High did not have her contract renewed for the 2011-2012 school year because her salary could be split amongst two newer less experienced teachers The students were enraged by this decision and encouraged by Coach Penn decided to do something about it. Despite threats of suspension and police intervention the students took to the streets and fought for their teacher. While the teacher s contract was not renewed and several students were suspended these students are representative of the political will to make a change in their community. This is precisely because 93

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these students are not only familiar with difference, but because they live in a community of difference. This political will is exactly what is necessary on both the side of the citizenry and of government to create truly great and just cities. Jacobs had this political will, and spent the rest of her life after The Death and Life of Great American Cities fighting for these kinds of equitable solutions (Allen 1993). Today, Dudley Street serves as an example of what Jacobs believed could and can happen if truly fair solutions are put into practice when renewing urban areas. Such examples provide a hopeful direction to the people of Araps and other low income residents and users of the Englewood South Broadway corridor if only city officials would recognize it. 94

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BIBLIOGRAPHY BoW, Charles C. "New Urbanism and the City: Potential Applications and Implications for Distressed Inner-City Neighborhoods." Housing Policy Debate Vol. 11 No 4 (2000) 761-801 City of Englewood. Englewood Downtown Development Plan. Englewood: City of Englewood 1981. City of Englewood. Englewood Downtown Master Plan. Englewood: City of Englewood 1998. Davis Mike. Fortress Los Angles: The Militarization of Urban Space. Journal of Urban Design Vol. 24 No.8 (1998) 154-180 Desrochers Pierre. "Cities and the Economic Development of Nations: An Essay on Jane Jacobs Contribution to Economic Theory." Canadian Journal of Regional Science Vol. 33 No.1 (April 2007) 115-130 Duneier, Mitchell. Sidewalk. New York: Farrar Straus and Giroux Publishing 1999 Garreau Joel. Edge City : Life on the new Frontier New York: Random House Publishing 1991 Ellis Cliff. The New Urbanism: Critiques and Rebuttals. Journal of Urban De s ign Vol. 7 No.3 (2002) 261-291 Englewood Urban Renewal Authority. Meeting Minutes 5-12-2010. Accessible at: http: // www.ci.englewood.co uslIndex.aspx?page = 155 Ferrell Jeff. Tearing Down the Streets : Adventures in Urban Anarchy New York: Palgrave 2001 Jacobs Jane. The Death and Life of Great American Cities. New York: Random House 1964 Jacobs Jane. "Strategies for Helping Cities." The American Economic Review, Vol. 59 No.4 (September 1969) 652-656 Jacobs Jane. Dark Age Ahead. New York: Random House 2005 95

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Kiemek, Christopher. Jacobs and the Fall of Urban Renewal Order: From Political Outsider to Power Broker in Two Great American Cities." Journal of Urban History, Vol. 34 No.2 (2008) 309-332 Lang, Jennifer. "New Urban Renewal in Colorado's Front Range." Center for the American Dream of Mobility and Home Ownership, No.2 (February, 2007) 5-16 Leitner, Helga, Peck, Jamie, & Sheppard, Eric S. Contesting Neoliberalism: Urban Frontiers. New York: Guilford Press 2007 MacMillan, Kyle. "Englewood Rallies Around Post Office and its Mural." The Denver Post Online. http://www.denverpost.com/news/ci 14243325 [Accessed April, 2010] Medoff, Peter & Sklar, Holly. Streets of Hope: The Fall and Rise of an Urban Neighborhood. Boston, MA: South End Press 1994 Mitchell, Don. The Right to the City: Social Justice and the Fight for Public Space. New York, NY: The Guilford Press, 2003 Peck, Jamie. "Struggling with the Creative Class," International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, Volume 29 No.4 (December 2005) 88-106 Pyatok, Michael. "Comment on Charles C. BoW's 'New Urbanism and the City: Potential Applications and Implications for Distressed Inner-City Neighborhoods' The Politics of Design: The New Urbanists vs. the Grass Roots ." Housing Policy Debat e Vol. 11 No.4 (2000) 803-814 Sander, Thomas H. "Social Capital and New Urbanism: Leading a Civic Horse to Water?" National Civic Review Vol. 91 No.3 (2002) 213-234 Sennett, Richard. The Uses of Disorder: Personal Identity and City Life London: Yale University Press, 1970 Siegel, Fred. "Reclaiming our Public Spaces: Strategies to Restore Civility to our Streets and Parks." City Journal Vol. 10 (Spring, 1992) 1-27 Smith Neil. "Global Social Cleansing: Postliberal Revanchism and the Export of Zero Tolerance." Social Justice Vol. 28 No.3 (2001) 45-66 Terkel, Studs. Working: People talk about what they do all day and how they feel about what they do. New York: The New Press, 1974 Toonies, Ferdinand. Community and Society. New York: Dover Publications Inc., 2002 96

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Turner Robyne S. The Politics of Design and Development in the Postmodern Downtown. Journal of Urban A ffair s 24 (2002): 533-548 Weiler Stephan Pioneers and Settlers in Lo-Do Denver: Private Risk and Public Benefits in Urban Redevelopment. Urban Studie s Vol. 37 No.1 (2000) 167-179 97