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Analysis of the burials at the Yellow Jacket hamlets (5MT1 and 5MT3)

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Title:
Analysis of the burials at the Yellow Jacket hamlets (5MT1 and 5MT3) an examination of the possibility of the presence of captives
Uncontrolled:
Examination of the possibility of the presence of captives
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Johnson, Brittany ( author )
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English
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Subjects / Keywords:
Pueblo Indians -- Antiquities ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Southwest, New ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- San Juan Basin (N.M. and Colo.) ( lcsh )
Antiquities -- Montezuma County (Colo.) ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Review:
In the prehistoric American Southwest, the practice of taking captives occurred sporadically at different periods throughout the greater Southwest (Cameron 2011, 2013; Martin 1997; 2008; Martin and Akins 2001). Yellow Jacket was one of the largest Pueblos in the Northern San Juan region and may have held captives at the peak of occupation during the Pueblo II (900 - 1150CE) and Pueblo III (1150 - 1350 CE). Previous research of captives has used skeletal pathologies, skeletal trauma, sex ratios, and grave goods to address captives in the archaeological record. Due to the prior repatriation of the funerary collections, an analysis of the grave goods, ex of the individual, skeletal pathologies, and skeletal trauma was conducted on the records from the grave goods and skeletal remains of the excavated Yellow Jacket hamlets.
Review:
There was little evidence to indicate that captives were held at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. The area had one violent episode evident at the Yellow Jacket hamlets in the early Pueblo II period, as well as periodic small scale violence. There were a large number of individuals with skeletal pathologies, but only six individuals out of 131 that displayed evidence of antemortem trauma. Five of the six individuals exhibited cranial trauma, likely the result of interpersonal violence. With the exception of one individual recovered from a disturbed context, all of the individuals with antemortem trauma were buried with grave goods. One individual with antemortem trauma was a multiple internment of three individuals, but grave goods were present with the individuals and neither of the other two individuals had skeletal trauma. The patterns displayed in the Yellow Jacket funerary assemblage are not consistent with the presence of captives at the Yellow Jacket hamlets.
Review:
Although captives were not present at the excavated Yellow Jacket hamlets, this does not mean they were absent from the Yellow Jacket area. Yellow Jacket Pueblo is largely unexcavated; it is possible that captives may have been present at Yellow Jacket Pueblo. Another possible explanation is that captives may not have been taken at the Yellow Jacket hamlets or Yellow Jacket Pueblo due to cultural or economic motivators.
Thesis:
Thesis (M.A.)--University of Colorado Denver.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references.
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System requirements: Adobe Reader.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Brittany Johnson.

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University of Florida
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997264149 ( OCLC )
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ANALYSIS OF THE BURIALS AT THE YELLOW JACKET HAMLETS (5MT1 AND 5MT3): AN EXAMINATION
OF THE POSSIBILITY OF THE PRESENCE OF CAPTIVES
by
BRITTANY JOHNSON B.A., Hamline University, 2008
A thesis submitted to the Faculty at the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Anthropology
2017


This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by Brittany Johnson has been approved for the Anthropology by
Tammy Stone, Chair Charles Musiba Christopher Beekman
Date: May 13, 2017


Johnson, Brittany (M.A. Anthropology Program)
Analysis Of The Burials At The Yellow Jacket Hamlets (5mtl And 5mt3): An Examination Of The Possibility Of The Presence Of Captives Thesis directed by Professor Tammy Stone
ABSTRACT
In the prehistoric American Southwest, the practice of taking captives occurred sporadically at different periods throughout the greater Southwest (Cameron 2011, 2013; Martin 1997; 2008; Martin and Akins 2001). Yellow Jacket was one of the largest Pueblos in the Northern San Juan region and may have held captives at the peak of occupation during the Pueblo II (900 1150CE) and Pueblo III (1150 1350 CE). Previous research of captives has used skeletal pathologies, skeletal trauma, sex ratios, and grave goods to address captives in the archaeological record. Due to the prior repatriation of the funerary collections, an analysis of the grave goods, sex of the individual, skeletal pathologies, and skeletal trauma was conducted on the records from the grave goods and skeletal remains of the excavated Yellow Jacket hamlets.
There was little evidence to indicate that captives were held at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. The area had one violent episode evident at the Yellow Jacket hamlets in the early Pueblo II period, as well as periodic small scale violence. There were a large number of individuals with skeletal pathologies, but only six individuals out of 131 that displayed evidence of antemortem trauma. Five of the six individuals exhibited cranial trauma, likely the result of interpersonal violence. With the exception of one individual recovered from a disturbed context, all of the individuals with antemortem trauma were buried with grave goods. One individual with antemortem trauma was a multiple internment of three individuals, but grave goods were present with the individuals and neither of the other two individuals had skeletal trauma. The patterns displayed in the Yellow Jacket
funerary assemblage are not consistent with the presence of captives at the Yellow Jacket hamlets.


Although captives were not present at the excavated Yellow Jacket hamlets, this does not mean they were absent from the Yellow Jacket area. Yellow Jacket Pueblo is largely unexcavated; it is possible that captives may have been present at Yellow Jacket Pueblo. Another possible explanation is that captives may not have been taken at the Yellow Jacket hamlets or Yellow Jacket Pueblo due to cultural or economic motivators.
The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication
Approved: Tammy Stone
IV


CONTENTS
I. INTRODUCTION..............................................................................1
Introduction to Research Question.........................................................1
Yellow Jacket Information and Limitations of Data.........................................6
Structure of Thesis.......................................................................8
II. PREVIOUS STUDIES OF CAPTIVES............................................................10
Why Study Captives?......................................................................10
What Constitutes a Captive?..............................................................12
Theory and Assumptions...................................................................13
Captives, Agency, and Gender.............................................................14
Identification of Captives in the Archaeological Record..................................17
Ethnohistorical Accounts...............................................................18
Iconography............................................................................19
Changes in Material Culture............................................................19
Burial Practices.......................................................................20
Sex Ratios.............................................................................22
Osteological Indicators of Captives....................................................24
Biochemical analysis...................................................................29
Evidence of Warfare in the Archaeological Record.......................................36
Warfare in the Prehispanic American Southwest............................................36
Previous Research on Non-Lethal Trauma and Captives in the Southwest...................44
III. YELLOW JACKET BACKGROUND...............................................................54
Environment at Yellow Jacket.............................................................56
Modern Environment.....................................................................56
v


Geological Setting.................................................................58
Plants and Animals.................................................................59
Prehistoric Agricultural Activities at Yellow Jacket...............................61
Culture History of Northern San Juan Region and Yellow Jacket Canyon.................62
Basketmaker III....................................................................64
Pueblo 1...........................................................................65
Pueblo II..........................................................................66
Pueblo III.........................................................................67
Site abandonments in the Northern San Juan Region..................................68
Montezuma Valley and Yellow Jacket Habitations.......................................70
Yellow Jacket Pueblo (5MT5)........................................................71
Overview of Yellow Jacket Hamlets..................................................74
IV. HUMAN REMAINS AND REPATRIATION.....................................................80
Damage to Yellow Jacket from Pothunters and Repatriation.............................80
Protection and Preservation........................................................82
History of Research at Yellow Jacket.................................................84
Human Remains at Yellow Jacket.......................................................88
Preservation and Data Collection...................................................89
Health at Yellow Jacket............................................................90
Yellow Jacket Hamlets..............................................................91
Yellow Jacket Pueblo...............................................................95
Demography.........................................................................96
Trauma.............................................................................99
Human Remains with Perimortem Trauma..............................................101
V. METHODS............................................................................104
VI


Methodology..........................................
VI. RESULTS.............................................
Results..............................................
Sex Ratios.........................................
Grave Goods........................................
Health.............................................
Trauma.............................................
Discussion...........................................
Individuals with Trauma............................
Individuals with Perimortem Trauma.................
5MT1...............................................
5MT3...............................................
Criteria Revisited...................................
VII. ANALYSIS AND FUTURE RESEARCH.......................
Analysis.............................................
Potential for Future Research........................
REFERENCES..............................................
APPENDIX................................................
A. Cranial Preservation, Trauma, and Pathologies ..
B. Post-Cranial Preservation, Trauma, and Pathologies
C. Grave Goods by Individual.......................
D. Burial Information by Individual................
E. Presence of Pathologies and Cradleboarding .....
.......................104
.......................109
.......................109
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.......................115
......................121
.......................124
......................126
.......................131
.......................131
.......................134
.......................136
.......................142
.......................142
.......................146
.......................149
Error! Bookmark not defined.
.......................158
.......................169
.......................175
.......................191
.......................198
VII


LIST OF TABLES
Table 6.1 Chart of Sex Makeup of Yellow Jacket Excluding Individuals with Extreme Perimortem Processing.........................................................................................110
Table 6.2 Chart of Sex Makeup of Yellow Jacket- All Pueblo II and Pueblo III Individuals...........112
Table 6.3 Presence of Grave Goods for Formal Burials in the Pueblo II and Pueblo III Periods.....113
Table 6.4 Mean Number of Grave Goods for Pueblo II and Pueblo III Formal Burials...................115
Table 6.5 Individuals with Pathologies in Pueblo II and Pueblo III Considerate Burials.............116
Table 6.6 Pathologies for All Pueblo II and Pueblo III Individuals.................................116
Table 6.7 Presence of Porotic Flyperostosis Among Pueblo II and Pueblo III Individuals.............117
Table 6.8 Cradleboarding among All Individuals at Yellow Jacket Flamlets...........................120
Table 6.9 Chart of Individuals with Trauma- Extreme Perimortem Processing not included.............121
Table 6.10 Trauma among All Individuals at Yellow Jacket Flamlets Chi Square Analysis............123
Table 6.11 All Individuals with Antemortem Trauma................................................125
Figure 6.12 Antemortem Cranial Trauma among Considerate Burials..................................126
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1.1: Map of the Yellow Jacket Sites .......................................................7
Figure 2.1 Areas Target for Injury from Blunt Force Trauma........................................30
Figure 2.2 an Example of Cranial Trauma Locations from the Channel Islands, California.............32
Figure 2.3 Diagram of Fractures to Longbones caused by Direct Trauma...............................33
Figure 2.4 Diagram of Fractures that are caused by Indirect Trauma.................................33
Figure 2.1 Map of Geographic Regions in Southwest..................................................38
Figure 2.2 Map of Archaeological Sites Included in this Section....................................46
Figure 3.1 Map of Yellow Jacket Pueblo.............................................................55
Figure 3.2 Landsat 8 Image of Yellow Jacket, Taken June 14, 2014...................................57
Figure 3.4 Map of Archaeological Sites in Northern San Juan Region.................................64
Figure 3.5 Image of sites at Yellow................................................................71
Figure 3.6 Site Map of Yellow Jacket Pueblo (5MT5).................................................72
Figure 3.7 Site Map of Yellow Jacket Flamlets......................................................76
Figure 3.8 Site Map of 5MT3 from Pueblo III period.................................................78
Figure 4.1 Sex of Individuals at the Yellow Jacket Flamlets- All Individuals, Excluding Isolated Skeletal Elements...........................................................................................97
Figure 4.2 Survivorship at Yellow Jacket Pueblo ...................................................98
Figure 6.1 Makeup of Sex at Yellow Jacket Excluding the Extreme Perimortem Processed Individuals ..................................................................................................Ill
Figure 6.2 Number of Sexed Individuals at Yellow Jacket Flamlets- All Pueblo II and Pueblo III Individuals.......................................................................................112
Figure 6.3 Graph of Individuals with Grave Goods Present from Pueblo II and Pueblo III Periods ... 114
Figure 6.4 Bar Graph of Porotic Flyperostosis and Sex at the Yellow Jacket Flamlets...............118
Figure 6.5 Graph of Extent of Porotic Flyperostosis among Sexed Individuals in the Pueblo II and Pueblo III Periods................................................................................119
Figure 6.6 Cranial Modification all Pueblo II and Pueblo III Individuals..........................120
IX


Figure 6.7 Graph of Trauma at Yellow Jacket Hamlets...........................................122
Figure 6.8 Graph of All Pueblo II and Pueblo III Individuals with Trauma......................124
x


CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Introduction to Research Question
Over the past few decades the study of captives in the archaeological record has become a topic of inquiry among scholars. In the American Southwest the practice of captive taking occurred at several times and locations. Archaeological evidence suggests that captives were present at the La Plata Valley, New Mexico (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akin 2001), and potentially at Chaco Canyon (Kohler and Turner 2006). There were several adult females with post cranial fractures and one with cranial fractures from the Transwestern Pipeline series (circa 1200 CE), the Gallina sites, and Carter Ranch had a large number of adult individuals with antemortem fractures (Danforth et al. 1994; Martin 1997). The site of Yellow Jacket was one of the largest in the Northern San Juan region, and the largest southwestern site north of the Aztec Ruins site in New Mexico (Ortner et al. 2000; Yunker 2001). This research utilizes data from Karhu (2000) and Yunker (2001) to address whether captives may have been present in the archaeological record at Yellow Jacket.
Numerous lines of evidence have been used to examine whether captives were present in the archaeological record. Methods used include: mortuary analysis, changes to material culture, analysis of pathologies, skeletal trauma, ethnographic accounts, and sex ratios. This research utilizes sex ratios, mortuary analysis of grave goods, skeletal pathologies, and skeletal trauma. Cross cultural research on captives in the archaeological record has indicated that females and children were taken into a host society as captives while men were more likely to be killed during conflict (Cameron 2011). Biases in the sex ratio in the archaeological record can be an indication of a cultural phenomenon that has altered the balance in the sex ratio (Divale and Harris 1976; Kramer
1


2002). A bias towards females may be an indication of non-local women immigrating to an area either by voluntary or coerced methods (Lowell 2007), while a greater number of males in the archaeological record could be an indication that women were taken from the site (Keeley 1996; Kohler and Turner 2006).
Different mortuary treatment is another indication of status in a group (Aranda et al 2009). Burials which differ from the normal burial methods and are less considerate than the majority of burials at a site may denote the presence of captives in the archaeological record (Martin 1997).
The number and types of grave goods found with captive women may be different than that of local individuals (Tung 2012). Differential burial treatment as well as skeletal trauma and pathologies are indicators of the presence of captives in the archaeological record. Antemortem trauma is a method of examining interpersonal violence within a community (Kuckelman et al. 2000). Researchers analyze trauma to determine if captives were present in the archaeological record (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001; Tung 2012; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993). Skeletal pathologies have also been utilized by researchers to gain an overall perspective on health of the population, which may differ for a particular group of marginalized individuals.
When each factor is examined individually, there are several other cultural reasons that could account for its appearance, such as warfare and low status individuals. However, when multiple lines of evidence are examined, patterns can emerge that would be indicative of captives in the archaeological record. A group of mostly female individuals with multiple indications of defensive fractures and cranial fractures that are buried differently than the majority of the other burials at the site is a strong indicator of the presence of captives. Because captives were brought into a host society, their treatment depended on a group in which they had no social bonds which resulted in people in that society often being denied the right of personhood that would have been
2


allocated to a local individual (Cameron 2011: 182). An example of this is the La Plata assemblage
where a group of women had a large amount of skeletal trauma and were haphazardly discarded without grave goods when all other individuals were buried with grave goods and intentional placement (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akin 2001).
In some societies captives or other forced migrants have the ability to become fully incorporated or gain status in the host society (Habicht-Mauche 2008; Lowell 2007; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993). However, in other groups outsider status is permanent and the individuals never fully incorporate into the host group (Martin 2008; Martin and Akins 2001; Tung 2012). Even in cases in which the individual incorporates into the host society, in general they enter the society in a marginalized state and frequently undergo a period of indoctrination into the society (Cameron 2008; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993). In other groups they may have been fully integrated but not able to achieve the full rights of a native to the group (Cameron 2011).
A group of captives that were able to be incorporated into the host society would manifest differently in the archaeological record than a group of captives that were always marked as outsiders. A group that was fully incorporated into the host society would be buried in the same manner as the local individuals, but due to the period of indoctrination would have evidence of healed skeletal trauma (Wilkinson and Wagenen 1993). In groups where captive individuals were unable to incorporate into the host society, they would not be buried in the same manner as the native individuals and would have healed and potentially some trauma that was not fully healed at time of death (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001).
The hypothesis that this research examines is: mortuary data, sex ratios, pathologies and trauma to identify a particular group of marginalized individuals suggesting that captives were present at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. The null hypothesis is that: no differential treatment of a
3


group of marginalized individuals could be distinguished using sex ratios, mortuary data, skeletal
pathologies, and trauma. Captives were not held at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. In order to test this hypothesis the burials at the Yellow Jacket hamlets seven criteria must be evaluated.
1) Are sex ratios at the Yellow Jacket hamlets skewed towards a female bias? If captives are primarily women and children, then an influx of women into the community would be reflected in the sex ratio at the Yellow Jacket hamlets.
2) Is there evidence of interpersonal violence present in the archaeological record for the Yellow Jacket hamlets? Cranial trauma and defensive fractures in the mortuary assemblage at the Yellow Jacket hamlets would suggest that a group of marginalized individuals were present at Yellow Jacket. Captives enter a host society in a marginalized position which often leaves them subject to interpersonal violence. Evidence of violent death and extreme perimortem processing would be strong indicators of warfare at Yellow Jacket rather than captives. Extreme perimortem processing refers to individuals that likely experienced a violent death and their bodies were mutilated and potentially cannibalized.
3) Were the individuals that experienced antemortem trauma more likely to be women? If the individuals that were victims of interpersonal violence were mostly female, then it would suggest that some women were in a subordinate class at Yellow Jacket.
4) Does a group of women have more pathologies present than men at the Yellow Jacket hamlets? If a group of women and children were taken as captives, then they would have less access to resources and may have more skeletal pathologies such as evidence of nutritional stress than the local population.
4


5) Was there a difference in cranial modifications between males and females?
Cradleboarding was common in the Northern San Juan region (Kuckelman et al. 2000). Differences in the sex of the individuals with cranial modifications can be an indication of the presence of nonlocal individuals at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. However, because this practice was common in the Northern San Juan region it may not be the most reliable measure of captives in the archaeological record. If captives were taken from greater distances then they may have different cranial modification practices than those which are common in the Northern San Juan Region. It is worth evaluating especially if a difference in cranial modification between males and females is present, then it is useful in conjunction with other indicators of non-local individuals to establish the presence of non-local individuals at the Yellow Jacket hamlets.
6) Do grave goods differ between men and women and is there a group of women with no grave goods at the Yellow Jacket hamlets? Grave goods are markers of an individual's status in their lifetime and have been used to determine distinctions in class (Aranda et al. 2009; Burchell 2006). Because grave goods are often a marker of status, the number and type of grave goods between locals and captive individuals would differ. Captive individuals enter a society at the lowest societal level. Captives that remain in a marginalized state will have fewer grave goods than local individuals. However, if captives have the ability to gain status in a host society then this distinction may not be present.
7) Individual and population analysis of the individuals at the site is needed. Sex and pathologies, trauma, and grave goods can be used to identify captives at both the population level as well as the individual level. Statistical analyses are used to identify if women were statistically more likely to have trauma, pathologies, or grave goods. This identifies anomalies that may be indicative of captives at a population level, while an analysis of the individuals with trauma provides
5


a life history of the individual. An in depth analysis of the life history of the individuals with trauma
is conducted to examine pathologies, trauma, and grave goods at an individual level.
Each of these criteria needs to be evaluated in order to make an assessment of whether captives were present at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Not all of these criteria need to be met for captives to be present at the site. Rather a subset of the criteria could provide an indication of whether or not captives were present at the site. The practice of keeping captives in a host society is very diverse and manifests differently worldwide. By examining both the population and an in depth analysis of the individuals with skeletal trauma a clear picture of the cultural phenomenon occurring at the Yellow Jacket hamlets can emerge.
Yellow Jacket Information and Limitations of Data
The Yellow Jacket area is located in southwestern Colorado in the Northern San Juan region. It was occupied in the Basketmaker III period, and the Pueblo II and Pueblo III periods. The analysis of burials thus far is limited to the Yellow Jacket hamlets. The Yellow Jacket area is comprised of one large pueblo and up to twenty smaller hamlets surrounding the large pueblo, each with separate site numbers. The large pueblo at Yellow Jacket is site 5MT5. The hamlets which have been excavated are 5MT1, 5MT2, and 5MT3. There were no human remains at 5MT2 and only 5MT1 and 5MT3 are included in this analysis. Sites 5MT1 and 5MT3 are referred to as the Yellow Jacket hamlets and the large pueblo is referred to as Yellow Jacket Pueblo in this study (See Figure 1.1).
6


Figure 1.1 Map of the Yellow Jacket Sites (Wilshusen and Mobley-Tanaka 2005: 8)
The site histories of 5MT1, 5MT3, and 5MT5 are addressed separately in Chapter 3, but are otherwise addressed as the Yellow Jacket hamlets. The Yellow Jacket hamlets are included in the analysis. The human remains from test excavations at Yellow Jacket Pueblo are discussed in Chapter 3 in the human remains at Yellow Jacket section, but are not included in the analysis conducted for this study. Human remains from Yellow Jacket Pueblo were not included because the site is largely unexcavated other than several test excavation pits in research conducted by Crow Canyon Archaeological Center and the remains recovered from that excavation were largely isolated finds rather than formal burials and were found in intermittent test pits rather than a systematic excavation.
The Pueblo II (900 1150 CE) and Pueblo III (1150 1350 CE) periods were chosen as the focus of this analysis. Although Yellow Jacket had habitation periods in the Basketmaker III (500 750 CE), Pueblo II, and Pueblo III period, only the Puebloan periods were included in this analysis. This was done because of the time gap between the Basketmaker III and Pueblo II periods and because of the low number of individuals recovered from that time period. In the Pueblo II and Pueblo III
7


periods, there was a greater density of people at habitation sites. At the La Plata site in New Mexico, the aggregation of population and captives co-occur at the same time period, possibly due to an increase in the likelihood of violent conflict and ability to defend large settlements (Martin 1997).
Human remains from the Yellow Jacket hamlets were repatriated in 2007 and 2008.
Research was conducted using archival data from Karhu (2000) and Yunker (2001). No original data was collected from the physical skeletal remains because of their prior repatriation; however the data from the research was compiled and utilized to address a previously unasked research question about the Yellow Jacket hamlets. The data collected from the archival records of burials at the Yellow Jacket hamlets included: sex of individual, skeletal and dental pathologies, trauma, cranial modification, the presence of grave goods associated with the individual, the type of grave goods associated with the individual, and the number of grave goods associated with each individual.
Structure of Thesis
This thesis is divided into seven chapters. The first chapter is the introduction, which provides a brief overview of the research question. The second chapter is the general theoretical discussion of the study of captives. This chapter addresses the theoretical framework of this thesis and provides an introduction into previous research conducted on the study of captives in the archaeological record. It also discusses the research of captives which is specific to the American Southwest and a history of violence in the region. The third chapter provides a background of the Yellow Jacket area. In this section the environment and climate of Yellow Jacket are discussed. The fourth chapter provides information on previous research conducted in the area as well as the damage that Yellow Jacket Pueblo and surrounding hamlets have experienced due to pot hunting and agricultural activity. The fifth chapter is about the methodology used to complete the analysis.
8


This provides an overview of the methods used to compile data and the statistical tests which were run on the data. The sixth chapter is the results section. The results section includes a complete description of all the individuals which had antemortem trauma and the individuals with perimortem trauma. The seventh chapter is an analysis of the results and the conclusion. There are five appendices included in this thesis. The first, Appendix A is a full compilation of the presence and absence of cranial pathologies and trauma on skeletal elements and their preservation. The second, Appendix B is similar to appendix A, but records post cranial elements. Appendix C is a list of each individual, the type of grave goods associated with the individual, and their detailed description. Appendix D records the burial period, the hamlet the individual was recovered from, the number of grave goods, and the type of burial. Appendix E documents the pathologies present at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. It lists each individual, whether pathologies were present or absent, the presence of porotic hyperostosis, the severity of porotic hyperostosis, and if cradleboarding was present. Each appendix records the burial number, the sex of the individual, and the age range of the individual at time of death.
9


CHAPTER II
PREVIOUS STUDIES OF CAPTIVES Why Study Captives?
The study of captives in the archaeological record has been a topic that until recently received little scholarly attention. However, it has become evident from recent studies of raiding, warfare, and captive taking that the presence of slaves in a society had a major impact on the social and cultural aspects of that society. The process of captive taking is part of a broad range of intersocial relations (Habicht-Mauche 2008). Although captives typically entered a host society in a marginalized state, they had dramatic impacts on a society. They influenced the genetic makeup of the population, were a method of migration and moving individuals throughout a landscape, introduced new techniques in the production of goods, and influenced changes in culture. The exact nature of cultural change and transmission varied based on the level of incorporation into a host society that captives were able to achieve. In some groups, captives were able to obtain some type of social status in the host society, allowing for their ideas to pass more freely into the host society.
Warfare has often been a mechanism for shifting population dynamics and causing population aggregation and abandonment, particularly in the prehistoric American Southwest (Lowell 2007). The practice of raiding for slaves and taking captives is a mechanism for forcing migration among an individual or a group of individuals. Since the practice was common in many prehistoric societies, it should be accounted for as a mechanism of migration and moving people across a landscape. In some societies captives accounted for between fifteen and fifty percent of the total population of a group (Cameron 2013). Forced migration, including war refugees migrating in a landscape can cause changes within the dynamics of the landscape. Captives were typically taken from areas that were just outside of the scope of normal spouse exchange, and were
10


sometimes from neighboring communities (DeBoer 2008). However this was not always the case, in
some circumstances captives could be exchanged from hundreds of miles away (Junker 2008). Captives differ from spouse exchange, because captive women do not have the ability to rely on kinship ties as allies in cases with abuse or have the option of returning to their natal lands. These shifts in population bring a host of other changes in conjunction with the shift in population to include non-local migrants.
Captives that were brought into a host society fulfill a variety of social roles, in many cases becoming wives and concubines to individuals in the local population. Captives appear at multiple sociopolitical levels of a host society (Cavali-Sforza 2000 in Cameron 2011). Because of their roles as captive wives, captives most likely had an impact on the composition of the gene pool in a group. In addition to altering the genetic makeup of a group, captives may broaden the cross-cultural interactions of the host group and act as cultural intermediaries with their natal villages. Captives may have different language abilities than the host society and have the ability to engage in intercultural communication and exchange for trade goods (Habicht-Mauche 2008).
Captives were a mechanism for individuals migrating around the landscape and introduced new genetic material, ideas, and production techniques into their host society (Cameron 2011). When captives are taken into a host society, they bring with them their own social experiences and a particular set of knowledge and skill sets. Captives were often used to perform labor and production. Although captives were to a large extent required to conform to their captors' cultural norms, they brought with them knowledge from their own cultural backgrounds (Cameron 2011). Women in the Philippines were primarily responsible for pottery production. When uniquely identifiable techniques began to spread through the islands, it became clear that slave raiding activities instigated the propagation of multiple pottery techniques (Junker 2008).
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What Constitutes a Captive?
A captive for all intents and purposes is an individual that was forcibly taken from their natal community into another society. In many cases under this definition of captives, slavery becomes synonymous with captive taking (Robertshaw and Duncan 2008). The term slavery has a particular stigma associated with it in contemporary American society, however in many prehistoric societies slavery existed in some form, but not in the scale or degree of slavery in the United State prior to the Civil War. In many prehistoric groups, captives were taken via small scale raiding and warfare. After an individual was taken into a host society, their experience varied dramatically based on the level of social status that they could achieve in the host society. In some cases, the individual remained an outcast and was never able to achieve status but in other societies captives were able to become full members of the society (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001). Varying degrees of social incorporation also existed. Being a captive had a dramatic impact on the ability of the individual to express their identity, including the social roles the individual could fulfill, an individual's gender, age, marital status, ethnicity and expression of those aspects of identity.
Captives fulfilled a number of different social functions in a host society. These roles ranged from general laborers to wives or concubines to the elite individuals in a society. In certain circumstances, individuals were targeted as captive because of their knowledge of a particular mode of production or types of cultural knowledge that the individual possessed (Cameron 2011). The social role a captive fulfilled depended largely on the age and sex of the individual. An individual may be brought into a host society for a specialized technology or craft production. Captives could also be brought into a host society to meet labor needs (Ames 2001). Captives that served the role of general laborer typically performed the grunt work that other individuals did not wish to perform. In some instances captives performed tasks that their gender would not have been assigned
12


