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Dividing the people : how music genre identity can contribute to cultural divisions

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Dividing the people : how music genre identity can contribute to cultural divisions
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White, Vinnie G.
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Denver, Colo.
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Metropolitan State University of Denver
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Dividing the People: How Music Genre Identity Can Contribute to Cultural Divisions
by Vinnie G. White
An undergraduate thesis submitted in partial completion of the Metropolitan State University of Denver Honors Program
May 5, 2017
Dr. Sam Jay Primary Advisor
David Kottenstette Second Reader
Dr. Megan Hughes-Zarzo Honors Program Director


Running head: MUSIC GENRE IDENTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION.
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Dividing the People: How Music Genre Identity Can Contribute to Cultural Divisions
Vinnie G. White HON-4950 April 25th, 2017
Authors Note
Vinnie White is an undergraduate student at Metropolitan State University of Denver (MSU). This research is in fulfillment of the Communication Arts and Sciences major and the MSU Denver Honors Program requirements. He can be reached at vwhitel l@msudenver.edu.


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Abstract
After a shooting at a Denver, Colorado nightclub, which played primarily hip-hop music, neighboring business owners were concerned by the (perceived) tough crowd the club attracted and the assumed potential for similar future incidents. While the original incident heightened the sense of unease in the area, these concerns were mainly based on pre-established negative stereotypes about certain music genres and related establishments. The stereotypes both increase and perpetuate the social stigmatization of those particular genres and those individuals who identify with them, especially in the United States. This paper investigates the intersection of cultural identities in music genres beginning with a critical analysis of the racial and cultural factors associated with followers of music genres. A Foucauldian discussion of the technologies of governance that create exclusivity is used here to explain how music genres reaffirm sociocultural boundaries between groups. Economic class structure and Pierre Bourdieu's concept cultural capital will aid in identifying how participants of a particular class interact with music genres from classes other than their own. The application of Kenneth Burkes discussion of identity, including his concept of consubstantiality, will show how people forge identities through the social characteristics and stereotypes surrounding music genres, or inhibit participation by those with dissenting views. A probe into the mechanisms in which popular music genres establish and maintain identification will determine how music genres can contribute to cultural division.
Keywords: race, genres, identity, culture, division, rhetoric


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Dividing the People: How Music Genre Identity Can Contribute to Cultural Divisions
The fatal shooting of Tyrone Adair Jr., of Aurora, Colorado, took place early on the morning of Sunday, October 9, 2016, at the hip-hop nightclub Cold Crush in the River North Art District (RiNo) in Denver, Colorado. The Denver Police Department informed local community leaders of the incident, adding that Cold Crush was a hot spot, both as a gang hangout and as a place with consistent crime issues related to drugs and weapon (Moulton, 2016). Similarly, The Shrine nightclub in the Prairie District of Chicagos Southside, was shut down in March 2016 by local authorities. The club was seen as a locus of nuisances due to a string of shootings according to Central District Police Commander Alfred Nagode (Heinzmann, 2016).
Violent crimes unfairly associated with music genres (primarily hip-hop) and the establishments that host them, add to an already divisive environment in American culture. This association is a key factor in the stereotyping of particular music genres. In the examples above, the strong anti-rap attitudes demonstrated by communities like RiNo and Prairie District, enforce not only the crime-genre association, but also the cultural stereotypes of the club and genre participants (Reyna & Tendayi, 2009). The available research about genre selection focuses on the psychological characteristics and class position. This research seeks to better understand the effect that music genre identity has on social and cultural divisions. The byproduct of cultural division, often rooted in race and geographical location, is the production of damaging stereotypes.
This research hypothesizes that genre selection is in part a decision influenced by race and culture, and will demonstrate the construction and maintenance of these divisions and their implications. The action of unnecessarily associating culturally negative stereotypes with a genres participants results in discriminatory attitudes and behavior toward those individuals who


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may solely enjoy the music for its high physical and emotional effects (Nusbaum, Silvia, Beaty, Burgin, & Kwapil, 2015). By creating that association, individuals are placed behind stereotypical boundaries and negatively branded for simply identifying with a particular genre. The cultural implications that come with genre selection have other serious consequences. Persons who identify with genres that carry cultural and societal connotations (positive or negative) assume those connotations through their affiliation. The perceived stereotypes of a particular genre, accompanied by other racial and cultural stereotypes, are then assessed to the participants of that genre group. The generalization of the genres and participants alike force participants to assume the burden of societal insinuations. For example, the implementation of dress codes in which patrons who choose to dress in a stereotyped manner then oppose the values held by the venue enforcing said dress code. However, the specific music with which a person chooses to identify implies a great deal about the individuals values, lifestyles, and opinions (Rentfrow, McDonald, & Oldmeadow, 2009). It is assumed that, if an individual were to identify with classical music for example, one would also make the conscious decision to identify with the lifestyle, opinions, and preferences held by others in that genre group (p. 330).
A House Divided
A substantial aspect of this research is the role of race in cultural division. Racial tensions have plagued the United States for centuries. It is important to note that racial history in America underpins the critical nature of divisional lines set by genre selection. Sixteenth president and slavery opponent, Abraham Lincoln, knew that division in a country was crippling. In June 1858, the young Illinois Republican nominee was locked in a heated candidacy with Stephen Douglas for the United States Senate. Lincoln delivered a speech that detailed exactly why division in a union was disastrous; national progress cannot exist with half of the country standing opposed to