(Cameron 2011). The practice of raiding for women and children to serve as wives could be done to
continue the tradition of polygamy among a group (DeBoer 1986). In some cases a captive even functioned as a form of currency (Cameron 2011). The social role that the captives performed in the host society had an impact on the treatment of captives in the host society.
Theory and Assumptions
Captives in the past were a worldwide phenomenon. Even in modern times there are individuals held captive in illicit slave trade (Kopytoff 1982). The activity of taking captives into a host society has been very diverse, ranging from captives and their offspring never being allowed to have full rights of personhood to captives being adopted and fully incorporated into the host society. Because there are so many iterations, it is impossible to assess as a uniform phenomenon.
A captive's role within the host society is impacted by a number of factors, including: gender, age at time of capture, context of the individual's capture, and ability to incorporate into the host society. In some societies individuals can sell themselves into slavery to pay off a debt, while others are the result of small scale raiding activities (Cameron 2008). A female captive can be a general laborer or a wife to an elite individual. Typically, younger individuals were targeted for capture, unless an older individual was targeted for a specialized skill that they would perform in the host society (Cameron 2008). Females were more frequently taken as captives than males (Cameron 2011).
This research utilizes a primarily political economic framework to address captives in the archaeological record. Agency and social identity are also reoccurring themes in this research. A political economic framework is applied because captives represent a marginalized subclass whose objectives are at odds with the dominant class. The practice of taking captives relies on the physical
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and psychological isolation of an individual from their kinship allies (Patterson 1982). However, this
does not mean that individuals that were taken captive had no ability to employ some form of agency when dealing with captors.
Captives, Agency, and Gender
Captives are often the product of violent raids and small scale warfare. This type of violence may have been considered normal by the groups in the region (Das 2008). Women and children were frequently taken as captives and were more likely to be spared than men (Cameron 2011; DeBoer 1986). In many host societies captives were required to adopt the cultural practices of their host culture. The practice of holding captives relies on physical and social control of an individual and the alienation of the individual from their kinship group (Patterson 1982; Peregrine 2008). Although captives were physically and socially controlled by the aggressor group, a negotiation of power between the dominant group and the subordinate group took place. This gave captives at least some means to express their unique identities rather than simply mimic the dominant culture, an example of this is captives having to keep their hair short as a marker of servitude in the Pacific Northwest, or women not being permitted to shape their infant's head (Cameron 2008). In some instances expression of identities may be an indication of resistance to the dominant culture, but this is not always the case. During the period in which slavery was practiced in the United States, African slaves would engage in negotiations of autonomy with their captors (Thomas 1998). This could occur in several ways including: unwillingness to work, access to certain items, and disobedience. In some host societies, captives were not allowed to incorporate into the dominate society even if they wanted to become fully incorporated.
The level of social incorporation that a captive individual was able to achieve varied between groups. Captive women assumed the role of wives to captors, concubines, or labor in the
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host society. Power was subject to negotiations that can be reflected in material culture (Nelson
2004). Among several groups, there is pronounced evidence for domestic abuse of captives (Martin 2008; Tung 2012; Wilkinson and Wagenen 1993). Sometimes war refugees or captives became fully incorporated as full members of the host society (Lowell 2007), or captives underwent a period of violent induction into the society prior to assuming a role in the society (Peregrine 2008; Wilkinson and Wagenen 1993). During the period of incorporation, captives typically entered the host society in a marginalized position, and were often subjected to violence (Cameron 2011, Martin 2008; Tung 2012; Wilkinson and Wagenen 1993). Captives were not always fully incorporated as members of the host society; they sometimes remained outsiders and were subject to marginalization and violence throughout their lives (Martin 2008; Tung 2012).
Even in cases in which captives remained members of a marginalized class in the host society, their position was subject to some level of negotiation. Even captives had the ability to negotiate their status to a degree by utilizing their agency or a collective agency (Thomas 1998). Agency can refer to either the actions taken by the individual actors in a social group or the collective social group. Agency as a paradigm gives actors the ability to choose what actions are taken, but not to choose the consequences of their actions (Clark 2000). Even in situations in which the slave owners or overseer appeared to have complete control over the individuals in that system, the relationship was more dialectic than observed (Thomas 1998). Captives had the ability to influence cultural change within the host society either overtly or in a more covert manner (Cameron 2011). Change could occur in several manners, either through exchange of ideas and trade or through resistance. Resistance to a dominant group can include: disobedience, criticism, and ridicule (Boehm 1993).
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Captive status impacted multiple aspects of an individual's social life and identity. Social lives are influenced by many aspects of identity including: gender, ethnicity, and sexuality (Meskell 2002). The gender of an individual taken captive and the way captive individuals were able to express their gender in many host societies differed between captives and locals. Gender and sex are not identical to each other. Sex refers to the biological sex of an individual, while gender is a more fluid term related to identity. Gender is how an individual or a society identifies the person. It is also possible for more than two genders to exist in a society, and in some cases captives were considered a third gender, neither female nor male, just a worker to engage in labor (Ames 2008). This also had an impact on the social roles that they could fulfill. Gender roles cannot be taken for granted in the archaeological record.
Cross cultural studies have demonstrated that the majority of individuals taken as captives were women and children (Ames 2001; Cameron 2011; Martin 1997, 2008; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993). Even among free women in a society, there is no single unified experience for women living in one particular society and variety of experiences need to be accounted for (Engelstad 1991). Although women and children were preferred as captives, in some cases men were taken (Ames 2001). In the Northwest Coast men were frequently either taken as captives or sold themselves into captivity to pay a debt. Once an individual became a captive, they became part of a stigmatized class that could be killed or traded with no consequences to the master. In this stigmatized class, individuals did not have defined gendered tasks like the free individuals. Slave women would perform tasks traditionally assigned to men, and men could be assigned to perform tasks usually assigned to women. In general the tasks assigned to captive individuals were the grunt work that was considered unpleasant (Ames 2001; 2008).
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The wide variety of roles and tasks that can be assigned to a captive at a host society can
make it difficult to distinguish between captives and other marginalized groups or other social phenomenon such as spousal abuse or war refugees. There are several indicators in the archaeological record that are commonly used to determine if women captives were present at a site in middle range societies. These methods can be used to derive meaning from patterns in the archaeological record (Kristiansen and Larsson 2005). Established methods used in previous studies for examining captives in the American Southwest are adopted for this research.
Identification of Captives in the Archaeological Record
In the archaeological record captives were often integrated into households with locals and they engaged in similar activities as the locals, so the question of how to distinguish captives from the local community arises (Cameron 2008). Until recently captives have been largely unexamined in the archaeological record, however, more research is being conducted on groups that have been taken unwillingly into a host society (Ames 2008; Alt 2008; Cameron 2008, 2011, 2013; Habicht-Mauche2008; Junker 2008; Keeley 1996; Kohler and Turner 2006; Kuckelman et al. 2002; Martin 1997, 2008 Price et al. 2006; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993). There are multiple techniques which have been employed to distinguish captives in the archaeological record in prehistoric societies. Some of the methods that have been used to determine captives in the archaeological record have been: to examine changes to material culture, the presence of non-local artifacts, strontium isotope and biochemical analysis, evidence of trauma and abuse, increased morbidity, different adornments and modifications, iconography, and skewed sex ratios (Cameron 2008; Lowell 2007; Martin 2008). Each individual recovered from the Yellow Jacket hamlets has a life history and an application to the population at Yellow Jacket as a whole. The human remains at Yellow Jacket should be taken into consideration at both the individual and population levels to determine if any
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indications of captives are present. Although each of these factors when examined independently could be the result of numerous phenomena, when they are examined together as multiple lines of evidence a pattern emerges that is indicative of the presence of captives in the archaeological record.
Ethnohistorical Accounts
Ethnohistory has flourished as a form of research in North American scholarship (Trigger 1982). Ethnohistory has been used as a form of addressing topics of captives; however it is less reliable because the practice of captive taking has social stigmas associated with it. Due to the sensitive nature of the topic of captives it was often softened by those giving accounts to reflect Western values (Kopytoff 1982). Anthropologists when addressing the topic of captivity have tended to downplay its significance in a group based on the social and political environment (Kopytoff 1982). In some cases, captive taking was covered up through behaviors such as adopting the captive individual, a practice that occurred between indigenous groups and Spaniards (Brooks 2002). This does not mean that ethnohistorical accounts of captives should be dismissed. Historical accounts of the practice of taking captives can provide useful accounts of identification of captives in the archaeological record (Cameron 2011). Ethnohistorical accounts as well as archaeological accounts have been demonstrated that captive status can be marked by differences in adornment, hair, or mutilations.
Clothes and hair are very rarely preserved in the archaeological record, but evidence of mutilation is more likely to be preserved. In some cases free women and captive women were not allowed to wear the same garb, an example is among the Iroquois free women being allowed to wear lip plugs while captive women were not permitted to wear them (Cameron 2008). This has implications for what type of material culture and iconography to examine at a site, to determine if
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captives were present at that site. Ethnohistorical accounts of captives at Yellow Jacket are not available and this line of evidence cannot be used for the purpose of this research.
Iconography
Although, much iconography ignores the role of women, iconography can also indicate the presence of captives in the archaeological record. This may be in part because pictographic representations are commonly assumed to be male when there is no apparent gender present. Historical texts also hold a similar bias (Nelson 2004). Iconography can be used to indicate warfare and raiding for captives and some prehistoric images clearly depict this act. This includes a depiction form Oaxaca, Mexico the Zapotec which demonstrated the treatment of war captives, the captives had ropes around their necks to symbolize their status as captives (Cameron 2008). Although iconography is a technique which can be used for identification of captives in the archaeological record, it is not applicable to the Yellow Jacket hamlets.
Changes in Material Culture
Material culture can be used to examine the presence of captives in the archaeological record. Individuals taken from a group as captives may bring some items with them that could be identified as having non-local origin. In addition to bringing some non-local items with them, when an individual is taken captive they bring with them a host of knowledge and techniques for particular activities. Captive taking becomes a mechanism for cultural transmission of production techniques and exchanges of ideas. Studies of production techniques for activities such as pottery making have suggested the presence of captives and the influence captives had on a host society (Ames 2001; Cameron 2011; Habicht-Mauche 2008). Junker (2008) examined the presence of captive women being transported between islands in the Philippines based on the stylistic traits of
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craft goods that women were responsible for producing. Junker (2008) used stylistic analysis in conjunction with previously known information about local slave trade activities in order to make her analysis.
The process of cultural transmission through captives is impacted by the individuals that the captors decided to take. This process is not random and elderly individuals were typically not targeted to be taken captive unless they were specifically targeted for a knowledge base or skill set the individual possessed. This limits the technology, ritual, or cultural knowledge that was introduced into the host society (Cameron 2011). The sex of the individuals taken into a host society also has an impact on the types of knowledge and skills that are transmitted. Lowell (2007) examined the influx of females at Grasshopper Pueblo, and found changes to material culture in areas that were connected to female production activities, while male production techniques remained largely the same. The forced migrants to Grasshopper Pueblo were likely refugees rather than captives but the changes to female production activities could be an indicator for female captives (Lowell 2007). In other social contexts, women were captured to engage in certain production activities. Among certain Amazonian groups women were targeted as captives to engage in beer production (DeBoer 1986). Among slaves brought to the Americas, African style objects produced reflect a male bias (Otto 1975 in Cameron 2011).
Burial Practices
Mortuary treatment in the archaeological record is important for distinguishing many aspects of identity. It can distinguish social class, kinship, ethnicity, and other aspects of an individual's status within a community (Aranda et al. 2009; Pollard and Cathue 1999). Burial practices and grave goods may be different for individuals that are taken as captives into a host society. Ames (2001) noted that although slaves were incorporated into their master's household
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during the daily routine, they were not given the same burial treatment as free individuals. The analysis of the Animas La Plata burials in Northern New Mexico had a group of women displaying multiple antemortem traumas that were buried with less consideration than the other burials at the site (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001). The remains were discarded in a more haphazard manner with less consideration given to the individuals than other burials at the site, which are interpreted as captive women.
At the Prince Rupert site along the Northwest Coast there were a number of individuals that were decapitated, possibly executed in a kneeling position, and left in place, where the majority of burials at the site were buried in a flexed position lying on their sides. The Prince Rupert site also displayed an imbalance in the sex ratio, in which more males than females were present at the site. The Prince Rupert site may represent a location which was raided for women or the location where captive individuals were executed (Ames 2001). Ames (2001) also suggests that the sex ratio in the burial record could represent a separate burial ground for the higher status individuals in the community and the captives were buried in a different location. The Prince Rupert site demonstrates how multiple lines of evidence are important for addressing the issue of captives in the archaeological record. The imbalance in the sex ratio in conjunction with the executed individuals provides an indication that women may have been raided for at this location.
Differences in grave goods may be an indication of captives in the archaeological record. Tung (2012) examined burials at Conchopata, a site in the Peruvian Andes, and found a female exhibiting multiple cranial traumas and a different cranial modification buried in a manner different than all of the other burials at the site. The individual was a female buried alone with a single sherd of pottery under her head, while most burials at Conchopata are multiple internments with
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numerous grave goods. The female buried alone also had multiple cranial lesions and antemortem
trauma (Tung 2012). Sex Ratios
Sex ratios in the archaeological record have been shown to be relatively equal between males and females (Divale and Harris 1976; Fisher 1930). The 50/50 sex ratio is known as "Fisher's Principal" as Fisher (1930) was the first individual to suggest that over multiple generations the sex ratio should be approximately equal between males and females (Kramer 2002). Deviations from a nearly equal sex ratio in the archaeological record are worth further examination. The individuals selected to be taken as captives were not randomly selected, and targeting young women through raiding can lead to a greater number than expected of females in the archaeological record (Cameron 2008). However there are several cultural phenomena that can be indicated by biases in the sex ratios. First it can be an indicator of infanticide (Divale and Harris 1976; Trivers 1985) or of a higher mortality rate of males than females (Kohler and Turner 2006). Divale and Harris (1976) argue that in societies in which warfare is very common, a "male supremacist complex" can emerge which results in female infanticide. Because the sex of subadults cannot be estimated accurately from osteological techniques, it is difficult to distinguish death rates of children but the practice does result in unequal sex ratios, with a lower than expected rate of females in the adult burial population. A differential sex ratio biased towards females can be an indication of men being killed in violent conflict away from the village where they lived (LeBlanc 1999 in Kohler and Turner 2006).
A bias toward males may be the result of women being raided from their natal communities (Ames 2001; Keeley 1996), while a female bias can be an indication of a society which raiding for women or the taking of captives (Cameron 2011; Kramer 2002; Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993).
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Sex ratios that are skewed towards females over males, especially females of reproductive age, can be an indication of captive taking. Historical records of American Indian groups and isotopic studies have been used to document sex ratio skews through captive taking (Cameron 2011). Bioarchaeological research from the Moche and Post-Classic Maya have been used to demonstrate that sacrificial victims were frequently defeated enemies, that were mostly male (Duncan 2011; Sutter and Cortez 2005), while other isotopic studies have documented the presence of non-local captives (Alt 2008; Price et al. 2006). Research in the Northwest Coast indicates that women and girls were preferred as slaves in that region (Ames 2001, 2008). This pattern was also present at Riviere aux Vase, a site in southeastern Michigan (Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993). Kohler and Turner (2006) found a similar imbalance towards women in the archaeological assemblage at Chaco Canyon and Aztec Ruins. A male bias occurred at a Crow Creek site in South Dakota where an attack on the village had killed men, women, and children, but younger females missing from the assemblage demonstrates the possibility that the younger women of the group had likely been taken captive. A similar pattern was found at Sand Canyon Pueblo, near the Yellow Jacket area (Keeley 1996).
An imbalance in sex ratios is strong evidence to suggest the presence of captives in the archaeological record; however, there are other interpretations of imbalance in the sex ratio that need to be addressed. Kohler and Turner (2006) cannot discount the possibility that there was another draw that was attracting women to Chaco Canyon and Aztec Ruins. It is possible that women had more opportunities for social advancement or as producers of crafts and goods at these large sites than they did at the surrounding villages. Similarly, Lowell (2007) uses skewed sex ratios to make the interpretation of war refugees in the Grasshopper Region of Arizona.
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Lowell (2007) distinguishes between females that are captives and war refugees based on
burial treatment and evidence of trauma. Captives are frequently mistreated and subjected to interpersonal violence (Keeley 1996; Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001). The burials at Grasshopper Region do not display the trauma that would be expected with a group of captives despite the sex imbalance. The women at Grasshopper Pueblo were buried in a considerate manner, which distinguishes them from the La Plata assemblage noted previously (Lowell 2007; Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001). Only one female at Grasshopper region experienced a violent death. Lowell (2007) interprets the high number of sub-adults and adult females at Grasshopper Pueblo as being akin to other warfare-refugee populations. The sex ratio imbalance at Grasshopper Pueblo is greater than La Plata, and a high morbidity rate at Grasshopper Region in general suggests that the population was having difficulty maintaining enough food and would be unlikely to seek out captives during a period of scarcity (Lowell 2007). Multiple lines of evidence were used by Lowell (2007) to distinguish between war refugees and captives, thus highlighting the importance of using multiple lines of evidence to distinguish sex imbalances as the result of captives, or another issue in the archaeological assemblage.
Osteological Indicators of Captives
Skeletal remains are the only direct measure of the health, morbidity, and trauma in a population (Larsen 1997). There is no single uniform treatment for captives in any society and there is a great range of degrees of social incorporation into a society, but human skeletal remains offer one possible way to examine whether or not captives were present in the archaeological record. Osteological methods that can be used to address the potential for captives in the archaeological record include: biochemical analysis, analysis of trauma, and an analysis of pathologies. Some of the osteological measures of health in a population may not distinguish between low status individuals
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and captives. Multiple lines of evidence should be employed to examine the presence of captives at
a site.
Commonly employed osteological methods to study the presence of captives are to examine evidence of trauma and morbidity. In general the individuals that were take as captives were women and children, so women with a numerous compression fractures on their heads and defensive wounds may be an indication of captives in the archaeological record. Captives sustained non-lethal cranial trauma and post cranial defensive wounds in the process of capture and subjugation. Evidence of these can mark an individual as different from the local population (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993). Fractures leave evidence of trauma either in depressions in the cranium or as cortical bone around a healed fracture which are present long after the trauma has healed, which can provide evidence of a captive's status long after the trauma has healed. If a captive individual is not incorporated as a member of the society, their status as an outsider is marked by a lifetime of abuse (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001; Tung 2012). If captives become partially incorporated or full members of the host society, the trauma incurred during the indoctrination period will likely be fully healed (Peregrine 2008; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993). An example of this is the Riviere aux Vase in southeastern Michigan, a group of women had numerous healed compression fractures on their cranium that were patterned in a manner suggesting the women had been captives. The women at Riviere aux Vase were buried similar to the other individuals in the group, which suggested that they had been incorporated into the society and were no longer subjected to physical abuse (Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993). The types of trauma that are common among captives are discussed in greater detail in the section on cranial trauma and post cranial trauma.
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Morbidity
There are numerous measures which indicate morbidity and general indications of stress in bone. Bones are measures of an individual's health during childhood as well as adult health. Most skeletal pathologies are non-specific indicators of health and cannot identify the exact cause of the pathology. Skeletal pathologies can be indicators of numerous types of morbidity, including: stress on an individual, nutritional stress, infection, or congenital abnormality. Evidence of pathologies can assist in identifying a group of marginalized individuals, but additional lines of evidence need to be used to distinguish captives from individuals with low social status.
Skeletal pathologies can distinguish periods of stress that occurred in childhood from stress that occurred as an adult. Several indicators of childhood stress are: Harris lines, linear enamel hypoplasias, and short stature. Harris lines occur when growth during development is stunted for a period of time due to a period of physiological stress from which the individual recovers. They appear as transverse lines found in the long bones and are visible under x-ray (Larsen 1997). Stature is an indication of cumulative stress that occurs throughout childhood, a reduced stature in an adult individual may be due to a lack of protein in the diet (Danforth et al. 1994).
Another indicator of morbidity and potentially poor nutrition during childhood from which the individual recovered is enamel hypoplasias. Enamel hypoplasias can be either pits or lines that form in the enamel. Enamel hypoplasias are cause by enamel deficiency during childhood. Some enamel hypoplasias are visible to the naked eye; others are visible on a microscopic level (Hassett 2014). Stress such as poor nutrition or disease can cause enamel hypoplasias to form in mammals (Larsen 1997). Based on the location of the hypoplasia and the tooth or teeth that the hypoplasia is located on, the age at which the period of stress occurred can be estimated (Danforth et al. 1994). Enamel hypoplasias can provide information on stress an individual incurred during adolescence;
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however, it does not provide information on adult stress. Other osteological indicators can provide
information on stress during adulthood.
There are a number of health indicators for adults that would appear in the osteological record; such as arthritis, anemia (porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia), dental pathologies, and some congenital conditions. Arthritis which is most commonly found in older individuals is a degenerative joint disease that is commonly found in load bearing joints (Danforth et al. 1994). Activity patterns can be determined based on the common locations of osteoarthritis (White and Folkens 2005). Dental pathologies in the archaeological record can provide information on tooth use and diet. A high frequency of caries may be an indication of a soft diet high in sugars, such as maize based diets. Severe dental caries can cause an abscess of the tooth, which may cause life threatening infection (Danforth et al. 1994). Nutritional deficiencies resulting in anemia can lead to a sponge like appearance on the surface of the cranium known as porotic hyperostosis or cribra orbitalia. It is commonly found on the parietals, occipital, frontal and the orbital roof (cribra orbitalia). In the American Southwest, a primarily maize based diet may have contributed to the high frequency of porotic hyperostosis (White and Folkens 2005).
Body modifications, such as hair styles, cranial or dental modifications, are another form of alterations to the skeleton that are sometimes used to distinguish a group of outsiders in the archaeological record. Preservation limits the amount of data that is available in the archaeological record. Flair, clothing, and small bones such as phalanges rarely preserve in the archaeological record. Evidence of mutilation is more likely to be preserved. Mutilation refers to any type of modification that is permanently placed on the body, including: tattoos, piercings, dental modifications, and cranial modifications (Cameron 2008). An example of this is captive individuals being forced to cut their hair short as a marker of servitude as was done among Northwest Coast
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groups (Donald 1997). Among prehistoric Mayan and Mississippian groups tooth modification was
used as a method to express identity (Neiburger 2010). Neiburger (2010) points out that there are certain contemporary subcultures in the United States modify their teeth as a form of identity expression. An individual's status as an outsider in a community can be marked through clothing and hair as well as through mutilations to the body.
Markers of captive status through mutilation serve as a permanent reminder of outsider status in a group. One hypothesis of the Iroquois is that the hands of captives were mutilated by removing fingers or finger nails (Cameron 2008). On the other hand the prohibition of captive individuals to mutilate or modify their bodies can also be a sign of a captive individual. For example, in the Northwest Coast captive women were not allowed to wear lip plugs as was the custom among free women (Cameron 2008; Donald 1997). Cranial modification is another form of bodily modification that can distinguish captive individuals from free individuals. An example of cranial modifications identifying a captive is at Conchopata in the Peruvian Andes. The woman was buried in a single internment, which differed from other burials at Conchopata and had multiple traumas. The single woman had a different cranial modification than the other individuals at the site, which marked her status as an outsider.
Cranial modification occurs during infancy and adolescence and can be used to identify group affiliation. An adult captive with a different cranial modification than the host society is marked as an individual originating from a different location than the natives of the group. Captive women may have to conform to the host society's practices of cranial modification of their children. Conversely they may not be allowed to shape their children's head in the same manner as the host society, thus transferring their status as captives to the next generation as was the practice with some groups. Among groups in the Northwest Coast not only were captives alienated, but their
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status could be transmitted to their children (Cameron 2008). It is unusual for groups to inherit their mother's social status as a captive, disallowing the children of captives to achieve status or full personhood in that society.
Biochemical analysis
Biochemical analysis of bone can provide insight into whether or not the individual was local or foreign. Strontium isotope analysis can determine whether or not an individual was living in the same local area that they grew up in (Kenoyer et al. 2013; Sharpies and Pearson 1999). However, this requires researchers to have the ability to take dental and bone samples and a political environment that permits the taking of bone samples and enough collagen to allow for testing. Biochemical analysis of bone cannot distinguish between forced migration and voluntary migration, multiple lines of evidence need to be employed to make an argument for the presence of captives.
Trauma
Skeletal trauma is a common method used to determine whether captives were present in a society (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001; Tung 2012; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993). Trauma can be caused by either intentional or unintentional injuries to an individual (Walker 1989). Intentional and accidental injury is distinguished by the use of the term "violent injury" for injuries sustained to an individual that are caused by malevolent action (Walker 2001). Evidence of violent injury that is indicative of captives is primarily non-lethal trauma and defensive wounds. See diagram below of areas frequently targeted for blunt force trauma (Figure 2.1). Violent behavior produces certain patterns of trauma, analysis of these patterns allow trends in interpersonal violent behavior to emerge (Walker 1997). In particular, cranial injury is frequently used to identify captives in the archaeological record (Tung 2012; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993).
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Figure 2.1 Areas Target for Injury from Blunt Force Trauma (Marihno 2016: 1425)
Cranial trauma
Cranial trauma in modern groups is one of the most common forms of violent trauma, a trend which is likely echoed by prehistoric groups (Walker 2001). Compression fractures are small to large depressions on the skull which are caused by blunt force trauma applied from two sides of the skull. A depression fracture is the term used when blunt force is applied to only one side of the skull (Merbs 1989: 166). Depression fractures remain depressed on the skull long after the bone has healed due to bone necrosis (Martin 1997). Accidental falls likely account for some cranial trauma, but they also can be an indication of interpersonal violence (Walker 1989).
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The area of the cranium that is targeted during aggressive interaction varies between
groups (Walker 1997). The primary location of cranial trauma among captives also differs between groups. Among female captives in the Wari Empire from Conchopata, Peru most of the cranial trauma was found on the posterior of the skull (Tung 2007). This may have been the result of behaviors such as running away during raids or ducking their heads to avoid a blow (Tung 2012). However, in the Riviere aux Vase site in Michigan, female captives were more likely to have compression fractures all over their skull (Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993). Riviere aux Vase site has an extremely high female to male ratio and a greater number of women exhibited cranial trauma. The presence of cranial trauma may be evidence of interpersonal violence such as spousal abuse or of trauma from the subjection of captives. An example of cranial trauma from the Channel Islands in prehistoric California is below (Figure 2.2). The Riviere aux Vase site had a sample of nineteen individuals with cranial trauma out of a sample of 114 females and 98 males. Fifteen females and four males represented the nineteen individuals with cranial trauma. Of the fifteen females, five had multiple cranial fractures. If the practice of spouse abuse was common in the society, it is likely that the majority of women would have evidence of trauma. If the trauma is limited to a few women with multiple cranial injuries similar to the Riviere aux Vas site, it is likely these women were captives.
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Feronto
Malo
Figure 2.2 an Example of Cranial Trauma Locations from the Channel Islands, California (Walker 1989: 317). In this population males had more cranial trauma than females. But concentrations of trauma on the front and back of the cranium are present of the female skull.
Post cranial trauma
In many cases identification of defensive wounds can also be associated with the presence of captives in the archaeological record. Fractures are typically able to be identified in the archaeological record due to the callus of new bone which forms around the break (Walker 2001). Parry fractures are a common defensive wound that is found at the middle to distal end of the ulna or radius. If an individual is attempting to protect their face or upper torso from a blow, they may incur a parry fracture. However, parry fractures can occur due to things not related to the taking of captives, such as accidents and the use of shields (Larsen 1997). Other post cranial trauma such as rib fractures can also be an indication of captives in the archaeological record. The Conchopata
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captive (Tung 2012) and the La Plata women (Martin 2008; Martin and Akins 2001) demonstrated
post cranial trauma to the ribs and long bones (See Figure 2.3 and 2.4).
Figure 2.3 Diagram of Fractures to Longbones caused by Direct Trauma. From left to right author identifies types of fractures: transverse, penetrating, comminuted, and crush (Lovell 1997:142)
Figure 2.4 Diagram of Fractures that are caused by Indirect Trauma. Lovell identified fracture types from left to right: oblique, spiral, greenstick caused by angular force, greenstick caused by compression, impaction, and avulsion (Lovell 1997: 143)
Trauma common in captives
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At the La Plata site in New Mexico, captive women sustained both cranial and post cranial
trauma. In the La Plata assemblage, there are ten women, six of which have evidence of cranial trauma and six had post cranial trauma. Three women out of six had multiple cranial traumas. Four of the females have co-occurring cranial and post cranial trauma. The women ranged in age between twenty and thirty eight years old at time of death. The majority of the trauma on the females was depression fractures. Depression fractures ranged between 9x5 mm to 57x77 mm. The twenty year old individual had a broken nose and fractures in the vertebrae of the first two cervical vertebrae. A twenty five year old female had multiple depression fractures, and several post cranial fractures on the right shoulder, right radius and ulna, left humerus, and the third through fifth vertebrae. A thirty three year old female had fractures on the top of her cranium and fractures on her left innominate (hip). The thirty eight year old female had fractures on the left innominate, a depression on her occipital (Martin 1997).
In the Riviere aux Vase site, the frontal bone is the most common location for trauma. More severe trauma is located on the parietals and the occipital. One thirty to thirty five year old female at Riviere aux Vase had a large comminuted fracture on the temple, a depression fracture on the parietal and a cut in the occipital. Based on the trauma, Wilkinson and Van Wagenen (1993) indicated that the injuries sustained were severe enough to have internal damage and post-traumatic healing, which would have likely left the individual with speech impairment. Another twenty year old female had the lower portion of her face displaced to the right, an indication of a blow received from the left. She also had a displaced maxilla and nasal septum. Nasal trauma was in a cross cultural analysis of injuries, the most common trauma that resulted from interpersonal violence (Walker 1997).
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Cross cultural analysis of violence has resulted in considerable variation in location and
types of trauma from assailants, however, the head and neck appear to be favored targets. In modern western societies, fists and other blunt objects were most frequently used by assailants. Among modern western groups, the eyes and face are the most commonly targeted areas that occur due to spousal abuse. Other areas that were frequently targeted during spouse abuse area the ribs and arms. Walker (1997) noted that the location and visibility of the trauma were dependent on the sociocultural message that the aggressor wished convey. In cases of wife beating where the aggressor's goal is to stigmatize the individual by placing trauma in a highly visible location as a symbol of their dominance over the other individual. Aggressors would have asserted their dominance over captive individuals, likely in a highly visible manner (Walker 1997). From previous archaeological studies of captives, the areas targeted during spouse abuse correspond to the trauma sustained by captives. Captive individuals are likely to have trauma to the cranium, arms, and ribs.
Captive taking and subjugation of captives are only a couple motivations for interpersonal violence. Other aspects of the individual need to be taken into account, including the age and sex of the individual as well as the types of trauma found in those groups. Young women were more likely to be favored as captives than men. Thus injuries of defensive wounds and cranial trauma in women are more likely to be the result of captives than men. Evidence for violence and violent death may be an indication of captive taking behavior or of warfare. Multiple aspects of an individual's identity need to be considered when making an assessment of whether captives were present in the archaeological record.
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Evidence of Warfare in the Archaeological Record
Warfare in the archaeological record differs from modern perspectives on what constitutes warfare. Instead, prehistoric warfare was commonly small scale violence and raiding. Violence and warfare have been examined extensively in the archaeological record. It has been examined in terms of environmental motivators, resource control (Kohler et al 2014), ideology (Cobb and Giles 2009) and social identities (Arkush and Stanish 2009). It can be described as the pursuit of power through physical coercion (Bruns and Stotert 1999). According to Lambert (2002), there are four main indicators of warfare in the archaeological record: settlement data, injuries on human remains, war weaponry, and iconography.
Warfare and periods of social upheaval are often periods in which captive taking became more pronounced in a region. In periods of social fragmentation, the practice of taking individuals during maritime raiding increased in the Philippines (Hall 1992 in Junker 2008). Captives in nonstate societies were often taken during warfare and raiding. During periods of warfare women and children are more frequently taken as captives (Cameron 2011; DeBoer 1986). An example of this is from a Crow Creek site in South Dakota with many males killed at the site, but for the population there were fewer young women than what would be expected, indicating that the women may have been spared and transported to the aggressor's society (Keeley 1996). Although the practice of taking captives may have increased during periods of warfare, raiding for captives is a common practice throughout history and not solely in periods of strife.
Warfare in the Prehispanic American Southwest
There is a long history of violence, small scale warfare, and raiding the American Southwest. Violence in the Southwest has been documented through direct evidence of warfare such as analysis of trauma and indirect methods such as examining defensible structures. Although evidence of
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violence in the Southwest dates as far back as 200 CE (Turner and Turner 1999), there is limited
evidence of violence in the Northern San Juan region prior to the Basketmaker II period (circa 900 CE). There is one documented case of violence in the Northern San Juan during the Basketmaker III period at Cave 7, which contained the remains of 90 massacred individuals (Kuckelman et al. 2000). The lack of females among the victims may be evidence for the women being taken captive (Kuckelman et al. 2002). The practice of burning structures at the time of abandonment began around 800 CE, which has been interpreted by some researchers as evidence of violence. This may also be attributed to ritual behavior (Kramer 2002). Evidence of violence and warfare is present to an extent throughout the puebloan periods, with a culmination in the Pueblo III period in the Northern San Juan region. The increase in warfare is evident in both skeletal trauma and architecture. Aggregation of communities and an increase population density and regional population has been attributed with the increase in violence during the Pueblo III period. The Northern San Juan region was largely abandoned by the end of the Pueblo III period.
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Figure 2.1 Map of Geographic Regions in Southwest 1:5,000,000 scale (Created March 21,
2017 using ESRI software and base map, georeferenced data from Cameron 2013: 221;
Danforth 1994: 89; Lang et al. 1988:3, and Toll 2000: 20)
In the Pueblo I period (750-900 CE) there were a couple of sites with evidence of violence. The Cotton Wash site in southeastern Utah and the Sacred Ridge Site in southwestern Colorado both had evidence of violent death (Kuckelman et al. 2000; Potter and Chuipka 2010). There was some indirect indication of potential violent death in the archaeological record from the Dolores area. Several individuals excavated were found clutching their throat or lying face down over a hearth (Kramer 2002). Site size for most of the region during the Pueblo I period was smaller than the later pueblo periods and less emphasis was placed on defensible structures and locations during the Pueblo I period. In the Northern San Juan region, aggregation of villages occurred in the Pueblo I
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period in some locations. In the Dolores region sites in the Pueblo I period are large and villages clustered into groups of three to seven villages in a 10 kilometer radius. Clusters of villages in the Dolores area could be quite large, with between 1,000 and 2,000 individuals living in a cluster of villages (Wilshusen and Ortman 1999). During the Pueblo I period sites in the rest of the region typically consisted of two to eight pitstructures with little emphasis on sites being situated in defensible locations (Krammer 2002).
In the Pueblo II period, evidence of violence and warfare becomes more pronounced in the archaeological record. There is both direct and indirect evidence of violence in the archaeological record. Populations in the Northern San Juan region shifted during the Pueblo II period, and areas that were not previously inhabited were occupied and settlements were more dispersed. The overall population of the Northern San Juan region increased, but the subregions of La Plata and Dolores experienced decreases in population (Kramer 2002; Varien 1999). The increase in population of the Northern San Juan region as a whole and the increase in the risk of violence have been associated by some researchers with the rise of the Chacoan phenomena (Turner and Turner 1999).
Architecture during the Pueblo II period places little consideration on the defensibility of the site; however, plazas were enclosed during this period. This limits the access to the plaza and makes the area more defensible (Kramer 2002). In the Northern San Juan region there is evidence of both extreme perimortem processing and other violence in the archaeological record. An example of a less extreme instance of violent death in the Mesa Verde region, an adult male was found at site MV499 with an awl lodged in his chest (Kramer 2002). Kuckelman et al. (2000) estimated that 67 percent of violent deaths in the Northern San Juan region during the Pueblo II period had extreme perimortem modifications. The peak period for sites with extreme perimortem processing was
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during the Pueblo II period, but in the Northern San Juan region several Pueblo III sites also have
individuals with extreme perimortem processing (Karhu 2000; Kuckelman et al. 2000).
In the Northern San Juan region, the Pueblo II period experienced an increase in individuals not formally buried, and an increase in individuals with extreme perimortem processing. In the Northern San Juan region nineteen sites had extreme perimortem modification. Not all of the sites were able to be precisely dated, but of the sites that were able to be dated, six were from the early Pueblo II period and ten were from the late Pueblo II period. The six that were from the early Pueblo II period were: both of the Yellow Jacket hamlets (5MT1 and 5MT3), Burnt Mesa, Cottonwood Wash, Sambrito Village, and Teec Nos Pas (Kuckelman et al. 2000). Extreme perimortem processing has resulted in claims of cannibalism throughout the Southwest (Billman et al. 2000; Turner and Turner 1999). The allegations of cannibalism have been argued to be associated with the Chacoan occupation. However there are several explanations that have been proposed as alternatives to the cannibalism claims including warfare, carnivore activity, and purging witchcraft (Darling 1998; Dongoske et al. 2000). Extreme perimortem processing and the Chacoan occupation may not have been associated in the Northern San Juan period. According to Kuckelman and colleagues (2000) extreme perimortem processing at the Yellow Jacket hamlets likely occurred before the construction of a great kiva. The peak of the Chacoan occupation was between 1075 and 1130 CE, evidence of extreme perimortem processing expands beyond this occupation period, ranging from 880 CE at Cottonwood Wash to the 1200s at the San Juan River site (Kuckelman et al. 2000; Lambert 2002).
The most violent period in the Northern San Juan region was between 900 and 1300 CE (Kuckelman et al. 2000). During the Pueblo III period (1150 -1300 CE) the population in the Northern San Juan region continued to increase, and the population aggregated into larger
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settlements than the previous pueblo periods. One of the likely motivators for the increase in settlement size was a growing concern among resident over warfare and violence. A larger settlement has greater safety in numbers at the expense of an increased exposure to diseases and heightened social tensions (Lambert 2002). Water scarcity may have been a growing concern among groups in the Northern San Juan region, because water control features began to appear on the landscape. Other sites were occupied near enclosed springs or situated near perennial water sources (Kramer 2002). Yellow Jacket Pueblo had one large water reservoir constructed and a number of smaller reservoirs (Wilshusen and Mobley-Tanaka 2005).
Architectural evidence of warfare became more pronounced in the Pueblo III period. New sites were inhabited that placed emphasis on defensive features. Towers, both freestanding and part of a structure were common on the landscape. It is also during this period that cliff dwellings become common habitation locations (Kramer 2002). Cliff dwellings are habitation locations with natural defensive features. In the Northern San Juan region, defensive structures began to be constructed on the landscape starting around 1250 CE (Kuckelman et al. 2002). Most of the evidence of warfare in the Northern San Juan region is, however, from human skeletal remains (Kuckelman et al. 2000). Although archaeological evidence from architecture and skeletal trauma documents an increase in violence during the Pueblo III period, there are fewer instances of extreme perimortem modifications from this period (Kramer 2002). Only four out of the ten sites with violent episodes exhibited signs of extreme perimortem modification. These sites were Aztec Wash (5MT10206), La Plata 23, Indian Camp Ranch (5MT3892), and the San Juan River site (Kuckelman et al. 2000). At the Yellow Jacket hamlets there are several individuals scattered within middens that may have dated to the Pueblo III period (Karhu 2000). There are several other sites with extreme perimortem processing that were unable to be well dated that may have occurred during the Pueblo III period (Kuckelman et al. 2000). Although there is less extreme perimortem processing occurring
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during the Pueblo III period, there was an increase in violent death and site abandonments during
this time.
Throughout the Southwest violence increased during the Pueblo III period. Violent conflict and abandonment impacted the Northern San Juan region earlier than most other regions in the greater southwest, starting around 1250 CE (Lowell 2007). Violent episodes in the Pueblo III (1150-1300 CE) period were frequently associated with burnt or partially burnt structures as well as human remains that were not formally buried (Kuckelman et al. 2000). Evidence of violent periods often associated with the end of occupation of a site is documented at multiple locations in the Northern San Juan region. Some of the areas impacted by violent outburst include Sand Canyon, Castle Rock Pueblo in the Mesa Verde region, the Largo-Gallina region of Northern New Mexico, and the Kayenta Anasazi region of Arizona (Lowell 2007).
Sand Canyon and Castle Rock Pueblo were sites in the Northern San Juan in the Mesa Verde region with a violent end of occupation. Sand Canyon and Castle Rock Pueblo are approximately 7.5 kilometers (4.6 miles) from each other. Castle Rock Pueblo was originally constructed around 1256 CE, based on tree ring dates available for the site. The latest tree ring date for Castle Rock Pueblo was 1274, and the estimated end of occupation of the site is estimated between 1280 and 1285 (Kuckelman et al. 2000, 2002). It is estimated that there were approximately 15 households occupying the site, with two plazas, one D shaped structure, 37 masonry rooms, 15 kivas, and one oversized kiva (Kuckelman et al. 2002). The presence of nine towers and sections of retaining and village enclosing wall indicate that threat of warfare may have been present at time of construction. At Castle Rock Pueblo a minimum of 41 individuals were killed in a single violent event at the end of occupation of the site. Most likely the number of individuals killed at Castle Rock was greater than 41, as only 5 percent of the site has been excavated it is likely that additional individuals were killed
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at other portions of the site. Three of the 41 individuals were fully articulated. Five hundred additional bones and 800 bone fragments represented the other 38 individuals found at the site (Kuckelman et al. 2002).
Sand Canyon had a similar construction date as Castle Rock Pueblo. Sand Canyon was occupied around 1250 CE with its final abandonment occurring around 1280 CE. Sand Canyon was a larger site than Castle Rock Pueblo with one great kiva, 90 regular kivas, one plaza, one D shaped multi-walled structure, and 420 rooms (Kuckelman et al. 2002). Defense was also likely an issue at Sand Canyon, since there were 14 tower structures at the site. Sand Canyon may have had multiple violent events near the end of occupation. Nine individuals were formally buried prior to the end of occupation of the village, while the remains of 23 individuals were recovered that were not formally buried. An additional 12 individuals were scattered across the site (Kuckelman et al. 2010). Additional evidence of violent conflict is found at other sites in the Southwest including the Largo-Gallina region of Northern New Mexico.
Largo-Gallina area in Northern New Mexico represents a total of 234 sites with over 400 structures which was occupied from approximately 1100 to 1300 CE. It is the only Pueblo phase occupation in the region. In the Largo-Gallina area 62 out of 183, sites or 34 percent, which were able to be assessed from the survey exhibited signs of burning. The number of burned sites in subsequent periods decreases to 2.75 percent (Mackey and Green 1979). In the Largo-Gallina area 69percent, or 127 of 183 sites, were defensively located, a far greater percent of sites than what would be expected by chance. Defensive towers were common architectural features at sites in the Largo-Gallina area (Mackey and Green 1979). Evidence of warfare from around 1250 CE is evidenced by individuals that experienced violent deaths in the Largo-Gallina. Out of 116 skeletons
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recovered 42 percent experience violent deaths and were left in an unburied context (Wilcox and
Haas 1994 in Lowell 2007).
In the Kayenta Anasazi region of Arizona between 1250 and 1300 CE, there were a number of indicators of warfare in the archaeological record. The first is the presence of towers. Locations such as Hovenweep and Canyon de Chelly had defensive signaling systems such as tunnels connecting towers to kivas which may have been used as places of refuge during attacks (Wilcox and Haas 1994 in Lowell 2007). There were also a number of sites in Long House Valley situated in defensive locations. In the Kayenta Anasazi region shield iconography becomes prevalent on rock art during this period (Lowell 2007). All of these factors suggest an increase in the threat of violence during this period.
Warfare combined with deteriorating environmental conditions in the Northern San Juan region led to the region being largely abandoned by around 1280 CE. Populations from the Mesa Verde region migrated into the Northern Rio Grande region. In the modern Northern Arizona area, groups from the Homol'ovi and Anderson Mesa regions migrated into the Hopi Mesas towards the end of the 1300s CE (Bernadini 2005). Violence in the Northern San Juan region decreased dramatically after the Pueblo III period, largely due to the depopulation of the region. However, violence decreased throughout the Southwest following the Pueblo III period, including in areas where people immigrated to during the upheaval of the Pueblo III period such as the Northern Rio Grande region (Kohler et al. 2014).
Previous Research on Non-Lethal Trauma and Captives in the Southwest
The practice of taking captives becomes more frequent during times of warfare, but the major distinction between general warfare and the practice of taking captives is that captives generally have pronounced antemortem trauma rather than lethal trauma and a bias in the sex ratio
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(Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993). Antemortem trauma can distinguish a marginalized subclass better, because it provides a life history of the individual and indications of interpersonal violence. There have been a number of studies conducted in the American Southwest that discuss antemortem trauma or biases in the sex ratio. These studies are from the La Plata Valley (1000-1300 CE), Chaco Canyon and Aztec Ruins (900-1300 CE), Pueblo Bonito and Hawikuh (919-1130 CE and 1200-1670 CE), Carter Ranch (1100- 1225 CE), and sites from the Transwestern Pipeline expansion project (circa 1200 CE).
The sites of La Plata Valley, Pueblo Bonito, and Chaco Canyon are all located in New Mexico, while Sand Canyon, Castle Rock Pueblo, and the Transwestern Pipeline Expansion series are all located in southwestern Colorado. Carter Ranch is located in Arizona (See Figure 2.2). All of these sites have had scholarly research conducted on trauma or sex biases. The La Plata Valley site has a great deal of research conducted on the site, and Martin (1997, 2008) has made arguments for the presence of captives at the site. Results of research conducted at Chaco Canyon and Aztec Ruins are somewhat more ambiguous, but indicate captives may have been present at the site. Carter Ranch had a high number of individuals with healed fractures at the site. The sites associated with Pueblo Bonito and Hawikuh, and the Transwestern Pipeline Expansion project had less analysis but discussed the presence of trauma in human remains.
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Southwest Archaeological Sites in Section
a Archaeological Site
Figure 2.2 Map of Archaeological Sites Included in this Section, Scale 1:3,000,000 (Map created March 22, 2017 using ESRI software and base map with georeferenced data from Cameron 2013: 221; Danforth 1994: 89; Duff and Cameron 2008:30; Kuckelman 2010: 496; Lang et al. 1988:3, and Toll 2000: 20)
The studies that are referenced in this section are Danforth et al 1994, Howell and Kintigh 1996, Kuckelman and colleagues 2002, Martin 1997 and 2008, Schillaci and Stojanowski 2000, Stewart and Quad 1969, and Turner and Kohler 2006, and the Transwestern Pipeline Expansion project conducted by Hermann 1993 discussed in Martin 1997. Three of the studies conducted examine multiple sites, Stuart and Quad (1969), Kuckelman et al. (2002) Kohler and Turner (2006). Stewart and Quad (1969) compared cranial lesions among American Indian groups in different regions across the United States. In the American Southwest, Stewart and Quad (1969) chose to examine two sites in New Mexico; Pueblo Bonito and Hawikuh. The Pueblo Bonito site is slightly
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earlier (919-1130 CE) than the Hawikuh site (1200-1670). Hawikuh and Pueblo Bonito are also not in
the same cultural area. Pueblo Bonito is in the Chaco cultural region where Hawikuh is in Zuni. The total number sexed individuals were not distinguished for each site. Pueblo Bonito is addressed specifically in Schillaci and Stojanowski (2000) and additional information on the Pueblo Bonito site is discussed specifically after the Stewart and Quad (1969) discussion. The cranial trauma can be discussed by each site. Turner and Kohler (2006) conducted a study of Chaco Canyon (900-1140) and Aztec Ruins (1200-1300). Chaco Canyon was earlier than Aztec Ruins which was settled by migrants from Chaco Canyon, but because the two are not contemporaneous they are discussed separately. Kuckelman and colleagues discuss the contemporaneously occupied site of Sand Canyon and Castle Rock Pueblo. Because the two are in the same region and occupied at the same period, they are discussed as the two sites relate to each other.
The discussion on previous research on captives in the American Southwest is organized so the sites farther from Yellow Jacket Canyon are discussed first and the sites closest to Yellow Jacket are discussed last. The studies are not organized chronologically and the time period is mentioned for each site. The first site that will be discussed is Carter Ranch in Arizona. The sites in New Mexico are discussed next. The next sites that are discussed are Hawikuh and Pueblo Bonito, followed by Chaco Canyon, and Aztec Ruin. La Plata is in New Mexico but in the Northern San Juan region. The Colorado sites are the last studies to be addressed. The Transwestern Pipeline Expansion series are the first of the Colorado sites to be addressed. The neighboring sites to Yellow Jacket Pueblo, Sand Canyon and Castle Rock Pueblo conclude this section.
Research on Carter Ranch (1100- 1225 CE), Arizona was conducted by Danforth and colleagues (1994). Carter Ranch had an extremely high number of individuals with healed trauma. One fourth, six of the 24 individuals that were able to be scored for trauma, had antemortem
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fractures. Four of the six individuals had types of trauma that are likely related to interpersonal violence. One individual had a broken nose and mandible; another had a broken nose and a broken humerus. Two individuals had broken a radius, one had a broken clavicle, and another had a broken femur. There were three individuals that had trauma likely associated with a fall; there were two instances of spondylosis and one crushed pelvis. Spondylosis relates to the fracture of vertebrae related to the lumbar curve (Merbs 1989). Four males and one female had spinal compression fractures. Frequencies of trauma indicate that a greater number of males had trauma than females; 33 percent of males and 23 percent of females had trauma associated with them, though Danforth and colleagues (1994) indicate that the difference in trauma by sex is not statistically significant.
This is strong evidence for interpersonal violence among individuals at Carter Ranch, but does not fit with the model for the presence of captives.
In a survey of cranial fractures conducted by Stewart and Quad (1969) individuals from Pueblo Bonito and Flawikuh were combined for a general survey of cranial trauma in the American Southwest. Flawikuh is a later site from the Zuni cultural area (1200 -1670 CE), while Pueblo Bonito is an earlier site from Chaco Canyon (919-1140) (see figure 2.2). Combined the sites had 67 males in the study and 103 females (Stewart and Quad 1969). The sex ratio of these two sites was skewed with a strong female bias. Stewart and Quad (1969) had a total of twelve individuals with cranial lesions, nine were from the Flawikuh and three were from Pueblo Bonito. The sex ratio of individuals with cranial lesions was equal: six males and six females. Flowever, because more females than males were present at the two sites, a higher percentage of males had cranial lesions. The combined sites were nine percent male and 5.8 percent female (Stewart and Quad 1969).
Flawikuh was occupied between 1200 and 1670 CE. The skulls that were used by Stewart and Quad (1969) could not be dated properly. The individuals with cranial trauma at Flawikuh have the potential to be from the early historic period. Nine of the twelve individuals with cranial trauma
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in Stewart and Quad's (1969) study were from Hawikuh. Additional research on kinship at Hawikuh
was conducted by Howell and Kintigh (1996). Howell and Kintigh (1996) recorded data on sex distribution at Hawikuh, and found 89 females and 55 males at Hawikuh. There was a female bias at Hawikuh which may be an indication of the presence of captives at the site.
Pueblo Bonito (919-1130 CE) had three individuals with cranial trauma, at least one of which was a female (Stewart and Quad 1969). The female individual at Pueblo Bonito had a massive frontal lesion which was accompanied by a parietal lesion. Between the two sites, the female with head trauma at Pueblo Bonito was the only individual to have multiple head traumas. Schillaci and Stojanowski (2000) conducted additional research at Pueblo Bonito. Schillaci and Stojanowski (2000) identified a total of 27 individuals that could have sex determined. There were 12 males and 15 females in the Pueblo Bonito sample. A slight female bias is present at Pueblo Bonito. Schillaci and Stojanowski (2000) examined post-marital residence and biological variation at Pueblo Bonito through craniofacial variables. The results that Schillaci and Stojanowski (2000) found slight bias toward patrilocal post-marital residence or a bilocal post-marital residence. Non-native women at Pueblo Bonito migrated a greater distances than male migrants to the site. Potentially this may be an indication of captives at the site. However, spousal exchange between distant groups is another plausible explanation.
Kohler and Turner (2006) conducted a regional study on Chaco Canyon (900-1140 CE) and of Aztec Ruins (1200-1300 CE) to examine sex ratios during the peak periods of occupation. Kohler and Turner (2006) had a temporal aspect of their study, and looked at the periods both before and after the peak period of occupation. Biases in the sex ratio can be an indication of the presence of captives at a site. Sex ratio data from Kramer (2002) was examined from major regions in the Southwest including the San Juan Basin, Northern San Juan, and the northern sub-region of the
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Northern Rio Grande the Gallina area. Prior to the rise of Chaco, there was a slight male bias in the
sex ratio. In the eleventh century at the peak of the Chaco phenomenon a bias towards females is present. Contemporaneously there is a male bias in the areas surrounding Chaco, such as Lobo Mesa, and Puerco of the West. Women were either raided from the surrounding areas then brought to Chaco as captives or there was a draw for women to Chaco during the peak of their occupation. After Chaco's power declined a slight female bias still existed, but not enough to be statistically significant (Kohler and Turner 2006). The elite from Chaco migrated into the Aztec Ruins area and in the thirteenth century Aztec Ruins reached its peak period of occupation.
Aztec Ruins is located to the north in the Totah area, and the elites that immigrated to the region attempted to bring their power with them (1200-1300 CE). Though Kohler and Turner (2006) note that the attempts of the elites to bring their power with them to the Totah region may not have been entirely successful. Prior to the migration of elites from Chaco to Aztec Ruins the sex ratio in the region had maintained a roughly 50/50 equal ratio. After the elites from Chaco settled into Aztec Ruins, the sex ratio changes and a female bias appears in the archaeological record at Aztec Ruins during this period. The regions surrounding Aztec Ruins are contemporaneously experiencing a slight bias towards males. The pattern of female bias during the peak occupation suggests that women at Aztec Ruins are either being raided from the surrounding area or voluntarily migrating to the region. Women at both Chaco and Aztec Ruin could have been recruited for special skills such as craft production, there could have been greater opportunities for women to participate in ritual activities at the larger sites, or a large number of women could have been wives to the elites at Chaco Canyon and Aztec Ruins (Kohler and Turner 2006).
Human remains from the La Plata Valley (1000-1300) in New Mexico have produced the most compelling evidence for the presence of captives (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001).
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The analysis of the La Plata Valley was conducted using osteological techniques to examine sex ratios, trauma, morbidity and burial patterns. There were 16 children, 15 adult males, and 12 adult females at La Plata. However, the La Plata Valley sample contained a group of females that were buried with less consideration than other burials at the site and had antemortem cranial trauma and post-cranial trauma. Three males and two females did not have adequate cranial preservation to be examined for cranial trauma.
Women had higher numbers of individuals with cranial trauma, six out of the ten females at La Plata that had cranial trauma. Three of the six women have multiple cranial traumas. Only one 15 year old adolescent had indicators of trauma, and three adult males had evidence of cranial trauma. A similar trend is present in post-cranial trauma. No children have post cranial trauma, three males have post-cranial trauma, and six females have post-cranial trauma. Post cranial trauma includes neck vertebrae, shoulders, radius, humerus, sternum, ribs, and hip. The women range in age between 20 to 38 years old. In four of the six, the cranial and post-cranial trauma cooccurs. Females were more likely to have infection, and a greater number of growth disruptions, such as enamel defects (Martin 1997).
In addition to the greater amount of cranial and post-cranial trauma, several of the females were given less considerate mortuary treatment than other individuals at the site. The women appear to have been thrown haphazardly into a pit rather than placed in a flexed or semi-flexed position in an abandoned structure or storage pit. The women with trauma were buried with no grave goods and placed in a sprawled or semi-flexed position. One child was found in close association with the women with trauma. Of the three males with cranial trauma one was buried with grave goods, while the other two individuals had no grave goods. All of the males with cranial trauma were buried in a semi-flexed position (Martin 1997).
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Evidence from La Plata provides strong evidence for the presence of captives at the site.
Women without cranial trauma received burials in prepared graves with grave goods, and were placed in a flexed position. This excludes the possibility of the women with cranial trauma being indicative of spousal abuse or domestic violence. The child found in close association with the women with trauma at the site may be an indication that the children of the women were also part of a marginalized subclass (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akin 2001)
The Transwestern Pipeline Expansion series was conducted on the Colorado Plateau of a group of sites dated to about 1200 CE. Several individuals recovered during this project exhibited indications of non-lethal interpersonal violence. Hermann (1993 in Martin 1997) noted the presence of several adult females with multiple healed fractures. One female had healed post cranial fractures as well as three depression fractures on her frontal bone. Another female had a perimortem fracture present on her maxilla (Martin 1997). Though this cannot be used to make an argument about the presence of captives at the site, it does correspond with patterns of trauma that would be associated with the presence of captives.
Castle Rock Pueblo and Sand Canyon Pueblo are two large archaeological sites which are close to Yellow Jacket Pueblo, though the occupation period for both Sand Canyon and Castle Rock Pueblo is much shorter than that of Yellow Jacket. Castle Rock Pueblo was constructed beginning around 1256 and inhabited until around 1285 CE. Sand Canyon was occupied between 1250 and 1280 CE. Both sites had violent activity at or near the end of their occupation. Kuckelman (2002) examined both the perimortem and antemortem trauma at Sand Canyon and Castle Rock Pueblo.
At Castle Rock Pueblo there were thirteen antemortem traumatic lesions and two additional lesions that were potentially antemortem but difficult to determine due to extensive perimortem damage to the remains. One individual had suffered a slicing blow to the tibia, and the other
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fourteen fractures were located on the cranium of four individuals. At Sand Canyon Pueblo there
were five cases of antemortem trauma and an additional four that may be antemortem or perimortem. All of the traumas at Sand Canyon were located on the cranium. Kuckelman and colleagues note that that it is unusual to have such a limited amount of post cranial trauma. At Castle Rock Pueblo it appears that there were three individuals that were victims of repeated violence, two 40 year old females and an 8 year old child. The singling out of several individuals for repeated antemortem trauma suggests that another form of interpersonal violence other than warfare was occurring at these sites. Potential explanations for the repeated trauma of the three individuals at Castle Rock Pueblo are that the women and child were victims of domestic abuse or that they were taken as captives during a raid.
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CHAPTER III
YELLOW JACKET BACKGROUND
The site of Yellow Jacket Pueblo is located in southwestern Colorado near Cortez, Colorado in Montezuma County. The site was named after the nearby town of Yellow Jacket. The site is situated near highway 491, which was previously named Route 666. Yellow Jacket Pueblo is located in the prehistoric Northern San Juan region also known as the Mesa Verde region in the American Southwest. The Northern San Juan region is located in the contemporary Four Corners region (See Figure 3.1). Its southern border extends into northern New Mexico, and its northern end spans into southwestern Colorado and southeastern Utah. The San Juan region includes two main drainages: the Dolores River and the San Juan River. The San Juan River has several northern tributaries that are incorporated into the river, including: McElmo Creek, Mancos River, the La Plata River, Las Animas River, the Piedra River and Pine River (Karhu 2000).
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Map of Yellow Jacket
Legend
Yellow Jacket a Archaeological Site City
Figure 3.1 Map of Yellow Jacket Pueblo, Scale 1:300,000 Inset Map 1:10,000,000 (created using ESRI software and base map, georeferenced data from Cameron 2013: 221; Danforth 1994: 89; Duff and Cameron 2008:30; Kuckelman 2010: 496; Lang et al. 1988:3, and Toll 2000:20)
Yellow Jacket Pueblo is located in the Montezuma Valley in the prehistoric McElmo-Yellow Jacket District of the Northern San Juan region. The McElmo- Yellow Jacket district spans from McElmo Creek in the south to Yellow Jacket Canyon in the north. Yellow Jacket Pueblo is located on the northwest rim of Yellow Jacket Creek. Yellow Jacket Creek meets a tributary, Tatum Draw, a few
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hundred yards down from Yellow Jacket Pueblo (Yunker 2001). Yellow Jacket Creek was one of the largest tributaries of the McElmo Creek, and one that received good reliable amounts of water throughout the year (Wilshusen n.d.). Although under drought conditions the creek may have gone dry during some seasons, seeps were still present (Wilshusen and Mobley-Tanaka 2005). The smaller surrounding Yellow Jackets hamlets 5MT1, 5MT2, 5MT3, and 5MT4 are located along the west side of the canyon rim to the south of the large ruin. There are as many as twenty hamlets surrounding the site of Yellow Jacket, the majority of the surrounding hamlets are located to the west or to the south of the site (Lang et al. 1988).
Environment at Yellow Jacket
Modern Environment
Yellow Jacket Pueblo was occupied periodically between the late 500s through 1280 CE; there is likely a high degree of continuity between the modern environment and that of the prehistoric environment. The modern climate at Yellow Jacket pueblo is highly susceptible to minor shifts in precipitation and temperature. The Northern San Juan region elevation ranges from 5,006 to 10,495 feet (approximately 1,525 to 3,200 meters) (Karhu 2000). Yellow Jacket Pueblo is located in between the Dolores and San Juan drainages at the head of Yellow Jacket Canyon. A modern image of Yellow Jacket Canyon can be seen in Figure 3.2. The elevation of the area between the drainages ranges between 6,600 to 7,800 feet in elevation. The site of Yellow Jacket Pueblo resides at an elevation of 7,000 feet.
On average the area between the Dolores and San Juan drainages receives over 14 inches of rain annually. The town of Yellow Jacket, Colorado receives an average of 15.96 inches of rain annually. The monthly precipitation ranges between .59" and 1.97", with June being the driest month and October receives the greatest amount of precipitation (US Climate Data 2016). Yellow
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Jacket Pueblo on an annual basis receives 16 inches of rainfall annually (Lange et al. 1988). The higher elevations receive more moisture, but fewer frost free days resulting in a shorter growing period. Lower elevations receive more frost free days, but have less precipitation than the higher elevation (Varien 1999). The balance between temperature and precipitation is important for agricultural activities. The Yellow Jacket district is still largely used for agricultural activities today (Lange et al, 1988; Yunker 2001).
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Figure 3.2 Landsat 8 Image of Yellow Jacket, Taken June 14, 2014 The average annual temperature has drastic implication of the ability for the region to engage in farming activities. The average temperature for the town of Yellow Jacket, Colorado is 47.95 F. The average high temperature is 61.8 F and the average low temperature is 34.1 F (US Climate Data 2016). The coldest month at the town of Yellow Jacket is in January while the warmest is in July. The region receives approximately 110 frost free days annually; however, as few as 52 frost free days have been recorded in the region (Lange et al. 1988).
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Geological Setting
Yellow Jacket Pueblo is located at the head of Yellow Jacket Canyon overlooking Tatum Draw. The surrounding canyon walls are composed of Dakota Formation sandstone. The canyon rim is several meters high with a broad and gently sloping canyon bottom. The upper portion of the Morrison Formation is exposed at the bottom of the canyon (Yunker 2001). The sandstone was easy to utilize in building construction because it flakes into angular blocks, which were beneficial to the Pueblo III masonry construction. It also was used for the construction of stone goods such as the manos and matates found on the site (Wilshusen and Mobley-Tanaka 2005). It is likely that local stone was exploited to make cutting and grinding tools, but the exact source of the material is not known (Lange et al 1988). The use of stone became a more widely used resource during the Pueblo III period with the larger masonry buildings constructed during this period (Wilshusen and Mobley-Tanaka 2005).
The site is located near clay deposits in the Morrison Formation that were used for ceramic production. The clay source was located south of the site of Yellow Jacket hamlet, 5MT3 (Wilshusen and Mobley-Tanaka 2005). Experimental archaeological research has been conducted using the clays surrounding Yellow Jacket Pueblo, recreating and firing pottery made from the natural clays to gain a better understanding of how past people had used ceramics (Lange et al. 1988). Much of the pottery found at the site may have been produced locally (Wilshusen and Mobley-Tanaka 2005).
The Morrison Formation also contains Bushy Basin Shale, a material that may have been used for the pendants found during the Yellow Jacket hamlet excavations (Yunker 2001). The river transported cobbles such as quartzite, chalcedony, and chert into the Yellow Jacket area. All of which may have been used for tools and pottery temper (Yunker 2001).
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Plants and Animals
There is believed to be a degree of continuity between the plants and vegetation that were growing in the Yellow Jacket- McElmo Region during the prehistoric period and the ones currently occupying the environment (Yunker 2001). Local plants present at Yellow Jacket Pueblo and the hamlets include pinion, juniper, and sagebrush, willow, oak, and various wild berries (Lange et al 1988). Pinion, juniper, and sagebrush provide ground cover in the areas surrounding the site of Yellow Jacket Pueblo. Marshy areas contain reeds, cattails, and other hydrophilic plants that could be utilized by groups (Lange et al. 1988, Yunker 2001). Some of the wild resources which would have been useful to the inhabitants of Yellow Jacket include cacti, yucca, pinyon nuts, amaranth and other ruderal plants, along with some grasses and spices have would have likely been used for basketry, medicine, and cordage (Wilshusen n.d. a).
A formal analysis of the vegetation and macropollen has not been conducted for Yellow Jacket Pueblo or the surrounding hamlets, a preliminary inventory and identification of plant materials recovered from the site has been conducted (Wilshusen n.d. a; Wilshusen and Mobley-Tanaka 2005). Some of the identified botanical material includes willow, juniper, pinyon, cheno-am seeds, and beeweed seeds (Wilshusen n.d. a). Because an expert has not performed an in depth analysis of the vegetation at Yellow Jacket Canyon, the list of identified plants is not comprehensive of all the plant material recovered from the site.
The list of faunal remains from the Yellow Jacket Pueblo is not complete as only limited analysis on this material has been conducted. Hurth (1986) conducted formal research on some of the faunal remains found at one of the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Both domestic and wild animals were exploited at the Yellow Jacket site. The archaeo-faunal analysis indicates that domesticated or semi-domesticated turkeys may have been raised at Yellow Jacket. Small rounded and smoothed pebbles
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were found during the excavations of the Yellow Jacket hamlets. These pebbles possibly were held in the crops of the turkeys (Hurth 1986 in Yunker 2001). In addition to domestic turkeys, wild turkeys in the region may have also been exploited. In addition to turkeys, there were a number of local species that would have been available for residents of the Yellow Jacket area to exploit including porcupines, beaver, deer, antelope, marmots, prairie dogs, rabbits, pocket gophers, sage hens, bobcats, coyotes, skunks, and a number of other birds and small snakes and reptiles (Yunker 2001). Faunal material recovered from Yellow Jacket hamlet, 5MT3 includes cottontail rabbit, jack rabbit, badger, mule deer, bighorn sheep, squirrel, prairie dog, turkey, marmot, and chipmunk (Wilshusen and Mobley-Tanaka 2005).
Crow Canyon Archaeological Center conducted testing and limited excavations at Yellow Jacket Pueblo. The faunal assemblage from Yellow Jacket Pueblo recovered includes eggshells, ossified cartilage, bone, tooth, and antler. The majority of the faunal assemblages were mammal, with a total of 69 percent of the assemblage. Birds compose 30.8 percent of the assemblage, and .2 percent of the assemblage is fish and reptile. Although a large number of species were represented, a smaller number of species makeup large percentages of the faunal assemblage. In the mammals, lagomorphs (rabbits) are the most common, representing about 54 percent of the mammal bone in the assemblage. Most of the lagomorphs in the assemblage were cottontail rather than jackrabbit. Rodents make up 24 percent of the assemblage, while artiodactyls (deer and sheep etc.) represent 9 percent, and carnivores 2.4 percent (Muir and Driver 2003). There were at least five species of artiodactyls present in the assemblage: deer, bighorn sheep, pronghorn antelope, elk, and domestic cattle. The domestic cattle found at the site represented one individual, .03 percent of the total taxa at the site (Muir and Driver 2003). The cattle found at Yellow Jacket Pueblo was the result of a later deposition or a disturbed context that became mixed into the archaeological material.
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Birds were dominated by turkeys and other large bird species. Over 90 percent of the birds
in the assemblage were either turkey or other unidentifiable large birds. Small numbers of lizards, snakes, and fish were recovered from the site (Muir and Driver 2003). Many of the rodent bones may be the result of natural processes rather than exploiting rodent resources. The elements of fauna found on site suggest that whole animals were brought into the site and butchered onsite. Some of the faunal resources exploited were used for ritual purposes, while others such as rabbits were exploited purely for sustenance (Lange et al. 1988). The faunal remains from Yellow Jacket Pueblo were typical of those from the Mesa Verde region during the Pueblo II and Pueblo III periods, and were similar to the faunal remains recovered from Sand Canyon (Muir and Driver 2003).
Prehistoric Agricultural Activities at Yellow Jacket
Inhabitants of Yellow Jacket Pueblo and surrounding hamlets engaged in a mixed economy of farming and exploiting wild plant and animal resources in the region. Crops that were cultivated at Yellow Jacket include corn, beans, and squash. Maize agriculture was an important aspect of life for people in the San Juan region. The majority of agricultural activity at Yellow Jacket was corn, but the cultivation beans and squash served as supplements in the diet of prehistoric inhabitants of the area (Yunker 2001). Inhabitants of the Yellow Jacket area grew increasingly dependent on farming in later periods.
Farming in the Northern San Juan first appeared during the Basketmaker II (500 BCE 500 CE) (Rohn 2006). The suitability of land for farming is a factor in the settlement locations in the Northern San Juan region. The variability and depletion of soil in the Northern San Juan region meant that some land was only suitable for farming for about one generation (Karhu 2000). The farmable land was closely linked to a narrow strip of land between the Dolores and San Juan drainages known as the dry farming belt. The dry farming belt was in continual flux along with the
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soil in the region (Lange et al. 1988). The soils in the Yellow Jacket region are a combination of weathered sandstone, shales, and eolian material, which supported farming in the region (Yunker
2001).
The majority of the habitation period of the site of Yellow Jacket Pueblo occurred during a period with conditions that were favorable to the cultivation of plants. Lange et al. (1988) estimates that the amount of farm land available between 1000 and 1150 CE was double what it had been prior to that period. The environmental conditions during this period were characterized by increased temperature and the precipitation. This would have allowed agricultural activities at elevations as low as 5,500 feet. Farming became a major component for understanding settlement and site abandonment in the Mesa Verde region. In the 1200s, prior to the site's final abandonment, colder weather dramatically shrunk the area available for farming (Lange et al. 1988). As groups became more dependent on agricultural activity for subsistence, competition over valuable farm land intensified (Varien et al. 2000). This combined with the Great Drought that occurred between 1275 and 1300 CE, drastically reduced agricultural production that individuals had grown to rely on. People were forced to exploit wild resources to a greater extent, which were diminished due to environmental degradation from the large populations in the area (Kramer 2002; Nelson and Schachner 2002).
Culture History of Northern San Juan Region and Yellow Jacket Canyon
The Northern San Juan region was occupied from the Basketmaker II period (500 BCE- 500 CE) through the Pueblo III period (1150-1300 CE) and was first settled around 200 CE. The Northern San Juan region encompasses the four corners area: from southeastern portion of Utah to the southwestern portion of Colorado, and extends south into the northern portions of Arizona and New Mexico (Cameron 2013: 221). The southern extent of the Northern San Juan is the valley of the
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San Juan River. The western extent of the Northern San Juan was Abajos to the La Plata and San
Juan Mountains in the east. Yellow Jacket Pueblo is located in the Mesa Verde region of the Northern San Juan. The Mesa Verde region was one of the more heavily populated regions in the American Southwest during the Pueblo III period (Karhu 2000).
In the Northern San Juan region the Basketmaker II period (500 BCE 500 CE) is poorly represented in the archaeological record compared to other periods, and no Basketmaker II projectile points have been located in the Mesa Verde Region (Rohn 2006). The Basketmaker II settlements have been documented from north of Durango at the Falls Creek, the eastern extent of their range was Pine River, and to Grand Gulch-Cedar Mesa-Comb Ridge in the west (Rohn 2006). During this period in the Northern San Juan region, maize agriculture emerged and small hamlets were formed. These hamlets were typically occupied for short periods of time during the winter. They contained pit structures and small storage pits (Karhu 2000).
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Northern San Juan Archaeological Sites
Northern San Juan a Yellow Jacket
Figure 3.4 Map of Archaeological Sites in Northern San Juan Region, Scale 1:2,688,073 (created using ESRI software and base map, georeferenced data from Cameron 2013: 221; Danforth 1994: 89; Duff and Cameron 2008:30; Kuckelman 2010: 496; Lang et al. 1988:3, and Toll 2000: 20)
Basketmaker III
Settlement of the Northern San Juan continued to spread, and by the Basketmaker III period (500 750 CE) nearly all of the Northern San Juan had been settled. Many of the Basketmaker III occupations contained a single pithouse, although some villages did exist. Villages were typically
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small and consisted of three to eight pithouses (Rohn 2006). On example of a village from this period was the Gilliland Site which had four pithouses and other features such as work areas, storage pits, a ramada, and an outdoor stockade (Rohn 2006: 154). There were several villages in the Mesa Verde from this period including Twin Trees, Step House Cave, and Wetherhill Mesa. The Basketmaker III component of the Yellow Jacket hamlets also appeared to be a collection of small villages. The Basketmaker III occupation of the Yellow Jacket hamlets was larger than most Basketmaker III settlements (Rohn 2006; Wheat 1955). Oversized kivas appear at several of the Basketmaker III sites. These sites include the Yellow Jacket hamlets, Wetherhill Mesa and Twin Trees. These oversized kiva structures may have been prototypes for the Great Kivas which appeared on the landscape later in time (Rohn 2006: 155).
Pueblo I
Several major shifts in architecture occur between the Basketmaker III and Pueblo I period. The most notable was continuous room blocks. During the Pueblo I period (750-900 CE), the first large pueblo villages begin to appear on the landscape, settlements in the Northern San Juan region were larger than other sites occupied contemporaneously in the northern portion of the Southwest (Wilshusen and Ortman 1999). Pueblo I period indicated that most villages were approximately a dozen or more houses; there are several larger villages in Dolores Valley such as Grass Mesa, Rio Vista, House Creek and May Village (Wilshusen and Ortman 1999). Not everyone in the Pueblo I lived in villages, there were also a number of small rural hamlets on the landscape that were isolated from the villages (Rohn 2006).
Great Kivas first appear at sites during the Pueblo I period (750 900 CE). Two Great Kivas were found in the Dolores area on at Grass Mesa and another adjacent to House Creek Village (Wilshusen and Ortman 1999). During the Pueblo I period there was an increase in the dependence
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on agriculture and the increase in population density, periodic occupations became more permanent (Varien et al. 2000). Population increased during the beginning of the Pueblo I period and reached a peak around 860 CE, then population in the Northern San Juan decreased. Areas such as Dolores were almost completely abandoned at the end of the Pueblo I period. Migrants from the Northern San Juan region migrated into the Central San Juan basin and into the Chaco system (Wilshusen and Ortman 1999).
Pueblo II
At the end of the Pueblo I period Chaco Canyon to the south became a major source of political power, starting around 800 CE. It remained a major political power until near the end of the Pueblo II period when it faced a sharp decline in influence in the early 1100s. The Chacoan phenomenon was defined by the construction of a "Great House" with a series of outlier sites associated with it (Kohler and Turner 2006). Chaco Canyon, located in modern New Mexico, had outlier sites hundreds of miles away, which extended into the Mesa Verde region. The relationship between Chaco Canyon and outlier communities was highly varied, some had frequent and direct communication while others had limited or no communication. Outlier communities had differing uses of Great Kivas based on the level of contact with Chaco (Van Dyke 2002). Although Great Kivas are likely present in the Pueblo II period in the Northern San Juan, Great Kivas from the Pueblo II period are limited. This may be the result of the subsequent Pueblo III occupation construction of Great Kivas on top of the Pueblo II sites obscuring there visibility to archaeologists (Rohn 2006). Rohn (2006) suggests that this may have been the case for Goodman Point Ruins, Lowry, Cahone, and Yellow Jacket Pueblo.
Areas that had not been previously occupied in the Northern San Juan became settlement locations during the Pueblo II period and the distance between settlements increased (Kramer
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2002). The Dolores Valley and east of the La Plata River experienced lower populations while the
western portion of the Northern San Juan region's population increased. Starting around the tenth century water management capabilities were established which allowed for fuller exploitation of agricultural land at lower elevations (Rohn 2006: 152). The Pueblo II period demonstrates a continued dependence on both agriculture and harvesting of wild plants and game.
Population density increases during the Pueblo II period (Kramer 2002). Unit pueblos are common during the Pueblo II, but small dispersed villages are also present (900-1150 CE) (Rohn 2006). Jacal is a widely used technique for construction through much of the region including at Yellow Jacket Pueblo, but stone masonry made its appearance in walls during the Pueblo II period(Rohn 2006: 158). Small Pueblo II kivas were typically constructed from native earth walls and shifted towards a circular structure to form the kiva and masonry columns or pilasters replaced wooden posts for roof supports (Rohn 2006). Small kivas remain an integral part of house groups throughout the Pueblo III period (1150 -1300 CE). Near the end of the Pueblo II period, denser site occupation is evident, and two to three room blocks are found merged together to form larger conglomerates.
Pueblo III
In the Pueblo III period (1150-1300) populations aggregated into the larger sites with smaller sites clustered around them and into areas that had not been previously occupied. This pattern is seen at sites such as Goodman Point, Sand Canyon, and Yellow Jacket Canyon (Kuckelman 2010; Varien 1999). The change in site locations and population density is reflected in the architecture of the Northern San Juan region. Population in the Northern San Juan region may have peaked as early as 1150 CE with a very gradual population decline starting around 1200 CE (Duff and
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Wilshusen 2000). Emigration increased in the mid-1200s and the Northern San Juan was largely abandoned by 1280 CE.
At the beginning of the Pueblo III period, many people were still living in farmsteads or in smaller villages of 20 to 30 roomblocks, with each roomblock representing a house (Kuckelman et al. 2000; Rohn 2006). Near the middle of the Pueblo III period, around 1200 CE, most people were aggregated into villages of 50 or more roomblocks (Kuckelman et al. 2000). In the Montezuma Valley in the Pueblo III period, towns could encompass between 1,500 and 2,000 people. In many sites large residence buildings emerge, some which contain multiple stories (Rohn 2006). The Pueblo III period was the most highly dependent on agricultural activities and domesticated turkeys, though wild resources were still exploited as well (Karhu 2000). Near the end of the Pueblo III period settlements were aggregating into large villages with defensible structures (Kuckelman et al. 2000).
Site abandonments in the Northern San Juan Region
The population in the Northern San Juan region grew during the Pueblo III period. Sites became more distant from each other and more aggregated (Rohn 2006). The end of the period, between 1260 and 1280 CE was marked by emigration from the region. This emigration corresponds to the "Great Drought" experienced in the Southwest between 1275 and 1300 CE. The drought created conditions that were unfavorable for farming in the area. This was once believed to be the sole motivating factor for abandonment during this period, more recent examination of the migration from the area indicates that the motivations for emigration were more complex to include a number of push and pull factors. Some of the factors pushing people from the region include the poor farming conditions caused by the drought, environmental degradation, and warfare (Kramer 2002).
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Initially the model for abandonment in the Southwest during the "Great Drought" was a
rapid model; however, it has become clear that the abandonment process does not usually occur instantly. Rather it is a process that takes time. The mode of abandonment of settlements varies based on whether the abandonment was gradual or rapid, whether it was planned or unplanned, if the people anticipated returning to the location, and the distance between the next habitation site (Varien 1999: 112). In the Mesa Verde region people were typically living in an area for extended periods of time and community movement was infrequent during the Pueblo III period. Varien (1999) examined abandonment at the Sand Canyon Pueblo, and found that immediately prior to the abandonment of the location roof treatment changed. The occurrence of timbers as refuse rather than reuse in new construction was limited at the end of the Pueblo III period. This may suggest that emigration from the site was planned, but Sand Canyon Pueblo was ultimately abandoned following a violent episode (Varien 1999: 133).
There is an increase in violent conflict at the end of the Pueblo III period. Varien and colleagues (2000) argued that the increased conflict during this period may have been partially due to competition over good agricultural land. The violence that escalated in the region led to a massacre at Castle Rock Pueblo. The massacre at Castle Rock was intended to eradicate the village. One potential motivation for the attack at Castle Rock was to raid food supplies or to eliminate competition over declining resources (Kuckelman et al. 2000). Violence in the region included a reemergence of the extreme perimortem processing that was more common during the Pueblo II period (900 -1150 CE). The Northern San Juan region was largely abandoned between 1280 and 1290 CE. The site of Yellow Jacket Pueblo and its surrounding hamlets fits into this pattern of abandonment in the Yellow Jacket/McElmo region with its final occupation ending at 1280 CE.
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Montezuma Valley and Yellow Jacket Habitations
In the Montezuma Valley of the Northern San Juan, it is estimated that there were approximately 30,000 people living in the area in the Pueblo III period. The population was largely concentrated between Mesa Verde and the Abajo Mountains (Rohn 2006). The site of Yellow Jacket Pueblo is one of eight larger towns in the Montezuma Valley during the Pueblo III period. Of the eight towns found in the Montezuma Valley region, Yellow Jacket Pueblo was the largest with over 160 kivas/ house clusters. The sites of Sand Canyon, Lowry, and Goodman Point each had over 100 kivas during the Pueblo III period (1150-1300 CE) (Rohn 2006).
There were an estimated 1,800 rooms at Yellow Jacket ruin, enough to have a population of 2,500 people or more in the site (Rohn 2006). There have been multiple estimates of population at Yellow Jacket Pueblo during the peak of its occupation. Estimates of the population of the Yellow Jacket area typically range between 2,000 and 3,000 people (Lange et al. 1988), but other researchers have argued for higher or lower population estimates. Lower population estimates are between 850 and 1,360 people (Kuckelman 2003 in Wilshusen and Mobley-Tanaka 2005). Higher estimates of the population at the site of Yellow Jacket are between 3,000 and 4,000 people inhabiting the site (Lange et al 1988).
Yellow Jacket Pueblo was occupied during the Pueblo II and Pueblo III periods (Karhu 2000; Kuckelman and Ortman 2003; Lange et al. 2000; Yunker 2001). Yellow Jacket Pueblo was a large community center by 1100 CE and was occupied for multiple generations. It was likely occupied at least 100 years prior to Sand Canyon or Castle Rock Pueblo, two other well documented sites in the Mesa Verde area (Ortman et al. 2000). The Yellow Jacket hamlets, 5MT1 and 5MT3, were periodically occupied between the Basketmaker III (500 -750 CE), Pueblo II (950-1150 CE), and Pueblo III (1150 -1300 CE) (Yunker 2001). Yellow Jacket Pueblo itself was occupied continually from
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the late Pueblo II (900- 1150CE) through the Pueblo III period (1150-1300), with the population peaking during the Pueblo III period (Karhu 2000). Similarly, there was an increase in the number of burials at the surrounding Yellow Jacket hamlets (5MT1 and 5MT3) at this time (Yunker 2001). Wilson (1990 in Karhu 2000) estimated there are as many as 500 burials at Yellow Jacket Pueblo.
The site density of the hamlets surrounding the large Yellow Jacket Pueblo (5MT5) was found to be similar to other large communities in the Southwest (Karhu 2000).
Yellow Jacket. Colorado Area Sites
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Figure 3.5 Image of sites at Yellow Jacket (Wilhushen and Mobley-Tanaka 2005: 8)
Yellow Jacket Pueblo (5MT5)
Yellow Jacket Pueblo has a Smithsonian designation of site 5MT5. The site of Yellow Jacket is estimated to be as important culturally as Chaco or the Aztec Ruins (Ferguson 1996). The site of Yellow Jacket Pueblo occupies approximately 100 acres of uplands, canyon rim, and talus slope (Ortman et al 2000) and has at least twenty surrounding hamlets in the area (Karhu 2000; Lange et al 1988; Yunker 2001). Initial survey investigations indicated that Yellow Jacket Pueblo contains 160 or more kivas/ house clusters, the town of Yellow Jacket had at least two definite plazas, one Great
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Kiva, a possible concentric wall structure, at least two streets with several narrower lanes, and a
reservoir with a dam and spillways (Rohn 2006). The hydrological system at Yellow Jacket Pueblo had at least five dams and one large reservoir (Ortman et al 2000). Water control features at Yellow Jacket Pueblo were likely built after a drought in the Northern San Juan region between 1140 and 1180 AD (Kuckelman 2003a). The towns of Lowry, Sand Canyon, and Goodman Point all have reservoirs associated with them. Both Lowry and Yellow Jacket Pueblos have internal streets associated with them. Yellow Jacket Pueblo has a main road with a north south orientation, which definitely leads out of the town. Another road segment can be seen connecting two of the Yellow Jacket hinterland villages to the Pueblo (Rohn 2006).
Figure 3.6 Site Map of Yellow Jacket Pueblo (5MT5) (Crow Canyon Archaeological Center 2003)
Research conducted by Crow Canyon Archaeological Center between 1995 and 1997 refined our view and indicates that there are at least 42 roomblocks with approximately 600 rooms
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contained within the roomblocks. There are 192 small kivas with one great kiva. Yellow Jacket contained 18 towers with one bi-wall tower kiva. Occupation dates of Yellow Jacket Pueblo were based on pottery sherds collected from the Village Testing Project (Ortman et al. 2000). They determined that based on the absence of Cortez Black-on-White, a pottery style from the early Pueblo II period, dating to between 910 to 1025 CE, that Yellow Jacket Pueblo was probably first inhabited around 1050 CE. Manco, McElmo, and Mesa Verde style pottery was found in the site middens. These pottery types are more indicative of a late Pueblo II and Pueblo III occupation.
From the research conducted at the site, it is difficult to determine if the site was continuously occupied, but it is possible to determine that the site was intensely occupied in both the Pueblo II and Pueblo III periods. The site was occupied until the 1250s CE and possibly later based on the construction of the Great Tower Complex (Ortman et al. 2000).
Some archaeological evidence from the Village Testing Program indicates that Yellow Jacket Pueblo may have developed out of the Chacoan great house community (Ortman et al. 2000). The Great Kiva and Chacoan Great House were estimated to have been built in the late 1000s or early 1100s, during the late Pueblo II period. Some researchers have argued that Yellow Jacket Pueblo may have functioned primarily as a religious center throughout its occupation (Lipe and Ortman 2000). This is based primarily on the high number of kivas relative to domestic rooms and the Great Kiva (Kuckelman 2003d). Similar arguments have been made about other large pueblos in the region, including Sand Canyon. Yellow Jacket has a longer habitation period than Sand Canyon, but it is likely that both were residential pueblos. Other research has suggested that smaller kivas were primarily used as residences (Kuckelman 2003d). Yellow Jacket Pueblo was constructed later in the Pueblo II period (900 -1150 CE) between 1060 and 1100, the hamlets surrounding Yellow Jacket Pueblo were occupied beginning in the early Pueblo II period (Kuckelman 2003d). Based on the
73


amount of domestic trash found in middens in the test excavations at both Yellow Jacket Pueblo and Sand Canyon Pueblo it is likely that the site functioned for domestic purposes (Kuckelman 2003d).
The region underwent a drought between 1140 and 1180 CE. After the drought had ended, Yellow Jacket underwent a period of construction and population aggregation. The construction that occurred during this period included considerable public architecture. During this phase of occupation, the four plazas, water control structures, and bi-wall structure that enclosed the site were all constructed. The rapid influx in population during the Pueblo III period is more than what can be accounted for by birth; community aggregation had to play a role in the population increase during this time. It is possible that groups from the surrounding hamlets or other surrounding communities moved into Yellow Jacket Pueblo during this period (Kuckelman 2003a). The large population was maintained at the site until the region was abandoned around 1280 CE.
Overview of Yellow Jacket Hamlets
The Yellow Jacket hamlet sites of 5MT1 and 5MT3 have been the subject of extensive archaeological excavation spanning decades. Another hamlet was excavated in the Yellow Jacket area, site 5MT2, but human remains were not found at this location and only its proximity in mentioned in relation to the other sites. Both of the Yellow Jacket hamlets investigated here are located southwest of Yellow Jacket Pueblo. The hamlet 5MT1 is located southwest from hamlet 5MT3. Yellow Jacket Creek becomes an entrenched canyon approximately 1.2 kilometers or three fourths a mile from the hamlet 5MT1 (Mitchell n.d.; Wilshusen n.d.). Both Yellow Jacket hamlets are located close to Yellow Jacket Pueblo (See Figure 3). Due to the close proximity of Yellow Jacket hamlet 5MT1 and 5MT2, less than 25 meters away, it is possible that the two were part of the same site and 5MT2 should not have been given as separate Smithsonian site identification. The site of 5MT1 is composed of two separate components originally designated as: the Stevenson Site and the
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Porter Site (Karhu 2000; Mitchell n.d.; Yunker 2001). The Stevenson Site dates to the Basketmaker
III period (500- 750 CE); while the Porter site is a Pueblo II (900-1150 CE) and Pueblo III (1150-1300 CE) site located about 20 meters northeast of the Stevenson Site (Karhu 2000). Hamlet 5MT3 is located 250 meters to the northeast of hamlets 5MT1 and 5MT2 (Wilshusen n.d.). Yellow Jacket hamlet 5MT3 has Basketmaker III, Pueblo II and Pueblo III site components. However, there were no burials recovered from the Basketmaker III period at Yellow Jacket hamlet 5MT3.
Yellow Jacket hamlet 5MT1- Stevenson Site and Porter Site
Yellow Jacket hamlet 5MT1 has two components, the Stevenson Site and Porter Pueblo.
The two sites are distinguished spatially (See Figure 3.7) and temporally. The Stevenson Site is the Basketmaker III (500- 750 CE) component of the site. Porter Pueblo was the Pueblo II (900-1150 CE) and Pueblo III (1150-1300) components of the hamlet. The Stevenson Site was occupied roughly between 500 and 700 CE, and is among the earliest sites in the Mesa Verde Region (Karhu 2000).
The Stevenson Site consists of three small hamlets that were occupied successively (Karhu 2000). Based on tree ring dates the first pitstructure was constructed around 519 CE, pitstructure two was constructed 617 CE, and pitstructures three and four were built around 676 CE (Mitchell n.d.). In the four pitstructures there were 28 rooms, one ramada (a covered ground level workspace), and two small extramural features (Mitchell n.d.). The last pitstructure constructed at the Stevenson Site around 676 CE was a very large structure at thirteen meters long and nine meters wide.
In one of the four pithouses there was a wall dividing the main room from the antechamber. The antechamber was constructed over a small pit that contained the remains of an eagle. The eagle has been interpreted as being an offering (Lange et al. 1988). The both structures containing the eagle were burnt and a woman's remains were found inside one of the structures (Lange et al.
1988). The pithouse constructed around 676 CE was burned and abandoned following its burn, it
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probably occurred within one generation of its initial construction (Lange et al. 1988). A total of seven burials along with some scattered remains were recovered from the Stevenson Site (Karhu 2000; Mitchell n.d.; Yunker 2001).
Figure 3.7 Site Map of Yellow Jacket Hamlets (University of Colorado Museum of Natural History 2016)
The Porter Pueblo component of Yellow Jacket hamlet 5MT1 is a Pueblo II and Pueblo III occupation. The Pueblo II component was first occupied around 1060 CE (Mitchell n.d.). The Pueblo II component of 5MT1 includes jacal and adobe room blocks with 12 pitrooms and three kivas (Karhu 2000). The Porter site had semi-subterranean workrooms, large storage features, and one or two small open plazas (Mitchell n.d. a). Rooms had evidence of storage and other domestic functions. Some rooms contained metate bins and associated pit granaries (Lange et al. 1988).
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The Pueblo III components of the site were built directly over the Pueblo II components
(Karhu 2000). The Pueblo III component of the Porter site is around 15 rooms, three associated kivas, numerous storage pits, and a few plazas (Karhu 2000). Of the associated kivas in the Pueblo III occupation period, one is a remodeled Pueblo II kiva. One masonry lined kiva contained a tunnel that connected a kiva to a subterranean room (Karhu 2000; Mitchell n.d.). The early Pueblo III occupation may have had been followed by a short hiatus followed by a second Pueblo III occupation (Mitchell n.d. a). The occupation during the last stage of occupation at Porter was largely confined to one kiva, which was Kiva C. Unlike previous occupations, when Porter Pueblo was abandoned at the end of the Pueblo III period Kiva C was ritually closed (Mitchell n.d. a). There were three individuals from the Porter site that were interred in kivas during the Pueblo III occupation. There is a total of 20 individuals and some scattered remains that were found in association with the Pueblo II and III components of the Porter Pueblo (Karhu 2000).
Yellow Jacket Hamlet 5MT3
Archaeological investigations in the Yellow Jacket area also occurred at the neighboring hamlet of 5MT3. 5MT3 is located on a small knoll overlooking Tatum Draw (Wilshusen and Mobley-Tanaka 2005). The initial assessment of the surface debris at 5MT3 suggested that it was a single component site. However, when excavations began on the site, it was determined that the site was more complex than anticipated (Lange et al. 1988). Rather than being a single occupation, the site actually had Basketmaker III, Pueblo II, and Pueblo III occupations (Lange et al. 1988; Karhu 2000; Wilshusen and Mobley-Tanaka 2005). Each occupation was constructed on top of previous occupations (Karhu 2000).
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Yellow Jacket 5MT3 Pueblo III
* in
m
Figure 3.8 Site Map of 5MT3 from Pueblo III period (Wilshusen and Mobley-Tanaka 2005: 2)
The Basketmaker III component was occupied between the late 500s to the mid 600s CE (Karhu 2000). Another estimate of its occupation date during the Basketmaker III period is between 635-638 CE, this is based on the date of construction of one structures (Wilshusen and Mobley-Tanaka 2005). Its layout is similar to 5MT1 Stevenson Site, with storage pits constructed on the north side of the pithouses. The Basketmaker III component had two complexes of rooms (Wilshusen and Mobley-Tanaka 2005). There were a total of 12 pit storage rooms found for this occupation (Karhu 2000).
5MT3 was abandoned during the Basketmaker III period, and was reoccupied early in the Pueblo II period. It was reoccupied starting around 1020 CE, but has two or three construction periods during the Pueblo II. Excavations found seven walled kivas and 50 jacal masonry rooms (Karhu 2000). Three of the seven kivas had tunnels leading to surface rooms or subterranean
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storage rooms. One of the tunnels collapsed in either the late Pueblo II or early Pueblo III period, the collapse buried a young female adult and an adolescent, the tunnel was sealed off and abandoned (Karhu 2000; Wilshusen and Mobley-Tanaka 2005). Numerous jacal structures were present at the site as well as up to six mealing rooms (Wilshusen and Mobley-Tanaka 2005). The site had several structures that were rebuilt or remodeled in the Pueblo II period. During the Pueblo II and the Pueblo III period, 5MT3 was part of a larger grouping of contemporaneously inhabited sites, including 5MT1 which was located to the south of 5MT3 (Wilshusen and Mobley-Tanaka 2005). The Pueblo III component was constructed on top of the Pueblo II component, obscuring some of the features and architecture of the Pueblo II component.
Yellow Jacket hamlet 5MT3 was occupied more or less continuously between 1060 and 1280 CE. The Pueblo III component of this site included: 9 kivas and 70 rooms (Karhu 2000). The jacal structures were replaced by masonry room blocks that are located on an east west orientation.
Not all of the kivas used at this time were constructed during the Pueblo III period. Three out of the nine kivas were remodeled from the Pueblo II occupation (Karhu 2000). Yellow Jacket Pueblo and all of the hamlets were abandoned around 1280 CE (Lange et al. 1988; Wilshusen and Mobley-Tanaka 2005).
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CHAPTER IV
HUMAN REMAINS AND REPATRIATION Damage to Yellow Jacket from Pothunters and Repatriation
Yellow Jacket Pueblo along with many other sites in the prehistoric Southwest was subjected to a large amount of damage caused by amateur excavators and pothunters. Yellow Jacket has been disturbed by pot hunters since the 1800s (Bradley 2003). During the nineteenth and early twentieth century attitudes towards the collection and curation of artifacts from archaeological site were very different. The practice of pot hunting and the destruction of archaeological sites were widely accepted during this period. Damage to puebloan ruins by the local community in the Yellow Jacket cluster was documented by the former land owner of the land, Charles Porter.
Porter relocated to Lewis Colorado in 1912, and became aware of the archaeological heritage in the area shortly after his arrival to the area. He recalled that both agricultural activity and pothunters damaged the area. Land clearing for agricultural activities consisted of using a heavy timber with railroad iron driven by a team of horses. The timber was on average approximately 12' long by 5' deep. The timber would flatten brush and collect it into heaps which were subsequently burned. Puebloan artifacts were often encountered through land clearing.
Porter recalled that Puebloan trash mounds would be plowed through for agricultural activities, and even targeted to an extent because alfalfa and other crops were known to grow abundantly in areas with Puebloan trash mounds. Stone from ruins was often repurposed by locals for creating cisterns. Large ruins such as Yellow Jacket Pueblo were targeted for this purpose. Some of the stone from archaeological ruins was relocated to allow for better farming conditions (Porter 1980).
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Amateur excavators were also a problem at Yellow Jacket during Porter's residence in Lewis, Colorado. Porter recalled a neighbor that would dig at Yellow Jacket prior to his family's acquisition of the property. The neighbor was attending dental school at the University of Chicago and was selling skeletons in order to fund his education. According to Porter, the individual would take a steel rod and poke it into the ground looking for flat rocks which a skeleton may have been buried beneath. The individual was targeting dental specimens with unusual dental formations such as impacted wisdom teeth or heavily worn teeth (Porter 1980).
Unintentional finds of archaeological artifacts were also quite common. Porter recalled filling a ten pound lard pail full of arrow heads, pottery sherds, ground stone, and axes. Though the Porter family never intentionally excavated a burial, they occasionally encountered skulls and scattered bones while clearing land. Many of the artifacts collected by the Porter family were given away to friends and family that were not local to the Lewis area. These included complete bowls and an unusual bowl filled with copper balls (Porter 1980). Joe Ben Wheat estimated that pothunters had disturbed as many as 500 burials at the site of Yellow Jacket (Bradley 2003).
The professional excavations at the Yellow Jacket hamlets conducted by Joe Ben Wheat between 1954 and 1990 yielded many isolated bones. Hand bones, foot bones, and teeth were commonly found mixed into middens and room fills. Both rodent activity and pothunters were responsible for the disturbance of burials. Researchers were able to match some of the isolated elements to a burial based on the color of the bone, age of individual, size of bone, and lack of duplication of skeletal elements. However, not all bones were able to be associated with a burial and were categorized as isolated skeletal elements (Karhu 2000). The Crow Canyon Archaeological Center conducted a Village Testing project which surveyed the damage that amateur excavators and
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pothunters did to Yellow Jacket Pueblo. The project revealed over 800 holes caused by pothunters at the site. As a result of this extensive pot hunting activity, numerous burials were disturbed.
Protection and Preservation
Preserving cultural heritage and protecting archaeological sites from damage due to amateur excavators and pothunters has become of great importance to archaeologists. Although legislation to limit damage to archaeological sites has been in place since the Antiquities Act of 1906, the first conviction under the act did not occur until 1978 (Deans 1980). In 1974 the Archaeological and Historic Preservation Act was passed into law, which required federal agencies to take historical and archaeological resources into account for projects (National Park Service 2016). The Antiquities Protection Act was introduced by Morris Udall and passed into law in 1980. The law imposed stricter penalties for the possession, sale, barter, or trade of illegally acquired artifacts (Deans 1980). The illicit acquisition and sale of artifacts has been addressed on an international scale when the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) held a conference on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export, and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property. The regulations include all, "property considered 'as being of importance for archaeology, prehistory, history, literature, art, or science'" (Kuprecht 2013: 49).
In the United States, treatment of human remains has shifted dramatically over the past twenty five years following the passage of the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA). The legislation was passed on November 16, 1990. Under NAGPRA American Indian tribes are entitled to request to have their ancestors and sacred objects returned to the tribe from any institutions or projects that receive federal funding. The funerary collections from the excavations of the Yellow Jacket hamlets were housed at the University of Colorado Museum of Natural History in Boulder Colorado.
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All of the funerary objects and human remains at the University of Colorado's museum have
been repatriated. Under NAGPRA, the notice of inventory completion for the Yellow Jacket collections was published September 11, 2006. Following the inventory completion, a Notice of Intent to repatriate the Yellow Jacket collections was issued March 15, 2007. Additional items were found during a collections management project in January 2008, those items were repatriated subsequent to the March 6, 2008 Notice of Intent to Repatriate was issued in the Federal Registrar. There are several tribes which were affiliated with the Yellow Jacket collections. The affiliated tribes are: the Hopi Tribe of Arizona, the Ohkay Owingeh of New Mexico (formerly the Pueblo of San Juan), the Pueblo of Acoma of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Cochiti of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Isleta New Mexico, the Pueblo of Jemez of New Mexico, Pueblo of Laguna of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Nambe of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Picuris of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Pojoaque of New Mexico, the Pueblo of San Felipe of New Mexico, the Pueblo of San lldefonso of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Sandia of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Santa Ana of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Santa Clara of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Santo Domingo of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Taos of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Tesuque of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Zia of New Mexico, the Ysleta del Sur Pueblo of Texas, the and Zuni Tribe of New Mexico (Federal Registrar 2006, 2007,2008).
All of the human remains and funerary goods from the Yellow Jacket hamlets were repatriated prior to the compilation of this data. Prior to the repatriation of all of the funerary collections, the human remains were studied by numerous researchers including Swedlund (1969), Lange et al. (1988), Malville (1989), Malville (1994), Karhu (2000), and Yunker (2001). Bradley (2003) conducted an analysis of the human remains at Yellow Jacket Pueblo. The previous research conducted on the human remains at the Yellow Jacket hamlets makes it possible to utilize data from the site to address previously unasked questions from archival data.
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History of Research at Yellow Jacket
The earliest written record of Yellow Jacket Pueblo is from the 1858 McComb expedition (Lange et al. 1988). It was subsequently noted by several other surveyors of the area, including the Hayden Survey party in 1876. In 1931, Western State College in Gunnison, Colorado conducted an excavation in the area of a "square mug house" in the great tower complex at Yellow Jacket Pueblo. The "square mug house" is now known as the "Great Tower Complex" (Ortman et al. 2000). In a road maintenance project between 1945 and 1946 part of the site was damaged by a rock crusher removing a portion of the east wing of a Chacoan great house (Crow Canyon Archaeological Center
2003). The most intense research at the Yellow Jacket hamlets was conducted by the University of Colorado Boulder. The University of Colorado Boulder conducted archaeological investigations beginning in 1954 under the direction of Joe Ben Wheat. The excavations continued for several decades, concluding in 1991.
In 1954 the pueblo was situated on private property and was excavated with the consent of the property owner, Hod Stevenson. In the fall of 1953 Stevenson was clearing land near the head of Yellow Jacket canyon when he plowed two burials, a burned post, and associated pottery. Stevenson sent some of the pottery he discovered to Joe Ben Wheat at the University of Colorado Museum. The pieces of pottery inadvertently discovered by Stevenson were from the Basketmaker III period. The following summer, excavations began with a small crew of individuals including Joe Ben Wheat, his wife, and three students (Mobley-Tanaka and Wilshusen n.d.). Excavations yielded a Basketmaker pithouse and storage room (Lange et al. 1988). Located near the site was Pueblo II and Pueblo III architectural features (Mobley-Tanaka and Wilshusen n.d.).
In 1955 Stevenson sold the site to Charles Porter. Porter agreed to allow archaeological research to continue on the site as long as he was compensated for the loss of crop from the
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excavations. However, he never charged the University for the loss of his crops (Lange et al. 1988).
It is from these two individuals associated with the excavations that the two components of 5MT1 derive their names: the Stevenson site and the Porter site. The Stevenson site represented the Basketmaker III occupation of the 5MT1 hamlet. The Porter site is the Pueblo II and Pueblo III components situated near the Basketmaker III occupation. Wheat was expecting to see a continuation of architecture into the Basketmaker III period in his investigations of the Porter Pueblo, but only Pueblo II and III periods were represented (Mobley-Tanaka and Wilshusen n.d.). Excavations on 5MT1 continued until 1959. He resumed excavations of 5MT1 between 1965 and 1966 (Mobley-Tanaka and Wilshusen 2005).
In 1961 archaeological excavations from Wheat's crew began on the 5MT3 hamlet of the site (Mobley-Tanaka and Wilshusen 2005). The site of 5MT3 is located about 250 meters away from 5MT1. It was chosen because it was believed to be a single occupation period and therefore less complex site. Once excavations began, it became clear that the site was more complex and had multiple occupation periods (Lange et al. 1988). The Yellow Jacket hamlet of 5MT3 had a Basketmaker III, Pueblo II, and a Pueblo III occupation. Between the years of 1967 and 1975, very limited amounts of research were conducted in the Yellow Jacket area, while Wheat pursued other research (Mobley-Tanaka and Wilshusen 2005). In 1975 research on 5MT3 resumed. Excavations of the site occurred from 1977-1978, 1980-1986, and 1989-1991 (Mobley-Tanaka and Wilshusen 2005).
During the excavations at 5MT3, researchers began investigating a separate site 5MT2. 5MT2 is located approximately 25 meters away from the site of 5MT1 and could easily be grouped into the same site (Wilshusen n.d.). Excavations at 5MT2 began following Dr. Frederick Lange taking control of the field school in 1986. The excavations were conducted as part of a graduate student
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John Carter's research for his master's thesis (Mobley-Tanaka and Wilshusen n.d.). The site of 5MT2
was less complex than the sites of 5MT1 and 5MT3 with separate early Pueblo III and late Pueblo III components (Mobley-Tanaka and Wilshusen n.d.). There were no burials found at the site of 5MT2 and it is not included in this analysis.
Research continued on the Yellow Jacket hamlets for over thirty years until 1991. There was a total of 17 seasons of research conducted on the sites 5MT1 and 5MT3. Research conducted at the Yellow Jacket hamlets used 2 meter by 2 meter excavation units for their primary unit of analysis. Excavations were conducted using a shovel, but when delicate features such as architectural features or burials were encountered, finer grain tools were utilized (Mobley-Tanaka and Wilshusen 2005). The quantity and quality of records from the field schools over those times differs dramatically over the course of the investigations (Yunker 2001). Some of the stratigraphic contexts were not included by some excavators and no single method for identifying strata was employed, which compromised information on the site's stratigraphic contexts overall (Yunker 2001).
The Yellow Jacket hamlets 5MT1, 5MT2, and 5MT3 were excavated by the University of Colorado Boulder field schools between 1954 and 1991. Crow Canyon Archaeological Center has conducted further research on Yellow Jacket Pueblo. Between 1995 and 1997 Crow Canyon's educational programs conducted test excavations on Yellow Jacket Pueblo (5MT5). They excavated a total of 112 units and designed the tests to disturb the site as little as possible. The research encompassed 167 square meters of the 100 acre site (Kuckelman 2003). Although only a small portion of the site was excavated researchers were able to gather substantial amounts of information. The Crow Canyon research project did not seek to encounter human remains.
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However, test excavations yielded a minimum number of 34 individuals, with 6 human remain occurrences and 106 isolated elements (Bradley 2003).
The research at Yellow Jacket Pueblo (5MT5) had three main research goals. First, it was designed to test settlement models of large Pueblo III sites as part of the Village Testing Project. Researchers were interested in better understanding the processes of aggregation during the Pueblo II and Pueblo III periods (Kuckelman 2003). Second, was to get an accurate survey of the site using a total station. The third goal was to examine the extent of damage by amateur excavators and pothunters. The Village Testing Project utilized data from the Mesa Verde region. It collected data from three archaeological sites: Yellow Jacket Pueblo, Woods Canyon Pueblo, and the Hedley Site Complex. The data collected from the Village Testing Project compared the preliminary data to patterns found at Sand Canyon and Castle Rock Pueblos. The project excavations were of one test pit on the facade of the north wall of each roomblock. This was done to examine the architectural style and determine if there were any underlying structures beneath the roomblocks. Additional test pits were placed in the middens of each roomblock to recover pottery samples (Ortman et al. 2000).
Testing at Yellow Jacket Pueblo was limited, so much of the analyses that can be made are limited. There was no evidence found of a pre- Pueblo II occupation of the Pueblo. The exact nature of the Pueblo II occupation was difficult to estimate due to the possibility that many buildings were buried under the Pueblo III occupation. Ortman and colleagues (2000) used the data collected from the Village Testing Project and found that the Yellow Jacket Pueblo's occupations corresponded to the community center succession model, with multi-generational histories. The results of their investigation disputed the canyon- rim village formation model (Ortman et al. 2000).
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The canyon-rim formation model is an occupation model that suggests that households
moved into large rapidly aggregating village complexes from small upland villages in the 1200s. The model was based off of sites like Sand Canyon and Castle Rock Pueblo, in which villages were formed in areas where there was little to no habitation previously. The sites of Sand Canyon and Castle Rock Pueblo were both occupied for 25 to 40 years. Yellow Jacket Pueblo did not fit his model, with a much longer habitation period. The community center succession model argues Puebloan communities focused their attention on one large site. Sites in the community center succession model can be organized into three types of habitation and arranged in chronological sequence. The results of the Village Testing Project indicated that Yellow Jacket Pueblo was inhabited at least a century prior to Sand Canyon or Castle Rock Pueblo (Ortman et al. 2000).
Human Remains at Yellow Jacket
The human remains found at the Yellow Jacket hamlets have been the subject of a considerable amount of scholarly inquiry. Some of the previous research on the human remains from Yellow Jacket hamlet sites 5MT1 and 5MT3 include Swedlund (1969), Malville (1989), Malville (1994), Malville (1997), Karhu (2000) and Yunker (2001). The human remains from the Yellow Jacket hamlets and all of the associated grave goods have been repatriated (Federal Registrar 2006, 2007, 2008). There were a total of 138 burials from the Yellow Jacket hamlets and a minimum of 34 additional individuals from the test excavations at Yellow Jacket Pueblo. Yellow Jacket hamlet 5MT1 has two named site components: the Stevenson site and Porter Pueblo. The Yellow Jacket hamlet site 5MT1 had seven human remains from the Basketmaker III period at the Stevenson site, and another twenty burials and some scattered human remains found from the Pueblo II and III periods in the Porter Pueblo component. The other excavated hamlet, 5MT3, did not have any burials from the Basketmaker III period recovered during the excavation. A total of 94 burials from the Pueblo II
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and Pueblo III periods were recovered from 5MT3. There were an additional five remains that were
scattered also recovered from the hamlet.
The previous studies into the Yellow Jacket burials from Yellow Jacket Pueblo and the hamlets includes research conducted on the health of individuals at Yellow Jacket, burial practices, and extreme perimortem processing. Bradley (2003) reported on the health, condition, and mortuary treatment of the individuals found during test excavations at Yellow Jacket Pueblo.
Malville (1994, 1997) and Karhu (2000) investigated the health status of individuals at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Malville (1989) examined the human remains with extensive perimortem trauma from the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Karhu (2000) and Yunker (2001) examined the burial practices and mortuary treatment of the individuals at the Yellow Jacket hamlets.
Preservation and Data Collection
Karhu (2000) recorded mortuary data on the Yellow Jacket hamlets using methods from Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994), Standards for Data Collection from Human Skeletal Remains. Additional data was collected from raw data on file, unpublished data, and published data from Malville (1994). However, the use of the procedures established by Buikstra and Ubelaker had to be deviated from slightly because of poor preservation and crumbling bone and enamel from the site, limited ability to sample, and a limited timeframe which required prioritizing data collected. Some of the raw data collected from Swedlund (1969) was utilized to prevent the additional handling of fragile bones that were at risk of deterioration. The presence of cradleboarding in an individual was only recorded when enough of the cranium was preserved to make that assessment. The absence of cradleboarding in a recorded burial may be an indication that the cranial bones were too fragmentary to make the analysis and not necessarily an indication of the absence of cradleboarding (Karhu 2000).
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Research at the Yellow Jacket Pueblo followed with Crow Canyon Archaeological Center's
policy on the collection of human remains. Research was not conducted in a manner which attempted to excavate burials or purposefully seek out human remains. However, during test excavations, 102 isolated elements were discovered in multiple locations of the site in multiple test pits. No articulated remains, burials, or grave goods were found during excavations. When human remains were encountered during excavation, bamboo tools and brushes were used, dental picks were used to conduct the cleaning of teeth. Preservation of bone from the test excavations at Yellow Jacket Pueblo is poor and from disturbed contexts. A large number of the human remains identified were less than 25% complete. Many of the bones from Yellow Jacket Pueblo were eroded, weathered, or highly fragmentary. Data on the recovered remains was conducted using osteological methods from Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994), Standards for Data Collection from Human Skeletal Remains. The osteological data was collected by Cynthia Bradley and Debra Martin. Data was collected on pathologies, age, sex, dentition, trauma, and non-metric traits. However, the poor preservation of the remains limited the analyses that could be conducted (Bradley 2003).
Health at Yellow Jacket
Osteological methodology was used to determine the age at death, sex, and health of the individuals at the Yellow Jacket Pueblo. Many diseases and illness are not visible on the human skeleton, many conditions are acute and the individual recovers or causes death prior to the illness leaving an indication on the skeleton (Larsen 1997; Ortner and Putschar 1985). Pathologies that are present on bone and enamel are typically an indication of prolonged infections and morbidity.
Some of the pathologies which are visible on the skeleton are indicators of stress, anemia, and potentially malnutrition. These pathologies can manifest in the skeleton as periostitis, osteoarthritis, porotic hyperostosis, cribra orbitalia, lesions, congenital defects, enamel hypoplasias,
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DISS_description page_count 213 masters external_id http:dissertations.umi.comucdenver:10828 apply_for_copyright no
DISS_title ANALYSIS OF THE BURIALS AT THE YELLOW JACKET HAMLETS (5MT1 AND 5MT3): AN EXAMINATION OF THE POSSIBILITY OF THE PRESENCE OF CAPTIVES
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DISS_comp_date 2017
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DISS_para In the prehistoric American Southwest, the practice of taking captives occurred sporadically at different periods throughout the greater Southwest (Cameron 2011, 2013; Martin 1997; 2008; Martin and Akins 2001). Yellow Jacket was one of the largest Pueblos in the Northern San Juan region and may have held captives at the peak of occupation during the Pueblo II (900 1150CE) and Pueblo III (1150 1350 CE). Previous research of captives has used skeletal pathologies, skeletal trauma, sex ratios, and grave goods to address captives in the archaeological record. Due to the prior repatriation of the funerary collections, an analysis of the grave goods, sex of the individual, skeletal pathologies, and skeletal trauma was conducted on the records from the grave goods and skeletal remains of the excavated Yellow Jacket hamlets.
There was little evidence to indicate that captives were held at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. The area had one violent episode evident at the Yellow Jacket hamlets in the early Pueblo II period, as well as periodic small scale violence. There were a large number of individuals with skeletal pathologies, but only six individuals out of 131 that displayed evidence of antemortem trauma. Five of the six individuals exhibited cranial trauma, likely the result of interpersonal violence. With the exception of one individual recovered from a disturbed context, all of the individuals with antemortem trauma were buried with grave goods. One individual with antemortem trauma was a multiple internment of three individuals, but grave goods were present with the individuals and neither of the other two individuals had skeletal trauma. The patterns displayed in the Yellow Jacket funerary assemblage are not consistent with the presence of captives at the Yellow Jacket hamlets.
Although captives were not present at the excavated Yellow Jacket hamlets, this does not mean they were absent from the Yellow Jacket area. Yellow Jacket Pueblo is largely unexcavated; it is possible that captives may have been present at Yellow Jacket Pueblo. Another possible explanation is that captives may not have been taken at the Yellow Jacket hamlets or Yellow Jacket Pueblo due to cultural or economic motivators.
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ANALYSIS OF THE BURIALS AT THE YELLOW JACKET HAMLETS (5MT1 AND 5MT3): AN EXAMINATION OF THE POSSIBILITY OF THE PRESENCE OF CAPTIVES by BRITTANY JOHNSON B.A., Hamline University, 2008 A thesis submitted to the Faculty at the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Anthropology 2017

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ii This the sis for the Master of Arts degree by Brittany Johnson has been approved for the Anthropology by T ammy Stone Chair Charles Musiba Christopher Beekman Date : May 13, 2017

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iii Johnson Brittany (M.A. Anthropology Program) Analysis Of The Burials At The Yellow Jacket Hamlets (5mt1 And 5mt3): An Examination Of The Possibility Of The Presence Of Captives Thesis directed by Professor Tammy Stone ABSTRACT In the prehistoric American Southwest, the practice of taking captive s occurred sporadically at different periods throughout the greater S outhwest (Cameron 2011, 2013; Martin 1997; 2008; Martin and Akins 2001). Yellow Jacket was one of the largest Pueblos in the Northern San Juan region and may have held c aptives at the peak of occupation during the Pueblo II (900 1150CE) and Pueblo III (1150 1350 CE). Previous research of captives has used skeletal pathologies, skeletal trauma, sex ratios, and grave goods to address captives in the archaeological reco rd. Due to the prior repatriation of the funerary collections, an analysis of the grave goods, sex of the individual, skeletal pathologies, and skeletal trauma was conducted on the records from the grave goods and skeletal remains of the excavated Yellow Jacket hamlets. There was little evidence to indicate that captives were held at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. The area had one violent episode evident at the Yellow Jacket hamlets in the early Pueblo II period as well as periodic small scale violence. The re were a large number of individuals with skeletal pathologies, but only six individuals out of 131 that displayed evidence of antemortem trauma. Five of the six individuals exhibited cranial trauma, likely the result of interpersonal violence. With the exception of one individual recovered from a disturbed context, all of the individuals with antemortem trauma were buried with grave goods. One individual with antemortem trauma was a multiple internment of three individuals, but grave goods were present with the individuals and neither of the other two individuals had skeletal trauma. The patterns displayed in the Yellow Jacket funerary assembl age are not consistent with the presence of captives at the Yellow Jacket hamlets.

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iv Although captives were not p resent at the excavated Yellow Jacket hamlets, this does not mean they were absent from the Yellow Jacket area Yellow Jacket Pueblo is largely unexcavated; it is possible that captives may have been present at Yellow Jacket Pueblo. Another possible expl anation is that captives may not have been taken at the Yellow Jacket hamlets or Yellow Jacket Pueblo due to cultural or economic motivators. The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication Approved: Tammy Stone

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v CONTENTS I INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 1 Introduction to Research Question ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 1 Yellow Jacket Information and Limitations of Data ................................ ................................ ............ 6 Structure of Thesis ................................ ................................ ................................ .............................. 8 II PREVIOUS STUDIES OF CAPTIVES ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 10 Why Study Captives? ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................ 10 What Constit utes a Captive? ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 12 Theory and Assumptions ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 13 Captives, Agency, and Gender ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 14 Identification of Captives in the Archaeological Record ................................ ................................ .. 17 Ethnohistorical Accounts ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 18 Iconography ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 19 Changes in Material Culture ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 19 Burial Practices ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................. 20 Sex Ratios ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 22 Osteological Indicators of Captives ................................ ................................ .............................. 24 Biochemical analysis ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 29 Evidence of Warfare in the Archaeological Record ................................ ................................ ...... 36 Warfare in the Prehispanic American Southwest ................................ ................................ ............ 36 Previous Research on Non Lethal Trauma and Captives in the Southwest ................................ 44 III YELLOW JACKET BACKGROUND ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 54 Environment at Yellow Jacket ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 56 Modern Environment ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 56

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vi Geological Set ting ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 58 Plants and Animals ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 59 Prehistoric Agricultural Activities at Yellow Jacket ................................ ................................ ...... 61 Culture History of Northern San Juan Region and Yellow Jacket Canyon ................................ ........ 62 Basketmaker III ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................. 64 Pueblo I ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 65 Pueblo II ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 66 Pueblo III ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 67 Site abandonments in the Northern San Juan Region ................................ ................................ 68 Montezuma Valley and Yellow Jacket Habitations ................................ ................................ .......... 70 Yellow Jacket Pueblo (5MT5) ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 71 Overview of Yellow Jacket Hamlets ................................ ................................ .............................. 74 IV HUMAN REMAINS AND REPATRIATION ................................ ................................ .......................... 80 Damage to Yellow Jacket from Pothunters and Repatriation ................................ .......................... 80 Protection and Preservation ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 82 History of Research at Yellow Jacket ................................ ................................ ................................ 84 Human Remains at Yellow Jacket ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 88 Preservation and Data Collection ................................ ................................ ................................ 89 Health at Yellow Jacket ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 90 Yellow Jacket Hamlets ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 91 Yellow Jacket Pueblo ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 95 Demography ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ 96 Trauma ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 99 Human Remains with Perimortem Trauma ................................ ................................ ................ 101 V METHODS ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 104

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vii Methodology ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 104 VI RESULTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 109 Results ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 109 Sex Ratios ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 110 Grave Goods ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................... 112 Health ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 115 Trauma ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 121 Discussion ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 124 Individuals with Trauma ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 126 Individuals with Perimortem Trauma ................................ ................................ ......................... 131 5MT1. ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 131 5MT3 ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 134 Criteria Revisited ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................ 136 VII ANALYSIS AND FUTURE RESEARCH ................................ ................................ .............................. 142 Analysis ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 142 Potential for Future R esearch ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 146 REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 149 A PPENDIX ................................ ................................ ................................ Error! Bookmark not defined. A. Cranial Preservation, Traum a, and Pathologies ................................ ................................ .. 158 B. Post Cranial Preservation, Traum a, and Pathologies ................................ ........................... 169 C. Grave Goods by Individual ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 175 D. Burial Information by Individual ................................ ................................ ........................... 191 E. Presence of Pathologies and Cradleboarding ................................ ................................ ...... 198

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viii LIST OF TABLES Table 6.1 Chart of Sex Makeup of Yellow Jacket Excluding Individuals with Extreme Perimortem Processing ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 110 Table 6.2 Chart of Sex Makeup of Yellow Jacket All Pueblo II and Pueblo III Individuals ................. 112 Table 6.3 Presence of Grave Goods for Formal Burials in the Pueblo II and Pueblo III Periods ........ 113 Table 6.4 Mean Number of Grave Goods for Pueblo II and Pueblo III Formal Burials ....................... 115 Table 6.5 Individuals with Pathologies in Pueblo II and Pueblo III Considerate Burials ..................... 116 Table 6.6 Pathologies fo r All Pueblo II and Pueblo III Individuals ................................ ...................... 116 Table 6.7 Presence of Porotic Hyperostosis Among Pueblo II and Pueblo III Individuals .................. 117 Table 6.8 Cradleboarding among All Individuals at Yellow Jacket Hamlets ................................ ....... 120 Table 6.9 Chart of Individuals with Trauma Extreme Perimortem Processing not included ............ 121 Table 6.10 Trauma among All Individuals at Yellow Jacket Hamlets Chi Square Analysis ................. 123 Table 6.11 All Individuals with Antemortem Trauma ................................ ................................ ......... 125 Figure 6.12 Antemortem Cranial Trauma among Considerate Burials ................................ .............. 126

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ix LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1: Map of the Yellow Jacket Sites ................................ ................................ ............................ 7 Figure 2.1 Areas Target for Injury from Blunt F orce Trauma ................................ ............................... 30 Figure 2.2 an Example of Cranial Trauma Locations from the C hannel Islands, California ................. 32 Figure 2.3 Dia gram of Fractures to Longbones caused by Direct Trauma. ................................ .......... 33 Figure 2.4 Diagram of Fractures that ar e caused by Indirect Trauma ................................ .................. 33 Figure 2.1 Map of Geographic Region s in Southwest ................................ ................................ .......... 38 Figure 2.2 Map of Archaeological Sites Included in this Section ................................ .......................... 46 Figure 3.1 Map of Yel low Jacket Pueblo ................................ ................................ ............................... 55 Figure 3.2 Landsat 8 Image of Yellow Jacket, Taken June 14, 2014 ................................ ..................... 57 Figure 3.4 Map of Archaeological Sites in Northern San Juan Region ................................ ................. 64 Figure 3.5 Image of sites at Yell ow ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 71 Figure 3.6 Site Map of Yell ow Jacket Pueblo (5MT5) ................................ ................................ ........... 72 Figure 3.7 Site Map o f Yellow Jacket Hamlets ................................ ................................ ...................... 76 Figure 3.8 Site Map of 5MT3 from Pueblo III period ................................ ................................ ............ 78 Figure 4.1 Sex of Individuals at the Yellow Jacket Hamlets All Individuals, Excluding Isolated Skeletal Elements ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 97 Figure 4.2 Survivor ship at Yellow Jacket Pueblo ................................ ................................ ................. 98 Figure 6.1 Makeup of Sex at Yellow Jacket Excluding the Extreme Perimortem Processed Individuals ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................ 111 Figure 6.2 Number of Sexed Individuals at Yellow Jacket Hamlets All Pueblo II and Pueblo III Individuals ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 112 Figure 6.3 Graph of In dividuals with Grave Goods Present from Pueblo II and Pueblo III Periods ... 114 Figure 6.4 Bar Graph of Porotic Hyperostosis and Sex a t the Yellow Jacket Hamlets ....................... 118 Figure 6.5 Graph of Extent of Porotic Hyperostosis among Sexed Individuals in the Pueblo II and Pueb lo III Periods ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ 119 Figure 6.6 Cranial Modification all Pueblo II and Pueblo III Individuals ................................ ............. 120

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x Figure 6.7 Graph of Trauma at Yellow Jacket Hamlets ................................ ................................ ....... 122 Figure 6.8 Graph of All Pueblo II and Pueblo III Individuals with Trauma ................................ .......... 124

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1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Introduction to Research Question Over the past few decades the study of captives in the archaeological record has become a topic of inquiry among scholars. In the American Southwest the practice of captive taking occurred at several times and location s. Archaeologi cal evidence suggests that captives were present at the La Plata Valley, New Mexico (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akin 2001), and potentially at Chaco C anyon (Kohler and Turner 2006). There were several adult females with post cranial fractures and one wi th cranial fractures from the Transwestern Pipeline series (circa 1200 CE), the Gallina sites, and Carter Ranch had a large number of adult individuals with antemortem fractures (Danforth et al 1994; Martin 1997). The site of Yellow Jacket was one of the largest in the Northern San Juan region, and the largest southwestern site north of the Aztec Ruins site in New Mexico (Ortner et al. 2000; Yunker 2001). This research utilizes data from Karhu (2000) and Yunker (2001) to address whether captives may have been present in the archaeological record at Yellow Jacket. Numerous lines of evidence have been used to examine whether captives were present in the archaeological record. Methods used include: mortuary analysis, changes to material culture, analysis of pathologies, skeletal trauma, ethnographic accounts, and sex ratios. This research utilizes sex ratios, mortuary analysis of grave goods, skeletal pathologies, and skeletal trauma. Cross cultural research on captives in the archaeological record has ind icated that females and children were taken into a host society as captives while men were more likely to be killed during conflict (Cameron 2011). Biases in the sex ratio in the archaeological record can be an indication of a cultural phenomenon that has altered the balance in the sex ratio (Divale and Harris 1976; Kramer

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2 2002). A bias towards females may be an indication of non local women immigrating to an area either by voluntary or coerced methods (Lowell 2007) w hile a greater number of males in the archaeological record could be an indication that women were taken from the site (Kee ley 1996; Kohler and Turner 2006 ). Different mortuary treatment is another indication of status in a group (Aranda et al 2009). Burials which differ from the normal buri al methods and are less considerate than the majority of burials at a site may denote the presence of captives in the archaeological record (Martin 1997). The number and types of grave goods found with captive women may be different than that of local ind ividuals (Tung 2012). Differential burial treatment as well as skeletal trauma and pathologies are indicators of the presence of captives in the archaeological record. Antemortem trauma is a method of examining interpersonal violence within a community ( Kuckelman et al. 2000). Researchers analyze trauma to determine if captives were present in the archaeological record (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001; Tung 2012; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993). Skeletal pathologies have also been utilized by r esearchers to gain an overall perspective on health of the population, which may differ for a particular group of marginalized individuals. When each factor is examined individually, there are several other cultural reasons that could account for its appea rance, such as warfare and low status individuals. However, when multiple lines of evidence are examined, patterns can emerge that would be indicative of captives in the archaeological record. A group of mostly female individuals with multiple indication s of defensive fractures and cranial fractures that are buried different ly than the majority of the other burials at the site is a strong indicator of the presence of captives. Because captives were brought into a host society, their treatment depended on a group in which they had no social bonds which resulted in people in that society often being denied the right of personhood that would have been

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3 allocated to a local individual (Cameron 2011: 182). An example of this is the La Plata assemblage where a g roup of women had a large amount of skeletal trauma and were haphazardly discarded without grave goods when all other individuals were buried with grave goods and intentional placement (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akin 2001). In some societies captives o r other forced migrants have the ability to become fully incorporated or gain status in the host society (Habicht Mauche 2008; Lowell 2007; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993). However, in other groups outsider status is permanent and the individuals never fu lly incorporate into the host group (Martin 2008; Martin and Akins 2001; Tung 2012). Even in cases in which the individual incorporates into the host society, in general they enter the society in a marginalized state and frequently undergo a period of ind octrination into the society (Cameron 2008; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993). In other groups they may have been fully integrated but not able to achieve the full rights of a native to the group (Cameron 2011). A group of captives that were able to be incorporated into the host society would manifest differently in the archaeological record than a group of captives that were always marked as outsiders. A group that was full y incorporated into the host society would be buried in the same manner as the l ocal individuals, but due to the period of indoctrination would have evidence of healed skeletal trauma (Wilkinson and Wagenen 1993). In groups where captive individuals were unable to incorporate into the host society, they would not be buried in the sam e manner as the native individuals and would have healed and potentially some trauma that was not fully healed at time of death (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001). The hypothesis that this research examines is: mortuary data, sex ratios, pathologie s and trauma to identify a particular group of marginalized individual s suggesting that captives were present at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. The null hypothesis is that: no differential treatment of a

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4 group of marginalized individuals could be distinguishe d using sex ratios, mortuary data, skeletal pathologies, and trauma. Captives were not held at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. In order to test this hypothesis the burials at the Yellow Jacket hamlets seven criteria must be evaluated. 1) Are s ex ratios at the Yellow Jacket hamlets skewed towards a fem ale bias? If captives are primarily women and children then an influx of women into the community would be reflected in the sex ratio at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. 2) Is there e vide nce of interpersonal violence prese nt in the archaeological record for the Yellow Jacket hamlets ? Cranial trauma and defensive fractures in the mortuary assemblage at th e Yellow Jacket hamlets would suggest that a group of marginalized individuals were present at Yellow Jacket. Capt ives enter a host society in a marginalized position which often leaves them subject to interpersonal violence. E vidence of violent death and e xtreme perimortem processing would be str ong indicators of warfare at Yellow Jacket rather than captives. Extre me perimortem processing refers to individuals that likely experienced a violent death and their bodies were mutilated and potentially cannibalized. 3) Were the individuals that experienced antemortem trauma more likely to be women? If the individuals tha t were victims of interpersonal violence were mostly female then it would suggest that some women were in a subordinate class at Yellow Jacket. 4 ) Do es a group of w omen have more pathologies present than m en at the Yellow Jacket hamlets? If a group of wo men and children were taken as captives then they would have less access to resources and may have more skeletal pathologies such as evidence of nutritional stress than the local population

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5 5) Was there a difference in cranial modifications between male s and females ? Cradleboarding was common in the Northern San Juan region (Kuckelman et al 2000). Differences in the sex of the individuals with cranial modifications can be an indication of the presence of non local individuals at the Yellow Jacket haml ets. However, because this practice was common in the Northern San Juan region it may not be the most reliable measure of captives in the archaeological record. If captives were taken from greater distances then they may have different cranial modificati on practices than those which are common in the Northern San Juan Region. It is worth evaluating especially if a difference in cranial modification between males and females is present then it is useful in conjunction with other ind icators of non local individuals to establish the presence of non local individuals at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. 6 ) Do g rave goo ds diff er between men and women and is there a group of women with no grave goods at the Yellow Jacket hamlets? Grave goods are markers of an indiv idual's status in their lifetime and have been used to determine distinctions in class ( Aranda et al. 2009; Burchell 2006). Because grave goods are often a marker of status, the number and type of grave goods between locals and captive individuals would d iffer. Captive individuals enter a society at the lowest societal level. Captives that remain in a marginalized state will have fewer grave goods than local individuals. However, if captives have the ability to gain status in a host society then this di stinction may not be present. 7) Individual and population analysis of the individuals at the site is needed Sex and pathologies, trauma, and grave goods can be used to identify captives at both the population level as well as the individual level. Stat istical analyses are used to identify if women were statistically more likely to have trauma, pathologies, or grave goods. This identifies anomalies that may be indicative of captives at a population level, while an analysis of the individuals with trauma provides

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6 a life history of the individual. An in depth analysis of the life history of the individuals with trauma is conducted to examine pathologies, trauma, and grave goods at an individual level. Each of these criteria needs to be evaluated in order to make an assessment of whether captives were present at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Not all of these crit eria need to be met for captives to be present at the site. Rather a subset of the criteria could provide an indication of whether or not captives w ere present at the site. The practice of keeping captives in a host society is very diverse and manifests differently worldwide. By examining both the population and an in depth analysis of the individuals with skeletal trauma a clear picture of the cult ural phenomenon occurring at the Yellow Jacket hamlets can emerge. Yellow Jacket Information and Limitations of Data The Yellow Jacket area is located in southwe stern Colorado in the Northern San Juan region. It was occupied in the Basketmaker III period and the Pueblo II and Pueblo III periods. The analysis of burials thus far is limited to the Yellow Jacket hamlets. The Yellow Jacket area is comprised of one large pueblo and up to twenty smaller hamlets surrounding the large pueblo each with separat e site numbers. The large pueblo at Yellow Jacket is site 5MT5 The hamlets which have been excavated are 5MT1, 5MT2, and 5MT3. There were no human remains at 5MT2 and only 5MT1 and 5MT3 are included in this analysis. Sites 5MT1 and 5MT3 are referred t o as the Yellow Jacket hamlets and the large pueblo is referred to as Yellow Jacket Pueblo in this study (See Figure 1.1).

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7 Figure 1 .1 Map of the Yellow Jacket Sites (Wilshusen and Mobley Ta n a ka 2005: 8) The site histories of 5MT1, 5MT3, and 5MT5 are addressed separately in Chapter 3, but are otherwise addressed as the Yellow Jacket hamlets. The Yellow Jacket hamlets are included in the analysis. The human remains from test excavations at Yellow Jacket P ueblo are discussed in Chapter 3 in the human r emains at Yellow Jacket section, but are not included in the analysis conducted for this study. Human remains from Yellow Jacket Pueblo were not included because the site is largely unexcavated other than sev eral test excavation pits in research conducted by Crow Canyon Archaeological Center and the remains recovered from that excavation were largely isolated finds rather than formal burials and were found in intermittent test pits rather than a systematic exc avation. The Pueblo II (900 1150 CE) and Pueblo III (1150 1350 CE) periods were chosen as the focus of this analysis. Although Yellow Jacket had habitation periods in the Basketmaker III (500 750 CE), Pueblo II, and Pueblo III period, only the Puebloa n periods were included in this analysis. This was done because of the time gap between the Baske t maker III and Pueblo II periods and because of the low number of individuals recovered from that time period. In the Pueblo II and Pueblo III

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8 periods, there was a greater density of people at habitation sites. At the La Plata site in New Mexico, the aggregation of population and captives co occur at the same time period, possibly due to an increase in the likelihood of violent conflict and ability to defend large settlements (Martin 1997). Human remains from the Yellow Jacket hamlets were repatriated in 2007 and 2008. Research was conducted using archival data from Karhu (2000) and Yunker (2001). No original data was collected from the physical skeletal rem ains because of their prior repatriation; however the data from the research was compiled and utilized to address a previously unasked research question about the Yellow Jacket hamlets. The data collected from the archival records of burials at the Yellow Jacket hamlets included: sex of individual, skeletal and dental pathologies, trauma, cranial modification, the presence of grave goods associated with the individual, the type of grave goods associated with the individual, and the number of grave goods as sociated with each individual. Structure of Thesis This thesis is divided into seven chapters. The fi rst chapter is the introduction, which provides a brief overview of the research question. The second chapter is the general theoretical discussion of th e study of captives. This chapter addresses the theoretical framework of this thesis and provides an introduction into previous research conducted on the study of captives in the archaeological record. It also discusses the research of captives which is specific to the American Southwest and a history of violence in the region. T he third chapter provides a background of the Yellow Jacket area In this section the environment and climate of Yellow Jacket are discussed The fourth chapter provides information on previous research conducted in the area as well as the damage that Yellow Jacket Pueblo and surrounding hamlets have experienced due to pot hunting and agricultural activity. The fifth chapter is about the methodology used to comp lete the analysis.

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9 This provides an overview of the methods used to compile data and the statistical tests which were run on the data. The sixth chapter is the results section. The results section includes a complete description of all the individuals w hich had antemortem trauma and the individuals with perimortem trauma. The seventh chapter is an analysis of the results and the conclusion. There are five appendices included in this thesis. The first, Appendix A is a full compilation of the presence a nd absence of cranial pathologies and trauma on skeletal elements and their preservation The second, Appendix B is similar to appendix A, but records post cranial elements. Appendix C is a list of each individual, the type of grave good s associated wit h the individual and their detailed description. Appendix D records the burial period, the hamlet the individual was recovered from, the number of grave goods, and the type of burial. Appendix E documents the pathologies present at the Yellow Jacket ham lets. It lists each individual, whether pathologies were present or absent the presence of porotic hyperostosis, the severity of porotic hyperostosis, and if cradleboarding was present. Each appendix records the burial number, the sex of the individual, and the age range of the individual at time of death.