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its other half. Even prior to his presidency, Lincoln knew that a house divided could not stand (Neely, 1982).
A more contemporary example of this principle is the 2016 presidential race and its distinct divisional features. The country was divided along party lines via the rhetoric of the campaign. Divisions of class, race, economics, and political ideologies had America picking sides and demonizing the opposition. These differences in society lead to the breakdown of communication between individuals, stereotyping, and other forms of judgment. Impasses in dialogue typically occur among persons from the same societal communities, but are exacerbated when individuals are members of different ethnic or racial backgrounds (Sue & Sue, 1977, p. 420). A Reuters poll found that 15 percent of participants said they had stopped talking to friends or family members because of the election. For Democrats, this number was 23 percent (Szep, 2016). Over recent years, similar political movements, such as the Occupy Movement, have illustrated how corporate greed and significant economic disparities uphold the stark contrast between social classes.
Recent media coverage of police shootings of unarmed African American males further amplifies racially-charged divisions in America. The numbers say that the majority of police shootings by white police officers, due to census data, have been of white police officers. Nevertheless, due to imagery on social media and other outlets, the perception of more violence seemed more frequent than it was. This perceived frequency spawned protest groups such as Black Lives Matter and dug the racial divide to its deepest point in recent history. The PBS Frontline film (2017), Divided States of America, depicts the level political divisions in the country. David Remnick, editor of The New Yorker, described the racial dissension, saying,
This is our national wound, the deepest and longest standing wound, race (Kirk, Wiser,


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Bennett, Gilmore, & Schonder, 2017). Racism, as defined by scholars, is the belief that some individuals are fundamentally superior to others due to the biological and cultural classification of race (Bonilla-Silva, 2015). This belief is perpetuated by is the engrained nature of ideological positioning of race in society. The deep-rooted nature of racism in America is the consequence of colonialism, slavery, and other racially or ethnically oppressive undertakings throughout history (p. 1359). Following the 2008 presidential election of Barack Obama, the pervasive sentiment in America was that race-related tensions had ended and America would enter a post-racial era. Because the nation had elected its first African American president, the electorate attempted to put racism in its past. However, almost a decade has passed since the historical inauguration, and America has continued to divide itself.
Throughout American history, there have been many cultural milestones, which have repeatedly oppressed and marginalized the African American community, further impairing race relations in America. During the post-Civil War era in American history, the Southern states enacted black codes, which restricted the rights and freedoms of African Americans, typically by economic means. These codes were widespread in America until the 1890s. In 1896, the U.S. Supreme Court heard the case of Plessy v. Ferguson, which was the examination of Louisiana legislation that permitted classification to be made by race or color. The upholding of the Louisiana ruling led to the separate but equal doctrine and the new era of segregation in the country. New legislation passed during this time was referred to as Jim Crow laws, a reference to Thomas Dartmouth Rices minstrel show character, a crude caricature of African Americans. Similar to the black codes, Jim Crow laws restricted access and segregated the use of facilities by African Americans under the common understanding that blacks were separate but equal and were inherently second-class citizens.


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Beginning in the mid-1970s, a movement was bom that, like the Civil Rights movements before it, questioned and challenged foundational aspects of society like economics and history, as well as group and self-interests (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012). Coined Critical Race Theory, the movement set out to establish that racism was institutional and woven into the American infrastructure. Critical Race Theory can and is applied throughout a plethora of academic disciplines. According to Delgado, the deployment of this theory is used to ascertain how society constructs itself along racial and hierarchical lines, while still striving to better itself along the way (p. 7). Through the lens of Critical Race Theory and other similar theoretical frameworks, society has continued to expose and combat racism where it manifests itself. Among the numerous societal aspects of division, race continues to be the most overt and systematic factor that causes barriers in the country.
Participation
Participation and motivation are important factors to consider in the ways people interact with the genres they choose. The task of further research on genre participation will be to determine casual enjoyment of different genres as compared to partial and full participation in a genres culture. Participation is a complicated term to define, primarily because of its subjective nature. Gates (1991) outlines a number of key identifiers: expressing intent to continue involvement with others who identify with an activity; performing the activity-related behavior of other participants; taking a causal role in an activity's events; using ones resources (money, time, energy, etc.) to support the activity; patterning one's behavior in accord with other participants (p. 4). The extent of the cultural division will depend on the degree of participation within a genre. It is important to consider the motivation of someone willing to be a full participant within a genre. Ryan and Deci (2000) suggest that motivation is an intersection


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between personal attitudes on certain actions and external encouragement (p. 69). However, other research suggests that motivations are more extrinsic in nature. Lilleker and Koc-Michalska (2017) propose that people, with moderate amounts of freedom of choice, internalize the attitudes of others, conforming to the social norms when making behavioral decisions (p. 23). The finding of this research support the importance of participation and motivation, showing that an individual who participates in a certain genre may affirm and assume said genres characteristics and stereotypes, while choosing to overlook or denounce the characteristics and stereotypes of those who favor other genres.
Characteristics
A large body of research proposes that people are partial to genres that cast similar characteristics of their personalities and identities (p. 330). This means that high-sensation seekers would stray from the calmer, more conventional genres of classical or jazz, opting instead for the more intense and stimulating aspects of punk or rock music (Litle & Zuckerman, 1986). Those highly receptive to new experiences are going to prefer music that supports their preference for being sophisticated and artistic (Rentfrow & Gosling, 2003). These personality characteristics are examples of how participants of classical, jazz, rock, and punk genres are either neutrally or positively affected by the music with which they identify. The alternative is that attributes associated with genres create and maintain social and cultural division.
To illustrate this division, take the psychological characteristics of classical music and the perception of its listeners as friendly, hardworking, introverted, intelligent, and artistic individuals (Rentfrow, McDonald, & Oldmeadow, 2009, p. 331), in comparison to the perception of hip-hop listeners as extroverted, athletic, relaxed individuals who value social recognition, smoke marijuana, and drink beer (p. 331). Psychological characteristics of classical music fans