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10 CHAPTER II PREVIOUS STUDIES OF CAPTIVES Why Study Captives? The study of captives in the archaeological record has been a topic that until recently received little scholarly attention. However, it has become evident from recent studies of raiding, warfare, and captive taking that the presence of slaves in a societ y had a major impact on the social and cultural aspects of that society. The process of captive taking is part of a broad range of intersocial relations (Habicht Mauche 2008). Although captives typically entered a host society in a marginalized state, th ey had dramatic impacts on a society. They influenced the genetic makeup of the population, were a method of migration and moving individuals throughout a landscape, introduced new techniques in the production of goods, and influenced changes in culture. The exact nature of cultural change and transmission varied based on the level of incorporation into a host society that captives were able to achieve. In some groups, captives were able to obtain some type of social status in the host society, allowing for their ideas to pass more freely into the host society. Warfare has often been a mechanism for shifting population dynamics and causing population aggregation and abandonment, particularly in the prehistoric American Southwest (Lowell 2007). The practi ce of raiding for slaves and taking captives is a mechanism for forcing migration among an individual or a group of individuals. Since the practice was common in many prehistoric societies, it should be accounted for as a mechanism of migration and moving people across a landscape. In some societies captives accounted for between fifteen and fifty percent of the total population of a group (Cameron 2013). Forced migration, including war refugees migrating in a landscape can cause changes within the dynam ics of the landscape. Captives were typically taken from areas that were just outside of the scope of normal spouse exchange, and were

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11 sometimes from neighboring comm unities (DeBoer 2008). However this was not always the case, i n some circumstances capti ves could be exchanged from hundreds of miles away (Junker 2008). Captives differ from spouse exchange, because captive women do not have the ability to rely on kinship ties as allies in cases with abuse or have the option of returning to their natal land s. These shifts in population bring a host of other changes in conjunction with the shift in population to include non local migrants. Captives that were brought into a host society fulfill a variety of social roles, in many cases becoming wives and concu bines to individuals in the local population. Captives appear at multiple sociopolitical levels of a host society (Cavali Sforza 2000 in Cameron 2011). Because of their roles as captive wives, captive s m ost likely had an impact on the composition of the gene pool in a group In addition to altering the genetic makeup of a group, captives may broaden the cross cultural interactions of the host group and act as cultural intermediaries with their natal villages. Captives may have different language abiliti es than the host society and have the ability to engage in intercultural communication and exchange for trade goods (Habicht Mauche 2008). Captives were a mechanism for individual s migrating around the landscape and introduced new genetic material, ideas and production techniques into their host society (Cameron 2011). When captives are taken into a host society, they bring with them their own social experiences and a particular set of knowledge and skill sets. Captives were often used to perform labor a nd production. Although captives were to a large extent required to conform to their captors cultural norms, they brought with them knowledge from their own cultural backgrounds (Cameron 2011). Women in the Philippines were primarily responsible for pot tery production. When uniquely identifiable techniques began to spread through the islands, it became clear that slave raiding activities instigated the propagation of multiple pottery techniques (Junker 2008).

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12 What Constitutes a Captive? A captive for al l intents and purposes is an individual that was forcibly taken from their natal community into another society. In many cases under this definition of captives, slavery becomes synonymous with captive taking (Rober t shaw and Duncan 2008). The term slaver y has a particular stigma associated with it in contemporary American society however in many prehistoric societies slavery existed in some form, but not in the scale or degree of slavery in the United State prior to the Civil War In many prehistoric gr oups, captives were taken via small scale raiding and warfare. After an individual was taken into a host society, their experience varied dramatically based on the level of social status that they could achieve in the host society. In some cases, the ind ividual remained an outcast and was never able to achieve status but in other societies captives were able to become full members of the society (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001). Varying degrees of social incorporation also existed. Being a cap tive had a dramatic impact on the ability of the individu al to express their identity, i ncluding the social roles the individual could fulfill, an individual's gender, age, marital status, ethnicity and expression of those aspects of identity. Captives ful filled a number of different social functions in a host society. These roles ranged from general laborers to wives or concubines to the elite individuals in a society. In certain circumstances, individuals were targeted as captive because of their knowle dge of a particular mode of production or types of cultural knowledge that the individual possessed (Cameron 2011). The social role a captive fulfilled depended largely on the age and sex of the individual. An individual may be brought into a host societ y for a specialized technology or craft production. Captives could also be brought into a host society to meet labor needs (Ames 2001). Captives that served the role of general laborer typically performed the grunt work that other individuals did not wis h to perform. In some instances captives performed tasks that their gender would not have been assigned

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13 (Cameron 2011). The practice of raiding for women and children to serve as wives could be done to continue the tradition of polygamy among a group (De Boer 1986). In some cases a captive even functioned as a form of currency (Cameron 2011). The social role that the captives performed in the host society had an impact on the treatment of captives in the host society. Theory and Assumptions Captives in t he past were a worldwide phenomenon. Even in modern times there are individuals held captive in illicit slave trade (Kopytoff 1982) The activity of taking captives into a host society has been very diverse, ranging from captives and their offspring neve r being allowed to have full rights of personhood to captives being adopted and fully incorporated into the host society. Because there are so many iterations it is impossible to assess as a uniform phenomenon. A captive's role within the host society i s impacted by a number of factors, including: gender, age at time of capture, context of the individual's capture and ability to incorporate into the host society. In some societies individuals can sell themselves into slavery to pay off a debt, while ot hers are the result of small scale raiding activities (Cameron 2008). A female captive can be a general laborer or a wife to an elite individual. Typically younger individuals were targeted for capture, unless an older individual was targeted for a spec ialized skill that they would perform in the host society (Cameron 2008). Females were more frequently taken as captives than males (Cameron 2011) This research utilizes a primarily political economic framework to address captives in the archaeological r ecord. Agency and social identity are also reoccurring themes in this research. A political economic framework is applied because captives represent a marginalized subclass whose objectives are at odds with the dominant class. The practice of taking cap tives relies on the physical

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14 and psychological isolation of an individual from their kinship allies (Patterson 1982). However, this does not mean that individuals that were taken captive had no ability to employ some form of agency when dealing with capto rs. Captives, Agency, and Gender Captives are often the product of violent raids and small scale warfare. This type of violence may have been considered normal by the groups in the region (Das 2008). Women and children were frequently taken as captives a nd were more likely to be spared than men (Cameron 2011; DeBoer 1986). In many host societies captives were required to adopt the cultural practices of their host culture. The practice of holding captives relies on physical and social control of an indiv idual and the alienation of the individual from their kinship group (Patterson 1982 ; Peregrine 2008 ) Although captives were physically and socially controlled by the aggressor group, a negotiation of power between the dominant group and the subordinate g roup took place. This gave captives at least some means to express their unique identities rather than simply mimic the dominant culture an example of this is captives having to keep their hair short as a marker of servitude in the Pacific Northwest, or women not being permitted to shape their infant's head (Cameron 2008) In some instances expression of identities may be an indication of resistance to the dominant culture, but this is not always the case. During the period in which slavery was practice d in the United States, African slaves would engage in negotiations of autonomy with their captors (Thomas 1998). This could occur in several ways including: unwillingness to work, access to certain items, and disobedience. In some host societies, captiv es were not allowed to incorporate into the dominate society even if they wanted to become fully incorporated. The level of social incorporation that a captive individual was able to achieve varied between groups. Captive women assumed the role of wives t o captors, concubines, or labor in the

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15 host society. Power was subject to negotiations that can be reflected in material culture (Nelson 2004). Among several groups, there is pronounced evidence for domestic abuse of captives (Martin 2008; Tung 2012; Wil kinson and Wagenen 1993). Sometimes war refugees or captives became fully incorporated as full members of the host society (Lowell 2007), or captives underwent a period of violent induction into the society prior to assuming a role in the society (Peregri ne 2008; Wilkinson and Wagenen 1993). During the period of incorporation, captives typically entered the host society in a marginalized position, and were often subjected to violence (Cameron 2011, Martin 2008; Tung 2012; Wilkinson and Wagenen 1993). Cap tives were not always fully incorporated as members of the host society; they sometimes remained outsiders and were subject to marginalization and violence throughout their lives (Martin 2008; Tung 2012). Even in cases in which captives remained members of a marginalized class in the host society, their position was subject to some level of negotiation. Even captives had the ability to negotiate their status to a degree by utilizing their agency or a collective agency (Thomas 1998). Agency can refer to ei ther the actions taken by the individual actors in a social group or the collective social group. Agency as a paradigm gives actors the ability to choose what actions are taken, but not to choose the consequences of their actions (Clark 2000). Even in si tuations in which the slave owners or overseer appeared to have complete control over the individuals in that system, the relationship was more dialectic than observed (Thomas 1998). Captives had the ability to influence cultural change within the host so ciety either overtly or in a more covert manner (Cameron 2011). Change could occur in several manners, either through exchange of ideas and trade or through resistance. Resistance to a dominant group can include: disobedience, criticism, and ridicule (Bo ehm 1993).

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16 Captive status impacted multiple aspects of an individual's social life and identity. Social lives are influenced by many aspects of identity including: gender, ethnicity, and sexuality (Meskell 2002). The gender of an individual taken captive and the way captive individuals were able to express their gender in many host societies differed between captives and locals. Gender and sex are not identical to each other. Sex refers to the biological sex of an individual, whi le gender is a more fluid term related to identity. Gender is how an individual or a society identifies the person. It is also possible for more than two genders to exist in a society, and in some cases captives were considered a third gender, neither fe male nor male, just a worker to engage in labor (Ames 2008). This also had an impact on the social roles that they could fulfill. Gender roles cannot be taken for granted in the archaeological record. Cross cultural studies have demonstrated that the majority of individuals taken as captives were women and children ( Ames 2001; Cameron 2011 ; Martin 1997, 2008; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993 ). Even among free women in a society, there is no single unified experience for women living in one particular so ciety and variety of experiences need to be accounted for (Engelstad 1991). Although women and children were preferred as captives, in some cases men were taken (Ames 2001). In the Northwest Coast men were frequently either taken as captives or sold them selves into captivity to pay a debt. Once an individual became a captive, they became part of a stigmatized class that could be killed or traded with no consequences to the master. In this stigmatized class, individuals did not have defined gendered task s like the free individuals. Slave women would perform tasks traditionally assigned to men, and men could be assigned to perform tasks usually assigned to women. In general the tasks assigned to captive individuals were the grunt work that was considered unpleasant (Ames 2001; 2008).

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17 The wide variety of roles and tasks that can be assigned to a captive at a host society can make it difficult to distinguish between captives and other marginalized group s or other social phenomenon such as spousal abuse or w ar refugees. There are several indicators in the archaeological record that are commonly used to determine if women captives were present at a site in middle range societies These methods can be used to derive meaning from patterns in the archaeological record (Kristiansen and Larsson 2005). Established methods used in previous studies for examining captives in the American Southwest are adopted for this research. Identification of Captives in the Archaeological Record In the archaeological record capti ves were often integrated into households with locals and they engaged in similar activities as the locals, so the question of how to distinguish captives from the local community arises (Cameron 200 8). Until recently captives have been largely unexamined in the archaeological record, however, more research is being conducted on groups that have been taken unwilling ly into a host society (Ames 2008; Alt 2008; Cameron 2008, 2011, 2013; Habicht Mauche 2008; Junker 2008; Keeley 1996; Kohler and Turner 2006; Ku ckelman et al. 2002; Martin 1997, 2008 Price et al. 2006; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993). There are multiple techniques which have been employed to distinguish captives in the archaeological record in prehistoric societies. Some of the methods that have been used to determine captives in the archaeological record have been: to examine changes to material culture, the presence of non local artifacts, strontium isotope and biochemical analysis, evidence of trauma and abuse, increased morbidity, different a dornments and modifications, iconography, and skewed sex ratios (Cameron 2008; Lowell 2007; Martin 2008). Each individual recovered from the Yellow Jacket hamlets has a life history and an application to the population at Yellow Jacket as a whole. The hu man remains at Yellow Jacket should be taken into consideration at both the individual and population levels to determine if any

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18 indications of captives are present. Although each of these factors when examined independently could be the result of numerou s phenomena, when they are examined together as multiple lines of evidence a pattern emerges that is indicative of the presence of captives in the archaeological record. Ethnohistorical Accounts Ethnohistory has flourished as a form of research in North American scholarship (Trigger 1982). Ethnohistory has been used as a form of addressing topics of captives; however it is less reliable because the practice of captive taking has social stigmas as sociated with it. Due to the sensitive nature of the topic of captives it was often softened by those giving accounts to reflect Western values (Kopytoff 1982). Anthropologists when addressing the topic of captivity have tended to downplay its significan ce in a group based on the social and political environment (Kopytoff 1982). In some cases, captive taking was covered up through behaviors such as adopting the captive individual, a practice that occurred between indigenous groups and Spaniards (Brooks 2 002). This does not mean that ethnohistorical accounts of captives should be dismissed. Historical accounts of the practice of taking captives can provide useful accounts of identification of captives in the archaeological record (Cameron 2011). Ethnohi storical accounts as well as archaeological accounts have been demonstrated that captive status can be marked by differences in adornment, hair, or mutilations. Clothes and hair are very rarely preserved in the archaeological record, but evidence of mutila tion is more likely to be preserved. In some cases free women and captive women were not allowed to wear the same garb, an example is among the Iroquois free women being allowed to wear lip plugs while captive women were not permitted to wear them (Camero n 2008). This has implications for what type of material culture and iconography to examine at a site, to determine if

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19 captives were present at that site. Ethnohistorical accounts of captives at Yellow Jacket are not available and this line of evidence c annot be used for the purpose of this research. Iconography Although, much iconography ignores the role of women, iconography can also indicate the presence of captives in the archaeological record. This may be in part because pictographic representations are commonly assumed to be male when there is no apparent gender present. Historical texts also hold a similar bias (Nelson 2004). Iconography can be used to indicate warfare and raiding for c aptives and some prehistoric images clearly depict this act. This includes a depiction form Oaxaca Mexico the Zapotec which demonstrated the treatment of war captives, the captives had ropes around their necks to symbolize their status as captives (Cameron 2008). Although iconography is a technique which can be u sed for identification of captives in the archaeological record, it is not applicable to the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Changes in Material Culture Material culture can be used to examine the presence of captives in the archaeological record. Individuals take n from a group as captives may bring some items with them that could be identified as having non local origin. In addition to bringing some non local items with them, when an individual is taken captive they bring with them a host of knowledge and techniqu es for particular activities. Captive taking becomes a mechanism for cultural transmission of production techniques and exchanges of ideas. Studies of production techniques for activities such as pottery making have suggested the presence of captives and the influence captives had on a host society (Ames 2001; Cameron 2011; Habicht Mauche 2008). Junker (2008) examined the presence of captive women being transported between islands in the Philippines based on the stylistic traits of

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20 craft goods that women were responsible for producing. Junker (2008) used stylistic analysis in conjunction with previously known information about local slave trade a ctivities in order to make her analysis. The process of cultural transmission through captives is impacted by the individuals that the captors decided to take. This process is not random and elderly individual s were typically not targeted to be taken captive unless they were specifically targeted for a knowledge base or skill set the individual possessed. This l imits the technology, ritual, or cultural knowledge that was introduced into the host society (Cameron 2011). The sex of the individuals taken into a host society also has an impact on the types of knowledge and skills that are transmitted. Lowell (2007) examined the influx of females at Grasshopper Pueblo, and found changes to material culture in areas that were connected to female production activities, while male production techniques remained largely the same. The forced migrants to Grasshopper Puebl o were likely refugees rather than captives but the changes to female production activities could be an indicator for female captives (Lowell 2007) In other social contexts, women were captured to engage in certain production activities. Among certain A mazonian groups women were targeted as captives to engage in beer production (DeBoer 1986). Among slaves brought to the Americas, African style objects produced reflect a male bias (Otto 1975 in Cameron 2011). Burial Practices Mortuary treatment in the ar chaeological record is important for distinguishing many aspects of identity. It can distinguish social class, kinship, ethnicity, and other aspects of an individual's status within a community (Aranda et al. 2009; Pollard and Cathue 1999). Burial practi ces and grave goods may be different for individuals that are taken as captives into a host society. Ames (2001) noted that although slaves were incorporated into their master's household

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21 during the daily routine, they were not given the same burial treat ment as free individuals. The analysis of the Animas La Plata burials in Northern New Mexico had a group of women displaying multiple antemortem traumas that were buried with less consideration than the other burials at the site (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001). The remains were discarded in a more haphazard manner with less consideration given to the individuals than other burials at the site which are interpreted as captive women. At the Prince Rupert site along the Northwest Coast there were a number of individuals that were decapitated, possibly executed in a kneeling position, and left in place, where the majority of burials at the site were buried in a flexed position lying on t heir sides. The Prince Rupert site also displayed an imbalance in the sex ratio, in which more males than females were present at the site. The Prince Rupert site may represent a location which was raided for women or the location where captive individua ls were executed (Ames 2001). Ames (2001) also suggests that the sex ratio in the burial record could represent a separate burial ground for the higher status individuals in the community and the captives were buried in a different location. The Prince R upert site demonstrates how multiple lines of evidence are important for addressing the issue of captives in the archaeological record. The imbalance in the sex ratio in conjunction with the executed individuals provides an indication that women may have been raided for at this location. Dif ferences in grave goods may be an indication of captives in the archaeological record. Tung (2012) examined burials at Conchopata, a site in the Peruvian Andes, and found a female exhibiting multiple cranial traumas an d a different cranial modification buried in a manner different than all of the other burial s at the site. The individual was a female buried alone with a single sherd of pottery under her head, while most burials at Conchopata are multiple internments wi th

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22 numerous grave goods. The female buried alone also had multiple cranial lesions and antemortem trauma (Tung 2012). Sex Ratios Sex ratios in the archaeological record have been shown to be relatively equal between males and females (Divale and Harris 19 76; Fisher 1930). The 50/50 sex ratio is known as "Fisher's Principal" as Fisher (1930) was the first individual to suggest that over multiple generations the sex ratio should be approximately equal between males and females (Kramer 2002). Deviations fro m a nearly equal sex ratio in the archaeological record are worth further examination. The individuals sele cted to be taken as captives were not random ly selected, and targeting young women through raiding can lead to a greater number than expected of fem ales in the archaeological record (Cameron 2008). However there are several cultural phenomena that can be indicated by biases in the sex ratios. First it can be an indicator of infanticide (Divale and Harris 1976; Trivers 1985) or of a higher mortality rate of males than females (Kohler and Turner 2006). Divale and Harris (1976) argue that in societies in which warfare is very common, a "male supremacist complex" can emerge which results in female infanticide. Because the sex of subadults cannot be est imated accurately from osteological techniques, it is difficult to distinguish death rates of children but the practice does result in unequal sex ratios, with a lower than expected rate of females in the adult burial population A differential sex ratio biased towards females can be an indication of men being killed in violent conflict away from the village where they lived (LeBlanc 1999 in Kohler and Turner 2006). A bias toward males may be the result of women being raided from their natal communities ( Ames 2001; Keeley 1996) while a female bias can be an indication of a society which raiding for women or the taking of captives (Cameron 2011; Kramer 2002; Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993).

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23 Sex ratios that are skew ed towards females over males especially females of reproductive age, can be an indication of captive taking. Historical records of American Indian groups and isotopic studies have been used to document sex ratio skews through captive taking (Cameron 201 1). Bioarchaeological research from the Moche and Post Classic Maya have been used to demonstrate that sacrificial victims were frequently defeated enemies that were mostly male (Duncan 2011; Sutter and Cortez 2005), while other isotopic studies have doc umented the presence of non local captives (Alt 2008; Price et al. 2006). Res earch in the Northwest Coast indicates that women and girls were preferred as slaves in that region (Ames 2001, 2008). This pattern was also present at R iviere aux Vase, a site in southeastern Michigan (Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993). K ohler and Turner (2006) found a similar imbalance towards women in the archaeological assemblage at Chaco Canyon and Aztec Ruins. A male bias occurred at a Crow Creek site in South Dakota where an attack on the village had killed men, women, and ch ildren, but younger females missing from the assemblage demonstrates the possibility that the younger women of the group had likely been taken captive. A similar pattern was found at Sand Canyon Pueblo near the Yellow Jacket area (Keeley 1996). An imbalance in sex ratios is strong evidence to suggest the presence of captives in the archaeological record; however, there are other interpretations of imbalance in the sex ratio that need to be addressed. Kohler and Turner (2006) cannot discount the possibility that there was another draw that was attracting women to Chaco Canyon and Aztec Ruins. It is possible that women had more opportunities for social advancement or as producers of crafts and goods at these large sites than they did at the surrounding villages. Similarly, Lowell (2007) uses skewed sex ratios to make the interpretation of war refugees in the Grasshopper Region of Arizona.

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24 Lowell (2007) distinguishes between females that are captives and war refugees based on burial treatment and evidence of trauma. Captives are frequently mistreated and subjected to interpersonal violence (Keeley 1996; Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001). The burials at Grasshopper Region do not display the traum a that would be expected with a group of captives despite the sex imbalance The women at Grasshopper Pueblo were buried in a considerate manner, which distinguishes them from the La Plata assemblage noted previously (Lowell 2007; Martin 1997, 2008; Marti n and Akins 2001). Only one female at Grasshopper region experienced a violent death. Lowell (2007) interprets the high number of sub adults and adult females at Grasshopper Pueblo as being akin to other warfare refugee populations. The sex ratio imbala nce at Grasshopper Pueblo is greater than La Plata, and a high morbidity rate at Grasshopper Region in general suggests that the population was having difficulty maintaining enough food and would be unlikely to seek out captives during a period of scarcity (Lowell 2007). Multiple lines of evidence were used by Lowell (2007) to distinguish between war refugees and captives, thus highlighting the importance of using multi ple lines of evidence to distinguish sex imbalances as the result of captives, or anothe r issue in the archaeological assemblage. Osteological Indicators of Captives Skeletal remains are the only direct measure of the health, morbidity and trauma in a population (Larsen 1997) There is no single uniform treatment for captives in any society and there is a great range of degrees of social incorporation into a society, but human skeletal remains offer one possible way to examine whether or not captives were present in the archaeolo gical record. Osteological methods that can be used to address the potential for captives in the archaeological record include: biochemical analysis, analysis of trauma, and an analysis of pathologies. Some of the osteological measures of health in a population may not distinguish between low status individuals

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25 and captives. Multiple lines of evidence should be employed to examine the presence of captives at a site. Commonly employed osteological methods to study the presence of captives are to examine evidence of trauma and morbidity. In general the individuals th at were take as captives were women and children, so women with a numerous compression fractures on their heads and defensive wounds may be an indication of captives in the archaeological record. Captives sustained non lethal cranial trauma and post crani al defensive wounds in the process of capture and subjugation. Evidence of these can mark an individual as different from the local population (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993). Fractures leave evidence of trauma either in depressions in the cranium or as cortical bone around a healed fracture which are present long after the trauma has healed, which can provide evidence of a captive's status long after the trauma has healed I f a captive individual is not incorpo rated as a member of the society, their status as an outsider is marked by a lifetime of abuse (Martin 1997, 2008; Ma rtin and Akins 2001; Tung 2012). If captives become partially incorporated or full members of the host society, the trauma incurred during the indoctrination period will likely be fully healed (Peregrine 2008; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993). An example of this is the Riviere aux Vase in southeastern Michigan a group of women had numerous healed compression fractures on their cranium that were patterned in a manner suggest ing the women had been captives. The women at Riviere aux Vase were buried similar to the other individuals in the group, which suggested that they had been incorporated into the society and were no longer subjected to ph ysical abuse ( W ilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993). The types of trauma that are common among captives are discussed in greater detail in the section on cranial trauma and post cranial trauma.

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26 Morbidity There are numerous measures which indicate morbidity and general indications of stress in bone. Bones are measures of an individual's health during childhood as well as adult health. Most skeletal pathologies are non specific indicators of health and cannot identify the exact cause of the pathology. Skeletal pathologies can be indicators of numerous types of morbidity, including: stress on an individual, nutritional stress, infection, or congenital abnormality. Evidence of pathologies can assist in identifying a group of marginalized individuals, but addition al lines of evidence need to be used to distinguish captives from individuals with low social status. Skeletal pathologies can distinguish periods of stress that occurred in childhood from stress that occurred as an adult. Several indic ators of childhood stress are: H arris lines, linear enamel hypoplasias, and short stature. Harris lines occur when growth during development is stun ted for a period of time due to a period of physiological stress from which the individual recovers They appear as transverse lines found in the long bones and are visible under x ray (Larsen 1997). Stature is an indication of cumulative stress that occurs throughout childhood, a reduced stature in an adult individual may be due to a lack of protein in the diet (Danforth et al. 1994). Another indicator of morbidity and potentially poor nutrition during childhood from which the individual recovered is enamel hypoplasias. Enamel hypoplasias can be either pits or lines that form in the enamel. Enamel hypoplasias are cause by enam el deficiency during childhood. Some enamel hypoplasias are visible to the naked eye; others are visible on a microscopic level (Hassett 2014). Stress such as poor nutrition or disease can cause enamel hypoplasias to form in mammals (Larsen 1997). Based on the location of the hypoplasia and the tooth or teeth that the hypoplasia is located on, the age at which the period of stress occurred can be estimated (Danforth et al. 1994). Enamel hypoplasias can provide information on stress an individual incurre d during adolescence;

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27 however, it does not provide information on adult stress. Other osteological indicators can provide information on stress during adulthood. There are a number of health indicators for adults that would appear in the osteological reco rd; such as arthritis, anemia (porotic hyperostosis and cribr a orbitalia), dental pathologies, and some cong enital conditions. Arthritis which is most commonly found in older individuals is a degenerative join t disease that is commonly found in load beari ng joints (Danforth et al. 1994). Activity patterns can be determined based on the common locations of osteoarthritis (White and Folkens 2005). Dental pathologies in the archaeological r ecord can provide information on tooth use and diet. A high frequen cy of caries may be an indication of a soft diet high in sugars, such as maize based diets. Severe dental caries can cause an abscess of the tooth, which may cause life threatening infection (Danforth et al. 1994). Nutritional deficiencies resulting in a nemia can lead to a sponge like appearance on the surface of the cranium known as porotic hyperostosis or cribra orbit a lia. It is commonly found on the parietals, occipital, frontal and the orbital roof (cribra orbitalia). In the American Southwest, a pr imarily maize based diet may have contributed to the high frequency of porotic hyperostosis (White and Folkens 2005). Body modifications such as hair styles, cranial or dental modifications, are another form of alterations to the skeleton that are someti mes used to distinguish a group of outsiders in the archaeological record. Preservation limits the amount of data that is available in the archaeological record. Hair, clothing and small bones such as phalanges rarely preserve in the archaeological reco rd. Evidence of mutilat ion is more likely to be preserved Mutilation refers to any type of modification that is permanently placed on the body, including: tattoos, piercings, dental modifications, and cranial modifications (Cameron 2008). An example of this is captive individuals being forced to cut their hair short as a marker of servitude as was done among Northwest Coast

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28 groups (Donald 1997). Among prehistoric Mayan and Mississippian groups tooth modification was used as a method to express identity (Neiburger 2010). Neiburger (2010) points out that there are certain contemporary subcultures in the United States modify their teeth as a form of identity expression. An individual's status as an outsider in a commu nity can be marked through clothing a nd hair as well as through mutilations to the body. Markers of captive status through mutilation serve as a permanent reminder of outside r status in a group. One hypothesis of the Iroquois is that the hands of captives were mutilated by removing fingers o r f inger nails (Cameron 2008). On the other hand the prohibition of captive individuals to mutilate or modify their bodies can also be a sign of a captive individual. For example, in the Northwest Coast captive women were not allowed to wear lip plugs as was the custom among free women (Cameron 2008; Donald 1997). Cranial modification is another form of bodily modification that can distinguish captive individuals from free individuals. An example of cranial modifications identifying a captive is at Conc hopata in the Peruvian Andes. The woman was buried in a single internment, which differed from other burials at Conchopata and had multiple traumas. The single woman had a different cranial modification than the other individuals at the site, which marke d her status as an outsider. Cranial modification occurs during infancy and adolescence and can be used to identify group affiliation. An adult captive with a different cranial modification than the host society is marked as an individual originating from a different location than the natives of the group. Captive women may have to conform to the host society's practices of cranial modification of their children. Conversely they may not be allowed to shape their children's head in the same manner as the host society, thus transferring their status as captives to the next generation as was the practice with some groups. Among groups in the Northwest Coast not only were captives alienated, but their

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29 status could be transmitted to their children (Cameron 20 08). It is unusual for groups to inherit their mother's social status as a captive, disallowing the children of captives to achieve status or full personhood in that society. Biochemical analysis Biochemical analysis of bone can provide insight into whether or not the individual was local or foreign. Strontium isotope analysis can determine whether or not an individual was living in the same local area that they grew up in (Kenoyer et al. 2013; Sharples and Pearson 1999). However, this requires rese archers to have the ability to take dental and bone samples and a political environment that permits the taking of bone samples and enough collagen to allow for testing. Biochemical analysis of bone cannot distinguish between forced migration and voluntar y migration, multiple lines of evidence need to be employed to make an argument for the presence of captives. Trauma Skeletal trauma is a common method used to determine whether captives were present in a society (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001; Tung 2012; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993). Trauma can be caused by either intentional or unintentional injuries to an individual (Walker 1989). Intentional and accidental injury is distinguished by the use of the term "violent injury" for injuries susta ined to an individual that are caused by malevolent action (Walker 2001). Evidence of violent injury that is indicative of captives is primarily non lethal trauma and defensive wounds. See diagram below of areas frequently targeted for blunt force trauma (Figure 2.1). Violent behavior produces certain patterns of trauma, analysis of these patterns allow trends in interpersonal violent behavior to emerge (Walker 1997). In particular, cranial injury is frequently used to identify captives in the a rchaeolo gical record (Tung 2012; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993).

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30 Figure 2.1 Areas Target for Injury from Blunt Force Trauma (Marihno 2016: 1425) Cranial trauma Cranial trauma in modern groups is one of the most common forms of violent trauma, a trend which is likely echoed by prehistoric groups (Walker 2001). Compression fractures are small to large depressions on the skull which are caused by blunt force trauma applied from two sides of the skull. A depression fracture is the term used when blunt force is ap plied to only one side of the skull (Merbs 1989: 166). Depression fractures remain depressed on the skull long after the bone has healed due to bone necrosis (Martin 1997). Accidental falls likely account for some cranial trauma, but they also can be an indication of interpersonal violence (Walker 1989 ).

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31 The area of the cranium that is targeted during aggressive interaction varies between groups (Walker 1997). T he primary location of cranial trauma among captives also differs between groups. Among female captives in the Wari Empire from Conchopata, Peru most of the cranial trauma was found on the posterior of the skull (Tung 2007). This may have been the result of behaviors such as running away during raids or ducking their heads to avoid a blow (T ung 2012). However, in the Riviere aux Vase site in Michigan, female captives were more likely to have compression fractures all over their skull (Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993 ). Riviere aux Vase site has an extremely high female to male ratio and a gre ater number of women exhibited cranial trauma. The presence of cranial trauma may be evidence of interpersonal violence such as spousal abuse or of trauma from the subjection of captives. An example of cranial trauma from the Channel Islands in prehistor ic California is below (Figure 2.2). The Riviere aux Vase site had a sample of nineteen individuals with cranial trauma out of a sample of 114 females and 98 males. Fifteen females and four males represented the nineteen individuals with cranial trauma. Of the fifteen females, five had multiple cranial fractures. If the practice of spouse abuse was common in the society, it is likely that the majority of women would have evidence of trauma. If the trauma is limited to a few women with multiple cranial injuries similar to the Riviere aux Vas site, it is likely these women were captives.

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32 Figure 2.2 an Example of Cranial Trauma Locations from the Channel Islands, California (Walker 1989: 317). In this population males had more cranial trauma than females But concentrations of trauma on the front and back of the cranium are present of the female skull. Post cranial trauma In many cases identification of defensive wounds can also be associated with the presence of captives in the archaeological record. Fr actures are typically able to be identified in the archaeological record due to th e callus of new bone which forms around the break (Walker 2001). Parry fractures are a common defensive wound that is found at the middle to distal end of the ulna or radius If an individual is attempting to protect their face or upper torso from a blow, they may incur a parry fracture. However, parry fractures can occur due to things not related to the taking of captives, such as accidents and the use of shields (Larsen 1 997). Other post cranial trauma such as rib fractures can also be an indication of captives in the archaeological record The Conchopata

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33 captive (Tung 2012) and the La Plata women (Martin 2008; Martin and Akins 2001) demonstrated post cranial trauma to t he ribs and long bones (See Figure 2.3 and 2.4). Figure 2.3 Diagram of Fractures to Longbones caused by D irect T rauma. From left to right author identifies types of fractures: transverse, penetrating, comminuted, and crush (Lovell 1997: 142) Figure 2.4 Diagram of Fractures that are caused by Indirect Trauma. Lovell identified fracture types from left to right: oblique, spiral, greenstick caused by angular force, greenstick caused by compression, impaction, and avulsion (Lovell 1997: 143) T rauma comm on in captives

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34 At the La Plata site in New Mexico, captive women sustained both cranial and post cranial trauma. In the La Plata assemblage, there are ten women, six of which have evidence of cranial trauma and six had post cranial trauma. Three women ou t of six had multiple cranial traumas. Four of the females have co occurring cranial and post cranial trauma. The women ranged in age between twenty and thirty eight years old at time of death. The majority of the trauma on the females was depression fr actures. Depression fractures ranged between 9x5 mm to 57x77 mm. The twenty year old individual had a broken nose and fractures in the vertebrae of the first two cervical vertebrae. A twenty five year old female had multiple depression fractures, and sev eral post cranial fractures on the right shoulder, right radius and ulna, left humerus, and the third through fifth vertebrae. A thirty three year old female had fractures on the top of her cranium and fractures on her left innominate (hip). The thirty e ight year old female had fractures on the left innominate, a depression on her occipital (Martin 1997). In the Riviere aux Vase site, the frontal bone is the most common location for trauma. More severe trauma is located on the parietals and the occipital One thirty to thirty five year old female at Riviere aux Vase had a large comminuted fracture on the temple, a depression fracture on the parietal and a cut in the occipital. B ased on the trauma, Wilkinson and Van Wagenen (1993) indicated that the inju ries sustained were severe enough to have internal damage and post traumatic healing, which would have likely left the individual with speech impairment. Another twenty year old female had t he lower portion of her face displaced to the right, an indicatio n of a blow received from the left. She also had a displaced maxilla and nasal septum. Nasal trauma was in a cross cultural analysis of injuries, the most common trauma that resulted from interpersonal violence (Walker 1997).

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35 Cross cultural analysis of v iolence has resulted in considerable variation in location and types of trauma from assailants, however, the head and neck appear to be favored targets. In modern western societies, fists and other blunt objects were most frequently used by assailants. A mong modern western groups, the eyes and face are the most commonly targeted areas that occur due to spousal abuse. Other areas that were frequently targeted du ring spouse abuse area the ribs and arms. Walker (1997) noted that the location and visibility of the trauma were dependent on the sociocultural message that the aggressor wished convey. In cases of wife beating where the aggressor's goal is to stigmatize the individual by placing trauma in a highly visible location as a symbol of their dominance over the other individual. Aggressors would have asserted their dominance over captive individuals, likely in a highly visible manner (Walker 1997). From previous archaeological studies of captives, the areas targeted during spouse abuse correspond to th e trauma sustained by captives. Captive individuals are likely to have trauma to the cranium, arms, and ribs. Captive taking and subjugation of captives are only a couple motivation s for interpersonal violence. Other aspects of the individual need to be taken into account, including the age and sex of the individual as well as the types of trauma found in those groups. Young women were more likely to be favored as captives than men. Thus injuries of defensive wounds and cranial trauma in women are more likely to be the result of captives than men. Evidence for vio lence and violent death may be an indication of captive taking behavior or of warfare Multiple aspects of an individual's identity need to be considered when making an assessment of whether c aptives were present in the archaeological record.

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36 Evidence of Warfare in the Archaeological Record Warfare in the archaeological record differs from modern perspectives on what constitutes warfare. Instead, prehistoric warfare was commonly small scale violence and raiding. Violence and warfare have been examined extensively in the archaeological record. It has been examined in terms of environmental motivators, resource control (Kohler et al 2014), ideology (Cobb and Giles 2009) and social identities (Arkush and Stanish 2009). It can be described as the pursuit of power through physical coercion (Bruns and Stotert 1999). According to Lambert (2002), there are four main indicators of warfare in the archaeological record: settlement data, injuries on h uman remains, war weaponry, and iconography. Warfare and periods of social upheaval are often periods in which captive taking became more pronounced in a region. In periods of social fragmentation, the practice of taking individuals during maritime raiding increased in the Philippines (Hall 1992 in Junker 2008). Captives in non state societies were often taken during warfare and raiding. During periods of warfare women and children are more frequently taken as captives (Cameron 2011; DeBoer 1986). An example of this is from a Crow Creek site in South Dakota with many males killed at the site, but for the population there were fewer young women than what would be expected, indicating that the women may have been spared and transported to the aggress or's society (Keeley 1996). Although the practice of taking captives may have increased during periods of warfare, raiding for captives is a common practice throughout history and no t solely in periods of strife. Warfare in the Prehispanic American Southw est There is a long history of violence, small scale warfare, and raiding the American Southwest. Violence in the S outhwest has been documented through direct evidence of warfare such as analysis of trauma and indirect methods such as examining defensible structures. Although evidence of

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37 violence in the Southwest dates as far back as 200 CE (Turner and Turner 1999), there is limited evidence of violence in the Northern San Juan region prior to the Basketmaker II period (circa 900 CE). There is one docume nted case of violence in the Northern San Juan during the Basketmaker III period at Cave 7, which contained the remains of 90 massacred individuals (Kuckelman et al. 2000). The lack of females among the victims may be evidence for the women being taken ca ptive (Kuckelman et al. 2002). The practice of burning structures at the time of abandonment began around 800 CE, which has been interpreted by some researchers as evidence of violence. This may also be attributed to ritual behavior (Kramer 2002). Evide nce of violence and warfare is present to an extent throughout the puebloan periods, with a culmination in the Pueblo III period in the Northern San Juan region. The increase in warfare is evident in both skeletal trauma and architecture. Aggregation o f communities and an increase population density and regional population has been attributed with the increase in violence during the Pueblo III period. The Northern San Juan region was largely abandoned by the end of the Pueblo III period.

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38 Figure 2.1 Map of Geographic Regions in Southwest 1:5,000,000 scale (Created March 21, 2017 using ESRI software and base map, georeferenced data from Cameron 2013: 221 ; Danforth 1994: 89; Lang et al. 1988:3, and Toll 2000: 20 ) In the Pueblo I period (750 900 CE) there w ere a couple of sites with evidence of violence. The Cotton Wash site in southeastern Utah and the Sacred Ridge Site in southwestern Colorado both had evidence of violent death (Kuckelman et al. 2000 ; Potter and Chuipka 2010 ). There was some indirect ind ication of potential violent death in the archaeological record from the Dolores area. Several individuals excavated were found clutching their throat or lying face down over a hearth (Kramer 2002). Site size for most of the region during the Pueblo I pe riod was smaller than the later pueblo periods and less emphasis was placed on defensible structures and locations during the Pueblo I period. In the Northern San Juan region, aggregation of villages occurred in the Pueblo I

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39 period in some locations. In t he Dolores region sites in the Pueblo I period are large and villages clustered into groups of three to seven villages in a 10 kilometer radius. Clusters of villages in the Dolores area could be quite large, with between 1,000 and 2,000 individuals living in a cluster of villages (Wilshusen and Ortman 1999). During the Pueblo I period sites in the rest of the region typically consisted of two to eight pitstructures with little emphasis on sites being situated in defensible locations (Krammer 2002) In the Pueblo II period, evidence of violence and warfare becomes more pronounced in the archaeological record. There is both direct and indirect evidence of violence in the archaeological record. Populations in the Northern San Juan region shifted during the Pueblo II period, and areas that were not previously inhabited were occupied and settlements were more dispersed. The overall population of the Northern San Juan region increased, but the subregions of La Plata and Dolores experienced decreases in populat ion (Kramer 2002; Varien 1999). The increase in population of the Northern San Juan region as a whole and the increase in the risk of violence have been associated by some researchers with the rise of the Chacoan phenomena (Turner and Turner 1999). Archit ecture during the Pueblo II period places little consideration on the defensibility of the site; however, plazas were enclosed during this period. This limits the access to the plaza and makes the area more defensible (Kramer 2002). In the Northern San J uan region there is evidence of both extreme perimortem processing and other violence in the archaeological record. An example of a less extreme instance of violent death in the Mesa Verde region, an adult male was found at site MV499 with an awl lodged i n his chest (Kramer 2002). Kuckelman et al. (2000) estimated that 67 percent of violent deaths in the Northern San Juan region during the Pueblo II period had extreme perimortem modifications. The peak period for sites with extreme perimortem processing w as

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40 during the Pueblo II period, but in the Northern San Juan region several Pueblo III sites also have individuals with extreme perimortem processing (Karhu 2000; Kuckelman et al. 2000). In the Northern San Juan region, the Pueblo II period experienced an increase in individuals not formally buried, and an increase in individuals with extreme perimortem processing. In the Northern San Juan region nineteen sites had extreme perimortem modification. Not all of the sites were able to be precisely dated, but of the sites that were able to be dated, six were from the early Pueblo II period and ten were from the late Pueblo II period. The six that were from the early Pueblo II period were: both of the Yellow Jacket hamlets (5MT1 and 5MT3), Burnt Mesa, Cottonwoo d Wash, Sambrito Village, and Teec Nos Pas (Kuckelman et al. 2000). Extreme perimortem processing has resulted in claims of cannibalism throughout the Southwest (Billman et al. 2000; Turner and Turner 1999). The allegations of cannibalism have been argue d to be associated with the Chacoan occupation. However there are several explanations that have been proposed as alternatives to t he cannibalism claims including warfare, carnivore activity, and purging witchcraft (Darling 1998; Dongoske et al. 2000). E xtreme perimortem processing and the Chacoan occupation may not have been associated in the Northern San Juan period. According to Kuckelman and colleagues (2000) extreme perimortem processing at the Yellow Jacket hamlets likely occurred before the constr uction of a great kiva. The peak of the Chacoan occupation was between 1075 and 1130 CE, evidence of extreme perimortem processing expands beyond this occupation period, ranging from 880 CE at Cottonwood Wash to the 1200s at the San Juan River site (Kucke lman et al. 2000; Lambert 2002). The most violent period in the Northern San Juan region was between 900 and 1300 CE (Kuckelman et al. 2000). During the Pueblo III period (1150 1300 CE) the population in the Northern San Juan region continued to increas e, and the population aggregated into larger

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41 settlements than the previous pueblo periods. One of the likely motivators for the increase in settlement size was a growing concern among resident over warfare and violence. A larger settlement has greater sa fety in numbers at the expense of an increased exposure to diseases and heightened social tensions (Lambert 2002). Water scarcity may have been a growing concern among groups in the Northern San Juan region, because water control features began to appear on the landscape. Other sites were occupied near enclosed springs or situated near perennial water sources (Kramer 2002). Yellow Jacket Pueblo had one large water reservoir constructed and a number of smaller reservoirs (Wilshusen and Mobley Tan a ka 2005) Architectural evidence of warfare became more pronounced in the Pueblo III period. New sites were inhabited that placed emphasis on defensive features. Towers, both freestanding and part of a structure were common on the landscape. It is also during t his period that cliff dwellings become common habitation locations (Krame r 2002). Cliff dwellings are habitation locations with natural defensive features. In the Northern San Juan region, defensive structures began to be constructed on the landscape sta rting around 1250 CE (Kuckelman et al. 2002). Most of the evidence of warfare in the Northern San Juan region is however, from human skeletal remains (Kuckelman et al. 2000). Although archaeological evidence from architecture and skeletal trauma documen ts an increase in violence during the Pueblo III period, there are fewer instances of extreme perimortem modifications from this period (Kramer 2002). Only four out of th e ten sit es with violent episodes exhibited signs of extreme perimortem modification. These sites were Aztec Wash (5MT10206), La Plata 23, Indian Camp Ranch (5MT3892), and the San Juan River site (Kuckelman et al. 2000). At the Yellow Jacket hamlets there are several individual s scattered within middens that may have dated to the Pueblo III period (Karhu 2000). There are several other sites with extreme perimortem processing that were unable to be well dated that may have occurred during the Pueblo III period (Kuckelman et al. 2000). Although there is less extreme perimortem processing occurring

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42 during the Pueblo III period, there was an increase in violent death and site abandonments during this time. Throughout the Southwest violence increased during the Pueblo III period. Violent conflict and abandonment impacted the Northern San Jua n region earlier than most other regions in the greater southwest, starting around 1250 CE (Lowell 2007). Violent episodes in the Pueblo III (1150 1300 CE) period were frequently associated with burnt or partially burnt structures as well as human remain s that were not formally buried (Kuckelman et al. 2000). Evidence of violent periods often associated with the end of occupation of a site is documented at multiple locations in the Northern San Juan region. Some of the areas impact ed by violent outburst include Sand Canyon, Castle Rock Pueblo in the Mesa Verde region, the Largo Gallina region of Northern New Mexico, and the Kayenta Anasazi region of Arizona (Lowell 2007). Sand Canyon and Castle Rock Pueblo were sites in the Northern San Juan in the Mesa Verde region with a violent end of occupation. Sand Canyon and Castle Rock Pueblo are approximately 7.5 kilometers (4.6 miles) from each other. Castle Rock Pueblo was originally constructed around 1256 CE, based on tree ring dates available for the site. The latest tree ring date for Castle Rock Pueblo was 1274, and the estimated end of occupation of the site is estimated between 1280 and 1285 (Kuckelman et al. 2000, 2002). It is estimated that there were approximately 15 households occupying the site, with two plazas, one D shaped structure, 37 masonry rooms, 15 kivas, and one oversized kiva (Kuckelman et al. 2002). The presence of nine towers and sections of retaining and village enclosing wall indicate that threat of warfare may have been present at time of construction. At Castle Rock Pueblo a minimum of 41 individuals were killed in a single violent event at the end of occupation of the site. Most likely the number of individuals killed at Castle Rock was greater than 41, as only 5 percent of the site has been excavated it is likely that additional individuals were killed

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43 at other portions of the site. Three of the 41 individua ls were fully articulated. Five hundred additional bones and 800 bone fragments represented the other 38 individuals foun d at the site (Kuckelman et al. 2002). Sand Canyon had a similar construction date as Castle Rock Pueblo. Sand Canyon was occupied around 1250 CE with its final abandonment occurring around 1280 CE. Sand Canyon was a larger site than Castle Rock Pueblo w ith one great kiva, 90 regular kivas, one plaza, one D shaped multi walled structure, and 420 rooms (Kuckelman et al. 2002). Defense was also likely an issue at Sand Canyon, since there were 14 tower structures at the site. Sand Canyon may have had multi ple violent events near the end of occupation. Nine individuals were formally buried prior to the end of occupation of the village, while the remains of 23 individuals were recovered that were not formally buried. An additional 12 individuals were scatte red across the site (Kuckelman et al. 2010). Additional evidence of violent conflict is found at other sites in the Southwest including the Largo Gallina region of Northern New Mexico. Largo Gallina area in Northern New Mexico represents a total of 234 si tes with over 400 structures which was occupied from approximately 1100 to 1300 CE. It is the only Pueblo phase occupation in the region. In the Largo Gallina area 62 out of 183, sites or 34 percent, which were able to be assessed from the survey exhibit ed signs of burning. The number of burned sites in subse quent periods decreases to 2.75 percent (Mackey and Green 1979). In the Largo Gallina area 69percent, or 127 of 183 sites were defensively located, a far greater percent of sites than what would be expected by chance. Defensive towers were common architectural features at sites in the Largo Gallina area (Mackey and Green 1979). Evidence of warfare from around 1250 CE is evidenced by individuals that experienced violent deaths in the Largo Gallina. Ou t of 116 skeletons

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44 recovered 42 percent experience violent deaths and were left in an unburied context (Wilcox and Haas 1994 in Lowell 2007). In the Kayenta Anasazi region of Arizona between 1250 and 1300 CE, there were a number of indicators of warfar e in the archaeological record. The first is the presence of towers. Locations such as Hovenweep and Canyon de Chelly had defensive signaling systems such as tunnels connecting towers to kivas which may have been used as places of refuge during attacks (W ilcox and Haas 1994 in Lowell 2007). There were also a number of sites in Long House Valley situated in defensive locations. In the Kayenta Anasazi region shield iconography becomes prevalent on rock art during this period (Lowell 2007). All of these fa ctors suggest an increase in the threat of violence during this period. Warfare combined with deteriorating environmental conditions in the Northern San Juan region led to the region being largely abandoned by around 1280 CE. Populations from the Mesa Verde region migrated into the Northern Rio Grande region. In the modern Northern Arizona area, groups from the Homol'ovi and Anderson Mesa regions migrated into the Hopi Mesas towards the end of the 1300s CE (Bernadini 2005 ). Violence in the Northern San Juan region decreased dramatically after the Pueblo III period, largely due to the depopulation of the region. However, violence dec reased throughout the Southwest following the Pueblo III period, including in areas where people immigrated to during the upheaval of the Pueblo III period such as the Northern Rio Grande region (Kohler et al. 2014). Previous Research on Non Lethal Trauma and Captives in the Southwest The practice of taking captives becomes more frequent during times of warfare, but the major distinction between general warfare and the practice of taking captives is that captives generally have pronounced antemortem trauma rather than lethal trauma and a bias in the sex ratio

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45 (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993). Antemortem trauma can distinguish a marginalized subclass better, because it provides a life history of the individual and in dications of interperso nal violence There have been a number of studies conducted in the American Southwest that discuss antemortem trauma or biases in the sex ratio These studies are from the La Plata Valley (1000 1300 CE), Chaco Canyon and Aztec Rui ns (9 00 1300 CE) Pueblo Bonito and Hawikuh (919 1130 CE and 1200 1670 CE), Carter Ranch (1100 1225 CE), and sites from the Transwestern Pipeline expansion project (circa 1200 CE). The sites of La Plata Valley, Pueblo Bonito, and Chaco Canyon are all lo cated in New Mexico, while Sand Canyon, Castle Rock Pueblo, and the Transwestern Pipeline Expansion series are all located in southwestern Colorado. Carter Ranch is located in Arizona (See Figure 2.2). All of these sites have had scholarly resear ch condu cted on trauma or sex biases The La Pl ata Valley site has a great deal of research conducted on the site, and Martin (1997, 2008) has made arguments for the presence of captives at the site. R esults of r esearch conducted at Chaco Canyon and Aztec Ruins a re somewhat more ambiguous but indicate captives may have been present at the site. Carter Ranch had a high number of individuals with healed fractures at the site. The sites associated with Pueblo Bonito and Hawikuh, and the Transwestern Pipeline Expan sion project had less analysis but discussed the presence of trauma in human remains.

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46 Figure 2.2 Map of Archaeological Sites Included in this Section Scale 1:3,000,000 (Map created March 22 2017 using ESRI software and base map with georeferenced data from Cameron 2013: 221 ; Danforth 1994: 89; Duff and Cameron 2008:30; Kuckelman 2010: 496; Lang et al. 1988:3, and Toll 2000: 20) The studies that are referenced in this section are Danforth et al 1994, Howell and Kintigh 1996, Kuck elman and colleagues 2002, Martin 1997 and 2008, Schillaci and Stojanowski 2000, Stewart and Quad 1969, and Turner and Kohler 2006, and the Transwestern Pipeline Expansion project conducted by Hermann 1993 discussed in Martin 1997. Three of the studies co nducted examine multiple sites, Stuart and Quad (1969), Kuckelman et al. (2002) Kohler and Turner (2006). Stewart and Quad (1969) compared cranial lesions among American Indian groups in different regions across the United States. In the American Southwe st, Stewart and Quad (1969) chose to examine two sites in New Mexico; Pueblo Bonito and Hawikuh. The Pueblo Bonito site is slightly

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47 earlier (919 1130 CE) than the Hawikuh site (1200 1670). Hawikuh and Pueblo Bonito are also not in the same cultural area. Pueblo Bonito is in the Chaco cultural region where Hawikuh is in Zuni. The total number sexed individuals were not distinguished for each site. Pueblo Bonito is addressed specifically in Schillaci and Stojanowski (2000) and additional information on t he Pueblo Bonito site is discussed specifically after the Stewart and Quad (1969) discussion. The cranial trauma can be discussed by each site. Turner and Kohler (2006) conducted a study of Chaco Canyon (900 1140) and Aztec Ruins (1200 1300). Chaco Cany on was earlier than Aztec Ruins which was settled by migrants from Chaco Canyon, but because the two are not contemporaneous they are discussed separately. Kuckelman and colleagues discuss the contemporaneously occupied site of Sand Canyon and Castle Rock Pueblo. Because the two are in the same region and occupied at the same period, they are discussed as the two sites relate to each other. The discussion on previous research on captives in the American Southwest is organized so the sites farther f rom Yel low Jacket Canyon are discussed first and the sites closest to Yellow Jacket are discussed last. The studies are not organized chronologically and the time period is mentioned for each site. The first site that will be discussed is Carter Ranch in Arizon a. The sites in New Mexico are discussed next. The next site s that are discussed are Hawikuh and Pueblo Bonito, followed by Chaco Canyon, and Aztec Ruin. La Plata is in New Mexico but in the Northern San Juan reg ion. The Colorado sites are the last stud ies to be addressed. The Transwestern P ipeline Expansion series are the first of the Colorado sites to be addressed. The neighboring sites to Yellow Jacket Pueblo, Sand Canyon and Castle Rock Pueblo conclude this section. Research on Carter Ranch (1100 1225 CE) Arizona was conducted by Danforth and colleagues (1994). Carter Ranch had an extremely high number of individuals with healed trauma. One fourth six of the 24 individuals that were able to be scored for tr auma had antemortem

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48 fractures Four of the six individuals had types of trauma that are likely related to interpersonal violence. One individual had a broken nose and mandible; another had a broken nose and a broken humerus. Two individuals had broken a radius, one had a broken clavicle, a nd another had a broken femur. There were three individuals that had trauma likely associated with a fall; there were two instances of spondylosis and one crushed pelvis. Spondylosis relates to the fracture of vertebrae related to the lumbar curve (Merbs 1989). Four males and one female had spinal compression fractures. Frequencies of trauma indicate that a greater number of males had trauma than females ; 33 percent of males and 23 percent of females had trauma associated with them, though Danforth and colleagues (1994) indicate that the difference in trauma by sex is not statistically significant. This is strong evidence for interpersonal violence among individuals at Carter Ranch, but does not fit with the model for the presence of captives. In a surv ey of cranial fractures conducted by Stewart and Quad (1969) individuals from Pueblo Bonito and Hawikuh were combined for a general survey of cranial trauma in the American Southwest. Hawikuh is a later site from the Zuni cultural area (1200 1670 CE), while Pueblo Bonito is an earlier site from Chaco Canyon (919 1140) (see figure 2.2). Combined the sites had 67 males in t he study and 103 females (Stewart and Quad 1969). The sex ratio of th ese two sites was skewed with a strong female bias. Stewart and Quad (1969) had a total of twelve i ndividuals with cranial lesions, nine were from the Hawikuh and three were from Pueblo Bonito. The sex ratio of individuals with cranial lesions was equal: six males and six females. However, because more females than males were present at the two sites, a highe r percentage of males had cranial lesions. The combined sites were nine percent male and 5.8 percent female (Stewart and Quad 1969). Hawikuh was oc cupied between 1200 and 1670 CE. The skulls that were used by Stewart and Quad (1969) could not be dated properly. The individuals with cranial trauma at Hawikuh have the potential to be from the early historic period. Nine of the twelve individuals wit h cranial trauma

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4 9 in Stewart and Quad's (1969) study were from Hawikuh. Additional research on kinship at Hawikuh was conducted by Howell and Kintigh (1996). Howell and Kintigh (1996) recorded data on sex distribution at Hawikuh, and found 89 females and 55 males at Hawikuh. There was a female bias at Hawikuh which may be an indication of the presence of captives at the site. Pueblo Bonito (919 1130 CE) had three individuals with cranial trauma, at least one of which was a female (Stewart and Quad 1969). The female individual at Pueblo Bonito had a massive frontal lesion which was accompanied by a parietal lesion. Between the two sites, the female with head trauma at Pueblo Bonito was the only individual to have multiple head traumas. S chillaci and Stoj anowski (2000) conducted additional research at Pueblo Bonito. Schillaci and Stojanowski (2000) identified a total of 27 individuals that could have sex determined. There were 12 males and 15 females in the Pueblo Bonito sample. A slight female bias is present at Pueblo Bonito. Schillaci and Stojanowski (2000) examined post marital residence and biological variation at Pueblo Bonito through craniofacial variables. The results that Schillaci and Stojanowski (2000) found slight bias toward patrilocal pos t marital residence or a bilocal post marital residence. Non native women at Pueblo Bonito migrated a greater distances than male migrants to the site. Potentially this may be an indication of captives at the site. However, spousal exchange between dist ant groups is another plausible explanation. Kohler and Turner (2006) conducted a regional study on Chaco Canyon (900 1140 CE) and of Azte c Ruins (1200 1300 CE) to examine sex ratios during the peak periods of occupation Kohler and Turner (2006) had a t emporal aspect of their study, and looked at the periods both before and after the peak period of occupation. Biases in the sex ratio can be an indication of the presence of captives at a site. Sex ratio data from Kramer (2002) was exam ined from major re gions in the S outhwest including the San Juan Basin, Northern San Juan, and the northern sub region of the

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50 Northern Rio Grande the Gallina area. Prior to the rise of Chaco, there was a slight male bias in the sex ratio. In the eleventh century at the pea k of the Chaco phenomenon a bias towards females is present. Contemporaneously there is a male bias in the areas surrounding Chaco, such as Lobo Mesa, and Puerco of the West. Women were either raided from the surrounding areas then brought to Chaco as ca ptives or there was a draw for women to Chaco during the peak of their occupation. After Chaco's power declined a slight female bias still existed, but not enough to be statistically significant (Kohler and Turner 2006). The elite from Chaco migrated int o the Aztec Ruins area and in the thirteenth century Aztec Ruins reached its peak period of occupation. Aztec Ruins is located to the north in the Totah area, and the elites that immigrated to the region attempted to bring their power with them (1200 1300 CE). Though Kohler and Turner (2006) note that the attempts of the elites to bring their power with them to the Totah region may not have been entirely successful. Prior to the migration of elites from Chaco to Aztec Ruins the sex ratio in the region ha d maintained a roughly 50/50 equal ratio. After the elites from Chaco settled into Aztec Ruins, the sex ratio changes and a female bias appears in the archaeological record at Aztec Ruins during this period. The regions surrounding Aztec Ruins are contem poraneously experiencing a slight bias towards males. The pattern of female bias during the peak occupation suggests that women at Aztec Ruins are either being raided from the surrounding area or voluntarily migrating to the region. Women at both Chaco a nd Aztec Ruin could have been recruited for special skills such as craft production, there could have been greater opportunities for women to participate in ritual activities at the larger sites, or a large number of women could have been wives to the elit es at Chaco Canyon and Aztec Ruins (Kohler and Turner 2006). Human remains from the La Plata Valley (1000 1300) in New Mexico have produced the most compelling evidence for the presence of captives (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001).

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51 The analysis of the La Plata Valley was conducted using osteological techniques to examine sex ratios, trauma, morbidity and burial patterns. There were 16 children, 15 adult males, and 12 adult females at La Plata. However, t he La Plata Valley sample contained a gr oup of females that were buried with less consideration than other burials at the site and had antemortem cranial trauma and post cranial trauma. Three males and two females did not have adequate cranial preservation to be examined for cranial trauma. Wom en had higher numbers of individuals with cranial trauma, six out of the ten females at La Plata that had cranial trauma. Three of the six women have multiple cranial traumas. Only one 15 year old adolescent had indicators of trauma, and three adult male s had evidence of cranial trauma. A similar trend is present in post cranial trauma. No children have post cranial trauma, three males have post cranial trauma, and six females have post cranial trauma. Post cranial trauma includes neck vertebrae, shoul ders, radius, humerus, sternum, ribs, and hip. The women range in age between 20 to 38 years old. In four of the six, the cranial and post cranial trauma co occurs. Females were more likely to have infection, and a greater number of growth disruptions, such as enamel defects (Martin 1997). In addition to the greater amount of cranial and post cranial trauma, several of the females were given less considerate mortuary treatment than other individuals at the site. The women appear to have been thrown haph azardly into a pit rather than placed in a flexed or semi flexed position in an abandoned structure or storage pit. The women with trauma were buried with no grave goods and placed in a sprawled or semi flexed position. One child was found in close assoc iation with the women with trauma. Of the three males with cranial trauma one was buried with grave goods, while the other two individuals had no grave goods. All of the males with cranial trauma were buried in a semi flexed position (Martin 1997).

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52 Evide nce from La Plata provides strong evidence for the presence of captives at the site. Women without cranial trauma received burials in prepared graves with grave goods, and were placed in a flexed position. This excludes the possibility of the women with cranial trauma being indicative of spousal abuse or domestic violence. The child found in close association with the women with trauma at the site may be an indication that the children of the women were also part of a marginalized subclass (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akin 2001) The Transwestern Pipeline Expansion series was conducted on the Colorado Plateau of a group of sites dated to about 1200 CE. Several individuals recovered during this project exhibited indications of non lethal interpersonal vi olence. Hermann (1993 in Martin 1997) noted the presence of several adult females with multiple healed fractures. One female had healed pos t cranial fractures as well as three depression fractures on her frontal bone Another female had a perimortem fra cture present on her maxilla (Martin 1997). Though this cannot be used to make an argument about the presence of captives at the site, it does correspond with patterns of trauma that would be associated with the presence of captives. Castle Rock Pueblo an d Sand Canyon Pueblo are two large archaeological sites which are close to Yellow Jacket Pueblo, though the occupation period for both Sand Canyon and Castle Rock Pueblo is much shorter than that of Yellow Jacket. Castle Rock Pueblo was constructed beginn ing around 1256 and in habited until around 1285 CE. Sand Canyon was occupied between 1250 and 1280 CE. Both sites had violent activity at or near the end of their occupation. Kuckelman (2002) examined both the perimortem and antemortem trauma at Sand Ca nyon and Castle Rock Pueblo. At Castle Rock Pueblo there were thirteen antemortem traumatic lesions and two additional lesions that were potentially antemortem but difficult to determine due to extensive perimortem damage to the remains. One individual h ad suffered a slicing blow to the tibia, and the other

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53 fourteen fractures were located on the cranium of four individuals. At Sand Canyon Pueblo there were five cases of antemortem trauma and an additional four that may be antemortem or perimortem. All o f the traumas at Sand Canyon were located on the cranium. Kuckelman and colleagues note that that it is unusual to have such a limited amount of post cranial trauma. At Castle Rock Pueblo it appears that there were three individuals that were victims of repeated violence, two 40 year old females and an 8 year old child. The singling out of several individuals for repeated antemortem trauma suggests that another form of interpersonal violence other than warfare was occurring at these sites. Potential exp lanations for the repeated trauma of the three individuals at Castle Rock Pueblo are that the women and child were victims of domestic abuse or that they were taken as captives during a raid.

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54 CHAPTER III YELLOW JACKET BACKGROUND The site of Yellow Jacket Pueblo is located in southwestern Colorado near Cortez, Colorado in Montezuma County. The site was named after the nearby town of Yellow Jacket. The site is situated near highway 491, which was previously named Route 666. Yellow Jacket Pueblo is located in th e prehistoric Northern San Juan region also known as the Mesa Verde region in the American Southwest. The Northern San Juan region is located in the contemporary Four Corners region (See Figure 3.1). Its southern border extends into northern New Mexico, and its northern e nd spans into southwestern Colorado and southeastern Utah. The San Juan region includes two main drainages: the Dolores River and the San Juan River. The San Juan River has several northern tributaries that are incorporate d into the riv er, including : McElmo Creek, Mancos River, the La Plata River, Las Animas River, the Piedra River and Pine River (Karhu 2000).

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55 Figure 3.1 Map of Yellow Jacket Pueblo Scale 1: 300,000 Inset Map 1:10,000,000 (created using ESRI software and base map, geore ferenced data from Cameron 2013: 221 ; Danforth 1994: 89; Duff and Cameron 2008:30; Kuckelman 2010: 496; Lang et al. 1988:3, and Toll 2000: 20) Yellow Jacket Pueblo is located in the Montezuma Valley in the prehistoric McElmo Yellow Jacket District of the N orthern San Juan region. The McElmo Yellow Jacket district spans from McElmo Creek in the south to Yellow Jacket Canyon in the north. Yellow Jacket Pueblo is located on the northwest rim of Yellow Jacket Creek. Yellow Jacket Creek meets a tributary Tat um Draw, a few

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56 hundred yards down from Yellow Jacket Pueblo (Yunker 2001). Yellow Jacket Creek was one of the largest tributaries of the McElmo Creek, and one that received good reliable amounts of water throughout the year (Wilshusen n.d.). Although und er drought conditions the creek may have gone dry during some seasons seeps were still present (Wilshusen and Mobley Tanaka 2005). The smaller surrounding Yellow Jackets hamlets 5MT1, 5MT2, 5MT3, and 5MT4 are located along the west side of the canyon rim to the south of the large ruin. There are as many as twenty hamlets surrounding the site of Yellow Jacket, the majority of the surrounding hamlets are located to the west or to the south of the site (Lang et al. 1988). Environment at Yellow Jacket Modern Environment Yellow Jacket Pueblo was occupied periodically between the late 500s through 1280 CE; there is likely a high degree of continuity between the modern environment and that of the prehistoric environment. The modern climate at Yellow Jacket pueb lo is highly susceptible to minor shifts in precipitation and temperature The Northern San Juan region elevation ra n ges from 5,006 to 10,495 feet (approximately 1,525 to 3,200 meters) (Karhu 2000). Yellow Jacket Pueblo is located in between the Dolores and San Juan drainages at the head of Yellow Jacket Canyon. A modern image of Yellow Jacket Canyon can be seen in Figure 3.2. The elevation of the area between the drainages ranges between 6,600 to 7,800 feet in elevation. The site of Yellow Jacket Puebl o resides at an elevation of 7,000 feet. On average the area between the Dolores and San Juan drainages receives over 14 inches of rain annually. The town of Yellow Jacket, Colorado receives an average of 15.96 inches of rain annually. The monthly precipi tation ranges between .59" and 1.97", with June being the driest month and October receives the greatest amount of precipitation (US Climate Data 2016). Yellow

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57 Jacket Pueblo on an annual basis receives 16 inches of rainfall annually (Lange et al 1988). The higher elevations receive more moisture, but fewer frost free days resulting in a shorter growing period. Lower elevations receive more frost free days, but have less precipitation than the higher elevation (Varien 1999). The balance between temperat ure and precipitation is important for agricultural activities. The Yellow Jacket district is still largely used for agricultural activities today (Lange et al 198 8; Yunker 2001) Figure 3.2 Landsat 8 Image of Yellow Jacket, Taken June 14, 2014 The average annual temperature has drastic implication of the ability for the region to engage in farming activities. The average temperature for the town of Yellow Jacket, Colorado is 47.95 F. The average high temperature is 61.8 F and the average low t emperature is 34.1 F (US Climate Data 2016). The coldest month at the town of Yellow Jacket is in January while the warmest is in July. The region receives approximately 110 frost free days annually; however, as few as 52 frost free days have been reco rded in the region (Lange et al. 1988).

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58 Geological Setting Yellow Jacket Pueblo is located at the head of Yellow Jacket Canyon overlooking Tatum Draw. The surrounding canyon walls are composed of Dakota Formation sandstone. The canyon rim is several mete rs high with a broad and gently sloping canyon bottom. The upper portion of the Morrison Formation is exposed at the bottom of the canyon (Yunker 2001). The sandstone was easy to utilize in building construction because it flakes into angular blocks, whi ch were beneficial to the Pueblo I II masonry construction. It also was used for the construction of stone goods such as the manos and matates found on the site (Wilshusen and Mobley Tanaka 2005). It is likely that local stone was exploited to make cuttin g and grinding tools, but the exact source of the material is not known (Lange et al 1988). The use of stone became a more widely used resource during the Pueblo III period with the larger masonry buildings constructed during this period (Wilshusen and Mo bley Tanaka 2005). The site is located near clay deposits in the Morrison Formation that were used for ceramic production. The clay source was located south of the site of Yellow Jacket hamlet, 5MT3 (Wilshusen and Mobley Tanaka 2005). Experimental archaeo logical research has been conducted using the clays sur rounding Yellow Jacket Pueblo, recreating and firing pottery made from the natural clays to gain a better understanding of how past people had used ceramics (Lange et al. 1988). Much of the pottery fo und at the site may have been produced locally (Wilshusen and Mobley Tanaka 2005). The Morrison Formation also contains Bushy Basin Shale, a material that may have been used for the pendants found during the Yellow Jacket hamlet excavations (Yunker 2001). The river transported cobbles such as quartzite, chalcedony, and chert into the Yellow Jacket area. All of which may have been used for tools and pottery temper (Yunker 2001).

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59 Plants and Animals There is believed to be a degree of continuity between the plants and vegetation that we re growing in the Yellow Jacket McElmo Region during the prehistoric period and the ones currently occupying the environment (Yunker 2001). Local plants present at Yellow Jacke t Pueblo and the hamlets include pinion, juniper and sagebrush, willow, oak, and various wild berries (Lange et al 1988). Pinion, juniper, and sagebrush provide ground cover in the areas surrounding the site of Yellow Jacket P ueblo. Marshy areas contain reeds, cattails, and other hydrophilic plants t hat could be utilized by groups (Lange et al 1988 Yunker 2001 ). Some of the wild resources which would have been useful to the inhab itants of Yellow Jacket include cacti, yucca, pinyon nuts, amaranth and other ruderal plants, along with some grasses and spices have would have likely been used for basketry, medicine, and cordage (Wilshusen n.d. a). A formal analysis of the vegetation and macropollen has not been conducted for Yellow Jacket Pueblo or the surrounding hamlets, a preliminary inventory and ide ntification of plant materials recovered from the site has b een conducted (Wilshusen n.d. a; Wilshusen and Mobley Tanaka 2005). Some of the identified botanical material includes willow, juniper, pinyon, cheno am seeds, and beeweed seeds (Wilshusen n.d. a ). Because an expert has not performed an in depth analysis of the vegetation at Yellow Jacket Canyon the list of identified plants is not comprehensive of all the plant material recovered from the site. The list of faunal remains from the Yellow Jacket Pueblo is not complete as only limited analysis on this material has been conducted. Hurth (1986) conducted formal research on some of the faunal remains found at one of the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Both domestic and wild animals were exploited at the Yell ow Jacket site. The archaeo faunal analysis indicates that domestic ated or semi domestic ated turkeys may have been raised at Yellow Jacket. Small rounded and smoothed pebbles

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60 were found during the excavations of the Yellow Jacket hamlets. These pebbles possibly were held in the crops of the turkeys (Hurth 1986 in Yunker 2001). In addition to domestic turkeys, wild turkeys in the region may have also been exploited. In addition to turkeys, there were a number of local species that would have been availa ble for residents of the Yellow J acket area to exploit including porcupines, beaver, deer, antelope, marmots, prairie dogs, rabbits, pocket gophers, sage hens, bobcats, coyotes, skunks, and a number of other birds and small snakes and reptiles (Yunker 2001 ). Faunal material recovered from Yel low Jacket hamlet, 5MT3 includes cottontail rabbit, jack rabbit, badger, mule deer, bighorn sheep, squirrel, prairie dog, turkey, marmot, and chipmunk (Wilshusen and Mobley Tanaka 2005). Crow Canyon Archaeological Cent er conducted testing and limited excavations at Yellow Jacket Pueblo. The faunal assemblage from Yellow Jacket Pueblo recovered includes eggshells, ossified cartilage, bone, tooth, and antler. The majority of the faunal assemblages were mammal, with a to tal of 69 percent of the assemblage. Birds compose 30.8 percent of the assemblage, and .2 percent of the assemblage is fish and reptile. Although a large number of species were represented, a smaller number of species makeup large percentages of the faun al assemblage. In the mammals, lagomorphs (rabbits) are the mos t common, representing about 54 percent of the mammal bone in the assemblage. Most of the lagomorphs in the assemblage were cottontail rather than jackrab bit. Rodents make up 24 percent of t he assemblage, while artiodactyls (d eer and sheep etc.) represent 9 percent, and carnivores 2.4 percent (Muir and Driver 2003). There were at least f ive species of artiodactyls present in the assemblage: deer, bighorn sheep, pronghorn antelope, elk, and d omestic cattle. The domestic cattle found at the site represented one individual, .03 percent of the total taxa at the site (Muir and Driver 2003). The cattle found at Yellow Jacket Pueblo was the result of a later deposition or a disturbed context that became mixed into the archaeological material

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61 Birds were dominated by turkeys and oth er large bird species. Over 90 percent of the birds in the assemblage were either turkey or other unidentifiable large birds. Small numbers of lizards, snakes, and fish were recovered from the site (Muir and Driver 2003). Many of the rodent bones may be the result of natural processes rather than exploiting rodent resources. The elements of fauna found on site suggest that whole animals were brought into the site and b utchered onsite. Some of the faunal resources exploited were used for ritual purposes, while others such as rabbits were exploited purely for sustenance (Lange et al 1988). The faunal remains from Yellow Jacket Pueblo were typical of those from the Mesa Verde region during the Pueblo II and Pueblo III periods, and were similar to the faunal remains recovered from Sand Canyon (Muir and Driver 2003). Prehistoric Agricultural Activities at Yellow Jacket Inhabitants of Yellow Jacket Pueblo and surrounding ha mlets engaged in a mixed economy of farming and exploiting wild plant and animal resources in the region. Crops that were cult ivated at Yellow Jacket include corn, beans, and squash. Maize agriculture was an important aspect of life for people in the San Juan region. The majority of agricultural activity at Yellow Jacket was corn, but the cultivation beans and squash served as supplements in the diet of prehistoric inhabitants of the area (Yunker 2001). Inhabitants of the Yellow Jacket area grew increasin gly dependent on farming in later periods. Farming in the Northern San Juan first appeared during the Basketmaker II (500 BCE 500 CE) (Rohn 2006). The suitability of land for farming is a factor in the settlement locations in the Northern San Juan regio n. The variability and depletion of soil in the Northern San Juan region meant that some land was only suitable for farming for about one generation (Karhu 2000). The farmable land was closely linked to a narrow strip of land between the Dolores and San Juan drainages known as the dry farming belt. The dry farming belt was in continual flux along with the

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62 soil in the region (Lange et al. 1988). The soils in the Yellow Jacket region are a combination of weathered sandstone, shales, and eolian material, w hich supported farming in the region (Yunker 2001). The majority of the habitation period of the site of Yellow Jacket Pueblo occurred during a period with conditions that were favorable to the cultivation of plants. Lange et al (1988) estimates that the amount of farm land available between 1000 and 1150 CE was double what it had been prior to that period. The environmental conditions during this period were characterized by increased temperature and the precipitation. This would have allowed agricultu ral activities at elevations as low as 5,500 feet. Farming became a major component for understanding settlement and site abandonment in the Mesa Verde region. In the 1200s, prior to the site's final abandonment, colder weather dramatically shrunk the ar ea available for farming (Lange et al. 1988). As groups became more dependent on agricultural activity for subsistence, competition over valuable farm land intensified (Varien et al. 2000). This combined with the Great Drought that occurred between 1275 and 1300 CE, drastically reduced agricultural production that individuals had grown to rely on. People were forced to exploit wild resources to a greater extent, which were diminished due to environmental degradation from the large populations in the area (Kramer 2002; Nelson and Schachner 2002). Culture History of Northern San Juan Region and Yellow Jacket Canyon The Northern San Juan region was occupied from the Basketmaker II period (500 BCE 500 CE) through the Pueblo III period (1150 1300 CE) and was f irst settled around 200 CE. The Northern San Juan region encompasses the four corners area: from southeastern portion of Utah to the southwestern portion of Colorado, and extends south into the northern portions of Arizona and New Mexico (Cameron 2013: 22 1). The southern extent of the Northern San Juan is the valley of the

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63 San Juan River. The western extent of the Northern San Juan was Abajos to the La Plata and San Juan Mountains in the east. Yellow Jacket Pueblo is located in the Mesa Verde region of the Northern San Juan. The Mesa Verde region was one of the more heavily populated regions in the American Southwest during the Pueblo III period (Karhu 2000). In the Northern San Juan region the Basketmaker II period (500 BCE 500 CE) is poorly repres ented in the archaeological record compared to other periods, and no Basketmaker II projectile points have been located in the Mesa Verde Region (Rohn 2006). The Basketmaker II settlements have been documented from north of Durango at the Falls Creek, the eastern extent of their range was Pine River, and to Grand Gulch Cedar Mesa Comb Ridge in the west (Rohn 2006). During this period in the Northern San Juan region, maize agriculture emerged and small hamlets were formed. These hamlets were typically occ upied for short periods of time during the winter. They contained pit structures and small storage pits (Karhu 2000).

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64 Figure 3.4 Map of Archaeological Sites in Northern San Juan Region Scale 1:2,688,073 (created using ESRI software and base map, georeferenced data from Cameron 2013: 221 ; Danforth 1994: 89; Duff and Cameron 2008:30; Kuckelman 2010: 496; Lang et al. 1988:3, and Toll 2000: 20) Basketmaker III Settlement of the Northern San Juan continued to spread, a nd by the Basketmaker III period (500 750 CE) nearly all of the Northern San Juan had been settled. Many of the Bas ketmaker III occupations contained a single pithouse, although some villages did exist. Villages were typically

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65 small and consisted of thr ee to eight pithouses (Rohn 2006). On example of a village from this period was the Gilliland Site which had four pithouses and other features such as work areas, storage pits, a ramada, and an outdoor stockade (Rohn 2006: 154). There were several village s in the Mesa V erde from this period including Twin Trees, Step House Cave, and Wetherhill Mesa. The Basketmaker III component of the Yellow Jacket hamlets also appeared to be a collection of small villages. The Basketmaker III occupation of the Yellow J acket hamlets was larger than most Basketmaker III settlements (Rohn 2006; Wheat 1955). Oversized kivas appear at several of the Basketmaker III sites. These sites include the Yellow Jacket hamlets, Wetherhill Mesa and Twin Trees. These oversized kiva s tructures may have been prototypes for the Great Kivas which appeared on the landscape later in time (Rohn 2006: 155). Pueblo I Several maj or shifts in architecture occur between the Basketmaker III and Pueblo I period. The most notable was continuous roo m blocks. During the Pueblo I period (750 900 CE), the first large pueblo villages begin to appear on the landscape, settlements in the Northern San Juan region were larger than other sites occupied contemporaneously in the northern portion of the S outhwe st (Wilshusen and Ortman 1999). Pueblo I period indicated that most villages were approximately a dozen or more houses; there are several larger villages in Dolores Valley such as Grass Mesa, Rio Vista, House Creek and May Village (Wilshusen and Ortman 19 99). Not everyone in the Pueblo I lived in villages, there were also a number of small rural hamlets on the landscape that were isolated from the villages (Rohn 2006). Great Kivas first appear at sites during the Pueblo I period (750 900 CE). Two Great Kivas were found in the Dolores area on at Grass Mesa and another adjacent to House Creek Village (Wilshusen and Ortman 1999). During the Pueblo I period there was an increase in the dependence

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66 on agriculture and the increase in population density, perio dic occupations became more permanent (Varien et al. 2000). Population increased during the beginning of the Pueblo I period and reached a peak around 860 CE, then population in the Northern San Juan decreased. Areas such as Dolores were almost completel y abandoned at the end of the Pueblo I period. Migrants from the Northern San Juan region migrated into the Central San Juan basin and into the Chaco system (Wilshusen and Ortman 1999). Pueblo II At the en d of the Pueblo I period Chaco C anyon to the south became a major source of political power starting around 800 CE. It remained a major political power until near the end of the Pueblo II period when it faced a sharp decline in influence in the early 1100s. The Chacoan phenomenon was defin ed by t he construction of a "Great House" with a series of outlier sites associated with it (Kohler and Turner 2006). Chaco Canyon, located in modern New Mexico, had outlier sites hundreds of miles away, which extended into the Mesa Verde region. The rel ationship between Chaco Canyon and outlier communities was highly varied, some had frequent and direct communication while others had limited or no communication. Outlier communities had differing uses of Great Kivas based on the level of contact with Cha co (Van Dyke 2002). Although Great Kivas are likely present in the Pueblo II period in the Northern San Juan, Great Kivas from the Pueblo II period are limited This may be the result of the subsequent Pueblo III occupation construction of Great Kivas on top of the Pueblo II sites obscuring there visibility to archaeologists (Rohn 2006). Rohn (2006) suggests that this may have been the case for Goodman Point Ruins, Lowry, Cahone, and Yellow Jacket Pueblo. Areas that had not been previously occupied in th e Northern San Juan became settlement locations during the Pueblo II period and the distance between settlements increased (Kramer

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67 2002). The Dolores Valley and east of the La Plata River experienced lower populations while the western portion of the Nort hern San Juan region's population increased. Starting around the tenth century water management capabilities were established which allowed for fuller exploitation of agricultural land at lower elevations (Rohn 2006: 152). The Pueblo II period demonstrat es a continued dependence on both agriculture and harvesting of wild plants and game. Population density increases during the Pueblo II period (Kramer 2002). Unit pueblos are common during the Pueblo II, but small dispersed villages are also present (900 1150 CE) (Rohn 2006). Jacal is a widely used technique for construction through much of the region including at Yellow Jacket Pueblo, but stone masonry made its appearance in walls during the Pueblo II period(Rohn 2006: 158). Small Pueblo II kivas were typically constructed from native earth walls and shifted towards a circular structure to form the kiva and masonry columns or pilasters replaced wooden posts f or roof supports (Rohn 2006). Small k ivas remain an integral part of house groups throughout th e Pueblo III period (1150 1300 CE). Near the end of the Pueblo II period, denser site occupation is evident, and two to three room blocks are found merged together to form larger conglomerates. Pueblo III In the Pueblo III period (1150 1300) population s aggregated into the larger sites with smaller sites clustered around them and into areas that had not been previously occupied. This pattern is seen at sites such as Goodman Point, Sand Canyon, and Yellow Jacket Canyon (Kuckelman 2010; Varien 1999). Th e change in site locations and population density is reflected in the architecture of the Northern San Juan region. Population in the Northern San Juan region may have peaked as early as 1150 CE with a very gradual population decline starting around 1200 CE (Duff and

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68 Wilshusen 2000). Emigration increased in the mid 1200s and the Northern San Juan was largely abandoned by 1280 CE. At the beginning of the Pueblo III period, many people were still living in farmsteads or in smaller villages of 20 to 30 roomb locks with each roomblock representing a house (Kuckelman et al. 2000; Rohn 2006). Near the middle of the Pueblo III period, around 1200 CE, most people were aggregated into villages of 50 or more roomblocks (Kuckelman et al. 2000). In the Montezuma Val ley in the Pueblo III period, towns could encompass between 1,500 and 2,000 people. In many sites large residence buildings emerge, some which contain multiple stories (Rohn 2006). The Pueblo III period was the most highly dependent on agricultural activ ities and domesticated turkeys, though wild resources were still exploited as well (Karhu 2000). Near the end of the Pueblo III period settlements were aggregating into large villages with defensible structures (Kuckelman et al. 2000). Site abandonments i n the Northern San Juan Region The population in the Northern San Juan region grew during the Pueblo III period. Sites became more distant from each other and more aggregated (Rohn 2006). The end of the period, between 1260 and 1280 CE was marked by emig ration from the region. This emigration corresponds to the "Great Drought" experienced in the Southwest between 1275 and 1300 CE. The drought created conditions that were unfavorable for farming in the area. This was once believed to be the sole motivat ing factor for abandonment during this period, more recent examination of the migration from the area indicates that the motivations for emigration were more complex to include a number of push and pull factors. Some of the factors pushing people from the region include the poor farming conditions caused by the drought, environmental degradation, and warfare (Kramer 2002).

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69 Initially the model for abandonment in the Southwest during the "Great Drought" was a rapid model; however, it has become clear that th e abandonment process does not usually occur instantly. Rather it is a process that takes time. The mode of abandonment of settlements varies based on whether the abandonment was gradual or rapid, whether it was planned or unplanned, if the people antici pated returning to the location, and the distance between the next habitation site (Varien 1999: 112). In the Mesa Verde region people were typically living in an area for extended periods of time and community movement was infrequent during the Pueblo II I period. Varien (1999) examined abandonment at the Sand Canyon Pueblo, and found that immediately prior to the abandonment of the location roof treatment changed. The occurrence of timbers as refuse rather than reuse in new construction was limited at t he end of the Pueblo III period. This may suggest that emigration from the site was planned, but Sand Canyon Pueblo was ultimately abandoned following a violent episode (Varien 1999: 133). There is an increase in violent conflict at the end of the Pueblo III period. Varien and colleagues (2000) argued that the increased conflict during this period may have been partially due to competition over good agricultural land. The violence that es calated in the region led to a massacre at Castle Rock Pueblo. Th e massacre at Castle Rock was intended to eradicate the village. One potential motivation for the attack at Castle Rock was to raid food supplies or to eliminate competition over declining resources (Kuckelman et al. 2000). Vio lence in the region include d a reemergence of the extreme perimortem processing that was more common during the Pueblo II period (900 1150 CE). The Northern San Juan region was largely abandoned between 1280 and 1290 CE. The site of Yellow Jacket Pueblo and its surrounding hamlet s fits into this pattern of abandonment in the Yellow Jacket/McElmo region with its final occupation ending at 1280 CE.

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70 Montezuma Valley and Yellow Jacket Habitations In the Montezuma Valley of the Northern San Juan it is estimated that there were approx imately 30,000 people living in the area in the Pueblo III period. The population was largely concentrated between Mesa Verde and the Abajo Mountains (Rohn 2006). The site of Yellow Jacke t Pueblo is one of eight larger towns in the Montezuma Valley durin g the Pueblo III period. Of the eight towns found in the Montezuma Valley region, Yellow Jacket Pueblo was the largest with over 160 kivas/ house clusters. The sites of Sand Canyon, Lowry, and Goodman Point each had over 100 kivas during the Pueblo III pe riod (1150 1300 CE) (Rohn 2006). There were an estimated 1,800 rooms at Yellow Jacket ruin, enough to have a population of 2,500 people or more in the site (Rohn 2006). There have been multiple estimates of population at Yellow Jacket Pueblo during the pe ak of its occupation. Estimates of the population of the Yellow Jacket area typically range between 2,000 and 3,000 people (Lange et al. 1988) but other researchers have argued for higher or lower population estimates Lower population estimates are bet ween 850 and 1,360 people (Kuckelman 2003 in Wilshusen and Mobley Tanaka 2005). Higher estimates of the population at the site of Yellow Jacket are between 3,000 and 4,000 people inhabiting the site (Lange et al 1988). Yellow Jacket Pueblo wa s occupied du ring the Pueblo II and Pueblo III periods (Karhu 2000; Kuckelman and Ortman 2003; Lange et al 2000; Yunker 2001). Yellow Jacket Pueblo was a large community center by 1100 CE and was occupied for multiple generations. It was likely occupied at least 100 years prior to Sand Canyon or Castle Rock Pueblo, two other well documented sites in the Mesa Verde area (Ortman et al. 2000). The Yellow J acket hamlets, 5MT1 and 5MT3, were periodically occupied between the Basketmaker III (500 750 CE), Pueblo II (950 1150 CE), and Pueblo III (1150 1300 CE) (Yunker 2001). Yellow Jacket Pueblo itself was occupied continually from

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71 the late Pueblo II (900 1150CE) through the Pueblo III period (1150 1300), with the population peaking during the Pueblo III period (Karhu 2000). Similarly, there was an increase in the number of burials at the surrounding Yellow Jacket hamlets ( 5MT1 and 5MT3 ) at this time (Yunker 2001). Wilson (1990 in Karhu 2000) estimated there are as many as 500 burials at Yellow Jacket Pueblo. The site density of the hamlets surrounding the large Yellow Jacket Pueblo (5MT5) was found to be similar to other large communit ies in the Southwest (Karhu 2000). Figure 3.5 Image of sites at Yellow Jacket (Wilhushen and Mobley Tanaka 2005: 8) Yellow Jacket Pueblo (5MT5) Yellow Jacket Pueblo has a Smithsonian designation of site 5MT5. The site of Yellow Jacket is estimated to be as important culturally as Chaco or the Aztec Ruins (Ferguson 1996). The site of Yellow Jacket Pueblo occupies approximately 100 acres of uplands, canyon rim, and talus slope (Ortman et al 2000) and has at least twenty surrounding hamlets in the area (Ka rhu 2000; Lange et al 1988; Yunker 2001). Initial survey investigations indicated that Yellow Jacket Pueblo contains 160 or more kivas/ house clusters, the town of Yellow Jacket had at least two definite plazas, one Great

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72 Kiva, a possible concentric wall structure, at least two streets with several narrower lanes, and a reservoir with a dam and spillways (Rohn 2006). The hydrological system at Yellow Jacket Pueblo had at least five dams and one large reservoir (Ortman et al 2000). Water control features a t Yellow Jacket Pueblo were likely built after a drought in the Northern San Juan region between 1140 and 1180 AD (Kuckelman 2003 a ). The towns of Lowry, Sand Canyon, and Goodman Point all have reservoirs associated with them. Both Lowry and Yellow Jacket Pueblos have internal streets associated with them. Yellow Jacket Pueblo has a main road with a north south orientation, which definitely leads out of the town. Another road segment can be seen connecting two of the Yellow Jacket hinterland villages t o the Pueblo (Rohn 2006). Figure 3.6 Site Map of Yellow Jacket Pueblo (5MT5) (Crow Canyon Archaeological Center 2003) Research conducted by Crow Canyon Archaeological Center between 1995 and 1997 refined our view and indicates that there are at least 42 roomblocks with approximately 600 rooms

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73 contained within the roomblocks. There are 192 small kivas with one great kiva. Yellow Jacket contained 18 towers with one bi wall tower kiva. Occupation dates of Yellow Jacket Pueblo were based on pottery sherds collected from the Village Testing Project (Ortman et al. 2000). They determined that based on the absence of Cortez Bl ack on White, a pottery style from the early Pueblo II period, dating to between 910 to 1025 CE, that Yellow Jacket Pueblo was probably first inhabited around 1050 CE. Manco, McElmo, and Mesa Verde style pottery was found in the site middens. These potte ry types are more indicative of a late Pueblo II and Pueblo III occupation. From the research conducted at the site, it is difficult to determine if the si te was continuously occupied, but i t is possible to determine that the site was intensely occupied i n both the Pueblo II and Pueblo III periods. The site was occupied until the 1250s CE and possibly later based on the construction of the Great Tower Complex (Ortman et al. 2000). Some archaeological evidence from the Village Testing Program indicates tha t Yellow Jacket Pueblo may have developed out of the Chacoan great house community (Ortman et al 2000). The Great Kiva and Cha coan Great House were estimated to have been built in the late 1000s or early 1100s during the late Pueblo II period. Some res earchers have argued that Yellow Jacket Pueblo may have functioned primarily as a religious center throughout its occupation (Lipe and Ortman 2000). This is based primarily on the high number of kivas relative to domestic rooms and the Great Kiva (Kuckelm an 2003d). Similar arguments have been made about other large pueblos in the region including Sand Canyon. Yellow Jacket has a longer habitation period than Sand Canyon, but it is likely that both were residential pueblos. Other research has suggested that smaller kivas were primarily used as residences (Kuckelman 2003d). Yellow Jacket Pueblo was constructed later in the Pueblo II period (900 1150 CE) between 1060 and 1100, the hamlets surrounding Yellow Jacket Pueblo were occupied beginning in the ea rly Pueblo II period (Kuckelman 2003d). Based on the

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74 amount of domestic trash found in middens in the test excavations at both Yellow Jacket Pueblo and Sand Canyon Pueblo it is likely that the site functioned for domestic purposes (Kuckelman 2003d). The region underwent a drought between 1140 and 1180 CE. After the drought had ended, Yellow Jacket underwent a period of construction and population aggregation. The construction that occurred during this period included considerable public architecture. During this phase of occupation, the four plazas, water control structures, and bi wall structure that enclosed the site were all constructed. The rapid influx in population during the Pueblo III period is more than what can be accounted for by birth; com munity aggregation had to play a role in the population increase during this time. It is possible that groups from the surrounding hamlets or other surrounding communities moved into Yellow Jacket Pueblo during this period (Kuckelman 2003a). The large po pulation was maintained at the site until the region was abandoned around 1280 CE. Overview of Yellow Jacket Hamlets The Yellow Jacket hamlet sites of 5MT1 and 5MT3 have been the subject of extensive archaeological excavation spanning decades. Another hamlet was excavated in the Yellow Jacket area, site 5MT2, but human remains were not found at this location and only its proximity in mentioned in relation to the other sites. Both of the Yellow Jacket hamlets investigated here are located southwest of Y ellow Jacket Pueblo. The hamlet 5MT1 is located southwest from hamlet 5MT3. Yellow Jacket Creek becomes an entrenched canyon approximately 1.2 kilometers or three fourths a mile from the hamlet 5MT1 (Mitchell n.d.; Wilshusen n.d.). Both Yellow Jacket ham lets are located close to Yellow Jacket Pueblo (See Figure 3). Due to the close proximity of Yellow Jacket hamlet 5MT1 and 5MT2, less than 25 meters away, it is possible that the two were part of the same site and 5MT2 should not have been given as separa te Smithsonian site identification. The site of 5MT1 i s composed of two separate components originally designated as : the Stevenson Site and the

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75 Porter Site (Karhu 2000; Mitchell n.d.; Yunker 2001). The Stevenson Site dates to the Basketmaker III period (500 750 CE); while the Porter site is a Pueblo II (900 1150 CE) and Pueblo III (1150 1300 CE) site located about 20 meters northeast of the Stevenson Site (Karhu 2000). Hamlet 5MT3 is located 250 meters to the northeast of hamlets 5MT1 and 5MT2 (Wilsh usen n.d.). Yellow Jacket hamlet 5MT3 has Basketmaker III, Pueblo II and Pueblo III site components. However, there were no burials recovered from the Basketmaker III period at Yellow Jacket hamlet 5MT3. Yellow Jacket hamlet 5MT1 Stevenson Site and Port er Site Yellow Jacket hamlet 5MT1 has two components, the Stevenson Site and Porter Pueblo. The two sites are distinguished spatially (See Figure 3.7) and temporally. The Stevenson Site is the Basketmaker III (500 750 CE) component of the site. Porter Pueblo was the Pueblo II (900 1150 CE) and Pueblo III (1150 1300) components of the hamlet. The Stevenson Site was occupied roughly between 500 and 700 CE, and is among the earliest sites in the Mesa Verde Region (Karhu 2000). The Stevenson Site consist s of three small hamlets that were occupied successively (Karhu 2000). Based on tree ring dates the first pitstructure was constructed around 519 CE, pitstructure two was constructed 617 CE, and pitstructures three and four were built around 676 CE (Mitch ell n.d.). In the four pitstructures there were 28 rooms, one ramada (a covered ground level workspace), and two small extramural features (Mitchell n.d.). The last pitstructure constructed at the Stevenson Site around 676 CE was a very large structure a t thirteen meters long and nine meters wide. In one of the four pithouses there was a wall dividing the main room from the antechamber. The antechamber was constructed over a small pit that contained the remains of an eagle. The eagle has been interpreted as being an offering (Lange et al. 1988). The both structures containing the eagle were burnt and a woman's remains were found inside one of the structures (Lange et al. 1988). The pithouse constructed around 676 CE was burned and abandoned following it s burn, it

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76 probably occurred within one generation of its initial construction (Lange et al. 1988). A total of seven burials along with some scattered remains were recovered from the Stevenson Site (Karhu 2000; Mitchell n.d.; Yunker 2001). Figure 3.7 Sit e Map of Yellow Jacket Hamlets (University of Colorado Museum of Natural History 2016) The Porter Pueblo component of Yellow Jacket hamlet 5MT1 is a Pueblo II and Pueblo III occupation. The Pueblo II component was first occupied around 1060 CE (Mitchell n .d.). The Pueblo II component of 5MT1 includes jacal and adobe room blocks with 12 pitrooms and three kivas (Karhu 2000). The Porter site had semi subterranean workrooms, large storage features, and one or two small open plazas (Mitchell n.d. a). Rooms h ad evidence of storage and other domestic functions. Some rooms contained metate bins and associated pit granaries (Lange et al. 1988).

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77 The Pueblo III components of the site were built directly over the Pueblo II components (Karhu 2000). The Pueblo III c omponent of the Porter site is around 15 rooms, three associated kivas, numerous storage pits, and a few plazas (Karhu 2000). Of the associated kivas in the Pueblo III occupation period, one is a remodeled Pueblo II kiva. One masonry lined kiva contained a tunnel that connected a kiva to a subterranean room (Karhu 2000; Mitchell n.d.). The early Pueblo III occupation may have had been followed by a short hiatus followed by a second Pueblo III occupation (Mitchell n.d. a). The occupation during the last s tage of occupation at Porter was largely confined to one kiva, which was Kiva C. Unlike previous occupations, when Porter Pueblo was abandoned at the end of the Pueblo III period Kiva C was ritually closed (Mitchell n.d. a). There were three individuals f rom the Porter site that were interred in kivas during the Pueblo III occupation. There is a total of 20 individuals and some scattered remains that were found in association with the Pueblo II and III components of the Porter Pueblo (Karhu 2000). Yellow Jacket Hamlet 5MT3 Archaeological investigations in the Yellow Jacket area also occurred at the neighboring hamlet of 5MT3. 5MT3 is located on a small knoll overlooking Tatum Draw (Wilshusen and Mobley Tanaka 2005). The initial assessment of the surface debris at 5MT3 suggested that it was a single component site. However, when excavations began on the site, it was determined that the site was more complex than anticipated (Lange et al. 1988). Rather than being a single occupation, the site actually had Basketmaker III, Pueblo II, and Pueblo III occupations (Lange et al 1988; Karhu 2000; Wilshusen and Mobley Tanaka 2005). Each occupation was constructed on top of previous occupations (Karhu 2000).

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78 Figure 3.8 Site Map of 5MT3 from Pueblo III period (Wilshusen and Mobley Tanaka 2005: 2) The Basketmaker III component was occupied between the late 500s to the mid 600s CE (Karhu 2000). Another estimate of its occupation date during the Basketmaker III period is between 635 638 CE, this is based on the d ate of construction of one structures (Wilshusen and Mobley Tanaka 2005). Its layout is similar to 5MT1 Stevenson Site, with storage pits constructed on the north side of the pithouses. The Basketmaker III component had two complexes of rooms (Wilshusen and Mobley Tanaka 2005). There were a total of 12 pit storage rooms found for this occupation (Karhu 2000). 5MT3 was abandoned during the Basketmaker III period, and was reoccupied early in the Pueblo II period. It was reoccupied starting around 1020 CE, but has two or three construction periods during the Pueblo II. Excavations found seven walled kivas and 50 jacal masonry rooms (Karhu 2000). Three of the seven kivas had tunnels leading to surface rooms or subterranean

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79 storage rooms. One of the tunnel s collapsed in either the late Pueblo II or early Pueblo III period, the collapse buried a young female adult and an adolescent t he tunnel was sealed off and abandoned (Karhu 2000; Wilshusen and Mobley Tanaka 2005). Numerous jacal structures were present at the site as well as up to six mealing rooms (Wilshusen and Mobley Tanaka 2005). The site had several structures that were rebuilt or remodeled in the Pueblo II period. During the Pueblo II and the Pueblo III period, 5MT3 was part of a larger grouping of contemporaneously inhabited sites, including 5MT1 which was located to the south of 5MT3 (Wilshusen and Mobley Tanaka 2005). The Pueblo III component was constructed on top of the Pueblo II component, obscuring some of the features and architecture of the Pueblo II component. Yellow Jacket hamlet 5MT3 was occupied more or less continuously between 1060 and 1280 CE. The Pueblo III component of this site included: 9 kivas and 70 rooms (Karhu 2000) The jacal structures were replaced by masonry room bloc ks that are located on an east west orientation. Not all of the kivas used at this time were constructed during the Pueblo III period. Three out of the nine kivas were remodeled from the Pueblo II occupation (Karhu 2000). Yellow Jacket Pueblo and all of the hamlets were abandoned around 1280 CE (Lange et al. 1988; Wilshusen and Mobley Tanaka 2005).

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80 CHAPTER IV HUMAN REMAINS AND REPATRIATION Damage to Yellow Jacket from Pothunters and Repatriation Yellow Jacket Pueblo along with many other sites in the prehistoric Southwest was subjected to a large amount of damage caused by amateur excavators and pothunters. Yellow Jacket has been disturbed by pot hunters since the 1800s (Bradley 2003). During th e nineteenth and early twentieth century attitudes towards the collection and curation of artifacts from archaeological site were very different. The practice of pot hunting and the destruction of archaeological sites were widely accepted during this peri od. Damage to puebloan ruins by the local community in the Yellow Jacket cluster was documented by the former land owner of the land, Charles Porter. Porter relocated to Lewis Colorado in 1912, and became aware of the archaeological heritage in the area s hortly after his arrival to the area. He recalled that both agricultural activity and pothunters damaged the area. Land clearing for agricultural activities consisted of using a heavy timber with railroad iron driven by a team of horses. The timber was on average approximately 12' long by 5' deep. The timber would flatten brush and collect it into heaps which were subsequently burned. Puebloan artifacts were often encountered through land clearing Porter recalled that Puebloan trash mounds would be p lowed through for agricultural activities, and even targeted to an extent because alfalfa and other crops were known to grow abundantly in areas with Puebloan trash mounds. Stone from ruins was often repurposed by locals for creating cisterns. Large ruin s such as Yellow Jacket Pueblo were targeted for this purpose. Some of the stone from archaeological ruins was relocated to allow for better farming conditions (Porter 1980).

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81 Amateur excavators were also a problem at Yellow Jacket during Porter's residenc e in Lewis, Colorado. Porter recalled a neighbor that would dig at Yellow Jacket prior to his family's acquisition of the property. The neighbor was attending dental school at the University of Chicago and was selling skeletons in order to fund his educa tion. According to Porter, the individual would take a steel rod and poke it into the ground looking for flat rocks which a skeleton may have been buried beneath. The individual was targeting dental specimens with unusual dental formations such as impact ed wisdom teeth or heavily worn teeth (Porter 1980). Unintentional finds of archaeological artifacts were also quite common. Porter recalled filling a ten pound lard pail full of arrow heads, pottery sherds, ground stone, and axes. Though the Porter fami ly never intentionally excavated a burial, they occasionally encounter ed skulls and scattered bones while clearing land. Many of the artifacts collected by the Porter family were given away to friends and family that were not local to the Lewis area. The se included complete bowls and an unusual bowl filled with copper balls (Porter 1980). Joe Ben Wheat estimated that pothunters had disturbed as many as 500 burials at the site of Yellow Jacket (Bradley 2003). The professional excavations at the Yellow Ja cket hamlets conducted by Joe Ben Wheat between 1954 and 1990 yielded many isolated bones. Hand bones, foot bones, and teeth were commonly found mixed into middens and room fills. Both rodent activity and pothunters were responsible for the disturbance o f burials. Researchers were able to match some of the isolated elements to a burial based on the color of the bone, age of individual, size of bone, and lack of duplication of skeletal elements. However, not all bones were able to be associated with a bu rial and were categorized as isolated skeletal elements (Karhu 2000). The Crow Canyon Archaeological Center conducted a Village Testing project which surveyed the damage that amateur excavators and

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82 pothunters did to Yellow Jacket Pueblo. The project reve aled over 800 holes caused by pothunters at the site. As a result of this extensive pot hunting activity, numerous burials were d isturbed. Protection and Preservation Preserving cultural heritage and protecting archaeological sites from damage due to amat eur excavators and pothunters has become of great importance to archaeologists. Although legislation to limit damage to archaeological sites has been in place since the Antiquities Act of 1906, the first conviction under the act did not occur until 1978 ( Deans 1980). In 1974 the Archaeological and Historic Preservation Act was passed into law, which required federal agencies to take historical and archaeological resources into account for projects (National Park Service 2016). The Antiquities Protection Act was introduced by Morris Udall and passed into law in 1980. The law imposed stricter penalties for the possession, sale, barter, or trade of illegally acquired artifacts (Deans 1980). The illicit acquisition and sale of artifacts has been addressed o n an international scale when the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) held a conference on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export, and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property. The regulati ons include all, "property considered 'as being of importance for archaeology, prehistory, history, literature, art, or science'" (Kuprecht 2013: 49). In the United States, treatment of human remains has shifted dramatically over the past twenty five years following the passage of the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA). The legislation was passed on November 16, 1990. Under NAGPRA American Indian tribes are entitled to request to have their ancestors and sacred objects returne d to the tribe from any institutions or projects that receive federal funding. The funerary collections from the excavations of the Yellow Jacket hamlets were housed at the University of Colorado Museum of Natural History in Boulder Colorado.

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83 All of the f unerary objects and human remains at the University of Colorado's museum have been repatriated. Under NAGPRA, the notice of inventory completion for the Yellow Jacket collections was published September 11, 2006. Following the inventory completion, a Not ice of Intent to repatriate the Yellow Jacket collections was issued March 15, 2007. Additional items were found during a collections management project in January 2008, those items were repatriated subsequent to the March 6, 2008 Notice of Intent to Repa triate was issued in the Federal Registrar. There are several tribes which were affiliated with the Yellow Jacket collections. The affiliated tribes are: the Hopi Tribe of Arizona, the Ohkay Owingeh of New Mexico (formerly the Pueblo of San Juan), the Pu eblo of Acoma of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Cochiti of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Isleta New Mexico, the Pueblo of Jemez of New Mexico, Pueblo of Laguna of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Nambe of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Picuris of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Pojo aque of New Mexico, the Pueblo of San Felipe of New Mexico, the Pueblo of San Ildefonso of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Sandia of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Santa Ana of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Santa Clara of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Santo Domingo of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Taos of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Tesuque of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Zia of New Mexico, the Ysleta del Sur Pueblo of Texas, the and Zun i Tribe of New Mexico (Federal Registrar 2006, 2007,2008). All of the human remains and fune rary goods from the Yellow Jacket hamlets were repatriated prior to the compilation of this data. Prior to the repatriation of all of the funerary collections, the human remains were studied by numerous researchers including Swedlund (1969), Lange et al. (1988), Malville (1989), Malville (1994) Karhu (2000), and Yunker (2001 ). Bradley (2003) conducted an analysis of the human remains at Yellow Jacket Pueblo. The previous research conducted on the human remains at the Yellow Jacket hamlets makes it possi ble to utilize data from the site to address previously unasked questions from archival data.

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84 History of Research at Yellow Jacket The earliest written record of Yellow Jacket Pueblo is from the 1858 McComb expedition (Lange et al 1988). It was subsequently noted by several other surveyors of the area, including the Hayden Survey party in 1876. In 1931 Western State College in Gunnison Colorado conducted an excavation in the area of a "square mug house" in the great tower compl ex at Yellow Jacket Pueblo The "square mug house" is now known as the "Great Tower Complex" (Ortman et al 2000). In a road maintenance project between 1945 and 1946 part of the site was damaged by a rock crusher removing a portion of the east wing of a Chacoan great house (Crow Canyon Archaeological Center 2003). The most intense research at the Yellow Jacket hamlets was conducted by the University of Colorado Boulder. The University of Colorado Boulder conducted arc haeological investigations beginnin g in 1954 under the direction of Joe Ben Wheat. The excavations continued for several decades, concluding in 1991. In 1954 the pueblo was situated on private property and was excavated with the consent of the property owner, Hod Stevenson. In the fall of 1953 Stevenson was clearing land near the head of Yellow Jacket canyon when he plowed two burials, a burned post, and associated pottery. Stevenson sent some of the pottery he discovered to Joe Ben Wheat at the University of Colorado Museum. The pieces of pottery inadvertently discovered by Stevenson were from the Basketmaker III period. The following summer, excavations began w ith a small crew of individuals including Joe Ben Wheat, his wife, and three students (Mobley Tanaka and Wilshusen n.d.). Exca vations yielded a Basketmaker pithouse and storage room (Lange et al. 1988). Located near the site was Pueblo II and Pueblo III architectural features (Mobley Tanaka and Wilshusen n.d.). In 1955 Stevenson sold the site to Charles Porter. Porter agreed to allow archaeological research to continue on the site as long as he was compensated for the loss of crop from the

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85 excavations. However, he never charged the University for the loss of his crops (Lange et al 1988). It is from these two individuals assoc iated with the excavations that the two components of 5MT1 derive their names: the Stevenson site and the Porter site. The Stevenson site represented the Basket maker III occupation of the 5MT1 hamlet The Porter site is the Pueblo II and Pueblo III compo nents situated near the Basketmaker III occupation. Wheat was expecting to see a continuation of architecture into the Basketmaker III period in his investigations of the Porter Pueblo, but only Pueblo II and III periods were represented (Mobley Tanaka an d Wilshusen n.d.). Excavations on 5MT1 continued until 1959. He resumed excavations of 5MT1 between 1965 and 1966 (Mobley Tanaka and Wilshusen 2005). In 1961 archaeological excavations from Wheat's crew began on the 5MT3 hamlet of the site (Mobley Tanaka and Wilshusen 2005). The site of 5MT3 is located about 250 meters away from 5MT1. It was chosen because it was believed to be a single occupation period and therefore less complex site. Once excavations began, it became clear that the site was more com plex and had multiple occupation periods (Lange et al 1988). The Yellow Jacket hamlet of 5MT3 had a Basketmaker III, Pueblo II, and a Pueblo III occupation. Between the years of 1967 and 1975, very limited amounts of research were conducted in the Yello w Jacket area, while Wheat pursued other research (Mobley Tanaka and Wilshusen 2005). In 1975 research on 5MT3 resumed. Excavations of the site occurred from 1977 1978, 1980 1986, and 1989 1991 (Mobley Tanaka and Wilshusen 2005). During the excavations at 5MT3, researchers began investigating a separate site 5MT2. 5MT2 is located approximately 25 meters away from the site of 5MT1 and could easily be grouped into the same site (Wilshusen n.d.). Excavations at 5MT2 began following Dr. Frederick Lange tak ing control of the field school in 1986. The excavations were conducte d as part of a graduate student

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86 John Carter's research for his master's thesis (Mobley Tanaka and Wilshusen n.d.). The site of 5MT2 was less complex than the sites of 5MT1 and 5MT3 wit h separate early Pueblo III and late Pueblo III components (Mobley Tanaka and Wilshusen n.d.). There were no burials found at the site of 5MT2 and it is not included in this analysis. Research continued on the Yellow Jacket hamlets for over thirty years u ntil 1991. There was a total of 17 seasons of research conducted on the sites 5MT1 and 5MT3. Research conducted at the Yellow Jacket hamlets used 2 meter by 2 meter excavation units for their primary unit of analysis. Excavations were conducted using a shovel, but when delicate features such as architectural features or burials were encountered, finer grain tools were utilized (Mobley Tanaka and Wilshusen 2005). The quantity and quality of records from the field schools over those times differs dramatic ally over the course of the investigations (Yunker 2001). Some of the stratigraphic contexts were not included by some excavators and no single method for identifying strata was employed, which compromised information on the site's stratigraphic contexts overall (Yunker 2001). The Yellow Jacket hamlets 5MT1, 5MT2, and 5MT3 were excavated by the University of Colorado Boulder field schools between 1954 and 1991. Crow Canyon Archaeological Center has conducted further research on Yellow Jacket Pueblo. Betw een 1995 and 1997 Crow Canyon's educational programs conducted test excavations on Yellow Jacket Pueblo (5MT5). They excavated a total of 112 units and designed the tests to disturb the site as little as possible. The research encompassed 167 square mete rs of the 100 acre site (Kuckelman 2003). Although only a small portion of the site was excavated researchers were able to gather substantial amounts of information. The Crow Canyon research project did not seek to encounter human remains.