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are relatively positive in nature. The contrast between social and psychological characteristics associated with certain genres sets the basis for societal division. When individuals choose to express genre preference, they choose also to publicly associate themselves with a distinct social group. Therefore, through self-categorization and public association, genres aid the perception of participants by others outside that group (Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, & Wetherell, 1987).
This research will illustrate how race, class, and personal identity affect people who participate in certain genres as well as other culture-specific that are associated with particular styles of music (Rentfrow, Goldberg, & Levitin, 2011).
Class, Capital, and Taste
The link between the longstanding cultural and societal divisions in America and the way people interact and identify with particular music genres is an area of study that has focused primarily on identifiers other than race. Existing research suggests that interaction and identity of genre participants with specific music genres are mainly socially and class-based. The interaction of class and tastes was the primary area of study for sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. Bourdieus work (1986) is relevant to this research, because it focuses on the way people of different classes interact with one another, particularly in the context of tastes regarding entertainment. To put the work of Bourdieu and his examinations of class in context, this research will outline how class has affected societies throughout history. First, philosopher and sociologist Karl Marx (1885) maintained that an individuals position within a hierarchical system was related to that persons place in the production process (Parkin, 1979). In Marxist theory, societys ideology toward its citizens depended on an individuals class position. For example, if one owned a factory, that person would hold a higher class position than those who work in that same factory. This division of class would lead to the perception of the working class as less valuable, inevitably


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resulting in oppression by higher classes. Marx also asserts that the political and ideological consciousness of the public was derived from class position.
Class and its dominant ideological power grasp on citizens in the Marxist theory shifted in the mid-20th century. Althusser (1974) believed that hierarchical class systems were seen and used as a tool to maintain a power structure within a society. The distinction between what Marx referred to as the repressive nature of State Apparatuses is made clear by the juxtaposition of Althussers notion of Ideological State Apparatuses. Marx understands State Apparatuses, such as governments and administrations, as the tools by which are used to dominate the ideology its population (Althusser & Brewster, 2001). Typically, these tools employed by the state would be inherently repressive, deploying armies, prisons, and police presence to maintain the dominant hierarchal positioning. Althusser claims that unlike the Repressive State Apparatuses that function primarily through violence such as prisons, the police, and the army, Ideological State Apparatuses fundamentally operate through the submission of fear by a population in the private domain rather than through legal or violent means (p. 97).
To illustrate this, take for example the ideological nature of Christianity. The Christian Bible often uses the fear of sin and evil to which followers submit themselves out of fear of falling out of favor with God. Althusser argued that the ruling classes maintain the ruling ideology in a society using both repressive and ideological state apparatuses. As a student of Althusser, Bourdieu suggested other attributes that contributed to the hierarchical class structure. Allen and Anderson describe Bourdieus view of taste as a social weapon, which separates the high from the low, the acceptable from the vulgar, and the most salient, the legitimate from the illegitimate (Allen & Anderson, 1994).


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Bourdieus belief that the separation of societal groups stems from the differences between low and highbrow types of culture (de Boise, 2016), which is foundational in this research. Bourdieus work underpins the notion that peoples tastes will afford them positions within dominant ideological systems. These differences in low and highbrow tastes are what Bourdieu coined as cultural capital (p. 181). An individuals position in the societal hierarchal system is similar to Marxs assertion of their position in the capitalistic production process. Bourdieu maintained that the collection of capital by someone (economic, cultural, or otherwise) also reflected their position in society.
The term cultural capital refers to the accrual of value and status through certain skills, knowledge, and educational advantage, rather than through direct monetary means (Legg, 2012, p. 159). The characteristics of cultural capital were used to distinguish dominant ideologies within societies, especially by taste. Examples of cultural capital are positions on a school board, higher educational degrees, or status within the community. Those who concerned themselves with a cultural capitalistic lifestyle also believed in high scholastic culture and legitimate taste (p. 163). If an individual doesnt identify with specific music genres like classical, the chances of that same individual falling into a lower cultural class are increased. It is at this moment that the separation of higher and lower class begins. Bourdieu suggested that the motivation behind the collection of cultural capital was the achievement of habitus described as a set of durable, transposable dispositions that emerges out of a relation to wider objective structures in society (Bourdieu, 1977). De Boise highlights that Bourdieus habitus relates to even minor genre selections, as engagement with music genres is a culturally learned response (de Boise, 2016, p. 180). Both Bourdieu and De Boises research touched on a semiotic style of the resistance that takes place in the direction of working class culture to elitist art forms (p.


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183). This resistance originated from the lower classes in opposition, and is often ignored by dominant ideologies in society. Bourdieus work highlights the role class plays in the development of specific tastes and position in society, as well as the importance of this role. Because of the identification people have with specific music genres, and the class and stereotypical implications that come with this identification, cultural divisions are more easily fostered and maintained.
Governance
Music has been a vital element of societies and cultures throughout history. Music has acted as a universal language tool used to navigate through life (Acker, Nyland, & Niland, 2015). Humans have used language to disseminate, experience, and enjoy different aspects of life. Language, in the discursive sense, has largely been considered to be possessing the ability reaffirm power structures. Michel Foucault and his discursive criticism of society, recognized power as being located not in the state, but the people. A Foucauldian analysis of power would discover that the rules of discourse govern knowledge and those rules are the essence of authority (Herrick, 2005, p. 232). Systems of discourse control the construction of thoughts and what people claim to know. For instance, the way in which students are treated by and interact with their teachers is the byproduct of the classroom power structure. Foucault concerned himself with the true location of power and, unlike Marxs suggestions of state-centered power, he suggested that the location of power is not as significant as the reaffirmation of the power through the rules of discourse.
Discourse in society is an integral part of its creation. Foucault believed that discourse did not simply constitute what was real in society, but that it was an element of its inception (McHoul & Grace, 2002, p. 35). By assessing the relationship of power and language, Foucault


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sought to identify how societal discourse affirms power structures. Discourse, in Foucault's criticism, is comparable to Althussers Ideological State Apparatuses, on the basis that power is reaffirmed and perpetuated by those who participate within it. The purpose of these apparatuses used by the state is primarily to change the ideologies of that subject to it. To put this in context, take the differences between a prison and the religion. There are strict rules and symbols of authority in prisons which demand strict adherence to and obedience from the inmates. Religion, in comparison, is a structure that changes the behavior of participants through their beliefs and ideologies; thus, the participants themselves are patrolling their own obedience. However, in both examples, Foucault believed that discourse was used to maintain structures and reaffirm the power within them. Authority (and those with it) needed to be more subtle and elusive to be effective. Machiavellis The Prince (1542) laid out how principalities should systematically go about retaining their authority; primarily through brute force and absolute power. Sovereign authorities were facing unsettling citizenry and militaries, making them too large and abstract, in turn, making them weak and threatening the sovereignty of power (Foucault, Burchell, Gordon, Miller, 1991, p. 98). Documented in his essay Governmentality, is the example of this belief in which Foucault made the discernment between Machiavelli's proposal and a more discursive, centered power structure.
The term economy, as Foucault states, denoted a tool of governments, which added a level of reality or a field of intervention, through a series of complex processes (p. 93). To put these complex processes in context, Burchell, Gordon, and Miller (1991) suggest that to govern, one must not just govern things or people, but govern the complex relationships people have with things (p. 93). It is through an economy that a state can place the burden of rule and place it back on the citizenry, ensuring that sovereign power remains in the hands of the ruling class.


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Economy is successful in governing a population, not only because of its structure but also the ideology behind it. Like other ideological apparatuses, economy get its power from those who submit to its function and consequences. The concept of an economy changes its participants from their core beliefs outward, thus allowing the structure itself to govern those within. The development and adoption of economies by populations meant that sovereignties did not have to maintain a constant pressure on the populous to comply with rules of law. Rulers saw the externality of growing economies as a benefit to managing larger and unrulier populations. Economies also provided hope through the success of economic prosperity.
Similarly, todays understanding of the word comes in the form of production and resource management. The economy imposes rules and laws through its processes, which participants then impose on themselves willfully. Economies render ways of allowing sovereignties to govern in ways other than authoritarian, effectively leaving citizens to govern themselves. For instance, the concept of good credit or a high credit score is how Western economies self-imposed discipline on populations. Individuals typically strive for the best credit score possible knowing that lower scores present difficulties in obtaining loans, residence, and other financial necessities of life. Foucault wrote that instruments like economies are fundamental to the art form of governments, simply because they act as a particular means of asserting power or discipline through alternative processes (Foucault, Burchell, Gordon, Miller, 1991, p. 91). It is important to note that Foucault illustrated instruments like the economy as technologies of governance, at the disposal of sovereign leaders, amongst other instruments. In sum, governments use of these technologies allows the administration of discipline and order by other means rather than a central power.


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An important aspect of Foucaults concept is the role that individual discourse plays in the structure of authority in the technologies used to govern. The discourse used within a deployed technology is crucial to the participation and the obedience of those within. It was Foucaults foundational claim that in society, discourse and its creation, are controlled, organized, and distributed according to particular producers (Escobar, 1984, p. 379). Furthermore, Foucault asserts that power is inescapable and routed in discourse and knowledge (Foucault & Sheridan, 1991). Power is at part of the foundation of who people are and what they do, and discourse is what affirms that power. Given that Foucault claims that power and discourse are synonymous, this research will attempt to connect technologies like the fashion, discourse, and business, which favor specific genres in relation to governing its participants. These relations promote cultural division caused by music genre selection.
Discursive Importance
Discourse used by people in society, unbeknownst to them, had a specific structure. In his book Archeology of Knowledge (1969), Foucault maintained that the language used in society to detail history, social practices, societal economics, and even different spoken languages are all governed by very specific rules that are not typically directly endorsed (Foucault & Sheridan 1976). Foucault states that individuals find this hard to believe, simply because of the illusion of helplessness, and are unwilling to subscribe the governing rules of discourse. In the above example, the economy has certain standards and functions, empowered by those who participate in its structure.
The information in this research demonstrates how participation within music genres is comparable to other well-organized systems that are capable of self-governing through discourse to all its participants. This systematic approach to governing is designed to monitor and control