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87 However, test excavations yielded a minimum number of 34 individuals, with 6 human remain occurrences and 106 isolated elements (Bradley 2003). The research at Yellow Jacket Pueblo (5MT5) had three main research goals. First, it was designed to test settlement models of large Pueblo III sites as part of the Village Testing Project. Researchers were interested in better understanding the processes of aggregation during the Pueblo II and Pueblo III periods (Kuckelman 2003). Second, was to get an accurate survey of the site using a total station. The third goal was to examine the extent of damage by amateur excavators and pothunters. The Village Testing Project utilized data from the Mesa Verde region. It collected data from three archaeological sites: Yellow Jacket P ueblo, Woods Canyon Pueblo, and the Hedley Site Complex. The data collected from the Village Testing Project compared the preliminary data to patterns found at Sand Canyon and Castle Rock Pueblos. The project excavations were of one test pit on the facad e of the north wall of each roomblock. This was done to examine the architectural style and determine if there were any underlying structures beneath the roomblocks. Additional test pits were placed in the middens of each roomblock to recover pottery sam ples (Ortman et al. 2000). Testing at Yellow Jacket Pueblo was limited, so much of the analyses that can be made are limited. There was no evidence found of a pre Pueblo II occupation of the Pueblo. The exact nature of the Pueblo II occupation was diffi cult to estimate due to the possibility that many buildings were buried under the Pueb lo III occupation. Ortman and colleagues (2000) used the data collected from the Village Testing Project and found that the Yellow Jacket Pueblo's occupations correspond ed to the community center succession model, with multi generational histories. The results of their investigation disputed the canyon rim village formation model (Ortman et al. 2000).

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88 The canyon rim formation model is an occupation model that suggests t hat households moved into large rapidly aggregating village complexes from small upland villages in the 1200s. The model was based off of sites like Sand Canyon and Castle Rock Pueblo, in which villages were formed in areas where there was little to no ha bitation previously. The sites of Sand Canyon and Castle Rock Pueblo were both occupied for 25 to 40 years. Yellow Jacket Pueblo did not fit his model, with a much longer habitation period. The community center succession model argues Puebloan communiti es focused their attention on one large site. Sites in the community center succession model can be organized into three types of habitation and arranged in chronological sequence. The results of the Village Testing Project indicated that Yellow Jacket P ueblo was inhabited at least a century prior to Sand Canyon or Castle Rock Pueblo (Ortman et al. 2000). Human Remains at Yellow Jacket The human remains found at the Yell ow Jacket hamlets have been the subject of a considerable amount of scholarly inquiry. Some of the previous research on the human remains from Yellow Jacket hamlet sites 5MT1 and 5MT3 include Swedlund (1969), Malville (1989), Malville (1994 ), Malville (1997), Karhu (2000) and Yunker (2001). The human remains from the Yellow Jacket hamlets and all of the associated grave goods have been rep atriated (Federal Registrar 2006, 2007, 2008 ). There were a total of 138 burials from the Yellow Jacket hamlets and a minimum of 34 ad ditional individuals from th e test excavations at Yellow Jacket Pueblo Yellow Jacket hamlet 5MT1 has two named site components: the Stevenson site and Porter Pueblo. The Yellow Jacket hamlet site 5MT1 had seven human remains from the Basketmaker III period at the S tevenson site, and another twenty burials and some scattered human rema ins found from the Pueblo II and III periods in the Porter Pueblo component The other excavated hamlet, 5MT3 did not have any burials from the Basketmaker III period r ecovered during the excavation. A total of 94 burials from the Pueblo II

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89 and Pueblo III periods were recovered from 5MT3 There were an additional five remains that were scatte red also recovered from the hamlet The previous studies into the Yellow Jacke t burial s from Yellow Jacket Pueblo and the hamlets includes research conducted on the health of individuals at Yellow Jacket, burial practices, and extreme perimortem processing Bradley (2003) reported on the health, condition, and mortuary treatment of the individuals found during test excavations at Yellow Jacket Pueblo Malville (1 994, 1997 ) and Karhu (2000) investigated the health status of individuals at the Yellow Jacket hamlets Malvil le (1989) examined the human remains with extensive perimortem trauma from the Yellow Jacket hamlets Karhu (2000) and Yunker (2001) examined the burial practices and mortuary treatment of t he individuals at the Yellow Jacket hamlets Preservation and Dat a Collection Karhu (2000) recorded mortuary data on the Yellow Jacket hamlets using methods from Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994), Standards for Data Collection from Human Skeletal Remains Additional data was collected from raw data on file, unpublished data and published data from Malville (1994). However, the use of the procedures established by Buikstra and Ubelaker had to be deviated from slightly because of poor preservation and crumbling bone and enamel from the site, limited ability to sample, and a limited timeframe which required prioritizing data collected. Some of the raw data collected from Swedlund (1969) was utilized to prevent the additional handling of fragile bones that were at risk of deterioration The presence of cradleboarding in an individual was only recorded when e nough of the cranium was preserved to make that assessment. The absence of cradleboarding in a recorded burial may be an indication that the cranial bones were too fragmentary to make the analysis and not necessarily an indication of the absence of cradleboarding (Karhu 2000)

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90 Research at the Yellow Jacket Pueblo followed with Crow Canyon Archaeological Center's policy on t he collection of human remains. R esearch was not conducted in a manner which attempted to excavate burials or purposefully seek out human remains. However, during test excavations, 102 isolated elements were discovered in multiple locations of the site in multiple test pits. No articulated remains, burials, or grave goods were found during excavations When human remains were encountered during excavation, bamboo tools and brushes were used, dental picks were used to conduct the cleaning of teeth. Preservation of bone from the tes t excavations at Yellow Jacket Pueblo is poor and from disturbed contex ts A large number of the human remains identified were less than 25% complete. Many of the bones from Yellow Jacket Pueblo were eroded, weathered, or highly fragmentary. Data on the recovered remains was conducted using osteological methods from Buikst ra and Ubelaker (1994), Standards for Data Collection from Human Skeletal Remains. The osteological data was collected by Cynthia Bradley and Debra Martin. Data was collected on pathologies, age, sex, dentition, trauma, and non metric traits. However, t he poor preservation of the remains limited the analyses that could be conducted (Bradley 2003). Health at Yellow Jacket Osteological methodology was used to determine the age at death, sex, and health of the individuals at the Yellow Jacket Pueblo. Many diseases and illness are not visible on the human skeleton, many conditions are acute and the individual recovers or causes death prior to the illness leaving an indication on the sk eleton ( Larsen 1997; Ortner and Putschar 1985 ). Pathologies that are pres ent on bone and enamel are typically an indication of prolonged infections and morbidity. Some of the pathologies which are visible on the sk eleton are indicators of stress, anemia, and potentially malnutrition. These pathologies can manifest in the skel eton as periostitis, osteoarthritis, porotic hyperostosis, cribr a orbitalia, lesions, congenital defects, enamel hypoplasias,

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91 caries, or abscesses. The presence of pathologies on the remains at Yellow Jacket Pueblo is obscured by poor preservation (Karhu 2000). Pathologies found at the Yellow Jacket hamlets and at Yellow Jacket Pueblo were recorded. A pathology that was examined at both the Yellow Jacket Pueblo and the Yellow Jacket hamlets is enamel hypoplasias. An enamel hypoplasia is a defect in the enamel of a tooth that occurs during adolescence. It can be exhibited as either a pit or a transverse line occurring around the tooth (Larsen 1997). They are an indication of metabolic stress that alters the thickness of the tooth's enamel while the crow n is in the process of developing (Malville 1994) Enamel defects can be caused by infection or malnutrition. Analysis of skeletal pathologies found at Yellow Jacket can provide insight into the health of the people that lived at Yellow Jacket. Yellow Ja cket Hamlets There were a total of 138 individuals found during excavations of 5MT1 and 5MT3. At site 5MT1 individuals were found from the Basketmaker III, Pueblo II, and Pueblo III period. Seven individuals were recovered at the Stevenson site from the Basketmaker III period. Twenty individuals were recovered from the Porter Pueblo, from the Pueblo II and Pueblo III periods. Site 5MT3 had ninety four individuals and some scattered remains were recovered. Unlike 5MT1 there were no remains were recovere d from the Basketmaker III period. The preservation of the rem ains from the both the hamlets at Yellow Jacket were in general very poor. In many cases they were fragmentary and crumbling (Karhu 2000) Because of the excavation techniques during the early excavations, some of the smaller bones may have been missed in the field. Due to issues with preservation, not all remains were able to be utilized in previous studies. Some remains were disturbed through pot hunting or rodent activity. Karhu (200 0) was able to exa mine 99 individuals: 22 individuals were from the Pueblo II period, and 66 were from the Pueblo III period.

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92 Dental pathologies were fairly prevalent at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Karhu (2000) identified 86 individuals with either permane nt or deciduous dentition preserved 80 with permanent dentition, 36 with deciduous dentition, and 25 that had both deciduous and permanent dentition A total of 63 individuals had some form of dental pathology. Dental pathologies that were p resent at Ye llow Jacket include caries, abscesses, enamel hypoplasias, dental calculus, and antemortem tooth loss. Among the adults there were 20 instances of caries, 41 enamel hypoplasias, 8 abscesses, 13 antmortem tooth loss, and 6 with calculus. Among the individ uals with deciduous dentition, 2 had caries and 15 had enamel hypoplasias. Dental caries were most frequently found on the grinding surface of the molars. Abscesses were only found in middle to older adults at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Three middle age d individuals had polish and a darker stain on their mandibular anterior teeth (Karhu 2000). Enamel hypoplasias were the most frequent dental pathology at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Malville (1994, 1997) examined the health of individuals at the hamlets at Yellow Jacket. Enamel hypoplasias were used to examine childhood stress, and the results were compared with Yellow Jacket and other archaeological sites in the region (Malville 1997). Malville found a high prevalence of enamel hypoplasias at Yellow J acket. A total of 43 individuals had enough dental preservation to be sampled; from that sampl e 71.7 percent of teeth and 97.7 percent of individuals had enamel hypoplasias present. Hypoplasias were significantly more common during the Pueblo II period t han the Pueblo III period (Malville 1997). Due to poor preservation the number of dental pathologies may not reflect total population, especially because dentitions were targeted by pothunters at Yellow Jacket (see section on Damage to Yellow Jacket from Pothunters and Repatriation). Karhu (2000) recorded six different categories of pathologies at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. These include: metabolic/ developmental disorders, degenerative disorders, infectious diseases,

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93 trauma, and other disorders. A total of 60 individuals from the Yellow Jacket hamlets displayed some type of pathology. A total of 50 individuals exhibited porotic hyperostosis, 9 spina bifida, 15 vertebral arthritis, 10 arthritis in other locations, 6 h ad indicators of infection, 5 exhibited trauma and 18 had other pathologies Preservation of human remains at Yellow Jacket was poor and should be taken into consideration in the analysis. Porotic hyperostosis was extremely common a t the Yellow Jacket ha mlets, 83 percent of the total sample exhibited either pitting or expanded diploe, and is the most common pathology found on individuals at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Individuals from all age groups were identified as having porotic hyperostosis, and both men and women exhibited t he pathology at a similar ratio (Karhu 2000: 48). A greater number of females than mal es exhibit porotic hyperostosis, 15 females (78 percent) and 7 (79 percent ) males exhibit either pitting or expanded diploe. Porotic hyperosto sis was typically mild to moderate at the Yellow Jacket hamlets Children and infants that exhibited porotic hyperostosis were more likely to have it present in the orbits, while it was more widespread across the orbits and frontal bone in subadults and adults (Karhu 2000 : 48 ). Arthritis and infections were recorded in individuals at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Infection is relatively ambiguous term in osteological analysis and can be difficult to diagnose ( Kelley 1989). Karhu (2000) do es not address the specific malady associated with the presence of infection in part because bones were not x rayed prior to repatriation. Evidence of infections that are visible in bone is the result of chronic maladies. They are relatively few in the Y ellow Jacket hamlets and consist of two inf ants, one mid age male, two mid age females, and one indeterminate individual. The two females that exhibited infection were both from the Basketmaker III period and exhibited infections in the sacrum or axis. A ll of the other individuals had infectio ns visible in their longbones.

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94 Osteoarthritis is common in middle to older individuals at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Fourteen out of the seventeen mid to older individuals with vertebrae present had indicators of vertebral arthritis. Both vertebral and arthritis in other locations were more common in male s than females. Among males 70 percent had mild or moder ate vertebral arthritis, and 43 percent had osteoarthritis in an other location. Females had 36 percent e xhibi ting vertebral arthritis and 14 percent exhibiting arthritis in other locations (Karhu 2000). Spina bifida was found in 9 individuals at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Spina bifida is a disorder in which the vertebral arch does not close completely and l eaves the spinal cord unprotected. Only sacral spina bifida was found at the Yellow Jacket hamlets, no vertebral spina bifida was observed by Karhu (2000). None of the cases of spina bifida observed by Karhu (2000) are severe, but between one and five sa cral arches were unfused in the affected individuals. All but one of the individuals with spina bifida were adolescents at time of death. Other disorders found by Karhu (2000)'s study are evidence of brain cancer, joint deterioration, fused vertebrae, boney growths, a bowed ulna, and a large number of arachnoid foveae. The individuals with a large number of arachnoid foveae may have been indicative of a meningeal event or another infection Three individuals had fused vertebrae, which Karhu (2000) dete rmined was a congenital disorder because there was no indication of arthritis or trauma on any of the individuals One individual had a badly degenerated temporomandibular joint that Karhu (2000) determined may have been associated with trauma to the righ t side of the skull. Cranial modification through cradleboarding was present in 32 individuals, though due to preservation issues this number may be higher (Karhu 2000).

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95 Yellow Jacket Pueblo At Yellow Jacket Pueblo there were 102 skeletal elements recover ed from test excavations. The majority of human remains found at Yellow Jacket Pueblo were found in midden deposits. Brad ley (2003) estimates that there i s a minimum of 34 individuals represented in the assemblage, at least 25 individuals are represented by isolated skeletal elements. Because of the poor preservation and lack of articulated fo rmal burials, the most reliable indication of health in the mortuary assemblage of the large Yellow Jacket Pueblo is dental enamel hypoplasias The only formal ana lysis that was able to be conducted on the health of the individuals recovered from Yellow Jacket Pueblo, 5MT5 was frequencies (Bradley 2003). There were a total of 90 teeth recovered from the excavations at Yellow Jacket Pueblo : 12 deciduous, 74 adult, and 4 indeterminate teeth. Only about half of the teeth recovered could be examined for the presence of enamel hypoplasias. No deci duous teeth were identified as having enamel hypoplasias present Thirty nine teeth had enamel hypoplasias present, a tota l of 46 percent of all permanent teeth and 80 percent of permanent anterior teeth exhibited enamel hypoplasias. The age at stress for enamel hypoplasias was calculated for Yellow Jacket Pueblo, the most common age at time of stress was between 2.0 and 3.5 years of age. Bradley (2003) also noted that it was likely that the presence of enamel hypoplasias at Yellow Jacket Puebl o was underestimated because only five individuals from Yellow Jacket Pueblo had incisors or canines recovered during the excavation. Canines and insicors are likely to show signs of enamel hypoplasias and without their presence the rate of enamel hypoplasias is likely underestimated (Bradley 2003) Dental caries and abscesses are an indication of health at Yellow Jacket Pueblo. One p ermanent tooth had several pit caries present, but it had not become infected in the pulp cavity.

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96 Abscesses were not located at Yellow Jacket Pueblo, and calculus deposits were few and minor There was a healed lesion in the left mandible of one individu al that may have been the resu lt of the third molar erupting (Bradley 2003). The individuals from Yellow Jacket Pueblo also exhibited some other indicators of stress At Yellow Jacket Pueblo there were several indicators of nutritiona l stress and nutritional stress, but no periostosis was found in the human bones discovered. Long bones from two adult individuals were complete enough to assess for stunting, but researchers did not find evidence of stunting on either of the two individuals. The cra nium of one individual was able to be assessed for porotic hyperostosis. The cranium had mild to moderate healed porotic hyperostosis on the frontal and in both orbits. A button osteoma was also found on one individual's cranium. Button osteomas are ben ign bone tumors that do not affect an individual's overall health (Bradley 2003). Demography A total of 138 individuals were excavated from the Yellow Jacket hamlets, a chart of the sex of the individuals discovered can be seen below (Figure 1.1). At the Yellow Jacket hamlets, 7 individuals were found from the Basketmaker III period. Of the seven Basketmaker III individuals found at the hamlets, 1 was identified as male, 3 as female, 1 possible female, and the sex of the remaining two individuals was unab le to be determined. One of the two unsexed individuals was a ch ild between eight and ten years old at time of death. The Pueblo II and Pueblo III components of the two ha mlets had a total of 94 burials: 22 Pueblo II internments, 66 Pueblo III internment s, and 2 burials that could not be reliably dated to either the Pueblo II or Pueblo III period. Karhu (2000) constructed a lifetable for the burials from the Yellow Jacket hamlets not including the remains with extensive perimortem processing However, t he lifetable may be less accurate due to preservation

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97 biases, difficulty in reliably sexing or aging individuals within five year intervals and 122 individuals is a small enough sample to be potentially unreliable in the construction of a lifetable (Karhu 2000). Figure 4.1 Sex of Individuals at the Yellow Jacket Hamlets All Individuals, Excluding Isolated Skeletal Elements The sex of 39 of the 52 adults recovered from the Yellow Jacket hamlets was able to be estimated Of the 39 individuals, 23 were female and 16 were males. Women tended to die as young adults where males survived to young or middle adulthood. Th e median age at time of death for the Yellow Jacket hamlets was 15.7 years old. Karhu (2000) created a chart of survivorsh ip at the Yellow Jacket hamlets, and found that early childhood had the greatest probability of death and probability of death declined during adolescence (see Figure 1.2 ). Karhu (2000) noted a sharp decline in the probability of dying between the ages of 30 and 40 years of age. This is an unusual trend but may be a reflection of the small sample size. Temporal comparisons also indicated that juveniles were more likely to die during the Pueblo II pe riod than the Pueblo III period. During the Pueblo II period 67 percent were child ren or infants compared with 44 percent in the Pueblo III. A higher percentage of the Pueblo III were adults at the time of death, 35 percent of individuals were

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98 young adults at time of death in the P ueblo III period, while only 10 percent were young adults at time of death in the Pueblo II. Figure 4.2 Survivorship at Yellow Jacket Pueblo ( Karhu 2000: 41 ) At Yellow Jacket Pueblo, 16 of the indiv iduals were subadults and 18 were adults. Only two of the individuals from Yellow Jacket Pueblo were able to have sex determined. Both of the individuals that were able to be sexed were female or probably female. The first individual was middle aged and an older adolescent were determi ned to be female. Age analysis at Yellow Jack et Pueblo indicated that only 9 percent of individuals were infants, which is lower than the expected from the site. This may be an indication that the individual s found at Yellow Jacket Pueblo were not repres entative of the population. Demographic analysis of individuals at Yellow Jacket Pueblo is further limited by poor preservation and the disturbed context in w hich several remains were found (Bradley 2003).

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99 Trauma Trauma in individuals at the Yellow Jacket hamlets was recorded by Karhu (2000), though the possibility exists that the presence of some trauma may also have been difficult to discern as a result of the preservation of the remains. Other factors that may hav e an impact on the data include some ar chival issues, time limitations, and limitations on sampling due to contamination and tribal requests. There were five individuals that Karhu (2000) f ound to have evidence of trauma, two children and three adults were identified one from the Basketmaker III period There were six individuals not including the one individual from the Basketmaker III in this analysis. One individual had a cranial lesion that was filled in with preservative, making measurements impossible, and another with possible vertebr al trauma They were not included in the analysis of trauma conducted Karhu (2000). The trauma was recorded in this analysis. Four out of the five individuals included in Karhu (2000) that exhibited trauma had small depression fractures on the cranium. Most of these were healed with the exception of one individual in which the depression fracture occurred antemortem but was in the process of healing when the individual died. The final trauma was a parry fracture on the left ulna of a female individual from a female Basketmaker III period individual One female had likely trauma on her spine that was not included with Karhu (2000)'s analysis of trauma that is included in this study. The spinal injury was listed as likely the result of trauma and was i ncluded (Karhu 2000) Swedlund (1969) listed one female individual from P orter Pueblo as having trauma to the humerus. The female individual was identified from University of Colorado Boulder catalog number as 1P1 12, in Karhu (2000)'s analysis, the femal e is listed as having degeneration in the humerus, but it is not identified as trauma. Because Karhu (2000) was the basis of this analysis individual 1P1 12 is not included in the analysis as having trauma.

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100 Trauma at Yellow Jacket Pueblo was difficult to discern because of the fragmentary and isolated natu re of the human remains found at the site. There was one burnt skeletal element, and two bones that exhibited antemortem trauma The same individual also experience d some perimortem trauma. The only ev idence of burning at Yellow Jacket Pueblo is a single molar that was exposed to fire, but it is possible that the molar was lost antemortem and exposed to a hearth. The antemortem trauma found at Yellow Jacket Pueblo included a broken nose and a possible compression fracture, and the same individual had a bone spur on their radius. The broken nose was evidenced by a depressed right nasal bone that was asymmetrical and misshapen. There was a small irregularity above the right orbit that appeared to be a h ealed depression factor. Both the radius and the cranial trauma were completely healed. One individual had three potential cut marks on the frontal of a cranium. The cranium exhibited str iations that were visible to the naked eye, on the zygomatic bone striations were visible with the use of a hand lens. The majority of damage to the bones occu rred post mortem ( Bradley 2003). The antemortem trauma with the healed broken nose and bone spur on the radius was found on a possible female individual. The female had damage in the anterior cranium in the facial region and a healed depression fracture indicates that the ind ividual was subjected to non le thal violence This would match the patterning of the trauma described by Martin et al. (2001) at the La Plata site in New Mexico. I t is possible that these injuries occurred due to natur al reasons and not the result of intentional violence, depression fractures and broken noses can be the result of roughhousing or accidental falls. The possibility rema ins that this individual was the target of raids or other acts of domestic violence (Bradley 2003).

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101 Human Remains with Perimortem Trauma There were two mass inhumations found between the two hamlets. A minimum of fourteen individuals with perimortem traum a were found at the Yellow Jacket hamlets Four were found at the Porter Pueblo site of 5MT1, and ten were found at 5MT3 (Malville 1989) At the site of 5MT3 there were an additional 23 instances of human remains with perimortem damage recovered from the site. In addition another nine individual skeletal elements were found scattered around 5MT3 (Karhu 2000) There were differences between the mass burials at 5MT1 compared with 5MT3. The hamlet 5MT1 had less severely processed remains than 5MT3. Some of the bones at 5MT1 were still intact, where the hamlet site 5MT3 had over 1,500 bone splinters. The remains with extensive perimortem modification were found primarily in middens and in room fills at 5MT3, thought at 5MT3 there was a group of individuals recovered from the kiva in House 1 (Karhu 2000) Both of the mass inhumations found at the Yellow Jacket ham lets were dated to the Pueblo II period (Karhu 2000). The mass inhumation found at Porter Pueblo at 5MT1 was recovered from a 20 cm deposit of ash and charcoal in the bottom of a bell shaped storage pit. The remains found in this layer were comingled wit h animal bone fragments, potsherds, a bifacially flaked knife, bone awls and fleshers, hammerstones, and other debris (Malville 1989). The comingling between the human bone and the animal bone may have been an indication that the individuals were dismembe r ed el sewhere and were only discarded in the storage pit (Karhu 2000) The mass inhumation from the other Yellow Jacket hamlet, site 5MT3, found a minimum of ten individuals. Six of the individuals identified were adults, and four children. The adults at the mass inhumation contained at least two males and one female. The children were identified as 1.5, 2, 4, and 9 years old at time of death. Additionally, b one splinters were found throughout the site (Karhu 2000) The individuals from both of the Yel low Jacket hamlets with extreme processing

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102 present were examined for skeletal indicators of health with some limitations due to the damage and poor preservation conditions The extremely perimortem processed remains exhibited evidence of porotic hyperostosis, infection, antemortem tooth loss, dental caries, and enamel hypoplasias. In the processed remains as well as the normal burials, porotic hyperostosis was the most common pathology in the Yellow Jacket area Out of the remains with perimortem processing, a total of 7 individuals had porotic hyperostosis and 11 cranial fragments had e ither pitting or expanded dipole. All of the 4 individuals recovered from 5MT1 had porotic hyperostosi s. Three individuals and the 11 cranial fragments from 5MT3 also had evidence of porotic hyperostosis. One individual had a large fovea along the right parietal that may have been an indicator of an older adult or an infection. The other indicator of in fection at the Yellow Jacket hamlets was a right radius with evidence of infection occurring on the proximal end. Dental pathologies were observed in several infants and children. Two of the children found at Yellow Jacket had enamel hypoplasias on perma nent teeth and 2 had evidence of enamel hypoplasias on deciduous teeth. One four year old had dental caries present on the deciduous dentition (Karhu 2000). There was no direct indication of extreme perimortem processing at Yellow Jacket Pueblo. There we re a minimum number of 14 people that were identified as being recovered from unusual mortuary contexts at Yellow Jacket Pueblo Some of the trauma may have been post mortem due to d isplacement during remodeling (Bradley 2003). However, human remains tha t have been disposed of in manners that deviated from normal mortuary pattern require further evaluation. Remains that are disposed of without the normal level of consideration may be an indication of a violent episode resulting in extreme perimortem proc e ssing (Kuckelman et al 2002; Turner and Turner 1999) There

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103 are a number of other explanations for the presence of human remains in nontraditional burial contexts and it cannot necessarily be assumed that it is the result of a violent episode.

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104 CHAPTER V METHODS Methodology The analysis of human remains is the only direct measure of violence in a pre state society (Martin 2008). Analysis of trauma, pathologies, sex ratios, and mortuary patterns are a method that has been used previously to examine whether captives were present in the archaeological record. Beca use the Yellow Jacket hamlets, 5MT3 and 5MT1 had burials and were completely excavated, they were used for the analysis in this thesis. Though the site of 5M T5 had test excavations, it was not included in this analysis because it was too limited in scope and had less research published on the remains. All of the Yellow Jacket human remains and grave goods have been previously repatriated. However, there has been extensive research conducted on the skeletal remains from the site ( Karhu 2000; Malville 1989, 1994; Yunk er 2001 ). The extensive research previously conducted on the remains allowed for the reanalysis of the data to answer a previously unasked resear ch question. Based on previous research regarding captive taking, differences in mortuary practices and osteological indicators can be used to examine whether a group of individuals was take into a hos t society (Cameron 2011, 2013; Martin 1997 2008 Marti n and Akins 2001; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993). This research uses several methods that have been previously used to examine the presence of captives in a host society. The data collected for this research included age at time of death, sex, grave goo ds, burial location and position, the presence of trauma, location of trauma, and skeletal pathologies. Sex is collected because in general women and children were more commonly taken as hostages than men. In general the evidence of trauma that would be indicative of captive taking is primarily defensive wounds and cranial trauma. A greater degree of trauma in women than men may be an indication of captives in the Yellow Jacket region Skeletal pathologies

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105 provide insight into the stress placed on an in dividual, women with greater indicators of stress may be an indicator that captives were present in the archaeological record. Grave goods and mortuary treatment were examined to determine if there was a subset of individuals with a different mortuary tre atment than the rest of the group. Differing mortuary treatment in certain contexts can be an indication of captives. Archival da ta was used to conduct this analysis. Specifically, d ata for this analysis was collected from Karhu 2000's report, "Mortuary Practices and Population Health at Two Yellow Jacket Hamlets 5MT1 and 5MT3" (Karhu 2000) Karhu (2000) provides an overview of the site, the research conducted at the site, and a detailed analysis of the 138 individuals unearthed during excavations at 5MT 1 and 5MT3 though does not synthesize the material with the current study goals The data collection in this study included utilizing tables and appendices from Karhu 2000. In Karhu (2000)'s report, she gives detailed descriptions of each burial at the site. This includes the presence of grave goods, the orientation and position of the individual, disturbances, pat hologies, and trauma. The appendices utilized for this analysis were Appendix B Descriptions of Human Remains in Standard Burial Contexts fr om Yellow Jacket Sites 5MT1 and 5MT3, Appendix C Descriptions of Human Remains with Perimortem Damage from Yellow Jacket Sites 5MT1 and 5MT3, Appendix D Skeletal and Dental Inventory, and Appendix G Skeletal Pathology and Dental Pathology. Data was collate d using an Excel spreadsheet, each individual was assigned a row based on the burial number. Information on each individual was collected in the column. Appendix B was used to get information on age, sex, and the presence of trauma and pathologies in stan dard burials. Due to the small number of individual s that were able to have sex determined, probable females were categorized as female, and probable males were categorized as males. Probable trauma was recorded as trauma. Records of which site, period of the burial, and house number were also

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106 recorded. Appendix C was used to gather information on the individuals with extensive perimortem trauma which were not buried in a traditional manner (i e ., mass inhumations) The same information was collected f or each individual. In cases where trauma or pathologies were evident, Appendix G was used to gather additional information about the type of pathology or trauma and the extent of the pathology. Because porotic hyperostosis was frequent in the assemblage the presence of porotic hyperostosis was recorded as its own category and included in general pathologies. Appendix D was used to record which skeletal elements were present on an individual. Preservation was poor at all of the Yellow Jacket hamlets and much of the information about pathologies and trauma may have been too badly eroded to determine. The skeletal elements that are most likely to have trauma are the long bones and the cranium. Because captives would primarily have defensive woun ds, the r adius, ulna, and humer us were recorded separately from the rest of the post cranial trauma. The cranial elements that were recorded individually include: the parietals, the occipital, the temporals, the frontal, the maxilla, and the mandible. The absence of trauma in the selected elements was marked by a 0, where the presence of trauma was a 1. Elements that were not present in the assemblage were denoted with a 99 that indicated the absence of data. A code was applied for all of the variables used to c reate this analysis. Once all of the data was coded, IBM SPSS Statistics 24 was used for a series of statistical analysis to examine if the human remains had any of the characteristics of assemblages in which captives were present. A Chi Square using Phi and Cramer's V analysis was used to determine whether there was a statistically significant dif ference between women and men for trauma, cranial modification, pathologies, dental pathologies, and the presence of grave goods For the initial analysis all o f the human remains including the remains with perimortem trauma from both sites were incorporated into the analysis. The individuals with perimortem trauma were then excluded

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107 from the same Chi Square analysis to examine individuals with antemortem trauma This was done to examine the presence of non lethal interpersonal violence that would be characteristic of the presence of captives in the archaeological assemblage. All of the burials had been dated by Karhu (2000). Pueblo II and Pueblo III periods were focused on by removing the seven skeletons from the Basketmaker III period from the analysis. The Basketmaker III period occurs several hundred years before the Pueblo period occupations, and there are only seven burials associated with this period, all of whi ch were found at Yellow Jacket H amlet 5MT1 at the Stevenson component of the site. One of the females from the Basketmaker III period had evidence of a traumatic lesion on the upper anterior surface of her left ulna. A description of the trauma noted in the analysis section but it is not included in the descriptions of the Pueblo II and Pueblo III individuals with trauma. There were not enough individuals to properly investigate the possibility of captives during this period. Swedlund (1969) l isted individual 1P1 12 as having suffered a blow to the arm that resulted in deterioration of the proximal end of the left humerus. Individual 1P1 12 was listed as having deterioration of the humerus but not as the deterioration being the result of traum a in Karhu (2000), the individual was not included as having trauma in the analysis section. After the initial statistical ana lysis was run on the entire sample an in depth analysis was conducted of the individuals with antemortem trauma. Each of the ind ividuals with antemortem trauma was recorded in depth in the d iscussion section of the results chapter This includes estimates of age and sex, the type of trauma sustained, if evidence of healing was recorded, and the mortuary treatment of the individual that sustained the trauma. A total of five individuals in the Yellow Jacket formal burial assemblage contained trauma.

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108 There were an additional twenty nine individuals that in the Pueblo II and Pueblo III periods between 5MT1 and 5MT3 that had a large de gree of perimortem trauma associated with them. The individuals with extreme perimortem mod ifications were added into the d iscussion section of chapter VI since each individual experience d a violent death Because these remains were fractured and are highly fragmentary, things such as sex and antemortem trauma are difficult to determine. The group of individuals with extreme perimortem processing was separated to allow for a finer resolution analysis of the individuals with antemorte m trauma. The individuals with extreme perimortem skeletal trauma were likely killed by an outside group, while the antemortem trauma is evidence of interpersonal violence within the group. Captives largely endured non lethal trauma and defensive wounds (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akin 2001). The sex ratios run as a whole and for only formal burials and all burials from the Yellow Jacket hamlets are examined to dete rmine if there was a difference in the number of women present at the site. The Basketm aker III individuals were excluded from this analysis. Several cross cultural studies have determined that imbalances in the sex ratio can be an indication of captives being taken into a site or women being raid ed for at the site (Cameron 2011, 2013; Keel ey 1996; Kohler and Turner 2006; Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001). Deviations from the expected equal ratio of men to women bear further scrutiny (Divale and Harris 1976; Lowell 2007). Preservation may also be an issue in examining this aspect of the site. Osteological remains were typical ly in poor condition in the sample and many adult individuals were unable to be sexed based on the poor preservation at the site.

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109 CHAPTER VI RESULTS Results The variables that were examined for this analysis were: sex, pathologies, trauma, and grave goods of individuals at the Yellow Jacket hamlets These were examined to determine if a group of females experienced different treatment from the majority of the burials at t he Yellow Jacket hamlets. No formal burials were excavated during the Crow Canyon Archaeological Center's research into the Yellow Jacket Pueblo, only isolated ske letal remains representing a minimum of 34 individuals was recovered from the site. The dat a on the human remains from Yellow Jacket Pueblo was acquired from test excavations and was too limited to be included in this analysis. The questions addressed by the statistical analyses were: 1) is there a difference in the sex ratio at the Yellow Jack e t hamlets? 2) Are females more likely than males to h ave trauma or pathologies? 3) Are males more likely to have g rave goods than femal es at the Yellow Jacket hamlets? Individuals that were identified by Karhu (2000) through standard methods using Buikstr a and Ubelaker (1994) Standards for Data Collection from Human Skeletal Remains as being probable or possibly male or female were categorized as that sex for all of the s tatistical analyses conducted. Chi squared tests were conducted to examine the presen ce of trauma, the presence of pathologies, and if the individual was interred with grave goods. Statistical analyses were conducted on all individuals from the Pueblo II and Pueblo III periods. The same statistical analyses were rerun excluding the indiv iduals that experienced extreme perimortem processing. This was done to get a better assessment of the individuals interred in formal burials at the Yellow Jacket hamlets versus those interred in mass inhumations In both sets of statistical tests there was only one test significant at the .05 level.

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110 Sex Ratios The sex ratio was examined first by excluding the remains which had extreme perimortem processing. By excluding the perimortem processed remains, there are more females than males at the Y ellow Jacket hamlets (See Table 6.1 ). There are 101 individuals included in this analysis from Yellow Jacket, 32 (31.7%) of those individuals were able to have sex determined. There were 13 males and 19 females, and 69 indeterminate individuals at the Yellow J acket hamlets. Indeterminate individuals were either too young at time of death or too fragmentary or poorly preserved to hav e sex determined (See Figure 6.1 ). The sex ratio is 40 percent male and 60 percent female. The sex ratio at the Yellow Jacket ham lets becomes closer when the individuals with extreme perimortem trauma are included in the analysis. Sex of Individuals in Formal Burials at the Yellow Jacket Hamlets Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent Male 13 12.9 12.9 12.9 Female 19 18.8 18.8 31.7 No Data 69 68.3 68.3 100 Total 101 100.0 100.0 Table 6.1 Chart of Sex Makeup of Yellow Jacket Excluding Individuals with Extreme Perimortem Processing

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111 Figure 6 .1 Makeup of Sex at Yellow Jacket Excluding the Extreme Perimortem Processed Individuals Including P erimortem Including the individuals from the Pueblo II period which have extreme perimortem trauma alters the sex ratio at the Yellow Jacket hamlets to a 50/ 50 ratio. A total of 131 individuals from the Pueblo II and Pueblo III periods were included in the analysis. The sex of 42 (32.1%) of the individuals cou ld be determined (See Table 6.2 ). There were 21 males, 21 females, and 89 indeterminate individuals at the Yello w Jacket hamlets (See Figure 6.2 ). A 50/50 sex ratio is the ratio that Divale and Harris (1976) expect to find in the archaeological record.

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112 Sex of All Individuals at Yellow Jacket Hamlets Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent Male 21 16.0 50 50 Female 21 16.0 50 100 Total 42 32.1 100 Missing: No Data 89 67.9 Total 131 100.0 Table 6.2 Chart of Sex Makeup of Yellow Jacket All Pueblo II and Pueblo III Individuals Figure 6.2 Number of Sexed Individuals at Yellow Jacket Hamlets All Pueblo II and Pueblo III Individuals Grave Goods The presence of grave goods, the type of grave goods, and the number of grave goods were recorded for all individuals in the Pueblo II and Pueblo II I periods. The number of grave goods associated with an individual was determined u sing data from both Yunker (2001 ) and Karhu (2000). Yunker had excluded individuals that were located in disturbed contexts. In this section the individual with extreme p erimortem modification were not included, and formal burials were the primary focus. A possible association of grave goods with an individual was included as associated

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113 with the individual. Almost all of the b urials from the Yellow Jacket hamlets include d grave goods (See Figure 2.5). There was only one male and two females that did not have grave goods associated with them out of the 31 individuals included in this analysis. Grave goods were present for 12 of the 13 males and 16 o f the 18 females (See F igure 6.3 ). Because the number of individuals without grave goods is so low, 2 cells had an expected value under 5 for the Chi Square test. A Fisher's Exact test was used to correct for the small sample size, the results were not significant (See Table 6 .3 ). From the Fisher's Exact test the two tailed significance is 1.0 and the one tailed significance is .624. This indicates that there was no distinction in the presence of grave goods based on the sex of the individual. Presence of Grave Good in Formal Burial at Yellow Jacket Hamlets Absent Present Total Sig. 2 Sided Sig. 1 Sided Male 1 12 13 Female 2 16 18 Total 3 28 31 Fisher's Exact 1.00 .642 Table 6.3 Presence of Grave Goods for Formal Burials in the Pueblo II and Pueblo III Periods

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114 Figure 6.3 Graph of Individuals with Grave Goods Present from Pueblo II and Pueblo III Periods Yunker (2001 ) listed the number of grave goods recovered with individuals from the Yellow Jacket hamlets was on average 1.88 (SD 2.03) for the Pueblo II period and 3.22 (SD 4.24) on average for the Pueblo III period. Males at the sites were most ly from the Pueblo III period: two w ere from the Pueblo II period, nine were f rom the Pueblo III period, and two could not be dated. Female burials were also most ly from the Pueblo III period: three we re from the Pueblo II period, 13 were f rom the Pueblo III period, and two were unable to be dated. The periods were not separated out based on Pueblo II and Pueblo III because of the small numbers. Among the individuals tha t were

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115 able to have sex determined at the Yellow Jacket hamlets, females had on average 8.26 grave goods (SD 22.573) and males had an average of 3.38 grave goods (SD 3.618) (See Table 6.4 ). Mean Number of Grave Goods at Yellow Jacket Hamlets Mean N Std. Deviation Male 3.38 13 3.618 Female 8.26 19 22.573 Total 6.28 32 17.517 Table 6.4 Mean Number of Grave Goods for Pueblo II and Pueblo III Formal Burials Health The health of individuals at the Yellow Jacket hamlets was analyzed by examining the presence of pathologies, dental pathologies, porotic hyperostosis and cranial modifications. For the analysis, one female was unable to be examined for health pathologies. Burial 3.3 24 was not included in this analysis. The remains were excavated in 19 61 and discarded in the field after being described as gracile. The University of Colorado Museum at Boulder did not locate any unprovenienced individuals matching the description in the museum's collections. Excluding the individuals with perimortem tra uma, 31 individuals were included in the analysis. There were 24 individuals (77%) that h ad a minimum of one pathology: nine males and 15 females had one or m ore pathologies (See Table 6.5 ). At the Yellow Jacket h amlets, 13 males were present, nine of whi ch have been identified as having pathologies (69%). Fifteen out of the 18 women (83%) included in this sample were identified as having pathologies. Due to the small number of individual s without a pathology, in the Chi Square test two cells had expecte d values under 5. Fisher's Exact Test was employed to account for the sm all sample size (See Table 6.5 ). The Fisher's Exact Test produced a two tailed significance value of .413 and a one sided significance value of .309. Neither of which reflect a stat istically significant p value at the .05 level.

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116 Pathologies Present at Yellow Jacket Considerate Burials No Pathologies Pathologies Total Sig. 2 Sided Sig. 1 Sided Male 4 9 13 Female 3 15 18 Total 7 24 31 Fisher's Exact .413 .309 Table 6.5 Individuals with Pathologies in Pueblo II and Pueblo III Considerate Burials When the individuals with extreme perimortem processing were included in the analysis all of the expected values for the Chi Square test were above 5. There were 41 individual s that were able to be included in this analysis. There were 20 females and 21 males that were included in this analysis (See Figure 2.12). A total of 11 individua ls had no pathologies present: eight males (38%) and three females (15%). Thirty individuals had at least one pathology present: 13 males (61%) and 17 females (85%). The Chi Square test using the measure of association had a significance of .095, a result which is not significant at the .05 level but the result was significant at the .1 level ( See Table 6.6 ), indicating that more females than males had skeletal pathologies at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. This may be reflective of some cultural activities that occurred at the site. Presence of Pathologies Among All Individuals at the Yellow Jacket Hamlets No Pathologies Pathologies Total Value Sig. 2 Sided Male 8 13 21 Female 3 17 20 Total 11 30 41 Pearson Chi Sq 2.783 .095 Table 6.6 Pathologies for All Pueblo II and Pueblo III Individuals Porotic hyperostosis was one of the more frequently occurring pathologies at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Out of the 42 individuals included in the sample, 28 had porotic hyperostosis pres ent, nine individuals did not have either healed or ac tive porotic hyperostosis, and five

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117 individuals did not have enough of the cranium pr eserved to make a determination. Of the 21 males in the sample: six individuals (35%) did not have any porotic hyperostosis, 11 (65%) had por otic hyperostosis present, and four could not be determined. Among the females porot ic hyperostosis is more prevalent. Only one female did not have enough of the cranium preserved to make an assessment of porotic hyperostosis. Three females (15%) did not have either healed or active porotic hyperostosis and 17 females (85%) had porotic hyperostosis present (See Table 6.7 ). Although the results demonstrate that more females than males had porotic hyperostosis present, the results of the Chi Square test were not significant. Due to the small number of individuals without porotic hyperostosis two cel ls had an expected value under five The expected value of the two cells was 4.14. A Fisher's Exact Test was employed which yielded a two tailed significance of .251 and a one tailed significance of .147. Neither the one tailed nor the two tailed p values were significant, and women were not more likely than men to have porotic hyperostosis. Porotic Hyperostosis at Yellow Jacket Absent Present Total Sig. 2 Sided Sig. 1 Sided Male 6 11 17 Female 3 17 20 Total 9 28 37 Fisher's Exact .251 .147 Table 6.7 Pr esence of Porotic Hyperostosis a mong Pueblo II and Pueblo III Individuals

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118 Figure 6.4 Bar Graph of Porotic Hyperostosis and Sex at the Yellow Jacket Hamlets Most of the cases of porotic hyperostosis found at Yellow Jacket were mild to moderate cases. There was only one moderate to severe case of porotic hyperostosis in an adult that could be sexed. Burial 3.3 03 was a male from the Pueblo III period that was between the ages of 20 and 45 at time of deat h. The poro tic hyperostosis present on 3.3 03's cranium was moderate to severe porotic hyperostosis with expanded diploe. He had additional pathologies including a femur which has moderate to severe inflammation along the linea aspera on the femur. On individual 3. 3 02 the porotic hyperostosis was present on the frontal, right parietal, and occipital. One unsexed individual from the Yellow Jacket hamlets had a severe case of porotic hyperostosis. Statistical analysis of the

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119 extent of porotic hyperostosis was not c o nducted because too many cells wo uld have expected values below five The results indicate that more females have mild to moderate cases of porotic hyperostos is than males (See Figure 6.5 ). Figure 6.5 Graph of Extent of Porotic Hyperostosis among Sexed Individuals in the Pueblo II and Pueblo III Periods Cranial modifications were prevalent at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Among all of the 42 individuals that w ere included in this analysis, seven individu als were not able to be included in this analysis due to lack o f preservat ion of the cranium: five males and two female s There were 16 males at the Yellow Jacket hamlets: 10 had no cradleboarding, a nd six had cradle boarding Females had 19 individua ls w ith adequate preservation: eight f emales had no cradleboarding, 11 had

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120 evidence of cradleboarding (See Figure 6.6 ). Although there were more females with cradleboarding than males, it was not a statistically significant difference. The Chi Square analysis yielded a significance of .229. Presence of Cradleboarding at Yellow Jacket All Individual Absent Present Total Sig. 2 Sided Sig 1 Sided Male 10 6 16 Female 8 11 19 Total 18 17 35 Fisher's Exact .315 .194 Table 6.8 Cradleboarding a mong All Individuals at Yellow Jacket Hamlets Figure 6.6 Cranial Modification all Pueblo II and Pueblo III Individuals

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121 Trauma Trauma at the Yellow Jacket hamlets was fairly infrequent not including the individuals with perimortem trauma Out of the 101 individuals at the Yellow Jacket hamlets, six individuals (6 %) had either healed or unhealed trauma. There were 83 individuals (82 %) that did not have any trauma and 13 (12%) that were not preserved well enough to make a determination of trauma. Due to t he low number of individuals with trauma, no Chi Squared analysis was cond ucted. However, this study indicates that six individuals had trauma. T wo male s and one female had sk eletal evidence of trauma. This differs from the trauma listed by Karhu (2000) because one of adult males was identified as possibly male and individuals that were identified as possibly male or possibly female were identified as male or female for this analysis. Karhu (2000) did not include a female individual with possible verte bral trauma among the individuals with trauma, although the trauma was likely accidental it was included as trauma in this analysis. Three other individuals that were unable to have sex determined also had skeletal evidence of trauma. Trauma Among Consider ate Burials at Yellow Jacket Hamlets Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent No Trauma 8 2 8 1.2 8 1.2 8 1.2 Trauma 6 5. 9 5. 9 87.1 No Data 13 12.9 12.9 100.0 Total 101 100.0 100.0 Table 6.9 Chart of Individuals w ith Trauma Extreme Perimortem Processing not included

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122 Figure 6.7 Graph of Trauma at Yellow Jacket Hamlets Trauma at the Yellow Jacket hamlets when the individuals with perimortem processing are included in the statistical analysis, yield the only significant value of .05. Th ere are 41 individuals that I was able to include in this analysis. Burial 3.3 24 was not included in this analysis due to the skeleton being discarded in the field. There were a total of 12 sexed individuals that had t rauma: nine males and three fem ales. More males had some type of trauma than females at the Yellow Jacket hamlets (See Table 6.10 ). Based on previous analyses of captives, this is the opposite trend of what would be expected if captive females were present at Yellow Jacket (Cameron 20 11, 2013; Martin 2008).

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123 The only significant result from this analysis was the Chi Square test for trauma and sex at the Yellow Jacket hamlets when the individuals with extreme perimortem processing were included in the analysis. The results of the Chi Sq uare test were significant at the .05 level measure of association The expected values in all of the ce lls in this analysis were over five and the use of Fisher's Exact Test did not need to be taken into consideration when addressing significance (See Ta ble 6.10 ). The results indicate that males at the Yellow Jacket hamlets were more likely than females at Yellow Jacket to experience interpersonal violence, which will be further addressed in the Discussion section of this analysis. Trauma All Individuals at Yellow Jacket Hamlets No Trauma Trauma Total Value Sig. 2 Sided Male 12 9 21 Female 17 3 20 Total 29 12 41 Pearson Chi Square 3.840 .05 Table 6.10 Trauma among All Individuals at Yellow Jacket Hamlets Chi Square Analysis

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124 Figure 6.8 Graph of All Pueblo II and Pueblo III Individuals with Traum a Discussion There were six individuals that had skeletal indicators of trauma that were not among the individuals that experienced extreme perimortem processing. There was one individual (Buria l 1S 06) from the Basketmaker III period that had trauma but was not included in the discussion section because individuals in the Pueblo II and Pueblo III occupation periods were the focus of the examination in this study. A female individual from the Pu eblo II period suffered a possible blow to the arm (Swedlund 1969) ; it was not included in Karhu (2000) and is not included in this analysis. The individuals with trauma were: Burials 1P1 04, 1P1 05, 1P1 11, 3.2 03, 3.3 05, and 3.3 10b. Each individual w ith trauma is discussed in terms of their overall treatment. This includes pathologies,

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125 grave goods, and the type of trauma found on each individual based on Karhu (2000)'s finding from the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Antemortem Trauma among Considerate Burial s Burial Number Site Recovered Mortuary Context Period Age Sex Location of Trauma Grave Goods 1P1 04 5MT1 Porter Disturbed Burial ? Adult Unknown Cranial No 1P1 05 5MT1 Porter Kiva Floor PIII 8 10 yrs Unknown Cranial Yes 1P1 11 5MT1 Porter Floor Pit Structure PII 40 45 yrs Male Cranial Yes 3.2 03 5MT3 Floor Mealing Room PIII 40 49 yrs Female Vertebrae Yes 3.3 05 5MT3 Subfloor Pit PIII 5 7 yrs Unknown Cranial Yes 3.3 10b 5MT3 Storage Pit PIII 45 49 yrs Male Cranial Yes Table 6.11 All Individuals with Antemortem Trauma Five out of the six individuals that had antemort em trauma had cranial trauma, 83 percent of the non lethal trauma at the Yellow Jacket hamlets was head wounds. One individual experienced vertebral trauma, which was possibly the res ult of a fall. The female is the only individual with trauma to not have cranial trauma present. Cranial trauma was evenly distributed between the front of the head and the back of the head. Each cranial trauma was either healed or partially healed at the time of death. The one exception to this is individual 1P1 05, the size or presence of healing could not be determined on the individual because of a preservative that was applied to the o utside of the skull (Karhu 2000). The cranial lesion was listed as being small and difficult to discern on the skull, which may indicate that it was not likely to be the cause of death of the individual. On ly one individual had multiple cranial lesions, 3.3 05 a child between 5 and 7 years old at time of death This pattern of cranial trauma is distinctly different from the patterns of cranial trauma found at the La Plata site (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001). Table 6.12 provides an overview o f individuals with cranial trauma.