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the behavior of those in the population by those with authority (Foucault, Burchell, Gordon, Miller, 1991, p. 3). Knowledge is highly desired and kept guarded by those who control the system. For instance, within a music genre, it could be an influential friend or trendsetters within that genre can disseminate the fashion or the terminology of that genre. The discourse used by influencers establish unwritten rules that maintain cultural division.
Take for example the hypothetical scenario of an individual, Person A, who has chosen to participate within and identify with Genre X. A presumption would be that those around Person A who also participate with Genre X, would use discourse about the genre to Person A, and vice versa. Depending on the upbringing, cultural beliefs, social standing, and other societal factors of those participating and using discourse with Person A (or vice versa), the rules of that structure (genre) would govern the view or treatment of participants of other genres. The inverse function of this scenario is also valid. If Person As community has predominately adopted one particular genre (Genre X) over another, through the discourse used, Person A could feel pressured to not enjoy genres outside of the adopted communal genre. The hypothetical scenarios in this research act as a reflection of how the discourse used creates a power structure, coercing genre participants into certain actions.
Foucault concerned himself more with how discourse is regulated through certain functions to affirm already established power structures, rather than locating the source of power. Unlike Marx, who believed all class struggle was the product of a centralized power due to capitalism, Foucault suggests that the construct of power not be considered a central-based concept, but rather a ubiquitous segment of life (Foucault, 1990, p. 93; Olssen, 2004, p. 463). Foucaults understanding of power and knowledge assists this research in underlining the severity that discourse and its directives have on social understanding. Coupled with preexisting


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cultural differences, the discourse used in opposition of one another about adopted genres, aid in maintaining, and in some cases creating, new cultural differences.
Today, individuals treat music genres like structured institutions, like the way participants are expected to dance or dress while participating. Foucault would call this structure the texture of civil society, which carries a consensus that authority is a function within the institution (Foucault, Burchell, Gordon, & Miller, 1991, p. 32). This research will attempt to build on the view held by Foucault, stating that power is ubiquitous, which maintains and reaffirms existing power structures through a procedural discursive manner.
Identity and Language
This research has outlined Althusser and Marxist theories of the roles individuals play in the production process that creates a hierarchical class structure. The publics feeling towards a person was based on that person's class position, which spawned elements of power and hierarchy within a society. This research also has demonstrated how the political use of a class hierarchy and the use of other apparatuses as a disciplinary tool has ensured a deployment of power. These apparatuses are important to note in association with Foucaults concept of govemmentality, because the discourse used within these apparatuses has reaffirmed power structures which frequently resulted in the dominance of a population. Also, Bourdieus work reveals how class positioning is engrained in the specific tastes of a population, marrying the ideologies of both Althusser and Marx to show that who one is and what one does creates that person's position in society.
It is important to structure the ideas of Marx, Althusser, Bourdieu, and Foucault first, to set the theoretical framework and context for this research. Genre selection comes with
significant repercussions, stereotypes, and stigmas, which, as the previous theoretical arguments


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demonstrate, is possible to create and maintain cultural division within opposing genre participants. Personal and social identity is central to this research as music, or more importantly, genre selection, is used to construct meaning in experiences and emotions (Minichiello, 2005, p. 440).
In the modern view of identity, individuals who wish to be seen a certain way or by a particular group may identify with persons or products specifically to achieve the goal of association. Peter Burke suggests that identity is comprised of concepts such as depersonalization, self-verification, self-esteem, and self-efficacy (Stets & Burke, 2000, p. 24), which allows people to align themselves with any association they choose. Here, Burke is referring to the internalization of the emotional characteristics one goes through to identify with aspects of life. Monrad (2013, p. 349), like Stets and Burke, suggests that identities consist of meanings, which people ascribe to themselves as occupants of positions in the social structure. The commonality between these two theories is the notion that the person chooses and then internalizes the characteristics of who they want to be.
Burke and Tully (1977) also maintain that it is the categorization of oneself that is the fundamental aspect of identity, which occurs by the performance of a role by an occupant. This, in turn, has specific expectations that are associated with that role. This identifying occupancy of a specific role means that identity occurs when people find a niche in society and can perform that position with little societal push-back. Social groups are also fundamental to individual identification. Burke and Tully described these groups as people who hold a common social identification or view themselves as members of the same social category (p. 225). Furthermore, White and Burke (1987) maintain that through structural symbolic interactionism, selfconceptions surface through interpersonal interaction, which is then constrained and defined by


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the social structure. Cocklin and Stryker (1982) reaffirm the research of Burke and Tully (1977) by maintaining the expectations of these social structures where identity is found in roles assumed by participants.
However, Stryker contends that self-definitions, meanings, and the definitions of others are built around those same role definitions (Stryker, 1987 p. 89). This is important to note since Stryker reaffirms the importance of participants in identity by asserting that role definitions and meanings are imperative to participation in social movements (p. 89). The connection genre participants have with their community and other participants are significant to the identification and resultant treatment of those who do not identify with specific genres. It is this notion of identity that Kenneth Burke saw as a form of persuasion a way to deepen cultural differences of those who identify with different music genres. The recognizable theme of identification through self and assuming that characteristics of who one wants to be, underpins the understanding that ones association with friends, family, and community bolsters personal identification.
Rhetorical Identification
Burke, a 20th-century philosopher and rhetorician, believed that the invention of language has made the bonds of identity stronger. Burke believed that language is the building block of rhetoric, and maintained that actions were only made possible by language (Southwell, 1988). Burke explains in his essay Language as Symbolic Action (1966) that people are signalusing animals who cling to naive verbal realism and who also refuse to register the full extent of the role played by symbols in their perceived reality. His work in this essay is pivotal, as Burke introduces terms like symbolicity, which acts as the link between people, and the nonverbal communication, which he says is a screen that separates individuals rather than brings them together (p. 5).


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This link is the notion that people would be apart from nonverbal interactions, if it were not for the language through symbolic structures creating meaning for those structures. Take for example Burkes analysis of William Shakespeares poetry, specifically the writers style. By stating that Shakespeares unique manner of art is, in fact, his essence, Burke highlights the foundational belief of identity (Burke, 1954). The essence of one's identity suggests that an individual possesses a quality or a talent uniquely their own (p. 249). The association of a universal essence or nature of someone distinctly makes individuals unique.
Burke proposed that, while people are different in their individual personalities, it is their interests that can also unite them. Through the shared interests of individuals, an identifying bond is born. Burke theorized that through this shared link via interests, people were substantially one (Burke, 1969). The idea that people can be substantially one (p. 21) with one another via shared interest, given their distinct personalities, is the precursor to what Burke would describe as identity. Since individuals A and B identify with one another through an activity they have in common, this would make them consubstantial with one another (p. 21). For example, individuals who identify as country music fans form a bond through the participation in the genre, and are therefore one and the same (consubstantial) with one another. The term consubstantial refers to the state of separate parts being one and the same substance, essence, or nature, primarily used in theology to teach of the Holy Trinitys unified state. The belief is that The Father, The Son, and The Holy Spirt act as three separate entities, but are in fact the same substance. Burke often spoke of biblical aspects in his writings, like the story of Samson and his action towards the Philistines (p. 4). However, Burke professed that the forging of identities of separate, individual essences through the connectedness of shared interests had a divisional
component.


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A grounding principle of Burkes writing within rhetoric is his belief that where there is language, there is identity, and where there is identity, there is also division. In Language as Symbolic Action (1966), Burke points out that every mans language has its individualities, followed by common properties of class, words, and phrases related to universal use (p. 28). It is important to note his deliberate phrasing: individualities, common, and universal. Individuality describes the distinct nature of the language individuals choose to use in their specific cultures. The choice to use words, common and universal, expounds on the idea that as symbol-using creatures, humans have a universal commonality in language used with one another. Here, Burke sets the framework for his notion that identity and division are interconnected through blurred lines.
In Rhetoric of Motives (1969), Burke introduced a possible range in the rhetorical nature of language. The line that separates identification and division is ambiguous and difficult to recognize where one starts and the other begins (p. 22). To root this theoretical understanding in a genre selection, we can see that identifying with hip-hop (culturally) is to not identify with classical music. Identification with one genre and the exclusion of others is the ambiguous nature of identity and division. To not identify with a particular genre is, in fact, to establish a level of division by merely wanting to identify with a favorite piece of music or to fully participate in other genres. This relationship between identification and division is innate within the moment a language is learned. Although it is entirely possible to enjoy culturally-opposing genres at the same time, such actions do not detract from the divisions caused by identification with these genres. For example, individuals who identify with one another through country music are also perceived to embody that genre's stereotypical characteristics. For the person who may enjoy


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country and other genres, the stereotypical perception is still present by those who do not identify with that genre; thus, the creation of division.
Burke understood the difficulty in understanding a division and its relation to rhetoric.
The same challenge is true today, where there is no shortage of reasons to be divided in society. Whether it is race, socioeconomic class, geographical location, or any other variance between people in society, this research finds it productive to educate the public that music genre identification has the potential to be just as divisive. Burke sought to discover what effect language has on the persuasion of people and vice versa. Because of the ambiguity of language, rhetoric, and persuasion, there are aspects of genre participation Burke believes act as a rhetorical agent. The DJ, the group, the band, the rapper, or the genre sways participants through rhetoric/persuasion to form identity and consubstantiality. This influence reinforces belonging, and is therefore persuasive in this sense.
Why is Identity So Important?
More disparaging than Burkes notion of the ambiguity of identification and division, is the concept of social comparisons. Crocker and Major (1989) state that social comparison takes place when members of stigmatized or oppressed groups are disenfranchised due to victimization via prejudice, as compared to members of dominant groups (p. 614). It is significant to note certain genres have become oppressed and victimized because of the socially-held characteristics and associated characteristics of certain genres. For example, the rap genre gets criticized because of the appearance of violent and misogynistic messages. Because of this criticism, those who do not align themselves with the perceived attributes of the genre can result in the victimization the genre. Crocker and Major continue, saying that individuals from these oppressed groups tend to compare themselves to others in the same group for whom the


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likelihood of positive outcomes is narrow (p. 614). It is important to highlight the work of Crocker and Major, because it emphasizes the severe impact of genres which hold a negative connotation in Western cultures. Pronin, Steele, and Ross (2004) suggest that people will decide on the values that they feel are associated with negative stereotypes and choose not to associate those characteristics with their sense of self-esteem (p. 153). The idea that individuals will knowingly disassociate themselves from values that do not align with their own further supports the claim that the maintenance of cultural division is present within genre identity. Depending on the perceived values of a genres participants, those who do not participate will be skeptical of doing so.
Conclusion
I write this thesis as a 20-year veteran of exposure to parties, gatherings, and music as a DJ. I have witnessed firsthand how music separates people, depending on the genres of music in which they choose to participate. I have direct knowledge of what occurs when I am playing music at a predominately African American party, and I try to work in music that does not fit into the genre I am expected to play. More importantly, I have witnessed the oppression the hip-hop and rap genre receives, given the negative perception and stereotypes. This research presents a hypothesis that is worth further examination. If given the opportunity, I would investigate the link between personal tastes and the views of others who hold opposing views or tastes. I believe, too, that there could be correlations between age, geographical location, and the genres with which individuals identify. I believe that these links would better develop research such as this to clarify how individuals interact with genres. I have an emotional connection to this topic, not only because my identity with oppressed genres, but also my role as a music maker.