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126 Antemortem Cranial Trauma at Yellow Jacket Hamlets Burial Number Trauma Location Dimensions Healing 1P 1 04 Frontal 20 mm x 10 mm Partially healed 1P 1 05 Occipital Small measurement not taken Unknown 1P1 11 Frontal 10cm diameter Healed 3.3 05 Occipital and Parietal >5mm diameter Healed 3.3 10b Lambdoid Suture 24 mm diameter Partially healed Figure 6.12 Antemortem Cranial Trauma among Considerate Burials Individuals with Trauma 1P 1 04 Individual 1P 04 was an adult of undetermined sex. The remains were poorly preserved and were recovered in a disturbed context and the period the individual lived was unable to be determined. The only skeletal elements that were preserved were: four cranial fragments, a metatarsal, a nd a fibula shaft. According to records the individual was disturbed due to plowing activity that occurred. The trauma that the individual experienced was a possible traumatic lesion on the cranium of the individual. The lesion was located on the fronta l of the individual and was only partially healed at the time of the individual's death. The trauma measures approximately 20mm x 10 mm and was slightly above the right eye orbit. The individual had no grave goods associated with them, though due to the context t he burial was recovered from it i s possible that the grave goods had been separated from the individual (Karhu 2000) 1P 1 05 Individual 1P 1 05 was a child between the ages of 8 and 10 years at time of death which was dated to the late Pueblo III period. Due to the age of the individual, sex is not able to be determined. Preservation of the individual was good overall, but remains were fragm entary. The

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127 individual had a traumatic lesion on the right occipital near the nuclear crest. Preservative had filled in the lesion and positive identification was not possible (Karhu 2000). The individual had two funerary objects interred with the m at t he time of death: a fur or feather blanket and a small corrugated jar. The blanket did not preserve, but did leave imprints in the surrounding soil (Karhu 2000) 1P 1 11 1P 1 11 was a possible male between the ages of 40 45 years old at time of death from t he Pueblo II period. The right parietal of 1P 1 11 has a 10 cm healed lesion, slightly above the temporal. The individual's cranium also exhibits a 4 mm boney growth on the mid frontal and the individual was cradleboarded. The i ndividual also had mild in active porotic hyperostosis on both the f rontal and parietal. Arthritis also was present on the individual. Both his lower lumbar vertebrae and the sacrum had extensive arthritis. The glenoid fossa and odontiod process exhibited some arthritic lipping. The right distal humerus had a curvature at the distal end that may have been congenital or potent ially post depositional. He also had antemortem tooth loss of both the left and right premolars. The man was buried with two ceramics for grave goods. Fir st was a large, deep Mancos black and white bowl, and second was a Mancos black and white dipper bowl (Karhu 2000) 3.2 03 Individual 3.2 03 is from the Early Pueblo III period. The individual was possibly female and was between 40 and 49 years of age at time of death. 3.2 03 had four thoracic vertebrae fused together. The centra of the vertebrae have anterior kyphosis and Schmorl's nodes visible, and between two of the fused vertebrae there is a rounded boney extension that protrudes along 3 cm of the l eft anterior edge of the centra. This boney extension is indicative of trauma, such as a

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128 dislocated vertebra Individual 3.2 03 had several pathologies including: porotic hyperostosis with expanded diploe on the parietal and frontal bosses, cradleboading and osteoarthritis. 3.2 03 had moderate osteophytic development on the left scapula and humeral head. O steophytic activity was also present in both the thoracic and lumbar vertebrae. Individual 3.2 03 had severa l maxillary fragments present. F rom the fragments Karhu (2000) was able to determine antemortem tooth loss and a linear enamel hypoplasia. There were numerous grave goods associated with 3.2 03. Grave goods identified with 3.2 03 include McElmo black on white pottery, flakes, manos, and yello w ochre (Karhu 2000) 3.3. 05 Individual 3.3 05 was a child from the Pueblo III period. The child was between 5 and 7 years of age at time of death. The child was buried in the subfloor of a Pueblo III masonry room and placed in the upper fill of a Pueblo II room. 3.3 05 was buried wrapped in a juniper bark mat and a large spherical Mesa Verde bowl was placed near the child's head. None of the juniper mat was able to be recovered Preservation of 3.3 05 was poor and the left parietal had evidence o f trowel damage (Karhu 2000). The child 3.3 05 had occipital flattening, indicating the presence of cradleboarding. Individual 3.3 05 had mild active porotic hyperostosis that was present above the orbits of the eyes, and both the left and right parietals had expanded diploe (Karhu 2000). The occipital o f 3.3 05 had a small lesion that was less than 5 mm in diameter. There were eight additional smaller lesions on the right parietal. All of the cranial lesions were healed at the time of death of the indi vidual (Karhu 2000) Individual 3.3 05 is the only individual that has evidence of more than one trauma. Although, the individual was targeted multiple times as the victim of abuse the individual was buried in a manner similar to the other individuals a t the Yellow Jacket hamlets. There was no co

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129 occurring cranial and post cranial trauma. The individual had porotic hyperostosis which was common at the Yellow Jacket hamlets but the individual did not have additional skeletal or dental pathologies. This trauma has an alternat ive potential explanation; child abuse It fits with the pattern of skeletal trauma and burial practice identified by Arkush and Tung (2013) as child abuse. 3.3 10b Individual 3.3 10b was a multiple interment of three individu als from the Pueblo III period. Individual 3.3 10b was interred with 3.3 10a and 3.3 10c. Individual 3.3 10a was an infant, 3.3 10c was an older adolescent, and 3.3 10b was an adult male. The adult male was the only individual of the three interred toge ther to have visible trauma. Most of the burials at the Yellow Jacket h amlets are single internments. B ecause multiple internments are uncommon at the Yellow Jacket hamlets, the other two individuals associated with 3.3 10b are included in the discussion of the burial. The individuals were buried in a bell shaped storage pit connected to a kiva, likely with reed matting or burned textile under their bodies and the pit was filled with a trashy reddish brown clay. The tunnel to the kiva was sealed following the burial, but the storage cist above the burial remained in use. There were a total of 12 grave goods buried with the three individuals. The grave goods associated with the three individua ls were pottery and manos and me tates. Near the heads of the m ale and the infant was an early McElmo Black on white bowl and large Black on white sherd. The adolescent had a large Mesa Verde Black on white bowl and a large corrugated sherd. Als o associated with the burial were five manos, one large metate, and a Me sa Verde mug with a missing handle. Whether there was a clear association between these artifacts and one of the three individuals is unclear (Karhu 2000)

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130 3.3 10a was an infant between 1.5 and 2.5 years of age at time of death. The infant was poorly pre served and very fragmentary. Several cranial fragments were present, which had act ive porotic hyperostosis The porotic hyperostosis was moderate and present on the parietal bosses and the squamous portion of the occipital (Karhu 2000) Individual 3.3 10 b was an adult male between the ages of 40 to 49 at time of death. The remains were in fair condition, but were highly fragmented. 3.3 10b was the only individual buried in the multiple internments that had visible signs of trauma. 3.3 10b had cranial t rauma with a blunt traumatic lesion measuring about 25mm along the lambdoid suture. The lamb d oid suture is the suture between the parietal and occipital. The traumatic lesion was in the process of healing at time of death. Individual 3.3 10b exhibited m ultiple skeletal pathologies. The cranium had evidence of cradle boarding which was slightly asymmetrical. 3.3 10b had signs of osteophytosis in the right temporomandibular joint (TMJ) and the mandibular condyle was degenerating. The dentition exhibits dental calculus and enamel hypoplasias. Two of the thoracic vertebrae on 3.3 10b were fused together and the lumbar vertebrae had some osteophytosis present. Indications of a general infection are present based on a thickening of 3.3 10b's tibia shafts ( Karhu 2000) The individual 3.3 10c was between 16 and 18 years of age at time of death. Due to poor preservation of the pelvis the sex of the individual was not able to be confidently determined, but Karhu (2000) makes a note that the individual had a sm all mastoid process that may indicate female. Swedlund (1969) included the individual as female in his analysis of burials at Yellow Jacket, however because the data used for this project was from Karhu (2000), the sex of the individual was listed as unde termined (Karhu 2000) Individual 3.3 10c had several pathologies but no trauma present. Individual 3.3 10c's remains were highly fragmentary. 3.3 10c also had a slightly asymmetrical cradle boarding. Mild

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131 active porotic hyperostosis was present on both the left eye orbit and the parietal boss. The individual also had occlusal caries on both M2 molars. Enamel hypoplasias were visible on both the mandibular and maxillary dentition (Karhu 2000) Individuals with Perimortem Trauma Both of the excavated hamlets at Yellow Jacket Pueblo had a group of individuals that had extreme perimortem processing. The extreme perimortem processing at the Yellow Jacket hamlets dated to the Pueblo II period (Kuckelman et al. 2000). Information about the remains that ex perienced extreme perimortem modification is from Karhu (2000) and Malville (1989). Information about the individuals with extreme perimortem processing is divided into two by the hamlet that the individuals were excavated from: 5MT1 and 5MT3. 5MT1 At the 5MT1 Yellow Jacket hamlet there were a minimum of four individual with extreme perimortem processing. The individuals were located in a bell shaped storage pit in a 20 cm thick layer of ash and charcoal. Intermixed in the layer of ash was animal bone, a bifacially flaked stone knife, hammerstones, bone awls, fleshers, pot sherds and debris. The remains of one male adolescent and three children were found comingled in this layer (Malville 1989). The individuals with extreme perimortem damage at 5MT1 are : PM 1P2 01a d. PM 1P2 01a Individual PM 1P2 01a was a probable male between 17 to 18 years old at time of death. The remains were badly fragmented fro m damage incurred perimortem. The c ranium had several depression fractures and cutmarks, and a section is missing from the midsagittal region (Karhu 2000). The section broken from PM 1P2 01a's skull was approximately 8 cm by 12 cm in length and

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132 was comprised of portions of the frontal and both parietals. Cutmarks show two paths were used for skinning the individual (Malville 1989). Long bones are splintered with the exception of the right humerus and a tibial shaft fragment, but few long bone fragm ents were found for individual a The scapula, sacrum, innominates, most vertebrae, and right foot bones wer e not damaged by perimortem processing. The dentition of PM 1P2 01a was only partial. Individual PM 1P2 01a had dental enamel hypoplasias visible on both the maxillary and mandibular canines, and the individual was likely cradleboarded though post mortem deposition conditions make a positive identification more difficult (Karhu 2000). PM 1P2 01b Individual PM 1P2 01b was a child of approximately 10 years at time of death, like individual a the remains were in good condition but were fragmentary. The cra nium was in good condition, with the exception of a 5 cm by 6 cm fragment which had been removed from the left parietal and temporal. There are no cutmarks that could be positively identified on the cranium for skin removal, but two faint striations were visible anterior and posterior to the removed portion of the skull and there were several cutmarks located on the post cranial remains of the individual (Karhu 2000; Malville 198 9). The postcranial is over 75 percent complete, but highly fragmentary. All of the leg bones were present, but several were split longitudinally. Cradleboarding is visible from the individual's occipital bone and left parietal. Dental enamel hypoplasias are present on both the mandibular and maxillar y adult dentition. Individua l b's dentition was less that 75 percent complete, and includes both permanent and deciduous teeth (Karhu 2000).

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133 PM 1P2 01c Individual PM 1P2 01c was a child between the ages of 4 and 5 years old at time of death. The base of the skull and the left maxill a had been broken out and were missi ng. The cranium of individual c exhibits cutmarks as does the mandible. The cutmarks run along the sagittal plane from the frontal toward the occipital. Cutmarks are present on both sides of the skull. This pattern of cu tmarks is common when the scalp is being peeled back, rather than attempting to keep the scalp in one piece (Malville 1989). There are several incision marks on the temporal bone and the frontal has striations above the left orbit. Cradleboar ding wa s present on individual c The post cranium of individual c was very incomplete, mostly consisting of highly fragmented long bones. The long bones on indi vidual c were more fragmentary than any of the other individuals at 5MT1. The dentition was largely incomplete, but what was present contained both deciduous and permanent teeth. No pathologies were observed on this individual (Karhu 2000; Malville 1989). PM 1P2 01d Individual PM 1P2 01d was an 8 to 9 year old chi ld. The remains of individual d were ver y fragmentary. The cranium of d was broken into over 40 separate fragments and much of the face and right side of the skull were missing. One of the frontal fra gments appears to have been burned. Individual d has cutmarks along the sagittal suture and others which run lateral on the frontal bone The parietals as well as the occipital also exhibited cutmar ks. The cranium of individual d had evidence of cradleb oarding as well as porotic hyperostosis. The long bones of individual d were splintered. The dentition includes both permanent and deciduous teeth. There were several de ntal pathologies on Individual d The individual had dental enamel hypoplasias on t he upper incisors and caries in the deciduous maxilla and there was an associated abscess on the left side of the maxilla (Karhu 2000).

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134 5MT3 At Yellow Jacket hamlet 5MT3 there was a minimum number of 15 individuals that had extreme perimortem processing. One group of 10 individuals was recovered from the lowest levels of a kiva and had almost complete disarticulation of the individual s with the exception of several clusters of hand and foot bones. The 10 individuals were found on the floor of the kiva, in the fire pit, in the ash fill pit, and on the ventilator surface of the kiva. Based on the concentration of the bone, it is likely that the 10 individual s were interred in a single depositional even t at or shortly after the abandonment of the kiva (Malvi lle 1989). There w ere six adults and four juveniles in the mass inhumation. Only three out of the six adults could have sex determined for them. Two individuals were male and one was a female. Sex was determined based on the robustness of the bone, the denseness of the cortical bone and the ruggedness of the muscle attachments. The female was identified by the gracile bone size. The four juvenile individuals at time of death were ident ified as being: 18 months old, two years, four to five years old, an d eight to ten years old (Malville 1989). There were several similarities in the pattern of perimortem trauma between the two hamlets, but the main difference between the two mass inhumations is the degree of fragmentation that occurred on the remains from Yellow Jacket hamlet 5MT3. Remains were extremely fragmented, with the exception of a few clusters of hand and foot bones. Cutmarks were more common at Yellow Jacket hamlet 5MT1 where as percussion marks are more common at 5MT3 (Malville 1989). Unlike Yellow Jacket hamlet 5MT1, hamlet 5MT3 has several individuals with extreme perimortem modification that were interned individually in middens at different points during the Pueblo II and Pueblo III periods of occupation.

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135 PM 3.1 01a j The remains from Yell ow Jacket hamlet 5MT3 were more fragmentary and were not able to be broken down easily by individual. Karhu (2000) recorded all of the trauma, burial context, and skeletal pathologies together for PM 3.1 01a j. Other than the clusters of hand a nd foot bo nes mentioned above, the only undamaged bone in the assemblage is a single mandible. There are over 1500 bone fragments in the assemblage, 11 percent of the fragments exhibit characteristics of exposure to fire. Skeletal pathologies observed were mild to moderate porotic hyperostosis, an ossified thyroid, and dental pathologies. Dental pathologies were found in both permanent and deciduous teeth and include enamel hypoplasias, antemortem tooth loss, alveolar resorption, and caries. Artifacts associat ed with the individuals included awls, hammerstones, groundstone, stone bifaces, bone tools such as polished bone, two corrugated cooking vessels, a ladle, ceramic vessels, a sandal, a ground sherd, a gaming piece, beads. Potential ly associated artifacts in clude a matate, a bone needle, and raw jet (Karhu 2000). Scattered Remains In addition to the 10 individuals that were found in a mass inhumation at the Yellow Jacket hamlets there were isolated skeletal elements with characteristics of extreme perimortem processing that were found in other locations at 5MT3. Unlike the multiple interments at both of the Yellow Jacket hamlets, these remains were not well documented by researchers. Karhu (2000) documented 16 individuals with perimortem processing found at Yellow Jacket hamlet 5MT3 that were not found in a multiple interment context. The remains were primarily located in middens and were found intermingled with stone tools and faunal elements.

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136 The sex of the majority of the individuals recovered from this context was unable to be identified. Individual PM 3.2 04a was identified as a possible male due to bone size and a large mastoid. Individual PM 3.2 05, PM 3.3 01, PM 3.3 03, and PM 3.3 05 were identified as being possible males due to bone size and robu stness. Individual PM 3.3 02 was identified as a possible female due to the feminine mastoid. Due to the incomplete and fragmentary nature of the individuals found in this context only a few skeletal pathologies were distinguished. Porotic hyperostosis, bone spurs, osteoarthritis, and dental pathologies were found on the individuals. Porotic hyperostosis was found on individuals PM 3.1 05, PM 3.2 01, PM 3.2 01a, and PM 3.3 02. Osteitis, an inflammation of the bone, was present on the left radial fragmen t of individual PM 3.3 01. A possible bone spur was present on the calcaneus of individual PM 3.3 03. PM 3.1 05 had lost the maxillary molars antemortem and had a possible abscess on the right first premolar. PM 3.2 02 lost the right second mandibular m olar antemortem. An enamel hypoplasia was present on individual PM 3.3 01 (Karhu 2000). Criteria Revisited In the introduction of this thesis I established seven criteria to examine in order to evaluate the presence of captives in the archaeological record. Of the seven criteria, on ly two of the seven were partially met. Although not all of the criteria were necessary to make the determination that captives were present at the Yellow Jacket hamlets, the two criteria that were partially met were not sufficient criterion to make an argument for the presence of captives at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. The criterion that females would have more pathologies than male was partially met, as was the crite ria that there was evidence of interpersonal violence a t the Yellow Jacket hamlets Each criterion is discussed in relation to the results of this coalition of data.

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137 1) Sex ratios at the Yellow Jacket hamlets should be skewed towards a female bias. If captives are primarily women and children an influx of wo men into the community would be reflected in the sex ratio at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. There was a 50/50 ratio of males and females when all sexed individuals at both hamlets were examined. By removing the individuals with perimortem trauma the sex rati o was biased slightly towards fema les with a 60/40 ratio. This may be evidence that more males experienced violent death away from the hamlets The even sex ratio when all individuals were anal yzed does not imply an influx of non local women into the Yel low Jacket hamlets. 2) Evide nce of interpersonal violence should be present in the archaeological record. Cranial trauma and defensive fractures in the mortuary assemblage at the Yellow Jacket hamlets would suggest a group of marginalized individuals were present. Captives enter a host society in a marginalized position which often leaves them subject to interpersonal violence. Extreme perimortem processing a nd evidence of violent death would be stronger indicators of warfare at Yellow Jacket than captiv es. There was some evidence of some non lethal interpersonal violence at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Five percent of considerate burial had some evid ence of trauma. There were five individuals with cranial trauma and one with vertebral trauma. One of th e individuals had multiple cranial fractures which would provide str onger evidence of violent injury and marginalization of a group but the individual was a child and buried in a manner similar to other individuals at the Yellow Jacket hamlets All crani al traumas on the child were healed and there was no post cranial trauma. The individual did have active porotic hyperostosis present at time of death, which would suggest marginalization. However, there are other explanations to account for the trauma

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138 e xperience by the child, such as child abuse. The vertebral trauma is potentially the result of an accidental fall. 3) Were the individuals that experienced antemortem trauma more likely to be women? If the individuals that were victims of interpersonal v iolenc e were mostly female it would suggest that women were in a subordinate class at Yellow Jacket. Men were more likely to have evidence of trauma than females. When all individuals from the Yellow Jacket hamlets were included in the analysis, men were statistically more likely to have trauma than females. When the individuals with extreme perimortem processing were excluded from the analysis, there were still more men with trauma than women. One woman and two men experience some form of antemortem tra uma. The only individual that had trauma in a location other than the skull was the one female that had evidence of vertebral trauma in the form of dislocated vertebrae. This trauma cannot be attributed to violent injury; it could have been the resu lt of an accidental injury. Three of the individuals with trauma were unable to be sexed; one due to preservation and the other two were child ren at time of death. The two males have cranial trauma. None of the individuals had co occurring cranial and post c ranial injury as was seen in the La Plata individuals (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001). One individual had multiple head traumas. Individual 3.3 05 had multiple small cranial depressions, but the individual was given a considerate burial with g rave goods and did not have numerous skeletal pathologies indicative of captive status 3.3 05 was targeted multiple times as the victim of violence, which potentially was the result of child abuse though a motive for the singling out of an individual is difficult to determine (Kuckelman et al. 2002).

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139 4) Women have more pathologies present than men at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. If women and children were taken as captives they would have less access to resources and may have more skeletal pathologies such as evidence of nutritional stress than local individuals. Women had more pathologies than males. This result was significant at the .1 level, but not at the .05 level. Women may have been more likely to have pathologies than males. However, there are s everal cultural phenomena that would account for this difference, and without multiple lines of evidence suggesting a difference between a few individuals and the majority of the individuals at the Yellow Jacket hamlets it is not strong evidence for the pr esence of captives at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. 5) Differential cranial modifications between males and females should be evident Cradleboarding was common in the Northern San Juan region (Kuckelman et al 2000). Differences in the sex of the individua ls with cranial modifications can be an indication of the presence of non local individuals at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. However, because this practice was common in the Northern San Juan region it may not be the most reliable measure of captives in the archaeological record. It is worth evaluating because if a difference in cranial modification between males and females is present in conjunction with additional indicators of captives, then it may be evidence of the presence of captives. A greater number of women had evidence of cradleboarding when compared to the males from the Yellow Jacket hamlets. These results were not statistically significant at either the .1 or .05 level. Th e null hypothesis that women and men were equally likely to have cradleb oa rding cannot be rejected. 6) Grave goods should differ between men and women. The number and type of grave goods between locals and captive individuals would differ. Captive individuals enter a society at the

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140 lowest societal level. Captives that rema in in a marginalized state will have fewer grave goods than local individuals. However, if captives have the ability to gain status in a host society this distinction may not be present. On average women had more grave goods than men and nearly all indivi duals at the Yellow Jacket hamlets were buried with grave goods. All but one of the individuals with antemortem trauma was buried with grave goods. The one individual that was not found with grave goods was found in a disturbed context as a result of plo wing activity. This could potentially explain the lack of grave goods associated with this individual. This is distinct from the La Plata burials where none of the women were buried with grave goods, nor were they considerately buried. 7) Individual and population analysis of the individuals at the site can indicate captives Sex and pathologies, trauma, and grave goods can be used to identify captives at both the population level as well as the individual level. Statistical analyses are used to identif y if women were statistically more likely to have trauma, pathologies, or grave goods. This identifies enigmas that may be indicative of captives at a population level, while an analysis of the individuals with trauma provides a life history of the indivi dual. An in depth analysis of the life history of the individuals with trauma is conducted to examine pathologies, trauma, and grave goods at an individual level. Examining each of the individuals that experienced antemortem trauma did not produce pattern s that would be indicative of captives at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Most of the individual were buried with grave goods in a considerate fashion. One male with antemortem trauma was buried in a multiple internment with two other individuals, which was u nusual for the Yellow Jacket hamlets. This is does not fit with a pattern that would be indicative of captives at the Yellow Jacket hamlets, because neither of the other two individuals had trauma and they were all buried in a considerate manner with grav e goods.

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141 None of the individual s at the Yellow Jacket hamlets had co occurring cranial and post cranial trauma. Only one individual had multiple cranial traumas. Individuals from the La Plata had multiple cranial traumas, and most had co occurring crania l and post cranial trauma. Multiple individuals at Castle Rock Pueblo and La Plata were singled out as targets of repeated violence. All traumas from the formal burials at the Yellow Jacket hamlets exhibited some healing. More males than females had evidence of antemortem trauma, distinctly different than the trauma found on the La Plata individuals. The patterns of trauma and mortu ary treatment do not match what would be expected at a site where captives were present.

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142 CHAPTER VII ANALYSIS AND FUTURE RESEARCH Analysis The practice of taking captives in the prehistoric American Southwest has been documented at different times and locations throughout the Southwest (Cameron 2011, 2013; Lowell 2007; Martin and Akins 2001; Martin 1997, 2008). The practice of taking captives was less common in the Northern San Juan region with several except ions such as La Plata Sand Canyon, and Cas tle Rock Pueblo (Kuckelman et al 2000). Based on an analysis of the sex ratios, trauma, grave goods, and pathologies, the Yellow Jacket hamlets seem to fit with the Northern San Juan pattern of not taking captiv es. During the early part of the Pueblo II period there is evidence of warfare and violent death at the Yellow Jacket hamlets, and there were several individuals from later periods that experienced violent death. E vidence of non lethal interpersonal violence at the Yellow Jacket hamlets was limite d Rather the evidence from Yellow Jacket indicates that life at the Yellow Jacket hamlets was difficult but individuals most likely were not brought to the hamlets as captives. The results of this collation of data refute that captives were held at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Evidence of trauma, pathologies, cranial modification, and grave goods indicate that the individuals with trauma buried at the Yellow Jacket hamlets did not belong to a subordinat e subc lass or that a group of individual s underwent a period of violent indoctrination into the host society before becoming full members of the society. Antemortem violence is a better indicator of chronic interpersonal violence such as domestic abuse and inte ntional injury to a marginalized subclass of indiv iduals and is mostly absent at the Yellow Jacket hamlets (Martin 1997). Rather, e vidence of violent death was the most common type of trauma found at th e Yellow Jacket hamlets

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143 Although human remains at Ye llow Jacket were poorly preserved and had been subjected to extensive pot hunting very few of the burials included evidence of antemor tem trauma. Only six out of 10 1 considerate burials or six percent of individuals had evidence of antemortem trauma. Ou t of the six i ndividuals with trauma, three could ha ve sex determined for them. Two male s and one female had evidence of trauma. Head trauma was the most common form of trauma at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Cranial trauma was present in five out of the s ix individuals at the Yellow Jacket hamlets with visible trauma. The female individual was the only individual with antemortem trau ma to not have cranial trauma. Individuals with cranial trauma typically had one traumatic lesion rather than multiple trau matic lesions an d the sex ratio was equal. Only one individual had multiple traumatic lesions, all of which were small and completely healed at time of death Without other individuals or other indications of captivity such as a less considerate burial, alternative explanations such as child abuse cannot be ruled out. Five out of the six individuals had grave goods associated with them. The one individual that did not have grave goods associated with them was 1P 1 04. This individual was found in a dist urbed context due to plowing activity that occurred, which may not be an indication of lack of grave goods at time of burial but the disturbed context of the individual. When the individuals with extreme perimortem processing are included in the analysis, a statistically significant correlation emerges between sex and trauma. Males were significantly more likely to have trauma than females. The patterns of trauma found among the individuals with extreme perimortem processing is not consistent with the typ es o f trauma associated with captives This may be an indication of cannibalism or purging of witches or small scale raiding but this is not consistent with patterns that would be found in a marginalized subclass of individuals.

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144 Sex ratios at were close to equal at the Yellow Jacket hamlets When the remains with extreme perimortem modification were excluded from the analysis, there were a greater number of females than males at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. But when the remains with perimortem modificatio n were included in the analysis there was the same number of males and females. An imbalance in the sex ratio is potentially an indication of an influx of non local individual s. A n equal sex ratio at the Yellow Jacket hamlets does not indicate the activity occurred (Divale and Harris 1976; Kramer 2002). In the Northern San Juan region Kramer (2002) found a higher number of males than females, with 95 females and 107 males in her study. Kramer (2002) incorporated a greater per iod of time and found fluctuations in the sex ratio over time, but seems to be in line with the assessment that captives were less likely to be taken in the Northern San Jua n region (Kuckelman et al 2000). However, there are se veral sites in the Northern San Juan region where captives are present, including Sand Canyon in southwestern Colorado (Haas and Creamer 1996) and La Plata in New Mexico (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001). This suggests a different cultural dynamic may have been present at the Yellow Jacket hamlets which prevented the capture of non local individuals. Pathological evidence also provides little evidence to support the presence of captives at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. There were no statistically significant differences betwe en males and females and the presence of pathologies. A greater number of females than males had both pathologies and porotic hyperostosis. Because there is not a significant degree of difference and the null hypothesis cannot be rejected, pathological e vidence cannot be used to indicate there was a disparity between the sexes. Pathological evidence does not support the presence of a captive subclass.

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145 The only form of cranial modification present at the Yellow Jacket hamlets was cradleboarding. Cradlebo arding was a fairly common practice throughout the Northern San Juan region (Kuckelman et al 2002). A difference in the prevalence of cradleboarding between males and females could have been an indication of outside individuals that migrated into the regi on either through force or on their own accord. There were a greater number of women than men that had cradleboarding present, however, it was not a statically significant difference and does not support the presence of outside individuals migrating into the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Nearly all of the formal burials at the Yellow Jacket hamlets have grave goods associated with them. The average number of grave goods associated with females was slightly greater than males and there were so few individuals wit hout grave goods associated with them that a Fisher's Exact test was utilized because the expected value in the cells of individuals without grave goods was so low. There were no distinctions between the presence and types of grave goods and the individua ls with antemortem trauma at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Grave goods provide little evidence to suggest that a subordinate subclass of captives was present at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. There are several potential explanations to account for the patterns s een in the archaeological record at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. First, captives were not taken at Yellow Jacket for either cultural or economic reasons. Second, captives were held at Yellow Jacket Pueblo and were not at the outlying hamlets. Third, capti ves were present at the Yellow Jacket hamlets but were fully incorporated into the host society and were not able to be distinguished archaeologically. Though any of these explanations is possible, the first two seem to be more probable. Further investig ation into these three possibilities is recommended for future research.

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146 In societies where captives were present but fully incorporated into the host society there are a couple of lines of evidence that have been used by researchers to disti nguish captive s. These include examining changes in technique of artifact manufacture and decoration and osteological indicators (Cameron 2011; Wilkinson and Van Wagenen 1993). The osteological indicators have been addressed previously in this research. Unless captiv es did not undergo a period of violent initiation into the host society, there was little indication of captives at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Changes to modes of production of goods typically manufactured by women in the Southwest is a potential avenue f or future research addressing whether nonnative women were incorporated into the Yellow Jacket community. Pottery has been used as one method for examining the presence of non local women in a community (Cameron 2011). Potential for Future Research There are several avenues for potential future research based on the results of this analysis. Some potential avenu es for future research includes identification of potential social or economic factors that may have made captives less desirable at the Yellow Ja cket hamlets, additional research at Yellow Jacket Pueblo, using manufacturing techniques in goods typically associated with female production at Yellow Jacket, additional research on sites near Yellow Jacket, and a study into sex ratios of individuals in the Mesa Verde region. Manufacturing and decorating techniques of goods traditionally made by women at the Yellow Jacket hamlets could be conducted to determine if changes to manufacturing techniques could indicate the presence of non local women at the Ye llow Jacket hamlets Manufactured goods that are typically associated with women have been used to examine the possibility of non local women at an archaeological site (Junker 2008). Women from outside the host community will have a preconceived notion o f how to produce particular goods that may differ from the methods used

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147 by local women. Abrupt changes to a manufacturing technique can imply the presence of captives at a site. This research could be conducted on artifacts intended for everyday use. Artifacts that were not repatriated can be used to conduct this analysis. However, because this research does rely on multiple lines of evidence at an archaeological site, the res earch could indicate the presence of non local women would most likely be individuals that migrated to the site for other reasons than forced migration. Kuckelman and colleagues (2000) noted that the practice of taking captives in the Northern San Juan reg ion was less common than it was in other portions of the Southwest. However, the La Plata Valley site is in the Northern San Juan region has well documented cases of captives from a nearly contemporaneous time (Martin 1997, 2008; Martin and Akins 2001). This suggests that the practice of taking captives was not taboo in the region. Cultural motivations for the absence of captives at the Yellow Jacket hamlets may be difficult to access archaeological ly Economic motivators, such as examining the agricult ural production capability for the site may yield some potential economic motivators such as limited food production capabilities to account for the lack of captives at the Yellow Jacket hamlets. Yellow Jacket Pueblo remains largely unexcavated with the ex ception of the Village Testing Project conducted by the Crow Canyon Archaeological Center from 1995 1997 Future research at Yellow Jacket Pueblo could provide insight into whether captives were present at the large Pueblo. Based on research by Kohler a nd Turner (2006), sites with greater political power and cultural significance had a sex bias skewed towards females while the surrounding areas had a sex ratio skewed toward s a male bias. Though there were several explanations which would account for the cause of the bias in the sex ratio, the research does suggest the potential for futu re archaeological inquiry if excavations are conducted at Yellow Jacket Pueblo.

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148 Kramer (2002) documented sex ratios for the Northern San Juan region and found a slight mal e bias in the sex ratio. A finer resolution could be used and the sex ratio for the Mesa Verde region could be examined. This could determine whether a bias in the sex ratio existed for the subregion. Yellow Jacket Pueblo was a large site with a great d eal of cultural significance. An analysis of the sex ratios in the Mesa Verde region in comparison to Yellow Jacket Pueblo if additional excavations occurred may indicate whether Yellow Jacket Pueblo had captive s or had a cultural draw for females that it would produce a bias in the sex ratio. This would provide some indication of the level of cultural significance of Yellow Jacket Pueblo within the Mesa Verde Subregion.

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149 R EFERENCES Alt, Susan M. Invisible citizens: captives and their consequences Catherine M. Cameron, ed. Pp. 205 222. University of Utah Press Salt Lake City Ames, Kenneth 2001 Slaves, Chiefs and Labour on the Northern Northwest Coast. World Archaeology 33(1): 1 17. 2008 Slavery, Household Production, and Demography on the Southern Northwest Coast: Cables, Tacking, and Ropewalks In Invisible Citizens Captives and Their Con sequences, Catherine M. Cameron, ed. Pp. 138 158 University of Utah Press Salt Lake City Aranda, Gozalo, Sandra Nomtn Subias, Margarita Snchez Romero and Eva Alarcn 2009 Death and Everyday Life: The Argaric Societies from Southeast Iberia Journal of Social Archaeology 9:139 162. Arkush Elizabeth and Charles Stanish 2009 Interpreting Conflict in the Ancient Andes: Implications for the Archaeology of Warfare. Current Anthropology. 46(1): 3 28. Arkush, Elizabeth and Tiffany Tung 2013 Patterns of War in the Andes from the Archaic to the Late Horizon: Insights from Settlement Patterns and Cranial Trauma. Jou rnal of Archaeological Research 21(4): 307 369. Bernadini, Wesely 2005 Reconsidering Spatial and Temporal Aspects of Prehistoric Cultural Identity: A Case Study from the American Southwest American Antiquity. 70(1): 31 54. Billman, Brian Patricia Lambert, Banks Leonard 2000 Cannibalism, Warfare, and Drought in the Mesa Verde Region During the Twelfth Century A.D. Ameri can Antiquity 65 (1): 145 178. Boehm, Christopher 1993 Egalitarian Behavior and Reverse Dominance Hierarchy. Current Anthropology 34: 227 240 Bradley, Cynthia S. 2003 Human Skeletal Remains. In The Archaeology of Yellow Jacket Pueblo (Site 5MT5): Excavations at a Large Community Center in Southwestern Colorado edited by Kristin A. Kuckelman. Electronic document, Available: http://www.crowcany on.org/yellowjacket. Accessed November 1, 2015

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150 Brooks 2002 Captives and Cousins: Slavery, Kinship, and C ommunity in the Southwest Borderlands University of North Carolina Press Chapel Hill Bruhns, Karen O. and Karen E. Stothert 1999 Women in Ancient America University of Oklahoma Press Norman Burchell, Meghan 2006 Grave Goods and Sta tus in British Columbia Burials. Canadian Journal of Archaeology. 30 (2): 251 271 Cameron, Catherine 2008 Introduction. In Invisible Citizens Captives and Their Consequences, ed Catherine M. Cameron. Pp 1 24. University of Utah Press Salt Lake City 2011 Captives and Culture Change. Current Anthropology 52 (2): 169 209. 2013 How People Moved among Ancient Societies: Broadening the View American Anthropologist 115 (2): 218 231. Cameron, Catherine and Andrew Duff 2008 History and Process in Villa ge Formation: Context and Contrasts from the Northern Southwest American Antiquity. 73(1): 29 57. Clark, John E. 2000 Towards a Better Explanation of Hereditary Inequality: A Critical Assessment of Natural and Historic Human Agents. In Agency in Archaeol ogy eds. Marc ia Anne Dobres and John E. Robb. Pp 92 112. New York Routledg e Cobb, Charles and Bretton Giles 2009 War is Shell: the Ideology and Embodiment of Mississippian Conflict Warfare in Cultural Context Practice, Agency, and the Archaeology of Violence. Pp 84 91. University of Arizona Press Tucson C row Canyon Archaeological Center 2003 The Yellow Jacket Pueblo Database Site 5MT5 Major Cultural Units Electronic document, Available: http://www.crowcany on.org/yellowjacketdatabase. Accessed October 14, 2016 Danforth, Marie Elaine, Della Collins Cook, and Stanley G. Knick III 1994 The Human Remains from Carter Ranch Pueblo, Arizona: Health in Isolation. American Antiquity 59 (1): 88 101. Darling, J. Andrew 1998 Mass Inhumation and the Exe cution of Wi tches in the American Southwest. American Antiq uity 100 (3): 732 752 Das, Veena 2008 Vio lence, Gender, and Subjectivity. Annual Review of Anthropology 37: 283 299.

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15 1 Deans, John 1980 Protecting Our Archaeological Resources. I n Insights into the Ancient Ones Eds. Joanne H. Berger and Edward F. Berger.Pp 81 85. Cortez, Colorado : Cortez Printers DeBoer, Warren R. 1986 Pillage and Production in the Amazon: A View through the Conibo of the Ucayali Basin, Eastern Peru. World Archaeology 18(2): 231 246 2008. Wrenched bodies. In Invisible Citizens: Captives and their C onsequences Catherine M. Cameron, ed. Pp. 233 261. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press Divale, William T. and Marvin Harris 1976 Population, Warfare, a nd the Male Supremacist Complex. American Anthropologist New Series 78 (3): 521 528. Donald, Leland 1997 Aboriginal slavery on the Northwest Coast of North America University of California Press Berkeley Dongoske, Kurt, Debra Martin, T.J. Ferguson 2000 Critiqu e of the Claims of Cannibalism at Cowboy Wash American Antiquity 65 (1): 179 190. Duff Andrew and Richard Wilshusen 2000 Prehistoric Population Dynamics in the Northern San Juan Region AD 950 1300. Kiva 66 (1): 167 190. Duncan, Willian 2011 Bioarchaeological Analysis of Sacrificial Victims from a Postclassic Maya Temple from Izlu, El Peten, Guatemala. Latin American Antiquity 22(4): 549 572. Earth Explorer 2016 United Stat es Geological Survey. Electronic document, a valaible at http://earthexplorer.usgs.gov/. Accessed February 12, 2016. Engelstad, Ericka 1991 Images of Power and Contradiction: Feminist Theory and Post Processual Archaeology. Antiquity 65: 502 514. Ferguson, William M. 1996 The Anasazi of the Mesa Verde and the Four Corners, University Press of Colorado, Niwot, CO. Fisher, R. A. 1930 The Genetical Theory of Natural Selection. Clarendon Press, Oxford.

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152 Haas, J. and W. Creamer 1996 The Role of Warfare in the Pueblo III period. The prehistoric Pueblo World, AD 1150 1350. ed Michael Adler. pp. 205 213. The University of Arizona Press Tuscon Habicht Mauche, Judith A. 2008 Captive Wives? The Role and Status of Nonlocal Women on the Protohistoric Southern High Plains, in Invisible Citizens Captives and Their Cons equences, ed Catherine M. Cameron Pp. 181 204 University of Utah Press Salt Lake City Howell Todd and Keith Kintigh 1996 Archaeological Identification of Kin Groups using Mortuary and Biological Data: An Example from the American Southwest. American Antiquity 61(3): 537 554. Junker, Laura Lee 2008 The Impact of Captured Women on Cultural Transmission in Contact Period Philippine Slave Raiding Chiefdoms Invisible Citizens Captives and Their Consequences, ed Catherine M. Cameron .Pp. 110 137. Universi ty of Utah Press Salt Lake City Karhu, Sandy 2000 Mortuary Practices and Population Health at Two Yell ow Jacket Hamlets, 5MT1 and 5MT3. University of Colorado Museum Boulder, CO Keeley, Lawrence 1996 War Before Civilization Oxford University Press New York Kenoyer, J. Mark, T. Douglas Price, and James Burton 2013 A New Approach to Tracking Connections between the Indus Valley and Mesopotamia: Initial Results of Strontium Isotope Analyses from Harappa and Ur. Journal of Archaeological Science 40: 2286 2297. Kelley, Marc A. 1989 Infectious Disease, in Reconstruction of Life from the Skeleton, and Kenn eth A. R. Kennedy, Alan R. Liss. Pp 191 199. Wiley Liss New York : Kohler, Timothy A., Kathryn Kramer Turner 2006 Southwest? A Pilot Examination. Current Anthropology 47 (6): 1035 1045 Kohler, Timothy A., Scott G. Ortman, Katie E. Grundtisch, Carly M. Fitzpatrick, and Sarah M. Cole 2014 Better Angels of their Nature: Declining Violence through Time among Prehispanic Farmers of the Pueblo Southwest. American Antiquity 79(3): 444 464. Kopytoff, Igor 1982 Slavery, Annual Review of Anthropology 11: 207 230 Kramer, Kathryn 2002 Sex Ratios and Warfare in the P rehistoric Puebloan Southwest Unpublished MA Thesis. Manuscript on File, Washington State University.

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153 Kristian sen, Kristian, and Thomas Larsson 2005 The R ise of Bronze Age society: Travels, Transmissions, and T ransformations Cambridge University Press Cambridge. Kuckelman, Kristin A. 2003 Introduction. In The Archaeology of Yellow Jacket Pueblo (Site 5MT5): Excavations at a Large Community Center in Southwestern Colorado edited by Kristin A. Kuckelman. Electronic document, http://www.crowcanyon.org/ yellowjacket. Accessed February 15 2016. 2003a Architecture. In The Archaeology of Yellow Jacket Pueblo (Site 5MT5): Excavations at a Large Community Center in Southwestern Colorado edited by Kristin A. Kuckelman. Electronic document, http://www.crowcan yon.org/yellowjacket. Accessed March 23, 2016. 2003b Research Design. In The Archaeology of Yellow Jacket Pueblo (Site 5MT5): Excavations at a Large Community Center in Southwestern Colorado edited by Kristin A. Kuckelman. Electronic document http://www. crowcanyon.org/yellowjacket. Accessed March 23, 2016. 2003c Population Estimates. In The Archaeology of Yellow Jacket Pueblo (Site 5MT5): Excavations at a Large Community Center in Southwestern Colorado edited by Kristin A. Kuckelman. Electronic document http://www.crowcanyon.org/ yellowjacket. Accessed July 6 2016. 2003d Yellow Jacket Pueblo (Site 5MT5) as Community Center.. In The Archaeology of Yellow Jacket Pueblo (Site 5MT5): Excavations at a Large Community Center in Southwestern Colorado edited by K ristin A. Kuckelman. Electronic document, http://www.crowcanyon.org/yellowjacket. Accessed July 6, 2016. 2010 The Depopulation of Sand Canyon Pueblo, A Large Ancestral Pueblo Village in Southwestern Colorado. American Antiquity 75 (3): 497 525. Kuckelman, Kristin, Ricky Lightfoot, and Debra Martin 2002 The Bioarchaeology and Taphonomy of Violence at Castle Rock and Sand Canyon Pueblos. American Antiquity 67:486 513. 2000 Changing Patterns of Violence in the Northern San Juan Region. Kiva 66(1) : 147 165 Kuckelman, Kristin A., and Scott G. Ortman 2003 Chronology. In The Archaeology of Yellow Jacket Pueblo (Site 5MT5): Excavations at a Large Community Center in Southwestern Colorado edited by Kristin A. Kuckelman. Electronic document, http://ww w. crowcanyon.org/yellowjacket. October 14, 2016 Lambert, Patricia M. 2002 The Archaeology of War: A North American Perspective. Journal of Archaeological Research 10(5): 207 241. Lange, Frederick, Nancy Mahaney, Joe Ben Wheat, Mark Chenault, John Carter 1988 Yellow Jacket A Four Corners Anasazi Ceremonial Center Johnson Publishing Co. Boulder, CO. Larsen, Clark Spencer 1997 Bioarchaeology Interpreting Behavior form the Human Skeleton Cambridge University Press, New York.

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154 Lovell, Nancy 1997 Trauma Analysis in Paleopathology. Yearbook of Physical Anthropology. 40: 139 170. Lowell, Julia C. 2007 Women and Men in Warfare and Migration: Implications of Gender Imbalance in the Grasshopper Region of Arizona. American Antiquit y 72 (1): 95 12 3. Mackey, James and R. C. Green 1979 Largo Gallina Towers: An Explanation. American Antiquity 44(1): 144 154 Malville, Nancy J. 1989 Two Fragmented Human Bone Assemblages from Yello w Jacket, Southwestern Colorado. Kiva 55(1): 3 22 1994 Enamel Hypoplasias in Permanent Teeth from Yell ow Jacket Sites 5MT 1 and 5MT 3. Southwestern Colorado, Kiva 59(3): 345 362 Marinho, Lusa, and Hugo Cardoso 2016 Comparing Known and Reconstructed Circumstances of Death Involving a Blunt Force Trauma Mechanism through a Retrospective Analysis of 21 Skeletonized Individuals. Journal of Forensic Sciences. 61(6): 1416 1430. Martin, Debra L. 1997 Violence Against Women in the La Plata River Valley (A.D. 1000 1300), in Troubled Times Violence and Warfare in the Past Pp 47 75. Gordon and Breach Publishers, Amsterdam 2008 Ripped Flesh and Torn Souls: Skeletal Evidence for Captivity and Slavery from the La Plata Va lley, New Mexico, AD 1100 1300 Invisible Citizens Captives and Their Consequences, ed Catherine M. Cameron. Pp 159 180 University of Utah Press Salt Lake City Martin, Debra L. and Nancy J. Akins 2001 Unequal Treatment in Life as in Death Trauma and M ortuary Behavior at La Plata (AD 1000 1300), in Ancient Burial Practices in the American Southwest, ed. D.R. Mitchell and J.L. Burnson Hadley, pp 22 3 248. University of New Mexico Pres, Albuquerque. Meskell, Lynn 2002 The Intersections of Identity and Politics in Archaeology. Annual Review of Anthropology 31: 279 301. Merbs, Charles F. 1989 Trauma, in Reconstruction of Life from the Skeleton, A. R. Kennedy. Pp 161 190. Wiley Li ss, New York Mitchell, Mark D. n.d. The Archaeology of 5MT1 Stevenson and Porter Areas, Site Reports University of Colorado Bo ulder Museum of Natural History. Electronic document, http://yellowjacket.col orado.edu/5MT1.html. Accessed October 15, 2015

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155 Muir, Ro bert J., and Jonathan C. Driver 2003 Faunal Remains. In The Archaeology of Yellow Jacket Pueblo (Site 5MT5): Excavations at a Large Community Center in Southwestern Colorado edited by Kristin A. Kuckelman. Electronic document, http://www.crowca nyon.org/yellowjacket. Accessed March 24 2016 National Center for Cultural Resources, National Park Service 2006 Archaeological and Historic Preservation Act, as Amended. in Federal Historic Preservation Laws. Online Document, Department of the Interior Accessed January 19, 2017. National Park Service Department of the Interior 2007 Notice of Intent to Repatriate Cultural Items: University of Colorado Museum, Boulder, Colorado. Federal Register. 72(50): 12192 12193. 2008 Notice of Intent to Repatriat e Cultural Items: University of Colorado Museum, Boulder, Colorado. Federal Register. 73(45): 12207 12208 Neiburger, E.J. 2010 Mississippian Tooth Mutilations. Central States Archaeological Journal 57(4): 214 217 Nelson, Sarah M. 2004 Gender in Archaeology Second Edition. Altamira Press, Walnut Creek, California. Ortman, Scott, Donna Glowacki, Melissa Churchill, and Kristen Kuckelman 2000 Pattern and Variation in Nort hern San Juan Village Histories. Kiva 66 (1): 123 146. Patterson, Orlando 1982 Slavery and Social Death a Comparative Study, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts Peregrine, Peter N. 2008 Social Death and Resurrection in the Western Great Lakes, in Invisible Citizens Captives and Their Consequences, ed Catherine M Cameron. Pp.223 232 University of Utah Press Salt Lake City Porter, Charles 1980 Ruins in Our Beanfields, in Insights into the Ancient Ones Eds. Joanne H. Berger and Edward F. Berger. Pp 1 4. Cortez Printers, Cortez, Colorado Price, T. Douglas, Ver a Tiesler, and James H. Burton 2006 Early African Diaspora in Colonial Campeche, Mexico: Strontium Isotopic Evidence. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 130: 485 490. Robertshaw Peter and William L. Duncan 2008 African Slavery: Archaeology and Decentralized Societies. In I nvisible Citizens: Captives and their Consequences Catherine M. Cameron, ed. Pp. 57 79. University of Utah Press Salt Lake City.

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156 Rohn, Arthur H. 2006 Northern San Juan Prehistory, in Dynamics of Southwest Prehistory. eds. Linda Cordell and George Gumerman. Pp 149 178. The University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa, AL. Saitta, Dean 1992 Radical Archaeology and Middle Range Methodology. Antiquity 66: 886 897. Schillaci, Michael A. and Christopher M. Stojanowski 2003 Postmar ital Residence and Biolog ical Variation at Pueblo Bonito. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 120: 1 15 Sutter, Richard and Rosa Cortez 2005 The Nature of Moche Human Sacrifice A BioArchaeological Perspective. Current Anthropology 45(4): 521 549. Stewart, T.D. and Lawrence G. Quad 1969 Lesions of the F rontal Bone in American Indians. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 30: 89 110 Swedlund, Alan Charles 1969 Human Skeletal Material from the Yellow j acket Canyon Area, Southwestern Colorado Unpublished M.A. Thesis, Manuscript on file at Univ ersity of Colorado, Boulder. Thomas, Brian 1998 Power and Community: the Archaeology of Slavery at the Hermitage Plantation. American Antiquity 63:531 551. Toll, H. Wolcott, and C. Dean Wilson 2000 Locational, architectural, and ceramic trends in the Basketmaker III occupation of the La Plata Valley, New Mexico. in Foundations of Anasazi Culture: The Basketmaker Pueblo Transition eds Paul Reed and Elizabeth Morris. Pp 19 43. University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City. Trigger, Bruce R. 1982 Ethno history: Problems and Prospects. Ethnohistory 29(1): 1 19 Trivers, Robert 1985 Social Evolution The Benjamin Cummings Publishing Company, Inc., University of California, Santa Cruz Tung, Tiff any 2012 Violence Against Women Differential Treatment of Local and Foreign Females in the Heartland of the Wari Emipre, Peru. in The Biorarchaeology of Violence, Deborah Martin, Ryan Harrod, and Ventura Perez eds. Pp 180 198. University Press of Florida, Gainsville

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157 Turner, Christy and Jacqueline Turner 1999 Man Corn: Cannibalism and Violence in the Prehistoric American Southwest University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City. U.S. Climate Data 2016 Climate Yel low Jacket Colorado. Electronic document, www.usclimatedata.com/climate/yellow jacket/colorado/united states/usco0421. Accessed February 23, 2016. Varien, Mark D. 1999 Sedentism and Mobility in a Social Landscape Mesa Verde and Beyond The University of Arizona Press, Tuscon. Walker Phillip L. 1989 Cranial Injuries as Evidence of Violence in Prehistoric Southern California. American Journal of Physical Anthropolog y 80: 313 323 2001 A Bioarchaeological Perspec tive on the History of Violence. Annual Review of Anthropology 30: 573 596 Wilkinso n, Richard G. and Karen M. Van Wagenen 1993 Violence Against Women: Prehistoric Skeletal Evidence from Michigan. Midcontinental Journal of Archaeology 18 (2): 190 216. Wilshusen, Richard H. n.d. Site Setting and Subsistence: the Local Community, Natura l Resources, Prehistoric Climate, and Historic Impacts Site Reports University of Colorado Boulder Museum of Natural History. Electronic document, http//:y ellowjacket.colorado.edu/5MT1_setting.html. Accessed October, 15, 2015 Wilshusen, Richard H. and Je annette L. Mobley Tanaka 2005 Site 5MT3: A Small Village in the Joe Ben Wheat Site Complex (5MT16722), Yellow Jacket, Colorado, University of Colo rado Museum of Natural History. Electronic document, http://yellowjacket.colorado.edu/5MT3.html Downloaded Feb ruary 24, 2016 n.d Yellow Jacket History, Colorado University of Colorado Museum of Natural History, http://yellowjacket.colorado.edu/history.html Accessed February 24, 2016. Wheat, Joe Ben 1980 Yellowjacket Canyon Archaeology, in Insights into the Ancient Ones Eds. Joanne H. Berger and Edwa rd F. Berger. Pp 60 66. Cortez Printers, Cortez, Colorado White Tim D., Pieter A. Folkens 2005 The Human Bone Manuel Elsevier Academic Press, Boston Yunker, Brian 2001 The Yellow Jacket Burials: An Analysis of Burial Assemblages from Two Basketmaker III through Pueblo III Mesa Verde Area Sites Unpublished MA the sis, Manuscript on file at the University of Colorado, Boulder.