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This research is going to introduce a term called forced selection, suggesting that people who may want to participate in one genre over another are often unable to do so without some cultural push-back, essentially forcing them to select the genre agreed upon by cultural factors. It is hypothesized that through forced selection, DJs and music programmers also push participants toward certain genres over others, forcing, or reaffirming, onto potentially unwilling participants cultural stereotypes associated with those genres. An example of this is the selection of music genres in television and radio advertisements. A cultural decision is made based on the perceived attitude and feeling toward the genre and potential return from that selection. The reasons and circumstances for why participants interact with certain genres differ for a variety of reasons.
This research will offer theoretical methods and frameworks to provide insight on how and why an individual might identify with certain genres, and the potential cultural barriers that can result from that identification. My function as a DJ puts me in the position to act as a rhetorical tool, which, according to Burke, has persuasive component to it. As this research has highlighted, through Forced Selection, I am choosing what music people will effectively like and dislike through the music I do not select. I am essentially reaffirming the division that the research proposes through my music selection. Because of this interconnectedness, I would urge all of those in similar forced selection positions to reevaluate their roles within genre selection and identity. This research, while acknowledging the need for further research and discussion, illustrates the likelihood of genre-based cultural divisions in society. However, this trend can be reversed easily by genre participants acknowledging culturally-held biases toward other genres and those who participate within them, and keeping an open mind to other tastes in music and culture. Advertisers can act by not succumbing to culturally-held assumptions about certain communities and the music genres they prefer. The same action is true where forced selection


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takes place in groups of people, obligating them to accept or participate within genres that they normally would not.
Music is one of the only art forms that can genuinely bridge divisions, similar to the effect food has on communities. In a time when political ideologies have been divided into right or left of philosophical line, music does not have to go the way of the political division in America. As a population, we need to be willing to hear what our neighbors are listening to and participating with. If this small feat can be accomplished, then there will be one less thing in society that divides the people.


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Full Text

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Dividing the People: How Music Genre Identity Can Contribute to Cultural Divisions by Vinnie G. White An undergraduate thesis submitted in partial completion of the M etropolitan State University of D enver Honors Program May 5, 2017 Dr. Sam Jay David Kottenstette Dr. Megan Hughes Zarzo Primary Advisor Second Reader Honors Program Director

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Running head: MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION Dividing the People: How Music Genre Identity Can C ontribute to Cultural Divisions Vinnie G. White HON 4950 April 25 th 2017 Author's Note Vinnie White is an undergraduate student at Metropolitan State University of Denver (MSU). This research is in fulfillment of the Communication Arts and Sciences major and the MSU Denver Honors Program requirements. He can be reached at vwhite11@msudenver.edu

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 2 Abstract After a shooting at a Denver, Colorado nightclub, which played pri marily hip hop music, neighboring business owners were concerned by the ( perceived ) tough crowd the club attracted and the assumed potential for similar future incidents While the original incident heightened the sense of unease in the area, t hese concerns were mainly based on pre established negative stereotypes about certain music genres and related establishments The stereotype s both increase and perpetuate the social stigmatization of those particular genres and those individuals who identify with them especially in the United States. This paper investigates the intersection of cultural identities in music genres beginning with a critical analysis of the racial and cultural factors associated with followers of music genres. A Foucauldian discussion of the technologies of governance that create exclusivity is used here to explain how music genres reaffir m sociocultural boundaries between groups. Economic class structure and Pierre Bourdieu's concept cultural capital will aid in identifying how participants of a particular class interact with music genres from classes other than their own. The a pplication of Kenneth Burke's discussion of identity including his concept of consubstantiality will show how people forge identities through the social characteristics and stereotypes surrounding music genres, or inhibit participation by those w ith dissenting views. A probe into the mechanisms in which popular music genres establish and maintain identification will determine how music genres can contribute to cultural division. Keywords: race, genres, identity, culture, division, rhetoric

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 3 Dividing the People: How Music Genre Identity Can Contribute to Cultural Divisions The fatal shooting of Tyrone Adair Jr., of Aurora, Colorado, took place e arly on the morning of Sunday, October 9 2016, at the hip hop nightclub Cold Crush in the River Nor th Art D istrict (RiNo) in Denver, Colo rado The Denver Police Department informed local c ommunity lea ders of the incident, adding "that Cold Crush was a hot spot, both as a gang hangout and as a place with consistent crime iss ues related to drugs and weapon" (Moulton, 2016). Similarly, The Shrine nightclub in the Prairie District of Chicago's Southside, was shut down in March 2016 by local authorities T he club was seen as a "locus of nuisances" due to a string of shootings according to Central District Police Commander Alfred Nagode (Heinzmann, 2016). Violent crimes unfairly associated with music genres (primarily h ip h op) and the establishments that host them, add to an already divisive environment in American culture. This association is a key factor in the stereotyping of particular music genres. In the examples above, the strong anti rap attitudes demonstrated by communities like R i N o and Prairie District, enforce not only the crime genre association, but also the cultural stereotypes of the club and genre participants (Reyna & Tendayi 2009). The available research about genre selection focuses on th e psycholog ical characteristics and class position This research seeks to better understand the effect that music genre identit y has on social and cultural divisions. The byproduct of cultural division, often rooted in race and geographical location is the production of damaging stereotypes. This research hypothesizes that genre selection is in part a decision influenced by race and culture and will demonstrate the construction and maintenance of these di visions and their implications. The action of unnecessarily associating culturally negative stereotypes with a genre s participants results in discriminatory attitudes and behavior toward those individuals who