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158 APPENDIX A CRANIAL PRESERRVATION, TRAUMA, AND PATHOLOGIES Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Frontal Parietals Occipital Temporal Mandible Maxilla 1S 01 Female 18 25 None None None None Missing None None 1S 02 Male 40 49 None Missing Missing Missing Missing None None 1S 03 Unidentifi ed 25 40 None Missing Missing None Missing Missing Missing 1S 04 Unidentifi ed 8 10 None None None None None Missing Missing 1S 05 Poss Female 40 45 None None None None None None None 1S 06 Female 30 40 Trauma None None None None None None 1S 07 Female 39 45 Unknow n Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing 1P1 01 Unidentifi ed 1 1.5 None Missing Missing Missing None Missing Missing 1P1 02 Unidentifi ed 0 0 None None None None Missing Missing Missing 1P1 03 Unidentifi ed 20 35 None Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing 1P1 04 Unidentifi ed ? ? Trauma Compressi on Fracture None None None None None 1P1 05 Unidentifi ed 8 10 Trauma None None Compressi on Fracture None None Missing 1P1 06 Unidentifi ed 18 24 None None None None None None None

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159 Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Frontal Parietals Occipital Temporal Mandible Maxilla 1P1 07 Poss Female 15 20 None None None None None Missing Missing 1P1 08 Unidentifi ed 10 12 None None None None Missing Missing Missing 1P1 09 Unidentifi ed 1 2 None None None None None Missing Missing 1P1 10 Unidentifi ed 8 11 None None None Missing None None None 1P1 11 Poss Male 40 45 Trauma None Compressi on Fracture None None None None 1P1 12 Female 36 40 None None None None None None None 1P1 13 Unidentifi ed 6 6 None None None None None Missing Missing 1P1 14 Unidentifi ed 0 0 None None None None None Missing None 1P2 01 Unidentifi ed 1.5 2 Unknow n Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing 1P2 02 Unidentifi ed 40 50 Unknow n Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.1 01 Unidentifi ed ? ? Unknow n Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.1 02 Female 25 34 None Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.1 03a Male 20 25 None None None None None None None 3.1 03b Poss Female 20 34 None None Missing None None None Missing 3.1 3c Female 20 25 None Missing Missing None Missing Missing None

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160 Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Frontal Parietals Occipital Temporal Mandible Maxilla 3.1 04 Unidentifi ed 8 9 None Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.1 05 Unidentifi ed 0.75 1 None None None None None None None 3.1 06 Unidentifi ed 7 9 None Missing None Missing None Missing None 3.1 07 Unidentifi ed 18 25 Unknow n Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.1 08 Unidentifi ed 3 5 None None None None None None None 3.1 09 Male 18 25 None Missing Missing Missing Missing None None 3.1 10 Unidentifi ed 13 15 None Missing Missing None None None Missing 3.1 11 Poss Female 15 18 None Missing None Missing None None None 3.1 12 Unidentifi ed 1.5 2 None None None None None Missing None 3.1 13 Unidentifi ed 0.5 0.5 Unknow n Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.1 14 Unidentifi ed 15 15 None None Missing None None Missing Missing 3.1 15 Unidentifi ed 8 10 None Missing Missing Missing Missing None Missing 3.1 16 Unidentifi ed 0.75 1 None None Missing None None Missing Missing 3.1 17 Unidentifi ed 3 3 None None None None None None None 3.1 18 Unidentifi ed 6 7 None None None None None None Missing

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161 Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Frontal Parietals Occipital Temporal Mandible Maxilla 3.1 19 Unidentifi ed 1 1 Unknow n Missing Missing Missing None Missing Missing 3.1 20 Male 35 40 None None None None None None None 3.1 21 Female 40 49 None None None None None None None 3.1 22 Unidentifi ed 0 0.5 None None None None None None None 3.1 23 Unidentifi ed 20 40 None Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.1 24 Unidentifi ed 35 49 Unknow n Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.1 25 Unidentifi ed 10 12 Unknow n Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.1 26 Unidentifi ed 40 49 None None None None None None None 3.1 27 Unidentifi ed ? ? Unknow n Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.1 28 Unidentifi ed 0 0.5 None None Missing None None Missing Missing 3.1 29 Male 40 50 None None None None None None None 3.1 30 Unidentifi ed 0.75 1.5 None None Missing None None None Missing 3.1 31a Unidentifi ed 0.5 1.5 None None None None None None None 3.1 31b Unidentifi ed 4 4 None None None None None None None 3.1 32 Unidentifi ed 2 2.5 None None None None None None None 3.1 33 Poss Male 50 50 None None None None None None None 3.2 01 Unidentifi ed 0.75 1 None Missing Missing Missing None Missing Missing

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162 Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Frontal Parietals Occipital Temporal Mandible Maxilla 3.2 02 Unidentifi ed 6 10 None None Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.2 03 Poss Female 40 49 Trauma None None None None Missing None 3.2 04 Female 20 25 None None None None None None None 3.2 05 Female 20 30 None Missing Missing Missing None None None 3.2 06 Unidentifi ed 10 11.5 None None None None None None None 3.2 07 Unidentifi ed 0 0.5 None Missing Missing None None Missing Missing 3.2 08 Female 20 25 None None None None None None None 3.2 09 Unidentifi ed 0 0.5 None Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.2 10 Unidentifi ed 0 0 None Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.2 11 Unidentifi ed 0.5 0.75 None None None None None None None 3.2 12a Female 20 30 None None None None None None None 3.2 12b Unidentifi ed 11 12 None Missing None Missing None None None 3.2 13 Male 17 22 None None None None None None None 3.2 14 Male 20 35 None None None None None None None 3.2 15 Female 18 22 None None None None None None None 3.2 16 Unidentifi ed 5 6 None Missing Missing Missing Missing None None 3.2 17 Male 35 45 None None None None None None None 3.2 18 Male 20 25 None None None None None None None 3.3 01 Unidentifi ed 0.5 1.5 None Missing None None Missing Missing Missing

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163 Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Frontal Parietals Occipital Temporal Mandible Maxilla 3.3 02 Unidentifi ed 12 13 None Missing Missing Missing Missing None Missing 3.3 03 Poss Male 20 45 None None None None None Missing Missing 3.3 04 Female 40 45 None None None None None None None 3.3 05 Unidentifi ed 5 7 Trauma None Compressi on Fracture Compressi on Fracture None None None 3.3 06 Unidentifi ed 1 1.5 None None None None None None Missing 3.3 07a Unidentifi ed 15 18 None None None None None None None 3.3 07b Poss Female 20 30 None None None None None None None 3.3 08 Unidentifi ed 1.5 2.5 None None None None None None None 3.3 09a Female 20 25 None None None None None None None 3.3 09b Unidentifi ed 0 0.5 Unknow n Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.3 10a Unidentifi ed 1.5 2.5 None None None None None Missing Missing 3.3 10b Male 45 49 None None Compressi on Fracture Compressi on Fracture None None None 3.3 10c Poss Female 16 18 Trauma None None None None None None 3.3 11 Unidentifi ed 0 0.5 Unknow n Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.3 12 Unidentifi ed 20 34 None None None None None None None

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164 Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Frontal Parietals Occipital Temporal Mandible Maxilla 3.3 13a Female 20 30 None None None None None Missing None 3.3 13b Unidentifi ed 3 4 None Missing Missing None Missing Missing Missing 3.3 14 Unidentifi ed 1.5 2 None Missing Missing Missing None Missing Missing 3.3 15 Unidentifi ed 3 3 None Missing Missing Missing Missing None Missing 3.3 16 Unidentifi ed 0 0.5 None None None None None Missing Missing 3.3 17 Unidentifi ed 5 5 None None None None None None None 3.3 18 Female 20 25 None None None None None None None 3.3 19 Unidentifi ed 8 9 None Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.3 20 Unidentifi ed 40 49 None Missing Missing None Missing None None 3.3 21 Unidentifi ed 0 0.5 None None None None None None Missing 3.3 22 Unidentifi ed ? ? Unknow n Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.3 23 Poss Male 40 50 None Missing Missing Missing None None None 3.3 24 Poss Female 20 25 Unknow n Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing YJ 01 Unidentifi ed 1 1 None None None None None Missing None PM 1P2 01a Poss Male 17 18 Trauma Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m 3 Multiple Perimorte m

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165 Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Frontal Parietals Occipital Temporal Mandible Maxilla PM 1P2 01b Unidentifi ed 10 10 Trauma None Multiple Perimorte m None Multiple Perimorte m None None PM 1P2 01c Unidentifi ed 3 4 Trauma Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Missing PM 1P2 01d Unidentifi ed 8 9 Trauma Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m PM3.1a j Poss Male 25 45 Trauma Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m PM3.1a j Poss Male 25 45 Trauma Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m PM3.1a j Poss Female 25 45 Trauma Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m PM3.1a j Unidentifi ed 4 5 Trauma Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m

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166 Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Frontal Parietals Occipital Temporal Mandible Maxilla PM3.1a j Unidentifi ed 8 10 Trauma Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m PM3.1a j Unidentifi ed 1.5 2 Trauma Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m PM3.1a j Unidentifi ed 1.5 2 Trauma Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m PM3.1a j Unidentifi ed 25 45 Trauma Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m PM3.1a j Unidentifi ed 25 45 Trauma Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m PM3.1a j Unidentifi ed 25 45 Trauma Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m PM 3.1 02 Unidentifi ed ? ? Trauma Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m

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167 Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Frontal Parietals Occipital Temporal Mandible Maxilla PM 3.1 03 Unidentifi ed ? ? Trauma Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Multiple Perimorte m PM 3.1 04 Unidentifi ed ? ? Trauma Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing PM 3.1 05 Unidentifi ed ? ? Trauma Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Multiple Perimorte m PM 3.2 01 Unidentifi ed ? ? Trauma Missing Multiple Perimorte m Missing Missing Missing Missing PM 3.2 02a Unidentifi ed ? ? Trauma Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing PM 3.2 02b Unidentifi ed ? ? Unknow n Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing PM 3.2 03 Unidentifi ed ? ? Trauma Missing Multiple Perimorte m Multiple Perimorte m Missing Missing Missing PM 3.2 04a Poss Male ? ? Trauma Missing Missing Missing Multiple Perimorte m Missing Missing PM 3.2 04b Unidentifi ed ? ? Trauma Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing PM 3.2 05 Poss Male ? ? Trauma Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing PM 3.3 01 Poss Male 20 25 Trauma Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing None PM 3.3 02 Poss Female ? ? Trauma Multiple Perimorte Multiple Perimorte Multiple Perimorte Missing Missing Missing

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168 Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Frontal Parietals Occipital Temporal Mandible Maxilla m m m PM 3.3 03 Poss Male ? ? Trauma Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing PM 3.3 04 Unidentifi ed ? ? Trauma Missing Multiple Perimorte m Missing Multiple Perimorte m Missing Missing PM 3.3 05 Poss Male ? ? Trauma Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing Missing

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169 A PPENDIX B POST CRANIAL PRESERVATION, TRAUMA AND PATHOLOGIES Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Post Cranial Trauma Radius Ulna Humerus 1P1 01 Unidentified 1 1.5 None Missing Missing Missing Missing 1P1 02 Unidentified 0 0 None None Missing Missing None 1P1 03 Unidentified 20 35 None Missing Missing Missing Missing 1P1 04 Unidentified ? ? Trauma Missing Missing Missing Missing 1P1 05 Unidentified 8 10 Trauma None None None None 1P1 06 Unidentified 18 24 None None None Missing None 1P1 07 Poss Female 15 20 None Missing Missing Missing Missing 1P1 08 Unidentified 10 12 None Missing Missing Missing Missing 1P1 09 Unidentified 1 2 None None None None None 1P1 10 Unidentified 8 11 None None None None None 1P1 11 Poss Male 40 45 Trauma None Missing Missing Missing 1P1 12 Female 36 40 None None None None Missing 1P1 13 Unidentified 6 6 None Missing Missing Missing Missing 1P1 14 Unidentified 0 0 None Missing Missing Missing Missing 1P2 01 Unidentified 1.5 2 Unknown Missing Missing Missing Missing 1P2 02 Unidentified 40 50 Unknown None Missing None Missing 3.1 01 Unidentified ? ? Unknown Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.1 02 Female 25 34 None Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.1 03a Male 20 25 None None None None None 3.1 03b Poss Female 20 34 None None Missing Missing None 3.1 3c Female 20 25 None None Missing Missing Missing 3.1 04 Unidentified 8 9 None None Missing Missing Missing 3.1 05 Unidentified 0.75 1 None None None Missing Missing 3.1 06 Unidentified 7 9 None None Missing Missing Missing

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170 3.1 07 Unidentified 18 25 Unknown None Missing Missing None 3.1 08 Unidentified 3 5 None None Missing Missing Missing 3.1 09 Male 18 25 None None None None None 3.1 10 Unidentified 13 15 None None None None None 3.1 11 Poss Female 15 18 None None None None None 3.1 12 Unidentified 1.5 2 None None Missing Missing Missing 3.1 13 Unidentified 0.5 0.5 Unknown Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.1 14 Unidentified 15 15 None None None Missing None 3.1 15 Unidentified 8 10 None None Missing Missing Missing 3.1 16 Unidentified 0.75 1 None None Missing Missing Missing 3.1 17 Unidentified 3 3 None None Missing Missing Missing 3.1 18 Unidentified 6 7 None None Missing Missing Missing 3.1 19 Unidentified 1 1 Unknown None Missing Missing Missing 3.1 20 Male 35 40 None None None None None 3.1 21 Female 40 49 None None None None None 3.1 22 Unidentified 0 0.5 None None None None None 3.1 23 Unidentified 20 40 None None Missing Missing Missing 3.1 24 Unidentified 35 49 Unknown None Missing None Missing 3.1 25 Unidentified 10 12 Unknown None Missing Missing Missing 3.1 26 Unidentified 40 49 None None Missing Missing Missing 3.1 27 Unidentified ? ? Unknown None Missing Missing Missing 3.1 28 Unidentified 0 0.5 None None None Missing Missing 3.1 29 Male 40 50 None None None None None 3.1 30 Unidentified 0.75 1.5 None None None Missing None 3.1 31a Unidentified 0.5 1.5 None None None None None 3.1 31b Unidentified 4 4 None None Missing Missing Missing 3.1 32 Unidentified 2 2.5 None None None None None 3.1 33 Poss Male 50 50 None None None None None 3.2 01 Unidentified 0.75 1 None Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.2 02 Unidentified 6 10 None None Missing Missing Missing 3.2 03 Poss Female 40 49 Trauma Trauma None None None

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171 3.2 04 Female 20 25 None None None None None 3.2 05 Female 20 30 None None None None None 3.2 06 Unidentified 10 11.5 None None None None None 3.2 07 Unidentified 0 0.5 None None Missing Missing Missing 3.2 08 Female 20 25 None None None None None 3.2 09 Unidentified 0 0.5 None None Missing Missing None 3.2 10 Unidentified 0 0 None None Missing Missing None 3.2 11 Unidentified 0.5 0.75 None None Missing Missing Missing 3.2 12a Female 20 30 None None None None None 3.2 12b Unidentified 11 12 None None None None None 3.2 13 Male 17 22 None None None None None 3.2 14 Male 20 35 None None None None None 3.2 15 Female 18 22 None None None None None 3.2 16 Unidentified 5 6 None None Missing Missing None 3.2 17 Male 35 45 None None None None None 3.2 18 Male 20 25 None None None None None 3.3 01 Unidentified 0.5 1.5 None None Missing Missing None 3.3 02 Unidentified 12 13 None None Missing Missing Missing 3.3 03 Poss Male 20 45 None None Missing Missing Missing 3.3 04 Female 40 45 None None None Missing Missing 3.3 05 Unidentified 5 7 Trauma None None Missing Missing 3.3 06 Unidentified 1 1.5 None None None None None 3.3 07a Unidentified 15 18 None None None None None 3.3 07b Poss Female 20 30 None None Missing Missing Missing 3.3 08 Unidentified 1.5 2.5 None None None Missing Missing 3.3 09a Female 20 25 None None None None None 3.3 09b Unidentified 0 0.5 Unknown Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.3 10a Unidentified 1.5 2.5 None None None Missing Missing 3.3 10b Male 45 49 None None None None Missing 3.3 10c Poss Female 16 18 Trauma None None None None 3.3 11 Unidentified 0 0.5 Unknown Missing Missing Missing Missing

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172 3.3 12 Unidentified 20 34 None None None None None 3.3 13a Female 20 30 None None None Missing None 3.3 13b Unidentified 3 4 None Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.3 14 Unidentified 1.5 2 None Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.3 15 Unidentified 3 3 None Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.3 16 Unidentified 0 0.5 None None Missing Missing Missing 3.3 17 Unidentified 5 5 None None Missing Missing None 3.3 18 Female 20 25 None None None None None 3.3 19 Unidentified 8 9 None None Missing Missing Missing 3.3 20 Unidentified 40 49 None None Missing Missing Missing 3.3 21 Unidentified 0 0.5 None None Missing Missing Missing 3.3 22 Unidentified ? ? Unknown Missing Missing Missing Missing 3.3 23 Poss Male 40 50 None None Missing None Missing 3.3 24 Poss Female 20 25 Unknown Missing Missing Missing Missing YJ 01 Unidentified 1 1 None None None None None PM 1P2 01a Poss Male 17 18 Trauma Trauma Missing Missing Missing PM 1P2 01b Unidentified 10 10 Trauma Trauma Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem PM 1P2 01c Unidentified 3 4 Trauma Trauma Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem PM 1P2 01d Unidentified 8 9 Trauma Trauma Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem PM3.1a j Poss Male 25 45 Trauma Trauma Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem PM3.1a j Poss Male 25 45 Trauma Trauma Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem

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173 PM3.1a j Poss Female 25 45 Trauma Trauma Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem PM3.1a j Unidentified 4 5 Trauma Trauma Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem PM3.1a j Unidentified 8 10 Trauma Trauma Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem PM3.1a j Unidentified 1.5 2 Trauma Trauma Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem PM3.1a j Unidentified 1.5 2 Trauma Trauma Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem PM3.1a j Unidentified 25 45 Trauma Trauma Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem PM3.1a j Unidentified 25 45 Trauma Trauma Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem PM3.1a j Unidentified 25 45 Trauma Trauma Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem PM 3.1 02 Unidentified ? ? Trauma Trauma Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem Multiple Perimortem PM 3.1 03 Unidentified ? ? Trauma Trauma Missing Missing Missing PM 3.1 04 Unidentified ? ? Trauma Trauma Missing Missing Missing PM 3.1 05 Unidentified ? ? Trauma Missing Missing Missing Missing PM 3.2 01 Unidentified ? ? Trauma Trauma Missing Missing Missing

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174 PM 3.2 02a Unidentified ? ? Trauma Trauma Missing 3 3 PM 3.2 02b Unidentified ? ? Unknown Trauma Missing Missing Missing PM 3.2 03 Unidentified ? ? Trauma Missing Missing Missing Missing PM 3.2 04a Poss Male ? ? Trauma Trauma Missing Missing Missing PM 3.2 04b Unidentified ? ? Trauma Trauma Missing Missing Missing PM 3.2 05 Poss Male ? ? Trauma Trauma Missing Missing Missing PM 3.3 01 Poss Male 20 25 Trauma Trauma Missing Missing Missing PM 3.3 02 Poss Female ? ? Trauma Missing Missing Missing Missing PM 3.3 03 Poss Male ? ? Trauma Trauma Missing Missing Missing PM 3.3 04 Unidentified ? ? Trauma Trauma Missing Missing Missing PM 3.3 05 Poss Male ? ? Trauma Trauma Multiple Perimortem Missing Missing

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175 APPENDIX C GRAVE GOODS BY INDIVIDUAL Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Grave Goods Type Description 1P1 01 Unidentified 1 1.5 None Unknown Unknown NA 1P1 02 Unidentified 0 0 None Possible Association Ceramics Possible association of pottery sherds but possibly trash fill 1P1 03 Unidentified 20 35 None None None Sherds from fill, but not associated with burial 1P1 04 Unidentified ? ? Trauma None None plow disturbed burial 1P1 05 Unidentified 8 10 Trauma Present Multiple Types Wrapped in a fur or feathered blanket, corrugated jar 1P1 06 Unidentified 18 24 None Present Multiple Types Juniper bark mat, McElmo black on white bowl, Mancos black on white pitcher, possible bead associated 1P1 07 Poss Female 15 20 None Unknown Unknown Disturbed by pothunters 1P1 08 Unidentified 10 12 None Present Ceramics Mancos black on white pitcher and large corregated sherd containing c h arcoal 1P1 09 Unidentified 1 2 None Possible Association Ceramics Possible corrugated sherd associated with remains 1P1 10 Unidentified 8 11 None None None NA 1P1 11 Poss Male 40 45 Trauma Present Ceramics Mancos black on white bowl and dipper bowl placed by right side 1P1 12 Female 36 40 None Present Multiple Types Mancos black on white bowls, shell and bone flesher, pottery figurine, ochre, projectile point, door slab and possible association with turkey egg

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176 1P1 13 Unidentified 6 6 None Present Ceramics large plain gray duck/squash pot (poss ibly BMIII or PI), large Mancos Black on white fragment, and three sherds (poss ibly from PII bowl) 1P1 14 Unidentified 0 0 None Present Ceramics One sherd associated with burial 1P2 01 Unidentified 1.5 2 Unknown Present Ceramics Late Mancos or early McElmo Black on white d i pper bo w l, partial 3 coil e d handl e s, and larg e McElmo black on white dipper with hollow tube handle 1P2 02 Unidentified 40 50 Unknown Possible Association Multiple Types Poss ible assoc with one bead/tubes, 3 black on white bowls, and 3 corrugated wide moth jars fill removed quickly and remains not recognized as burial 3.1 01 Unidentified ? ? Unknown Possible Association Ceramics Extreme pot hunter activity, bones found near whole pots but association is speculative 3.1 02 Female 25 34 None Present Ceramics 6 vessels, corrugated jar, late Mancos/early McElmo black on white mug wit coil tube handle, strap handled black on white dipper, early McElmo black on white pitcher, McElmo bow mug 3.1 03a Male 20 25 None Present Multiple Types Mesa Verde black on white mug, and 3 stone knives in a black on white bowl, pollen suggests food was placed in burial with the 3 individuals 2 mor e black on white bowls associated with a & b 3.1 03b Poss Female 20 34 None Present Ceramics McElmo black on white mug, plain grayware jar, and sherd 2 black on white bowls associated with a & b

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177 3.1 3c Female 20 25 None Present Multiple Types matting placed under the body near the head, a l arge corrugated sherd near her head, and other sherds possible associated but may be trash fill 3.1 04 Unidentified 8 9 None Present Ceramics Two white ware sherds evidence of fire in Kiva 3.1 05 Unidentified 0.75 1 None Possible Association Multiple Types Part McElmo black on white bowl, dipper fragment, lithics, 2 mano halves, plain, corrugated, and decorative sherds association poss ible but may be from fill 3.1 06 Unidentified 7 9 None Possible Association Ceramics 2 partial McElmo black on white dippers, pottery handle fragment, poss ible association 3.1 07 Unidentified 18 25 Unknown None None Poor preservation, burial pit dug into PIII masonry room 3.1 08 Unidentified 3 5 None Possible Association Ceramics Corrugated and black on white sherds from fill 3.1 09 Male 18 25 None Present Multiple Types Wood and matting under head, McElmo black on white bowl, strap handled plain grayware wide mouth jar, red ochre inside jar 3.1 10 Unidentified 13 15 None Present Multiple Types Reed matting, juniper bark on hips and legs, and grooved ax head 3.1 11 Poss Female 15 18 None Present Multiple Types Mesa Verde black on white mug, Mesa Verde corrugated jar, 2 lithics, reed mat under body was recovered 3.1 12 Unidentified 1.5 2 None Present Ceramics 2 McElmo black on white dipper bowls, a black on white bowl and redware sherd have possible assoc 3.1 13 Unidentified 0.5 0.5 Unknown Present Ceramics early McElmo black on white dipper bowl, partial lat Mancos/

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178 early McElmo black on white bowl (2 sherds) 3.1 14 Unidentified 15 15 None Present Multiple Types Juniper bark bundle, reed mat, late Mancos/early McElmo black on white bowl and spherical mug partial Mesa Verde black on white olla, black on white sherd, sandstone slab and black on white sherd and lithic core, disarticulated juvenile turkey may be associated 3.1 15 Unidentified 8 10 None Present Multiple Types McElmo / Mesa Verde black on white mug and sherds, a utilized flake, corrugated sherds, and McElmo black on white fragment 3.1 16 Unidentified 0.75 1 None Present Ceramics McElmo black on white dipper bowl 3.1 17 Unidentified 3 3 None Possible Association Ceramics black on white dipper bowl possibly associated 3.1 18 Unidentified 6 7 None Present Multiple Types Tree pottery vessels a poss ible McElmo bird effigy jar, black on white bowl half, McElmo black on white bowl, projectile point and possible assoc with worked flake 3.1 19 Unidentified 1 1 Unknown Present Multiple Types Mancos/early McElmo dipper and mano 3.1 20 Male 35 40 None Present Multiple Types Twig and bark mat under legs and feet, early McElmo black on white bowl, three flakes and a pumpkin seed, pollen analysis suggests man was buried with food including maize, goosefo ot, solanceae, wild onion, and beeweed 3.1 21 Female 40 49 None Present Ceramics McElmo black on white bowl

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179 3.1 22 Unidentified 0 0.5 None None None Funerary object absent, inf ant placed in vertical ventilator shaft of Kiva 3.1 23 Unidentified 20 40 None Present Multiple Types Mesa Vere black on white mug, several sherds, corrugated vessel sherds, an axe and 2 manos 3.1 24 Unidentified 35 49 Unknown Present Ceramics miniature plain grayware wide mouth jar, Mesa Verde squat corrugated jar, lake McElmo black on white bowl 3.1 25 Unidentified 10 12 Unknown Possible Association Ceramics sherds from a corrugated jar may be associated 3.1 26 Unidentified 40 49 None Present Ceramics Seven vessels associated, Mesa Verde corrugated jar made into bowl, Mancos black on white bowl, M esa V erde corr ugated wide mouth jar, small effigy duck pot, M esa V erde corr ugated wide mouth jar, larg e McElmo black on white sherd, and Daghozi style quadruped effigy pot 3.1 27 Unidentified ? ? Unknown Possible Association Multiple Types Possible association with black on white dipper powl w/ strap han d le remnant, and red ochre in fill 3.1 28 Unidentified 0 0.5 None Present Ceramics Mancos black on white dipper with tube handle and small Mummy Lake Gray open mouth jar 3.1 29 Male 40 50 None Present Ceramics Large McElmo black on white bowl, and large corrugated olla fragment 3.1 30 Unidentified 0.75 1.5 None Present Multiple Types Minature McElmo? Black on white olla w/lug handles, partial Mancos black on white bowl, and a mano fragment

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180 3.1 31a Unidentified 0.5 1.5 None Present Ceramics Straight sided black on white bowl covered heads of both individuals 3.1 31b Unidentified 4 4 None Present Ceramics Straight sided black on white bowl covered heads of both individuals 3.1 32 Unidentified 2 2.5 None Present Ceramics late Cortez/ earl Mancos black on white bowl, and Mancos black on white dipper bowl with flat strap handle remnant 3.1 33 Poss Male 50 50 None Present Ceramics Late Manco black on white bowl, and miniature Mancos/Dolores partially corrugated wide mouth jar 3.2 01 Unidentified 0.75 1 None Present Multiple Types Two turquoise pendants, large M esa V erde black on white mug, McElmo black on white dipper bowl, partial McElmo black on white bowl 3.2 02 Unidentified 6 10 None Possible Association Ceramics Possible association with pottery sherds 3.2 03 Poss Female 40 49 Trauma Present Multiple Types Numerous items fou n d whitewar e olla base frag ment one handed mano, McElmo deep black on white bow l, inverted McElmo black on white bowls, 2 dippers, part corrugugated, Wide m outh jar, large mano, 11 flaked cores circled bo dy, small deep McElmo black on white bowl, McElmo mug, 11 hammerstones, yellow ochre

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181 3.2 04 Female 20 25 None Present Multiple Types Ceramics, bone tools, groundstone, lithics and ochre, bone awl fragment, polished bone, handstone, mon o, Mesa Verde corrugated wide mouth jar M esa V erde mug, M c E lmo /M esa V erde black on white bowl, M c E lmo black on white dipper bowl, black on white olla sherd bowl, 3 manos, sandstone pot lid, M c E lmo black on white dipper bowl, M esa V erde black on white bowl, biface, flaked core, yellow ochre, ochre stained sandstone slab, other hammerstones and manos possible assoc with mealing room 3.2 05 Female 20 30 None Present Ceramics M c E lmo black on white bowl sherd, Mancos black on white seed jar, miniature M esa V erde corrugated wide mouth jar 3.2 06 Unidentified 10 11.5 None Present Ceramics M c E lmo black on white mug/miniature olla with strap handle, M c E lmo black on white bowl, burned corrugated sherd and second unidentified sherd poss ibly assoc iated 3.2 07 Unidentified 0 0.5 None Present Other Miniature unfired and undecorated pinchpot of native orange clay 3.2 08 Female 20 25 None None None No grave goods, body appears to have been forced into pit dug in Kiva, Preservation fair to good. More than 75% of cranial and post cranial present,

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182 3.2 09 Unidentified 0 0.5 None Present Multiple Types Two polishing stones, dipper, M esa V erde black on white bowl, bowl w/ anthropomorphic figure, ceramic effigy head, a shaped sandstone slab and large mano covered burial pit. Dug into fill of PII Kiva fill under PIII masonry room 3.2 10 Unidentified 0 0 None Present Multiple Types Infant found inside small vessel with a gray sherd at bottom, redware vessel (poss ibly BIII), covered by olla sherd contained remains, drilled olivella shell found inside vessel 3.2 11 Unidentified 0.5 0.75 None Present Multiple Types Portion of M c E lmo bowl, and a few lithic sherds may have been associated 3.2 12a Female 20 30 None None None A corrugated vessel fragment was situated between the woman's legs, but was buried with her during the accident rather than being an actual grave good. Individuals found near tunnel's north entrance, likely interred due to a collapse between PII kiva and subterranean room. Found with child 3.2 12b Unidentified 11 12 None None None Accidental tunnel collapse found with 3.2 12a, leg tucked back in awkward angle, rock fell on cranium, no grave goods 3.2 13 Male 17 22 None Present Multiple Types Early M c E lmo black on white bowl, large grayware olla frag ment large sherd, small wrapped stone

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183 3.2 14 Male 20 35 None None None No grave goods, no burial pit observed, bones found in hard backed clay matrix disturbed by rodent activity 3.2 15 Female 18 22 None Possible Association Multiple Types None positively Identified with burial, pendant blank, several bone awls, a ground sherd, reused vessel frag ment and sherds 3.2 16 Unidentified 5 6 None Present Ceramics Small mummy lake gray open mouth jar, whiteware olla fragment, miniature Mancos black on white olla w/strap handle 3.2 17 Male 35 45 None Present Multiple Types Numerous artifacts, late M c E lmo /early M esa V erde black on white mug, 2 small M c E lmo black on white bowls, M c E lmo black on white dipper w/ hollow tube handle, M c E lmo black on white bowl, 2 late M c E lmo /early M esa V erde black on white mugs, mano, McElmo black on white olla fragment 2 M c E lmo black on white frag ment from 2 diff erent bowls 3.2 18 Male 20 25 None Present Ceramics Two M esa Verde black on white mugs 3.3 01 Unidentified 0.5 1.5 None Present Multiple Types Large black on white sherd, four bone whistles, and a worked stone 3.3 02 Unidentified 12 13 None Present Ceramics Large M esa V erde black on white bowl, M esa V erde black on white mug w/ strap handle, small corrugated jar, miniature Mancos black on white jar

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184 3.3 03 Poss Male 20 45 None Present Ceramics Two potter vessels: M c E lmo black on white mug and large shallow M c E lmo black on white bowl 3.3 04 Female 40 45 None Possible Association 2 Small deep M c E lmo black on white bowl 3.3 05 Unidentified 5 7 Trauma Present Multiple Types Large spherical M esa V erde black on white bowl, and juniper bark mat wrapped around child 3.3 06 Unidentified 1 1.5 None Present Multiple Types Juniper bark mat, corrugated sherd 3.3 07a Unidentified 15 18 None Present Ceramics Small, deep M c E lmo black on white bowl, 2 M esa V erde black on white strap handled mugs, one small and one large. Placed with both individuals 3.3 07b Poss Female 20 30 None Present Ceramics Small, deep M c E lmo black on white bowl, 2 Mesa Vede black on white strap handled mugs, one small and one large. Placed with both individuals 3.3 08 Unidentified 1.5 2.5 None Present Ceramics Half large M c E lmo /M esa V erde black on white bowl, small deep M c E lmo black on white bowl 3.3 09a Female 20 25 None Present Ceramics 2 small deep M c E lmo black on white bowls, large M c E lmo black on white strap handled dipper with oval bowl, M esa V erde black on white mug, small M c E lmo dipper bowl, and undecorated grayware dipper w/ trough handle, Mancos black on white trough hand led dipper, and small whiteware bowl

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185 3.3 09b Unidentified 0 0.5 Unknown Present Ceramics 3 small deep M c E lmo black on white bowls, large M c E lmo black on white strap handled dipper with oval bowl, M esa V erde black on white mug, small M c E lmo dipper bowl, and undecorated grayware dipper w/ trough handle, Mancos black on white trough handled dipper, and small whiteware bowl 3.3 10a Unidentified 1.5 2.5 None Present Multiple Types Early M c E lmo black on white bowl, large black on white sherd, M esa V erde black on white mug, large M esa V erde black on white bowl, large corrugated sherd, 5 manos and large metate, 3rd Mesa Verde mug missing handle 3.3 10b Male 45 49 None Present Multiple Types Early M c E lmo black on white bowl, large black on white sherd, M esa V erde black on white mug, large M esa V erde black on white bowl, large corrugated sherd, 5 manos and large metate, 3rd M esa V erde mug missing handle 3.3 10c Poss Female 16 18 Trauma Present Multiple Types Early M c E lmo black on white bowl, large black on white sherd, M esa V erde black on white mug, large M esa V erde black on white bowl, large corrugated sherd, 5 manos and large metate, 3rd Mesa Verde mug missing handle 3.3 11 Unidentified 0 0.5 Unknown Present Multiple Types Infant wrapped in juniper matting, possibly placed on cradleboard, small black on white dipper

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186 3.3 12 Unidentified 20 34 None Present Ceramics Black on white olla fragments 3.3 13a Female 20 30 None Present Multiple Types Juniper bark matting, small coil e d basket, part of large deep straight sided M c E lmo black on white bowl 3.3 13b Unidentified 3 4 None Present Multiple Types Juniper bark matting, small coil e d basket, part of large deep straight sided M c E lmo black on white bowl, child most likely placed on woman's chest (13781a) 3.3 14 Unidentified 1.5 2 None Present Ceramics Small corrugated pot placed near infant's head 3.3 15 Unidentified 3 3 None Present Ceramics Two vessels small M c E lmo black on white olla with hole in bottom, small M c E lmo black on white bowl 3.3 16 Unidentified 0 0.5 None Present Multiple Types Mancos black on white dipper bowl and projectile point 3.3 17 Unidentified 5 5 None Present Multiple Types Small corrugated jar poss ibly M esa V erde or Dolores, shallow corrugated jar base poss ibly M esa V erde a bone tool 3.3 18 Female 20 25 None Present Multiple Types Three bone scrapers, dipper handle fragment 3.3 19 Unidentified 8 9 None Present Multiple Types Straight sided Mancos black on white bowl, flat corrugated sherd, and mano 3.3 20 Unidentified 40 49 None Present Ceramics Five Mancos black on white bowls a large seed jar, part of jar, a partial deep bowl, small pitcher/mini jar, small bowl, shallow bowl, large amount of ash and charcoal associated with fill 3.3 21 Unidentified 0 0.5 None Present Ceramics Fragment of small bowl late Cortez/ early Mancos black on white large sherd

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187 3.3 22 Unidentified ? ? Unknown Present Multiple Types Small hemispherical M c E lmo black on white bowl on top of shaped sandstone slab 3.3 23 Poss Male 40 50 None Possible Association Ceramics None positively Identified but sherds collected from trench fill, remains found in area disturbed by pothunters 3.3 24 Poss Female 20 25 Unknown Possible Association Ceramics None reported, but sherds from Section 10 12m collected YJ 01 Unidentified 1 1 None Unknown Unknown Unknown provenience, do not match any of the burial data PM 1P2 01a Poss Male 17 18 Trauma Present Multiple Types Four bone awls two bone fleshers, five hammerstones, four manos, a knife and an endscraper, a few bone bead and a worked piece of sandstone PM 1P2 01b Unidentified 10 10 Trauma Present Multiple Types See Inventory list PM 1P2 01a PM 1P2 01c Unidentified 3 4 Trauma Present Multiple Types See Inventory list PM 1P2 01a PM 1P2 01d Unidentified 8 9 Trauma Present Multiple Types See Inventory list PM 1P2 01a

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188 PM3.1a j Poss Male 25 45 Trauma Present Multiple Types Lithic and bone tools awls, hammerstones, groundstone, polished bone, flaked bifaces, a ladle, ceramic vessels, two corrugated cooking vessels, beads, a sandal last, ground sherd, and stone gaming piece PM3.1a j Poss Male 25 45 Trauma Present Multiple Types See Inventory list PM3.1a j PM3.1a j Poss Female 25 45 Trauma Present Multiple Types See Inventory list PM3.1a j PM3.1a j Unidentified 4 5 Trauma Present Multiple Types See Inventory list PM3.1a j PM3.1a j Unidentified 8 10 Trauma Present Multiple Types See Inventory list PM3.1a j PM3.1a j Unidentified 1.5 2 Trauma Present Multiple Types See Inventory list PM3.1a j PM3.1a j Unidentified 1.5 2 Trauma Present Multiple Types See Inventory list PM3.1a j PM3.1a j Unidentified 25 45 Trauma Present Multiple Types See Inventory list PM3.1a j PM3.1a j Unidentified 25 45 Trauma Present Multiple Types See Inventory list PM3.1a j

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189 PM3.1a j Unidentified 25 45 Trauma Present Multiple Types See Inventory list PM3.1a j PM 3.1 02 Unidentified ? ? Trauma Present Multiple Types Sherds, cores/hammerstones and other lithics, bone awls, and yellow ochre in midden fill PM 3.1 03 Unidentified ? ? Trauma Possible Association Multiple Types Not positively identified with remains. Bone tool fragments, sherd, a polishing stone and pendant blank PM 3.1 04 Unidentified ? ? Trauma None None Sherds mixed into midden from Basketmaker and Mancos PM 3.1 05 Unidentified ? ? Trauma Present Multiple Types Hammerstone, shell fossil, turkey bone awl, three handstnes/hammerstones, a pendant blank and sherds PM 3.2 01 Unidentified ? ? Trauma Possible Association Multiple Types No artifacts positively identified, sherds, two hammerstones/ cores, some sherds are burned PM 3.2 02a Unidentified ? ? Trauma Possible Association Ceramics No positive association but sherds collected from fill, MNI 2 individuals PM 3.2 02b Unidentified ? ? Unknown Possible Association Ceramics No positive association but sherds collected from fill, MNI 2 individuals PM 3.2 03 Unidentified ? ? Trauma Possible Association Multiple Types A corrugated sherd with applique design, mano fragments, and sherd recovered from fill may have had possible association PM 3.2 04a Poss Male ? ? Trauma Possible Association Multiple Types No artifacts positively identified, a jet bead, ground ochre and two Tsegi polychrome sherds found in levels

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190 PM 3.2 04b Unidentified ? ? Trauma Possible Association Multiple Types No artifacts positively identified, a jet bead, ground ochre and two Tsegi polychrome sherds found in levels PM 3.2 05 Poss Male ? ? Trauma Possible Association Ceramics No artifacts, but sherds recovered in fill, located near PIII masonry wall with a firepit at some level as burial, possible dismemberment and discard location PM 3.3 01 Poss Male 20 25 Trauma Possible Association Multiple Types No artifacts positively as sociated, in the fill with remains 3 hammerstones, animal bone, a pendant, a ground sherd disk, and a dipper handle fragment PM 3.3 02 Poss Female ? ? Trauma Possible Association Multiple Types No artifacts positively associated, sherds from corrugated jar, 2 manos, worked bone, pendant blank, several dog bones, pot lid, serrated knife and a nearly complete dog burial over human remains PM 3.3 03 Poss Male ? ? Trauma None None No artifacts in layer with bone, sherds collected above the bone PM 3.3 04 Unidentified ? ? Trauma None None No associated artifacts, but sherds in fill PM 3.3 05 Poss Male ? ? Trauma Possible Association Manos and Matates Mano reported on older floor in eastern portion of southern recess, unclear if associated, remains found in ventilator shaft of Kiva

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191 APPENDIX D BURIAL INFORMATION BY INDIVIDUAL Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Site Period Burial Type Number of Grave Goods 1P1 01 Unidentified 1 1.5 None 5MT1 Porter Unknown Burial 0 1P1 02 Unidentified 0 0 None 5MT1 Porter Late Pueblo III Burial 1 1P1 03 Unidentified 20 35 None 5MT1 Porter Early Pueblo III Disturbed Burial Unknown 1P1 04 Unidentified ? ? Trauma 5MT1 Porter Unknown Disturbed Burial Unknown 1P1 05 Unidentified 8 10 Trauma 5MT1 Porter Late Pueblo III Burial 1 1P1 06 Unidentified 18 24 None 5MT1 Porter Early Pueblo III Burial 3 1P1 07 Poss Female 15 20 None 5MT1 Porter Unknown Disturbed Burial Unknown 1P1 08 Unidentified 10 12 None 5MT1 Porter Late Pueblo II Burial 2 1P1 09 Unidentified 1 2 None 5MT1 Porter Late Pueblo III Disturbed Burial Unknown 1P1 10 Unidentified 8 11 None 5MT1 Porter Late Pueblo II/ Early Pueblo III Burial Unknown 1P1 11 Poss Male 40 45 Trauma 5MT1 Porter Pueblo II Burial 2 1P1 12 Female 36 40 None 5MT1 Porter Late Pueblo II Burial 9 1P1 13 Unidentified 6 6 None 5MT1 Porter Late Pueblo II Burial 4

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192 Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Site Period Burial Type Number of Grave Goods 1P1 14 Unidentified 0 0 None 5MT1 Porter Late Pueblo II/ Early Pueblo III Burial 1 1P2 01 Unidentified 1.5 2 Unknown 5MT1 Porter Early Pueblo III Burial 2 1P2 02 Unidentified 40 50 Unknown 5MT1 Porter Early Pueblo III Burial Unknown 3.1 01 Unidentified ? ? Unknown 5MT3 Unknown Disturbed Burial 2 3.1 02 Female 25 34 None 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Burial 6 3.1 03a Male 20 25 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Multiple Internment 8 3.1 03b Poss Female 20 34 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Multiple Internment 0 3.1 3c Female 20 25 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Multiple Internment 0 3.1 04 Unidentified 8 9 None 5MT3 Late Pueblo III Disturbed Burial 1 3.1 05 Unidentified 0.75 1 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 4 3.1 06 Unidentified 7 9 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 3 3.1 07 Unidentified 18 25 Unknown 5MT3 Pueblo III Disturbed Burial 0 3.1 08 Unidentified 3 5 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 1 3.1 09 Male 18 25 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 3 3.1 10 Unidentified 13 15 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 2 3.1 11 Poss Female 15 18 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 3 3.1 12 Unidentified 1.5 2 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 2 3.1 13 Unidentified 0.5 0.5 Unknown 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Burial 2 3.1 14 Unidentified 15 15 None 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Burial 7 3.1 15 Unidentified 8 10 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 5 3.1 16 Unidentified 0.75 1 None 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Burial 1 3.1 17 Unidentified 3 3 None 5MT3 Late Pueblo II Burial 2 3.1 18 Unidentified 6 7 None 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Burial 5

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193 Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Site Period Burial Type Number of Grave Goods 3.1 19 Unidentified 1 1 Unknown 5MT3 Late Pueblo II/ Early Pueblo III Burial 2 3.1 20 Male 35 40 None 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Burial 4 3.1 21 Female 40 49 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 1 3.1 22 Unidentified 0 0.5 None 5MT3 Pueblo II Burial 0 3.1 23 Unidentified 20 40 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 5 3.1 24 Unidentified 35 49 Unknown 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 3 3.1 25 Unidentified 10 12 Unknown 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 1 3.1 26 Unidentified 40 49 None 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Burial 7 3.1 27 Unidentified ? ? Unknown 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Disturbed Burial 1 3.1 28 Unidentified 0 0.5 None 5MT3 Pueblo II Burial 2 3.1 29 Male 40 50 None 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Burial 2 3.1 30 Unidentified 0.75 1.5 None 5MT3 Late Pueblo II/ Early Pueblo III Burial 3 3.1 31a Unidentified 0.5 1.5 None 5MT3 Late Pueblo II Multiple Internment 1 3.1 31b Unidentified 4 4 None 5MT3 Late Pueblo II Multiple Internment 0 3.1 32 Unidentified 2 2.5 None 5MT3 Early Pueblo II Burial 2 3.1 33 Poss Male 50 50 None 5MT3 Late Pueblo II Burial 2 3.2 01 Unidentified 0.75 1 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 6 3.2 02 Unidentified 6 10 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 1 3.2 03 Poss Female 40 49 Trauma 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Burial 24 3.2 04 Female 20 25 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 21 3.2 05 Female 20 30 None 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Burial 3 3.2 06 Unidentified 10 11.5 None 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Burial 3 3.2 07 Unidentified 0 0.5 None 5MT3 Pueblo II Burial 1 3.2 08 Female 20 25 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 0 3.2 09 Unidentified 0 0.5 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Disturbed Burial Unknown

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194 Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Site Period Burial Type Number of Grave Goods 3.2 10 Unidentified 0 0 None 5MT3 Pueblo II Burial 2 3.2 11 Unidentified 0.5 0.75 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Disturbed Burial Unknown 3.2 12a Female 20 30 None 5MT3 Pueblo II Multiple Internment 0 3.2 12b Unidentified 11 12 None 5MT3 Pueblo II Multiple Internment 0 3.2 13 Male 17 22 None 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Burial 4 3.2 14 Male 20 35 None 5MT3 Unknown Disturbed Burial 0 3.2 15 Female 18 22 None 5MT3 Unknown Burial 0 3.2 16 Unidentified 5 6 None 5MT3 Late Pueblo II Burial 3 3.2 17 Male 35 45 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 13 3.2 18 Male 20 25 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 4 3.3 01 Unidentified 0.5 1.5 None 5MT3 Late Pueblo II Burial 4 3.3 02 Unidentified 12 13 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 4 3.3 03 Poss Male 20 45 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 2 3.3 04 Female 40 45 None 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Burial 1 3.3 05 Unidentified 5 7 Trauma 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 1 3.3 06 Unidentified 1 1.5 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 2 3.3 07a Unidentified 15 18 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Multiple Internment 3 3.3 07b Poss Female 20 30 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Multiple Internment 0 3.3 08 Unidentified 1.5 2.5 None 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Burial 2 3.3 09a Female 20 25 None 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Multiple Internment 8 3.3 09b Unidentified 0 0.5 Unknown 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Multiple Internment 0 3.3 10a Unidentified 1.5 2.5 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Multiple Internment 12

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195 Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Site Period Burial Type Number of Grave Goods 3.3 10b Male 45 49 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Multiple Internment 0 3.3 10c Poss Female 16 18 Trauma 5MT3 Pueblo III Multiple Internment 0 3.3 11 Unidentified 0 0.5 Unknown 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 2 3.3 12 Unidentified 20 34 None 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 2 3.3 13a Female 20 30 None 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Multiple Internment 1 3.3 13b Unidentified 3 4 None 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Multiple Internment 0 3.3 14 Unidentified 1.5 2 None 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Burial 1 3.3 15 Unidentified 3 3 None 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Burial 2 3.3 16 Unidentified 0 0.5 None 5MT3 Pueblo II Burial 2 3.3 17 Unidentified 5 5 None 5MT3 Pueblo II Burial 3 3.3 18 Female 20 25 None 5MT3 Pueblo II Burial 5 3.3 19 Unidentified 8 9 None 5MT3 Pueblo II Burial 3 3.3 20 Unidentified 40 49 None 5MT3 Pueblo II Burial 3.3 21 Unidentified 0 0.5 None 5MT3 Early Pueblo II Burial 1 3.3 22 Unidentified ? ? Unknown 5MT3 Pueblo III Burial 2 3.3 23 Poss Male 40 50 None 5MT3 Unknown Disturbed Burial 0 3.3 24 Poss Female 20 25 Unknown 5MT3 Unknown Disturbed Burial 0 YJ 01 Unidentified 1 1 None Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown PM 1P2 01a Poss Male 17 18 Trauma 5MT1 Early Pueblo II Multiple/ Disarticulated N/A PM 1P2 01b Unidentified 10 10 Trauma 5MT1 Early Pueblo II Multiple/ Disarticulated N/A PM 1P2 01c Unidentified 3 4 Trauma 5MT1 Early Pueblo II Multiple/ Disarticulated N/A

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196 Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Site Period Burial Type Number of Grave Goods PM 1P2 01d Unidentified 8 9 Trauma 5MT1 Early Pueblo II Multiple/ Disarticulated N/A PM3.1a j Poss Male 25 45 Trauma 5MT3 Pueblo II Multiple/ Disarticulated N/A PM3.1a j Poss Male 25 45 Trauma 5MT3 Pueblo II Multiple/ Disarticulated N/A PM3.1a j Poss Female 25 45 Trauma 5MT3 Pueblo II Multiple/ Disarticulated N/A PM3.1a j Unidentified 4 5 Trauma 5MT3 Pueblo II Multiple/ Disarticulated N/A PM3.1a j Unidentified 8 10 Trauma 5MT3 Pueblo II Multiple/ Disarticulated N/A PM3.1a j Unidentified 1.5 2 Trauma 5MT3 Pueblo II Multiple/ Disarticulated N/A PM3.1a j Unidentified 1.5 2 Trauma 5MT3 Pueblo II Multiple/ Disarticulated N/A PM3.1a j Unidentified 25 45 Trauma 5MT3 Pueblo II Multiple/ Disarticulated N/A PM3.1a j Unidentified 25 45 Trauma 5MT3 Pueblo II Multiple/ Disarticulated N/A PM3.1a j Unidentified 25 45 Trauma 5MT3 Pueblo II Multiple/ Disarticulated N/A PM 3.1 02 Unidentified ? ? Trauma 5MT3 Pueblo III Disarticulated N/A PM 3.1 03 Unidentified ? ? Trauma 5MT3 Late Pueblo II/ Early Pueblo III Disarticulated N/A PM 3.1 04 Unidentified ? ? Trauma 5MT3 Pueblo II Disarticulated N/A PM 3.1 05 Unidentified ? ? Trauma 5MT3 Late Pueblo II/ Early Pueblo III Disarticulated N/A PM 3.2 01 Unidentified ? ? Trauma 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Disarticulated N/A

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197 Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Site Period Burial Type Number of Grave Goods PM 3.2 02a Unidentified ? ? Trauma 5MT3 Late Pueblo II Multiple/ Disarticulated N/A PM 3.2 02b Unidentified ? ? Unknown 5MT3 Late Pueblo II Multiple/ Disarticulated N/A PM 3.2 03 Unidentified ? ? Trauma 5MT3 Pueblo III Disarticulated N/A PM 3.2 04a Poss Male ? ? Trauma 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Multiple/ Disarticulated N/A PM 3.2 04b Unidentified ? ? Trauma 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Multiple/ Disarticulated N/A PM 3.2 05 Poss Male ? ? Trauma 5MT3 Pueblo II Disarticulated N/A PM 3.3 01 Poss Male 20 25 Trauma 5MT3 Pueblo II Disarticulated N/A PM 3.3 02 Poss Female ? ? Trauma 5MT3 Pueblo III Disarticulated N/A PM 3.3 03 Poss Male ? ? Trauma 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Disarticulated N/A PM 3.3 04 Unidentified ? ? Trauma 5MT3 Early Pueblo III Disarticulated N/A PM 3.3 05 Poss Male ? ? Trauma 5MT3 Late Pueblo II Disarticulated N/A

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198 APPENDIX E PRESENCE OF PATHOLOGIES AND CRADLEBOARDING Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Pathologies Porotic Hyperostosis Extent Cradleboarding 1P1 01 Unidentified 1 1.5 None None Unknown Unknown Unknown 1P1 02 Unidentified 0 0 None Present Present Mild Unknown 1P1 03 Unidentified 20 35 None None Absent Absent Unknown 1P1 04 Unidentified ? ? Trauma None Absent Absent Unknown 1P1 05 Unidentified 8 10 Trauma Present Absent Absent Unknown 1P1 06 Unidentified 18 24 None Present Present Mild Unknown 1P1 07 Poss Female 15 20 None Present Present Mild/ Moderate Present 1P1 08 Unidentified 10 12 None None Absent Absent Unknown 1P1 09 Unidentified 1 2 None Present Present Mild Present 1P1 10 Unidentified 8 11 None None Absent Absent Absent 1P1 11 Poss Male 40 45 Trauma Present Present Mild Present 1P1 12 Female 36 40 None Present Present Mild Present 1P1 13 Unidentified 6 6 None Present Present Mild Present 1P1 14 Unidentified 0 0 None None Absent Absent Absent 1P2 01 Unidentified 1.5 2 Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown 1P2 02 Unidentified 40 50 Unknown Present Unknown Unknown Unknown 3.1 01 Unidentified ? ? Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown 3.1 02 Female 25 34 None Present Present Mild Unknown 3.1 03a Male 20 25 None None Absent Absent Absent 3.1 03b Poss Female 20 34 None Present Present Moderate Absent 3.1 3c Female 20 25 None None Absent Absent Absent 3.1 04 Unidentified 8 9 None None Unknown Unknown Unknown 3.1 05 Unidentified 0.75 1 None Present Present Moderate Absent

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199 Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Pathologies Porotic Hyperostosis Extent Cradleboarding 3.1 06 Unidentified 7 9 None Present Present Mild Absent 3.1 07 Unidentified 18 25 Unknown None Unknown Unknown Unknown 3.1 08 Unidentified 3 5 None Present Present Mild Absent 3.1 09 Male 18 25 None Present Absent Absent Unknown 3.1 10 Unidentified 13 15 None Present Present Mild Absent 3.1 11 Poss Female 15 18 None Present Present Mild Absent 3.1 12 Unidentified 1.5 2 None None Absent Absent Absent 3.1 13 Unidentified 0.5 0.5 Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown 3.1 14 Unidentified 15 15 None None Absent Absent Absent 3.1 15 Unidentified 8 10 None Present Present Unknown Present 3.1 16 Unidentified 0.75 1 None None Absent Absent Absent 3.1 17 Unidentified 3 3 None Present Present Mild Absent 3.1 18 Unidentified 6 7 None None Absent Absent Absent 3.1 19 Unidentified 1 1 Unknown None Absent Absent Absent 3.1 20 Male 35 40 None Present Present Moderate/ Severe Present 3.1 21 Female 40 49 None Present Present Mild/ Moderate Present 3.1 22 Unidentified 0 0.5 None Present Present Moderate Absent 3.1 23 Unidentified 20 40 None None Unknown Unknown Unknown 3.1 24 Unidentified 35 49 Unknown Present Present Mild Unknown 3.1 25 Unidentified 10 12 Unknown None Absent Absent Unknown 3.1 26 Unidentified 40 49 None Present Present Mild/ Moderate Absent 3.1 27 Unidentified ? ? Unknown None Unknown Unknown Unknown 3.1 28 Unidentified 0 0.5 None None Absent Absent Absent 3.1 29 Male 40 50 None Present Present Mild Present 3.1 30 Unidentified 0.75 1.5 None Present Present Mild Absent 3.1 31a Unidentified 0.5 1.5 None None Absent Absent Present

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200 Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Pathologies Porotic Hyperostosis Extent Cradleboarding 3.1 31b Unidentified 4 4 None None Absent Absent Present 3.1 32 Unidentified 2 2.5 None Present Present Moderate Present 3.1 33 Poss Male 50 50 None Present Present Mild Absent 3.2 01 Unidentified 0.75 1 None None Absent Absent Absent 3.2 02 Unidentified 6 10 None Present Present Moderate Absent 3.2 03 Poss Female 40 49 Trauma Present Present Mild Present 3.2 04 Female 20 25 None Present Present Mild Present 3.2 05 Female 20 30 None None Absent Absent Absent 3.2 06 Unidentified 10 11.5 None Present Present Mild Present 3.2 07 Unidentified 0 0.5 None None Absent Absent Absent 3.2 08 Female 20 25 None Present Present Mild/ Moderate Absent 3.2 09 Unidentified 0 0.5 None None Absent Absent Absent 3.2 10 Unidentified 0 0 None None Absent Absent Absent 3.2 11 Unidentified 0.5 0.75 None Present Present Mild Absent 3.2 12a Female 20 30 None Present Present Mild Present 3.2 12b Unidentified 11 12 None Present Present Mild Absent 3.2 13 Male 17 22 None Present Present Mild Absent 3.2 14 Male 20 35 None None Absent Absent Absent 3.2 15 Female 18 22 None Present Present Mild Present 3.2 16 Unidentified 5 6 None None Absent Absent Absent 3.2 17 Male 35 45 None Present Present Mild Absent 3.2 18 Male 20 25 None None Absent Absent Present 3.3 01 Unidentified 0.5 1.5 None Present Present Moderate Present 3.3 02 Unidentified 12 13 None None Unknown Unknown Unknown 3.3 03 Poss Male 20 45 None Present Present Moderate/ Severe Absent 3.3 04 Female 40 45 None Present Present Mild Present

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201 Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Pathologies Porotic Hyperostosis Extent Cradleboarding 3.3 05 Unidentified 5 7 Trauma Present Present Mild/ Moderate Present 3.3 06 Unidentified 1 1.5 None Present Present Mild/ Moderate Absent 3.3 07a Unidentified 15 18 None None Absent Absent Present 3.3 07b Poss Female 20 30 None None Absent Absent Absent 3.3 08 Unidentified 1.5 2.5 None Present Present Severe Absent 3.3 09a Female 20 25 None Present Present Mild Present 3.3 09b Unidentified 0 0.5 Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown 3.3 10a Unidentified 1.5 2.5 None Present Present Moderate Absent 3.3 10b Male 45 49 None Present Present Moderate Present 3.3 10c Poss Female 16 18 Trauma Present Present Mild/ Moderate Present 3.3 11 Unidentified 0 0.5 Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown 3.3 12 Unidentified 20 34 None Present Present Mild Absent 3.3 13a Female 20 30 None Present Present Unknown Present 3.3 13b Unidentified 3 4 None None Absent Absent Absent 3.3 14 Unidentified 1.5 2 None None Absent Absent Absent 3.3 15 Unidentified 3 3 None None Absent Absent Absent 3.3 16 Unidentified 0 0.5 None Present Present Mild/ Moderate Absent 3.3 17 Unidentified 5 5 None Present Present Mild/ Moderate Present 3.3 18 Female 20 25 None Present Present Mild Present 3.3 19 Unidentified 8 9 None None Absent Absent Absent 3.3 20 Unidentified 40 49 None Present Absent Absent Absent 3.3 21 Unidentified 0 0.5 None None Absent Absent Absent 3.3 22 Unidentified ? ? Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown 3.3 23 Poss Male 40 50 None None Absent Absent Absent

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202 Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Pathologies Porotic Hyperostosis Extent Cradleboarding 3.3 24 Poss Female 20 25 Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown YJ 01 Unidentified 1 1 None None Absent Absent Absent PM 1P2 01a Poss Male 17 18 Trauma None Present Mild/ Moderate Present PM 1P2 01b Unidentified 10 10 Trauma None Present Mild Present PM 1P2 01c Unidentified 3 4 Trauma None Present Mild Present PM 1P2 01d Unidentified 8 9 Trauma Present Present Mild/ Moderate Present PM3.1a j Poss Male 25 45 Trauma Present Present Mild/ Moderate Absent PM3.1a j Poss Male 25 45 Trauma Present Present Mild/ Moderate Absent PM3.1a j Poss Female 25 45 Trauma Present Present Mild/ Moderate Absent PM3.1a j Unidentified 4 5 Trauma Present Present Mild/ Moderate Absent PM3.1a j Unidentified 8 10 Trauma Present Present Mild/ Moderate Absent PM3.1a j Unidentified 1.5 2 Trauma Present Present Mild/ Moderate Absent PM3.1a j Unidentified 1.5 2 Trauma Present Present Mild/ Moderate Absent PM3.1a j Unidentified 25 45 Trauma Present Present Mild/ Moderate Absent PM3.1a j Unidentified 25 45 Trauma Present Present Mild/ Moderate Absent PM3.1a j Unidentified 25 45 Trauma Present Present Mild/ Moderate Absent PM 3.1 02 Unidentified ? ? Trauma None Absent Absent Absent

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203 Burial Number Sex Age Min Age Max Trauma Pathologies Porotic Hyperostosis Extent Cradleboarding PM 3.1 03 Unidentified ? ? Trauma None Absent Absent Unknown PM 3.1 04 Unidentified ? ? Trauma None Unknown Unknown Unknown PM 3.1 05 Unidentified ? ? Trauma Present Present Unknown Absent PM 3.2 01 Unidentified ? ? Trauma Present Present Moderate Absent PM 3.2 02a Unidentified ? ? Trauma Present Present Mild Absent PM 3.2 02b Unidentified ? ? Unknown None Unknown Unknown Unknown PM 3.2 03 Unidentified ? ? Trauma None Absent Absent Unknown PM 3.2 04a Poss Male ? ? Trauma None Absent Absent Absent PM 3.2 04b Unidentified ? ? Trauma None Absent Absent Absent PM 3.2 05 Poss Male ? ? Trauma None Unknown Unknown Unknown PM 3.3 01 Poss Male 20 25 Trauma Present Unknown Unknown Unknown PM 3.3 02 Poss Female ? ? Trauma Present Present Mild/ Moderate Absent PM 3.3 03 Poss Male ? ? Trauma Present Unknown Unknown Unknown PM 3.3 04 Unidentified ? ? Trauma None Absent Absent Absent PM 3.3 05 Poss Male ? ? Trauma None Unknown Unknown Unknown