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 4 may solely enjoy the mus ic for its high physical and emotional effects (Nusbaum, Silvia, Beaty, Burgin, & Kwapil, 2015). By creating that association individuals are placed behind st ereotypical boundaries and negatively branded for simply identifying with a particular genre. The cultural implications that come with genre selection have other serious consequences. Persons who identify with genres that carry cultural and societal connotations (positive or negative) assume those connota tions through their affiliation. The perceived stereotypes of a particular genre, accompanied by other racial and cultural stereotypes, are then assessed to the participants of that genre group. The generalization of the genres and participants alike force participants to assume the burden of societal insinuations For example the implementation of dress codes in which patrons who choose to dress in a stereotyped manner then oppose the values held by the venue enforcing said dress code. However, the specific music with which a person cho o se s to identify implies a great deal about the individual's values, lifestyles, and opinions (Rentfrow, McDonald, & Oldmeadow, 2009). It is assumed that if an individual were to identify with classical music for example, one would also make the conscious decision to identify with the lifestyle, opinions and preferences held by others in that genre group (p. 330). A House Divided A substantial aspect of this research is the role of race in cultural division. Racial tensions have plagued the United States for centuries. It is important to note that racial history in America underpins the critical nature of divisional lines set by genre selection. Sixteenth president and slaver y o pponent, Abraham Lincoln knew that division in a country was crippling. In June 1858, the young Illinois Republican nominee was locked in a heated candidacy with Stephen Douglas for the United States Senate Lincoln delivered a speech that detailed exactly why division in a union was disastrous ; national progress cannot exist with half of the country standing opposed to

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 5 its other half Even prior to his presidency Lincoln knew that a house divid ed coul d no t stand ( Neely, 1982). A more contemporary example of this principle is the 2016 presidential race and its distinct divisional features. The country was divided along party lines via the rhetoric of the campaign. Divisions of class, race, economic s, and political ideologies ha d America picking sides and demonizing the opposition These differences in society lead to the breakdown of communication between individuals stereotyping and other forms of judgment. Impasses in dialog ue typically occur among persons from the same societal communities but are exacerbated when individuals are members of different ethn ic or racial backgrounds (Sue & Sue, 1 977 p. 420 ). A Reuters poll found that 15 percent of participants said they had stopped talking to friends or family members because of the election F or Democrats, this number was 23 percent ( Szep, 2016). Over recent years, similar political movements such as the Occupy Movement, have illustrated how corporate greed and significant economic disparities uphold the stark contrast between social classes Recent media coverage of police shootings of unarmed African American males further amplifies racially charged divisions in America. The numbers say that the majority of police shootings by white police officers, due to census data, have been of white police officers. Nevertheless due to imagery on social media and other outlets th e perception of more violence seemed more frequent than it was. This perceived frequency spawned protest groups such as Black Lives Matter and dug the racial divide to its deepest point in recent history. The PBS Frontline film (2017) Divided States of America depicts the level political divisions in the country. David Remnick, editor of The New Yorker described the racial dissension, saying, "This is our national wound, the deepest and longest standing wound, race" (Kirk, Wiser,

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 6 Bennett, Gilmore, & Schonder, 2017). Racism, as defined by scholars is the belief that some individuals are fundamentally superior to others due to the biological and cultural classification of race ( Bonilla Silva, 2015). This belief is perpetuated by is the engrained nature of ideological positioning of race in society. The deep rooted nature of racism in America is the consequence of colonialism, slavery, and other racial ly or ethnic ally o ppressive undertakings throughout history (p. 1359). Following the 2008 presidential election of Barack Obama t he pervasive sentiment in America was that race related tensions had ended and America would enter a post racial era. Because the nation had elected its first African American president, the electorate attempted to put racism in its past. However, almost a decade has passed since the historical inauguration and America has continued to divide itself. Throughout American history, there have been many cultural milestones, which have repeatedly oppress ed and marginalize d the African American community further impairing race relations in America. During the post Civil War era in American history, the Southern states enacted "black codes ," which restricted the rights and freedoms of African Americans typically by economic means. These codes were wide spread in America until the 1890s. In 1896 the U.S Supreme Court heard the case of Plessy v. Ferguson which was the examination of Louisiana legislation that permitted classificat ion to be mad e by race or color. The upholding of the Louisiana ruling led to the separate but equal doctrine and the new era of segregation in the country. New legislation passed during this time was referred to as "Jim Crow law s ," a reference to Thomas Dartmouth Rice 's minstrel show character a crude caricature of African Americans Simila r to the black codes, Jim Crow laws restricted access and segregated the use of facilities by African Americans under the common understanding that blacks were "separate but equal" and were inherently second class citizens.

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 7 Beginning in the mid 1970s a movement was born that, like the C ivil R ights movements before it, questioned and challenged foundational aspects of society like economics and history, as well as group and self interests (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012). Coined Critical Race Theory the movement set out to establish that racism was institutional and woven into the American infrastructure Critical Race Theory can and is applied throughout a plethora of academic disciplines. According to Delgado t he deployment of this theory is used to ascertain how society constructs itself along racial and hierarchical lines w hile still striving to better it self along the way (p. 7). Through the lens of Critical Race Theory and other similar theoretical frameworks, society has continued to expose and combat racism where it manifests itself. Among the numerous societal aspects o f division, race continues to be the most overt and systematic factor that causes barriers in the country. Participation Participation and motivation are important factors to consider in the ways people interact with the genres they cho o se. The task of further research on genre participation will be to determine casual enjoyment of different genres as compared to partial and full participation in a genre s culture. Participation is a complicated term to define, primarily because of its subjective nature. Gates (1991) outlines a number of key identifiers : expressing intent to continue involvement with others who identify with an ac tivity; performing the activity related behavior of other participants; taking a causal role in an activity's events; using one s resources (money, time, energy, etc.) to support the activ ity; patterning one's behavior in accord with other participants (p. 4). The extent of the cultural division will depend on the degree of participation within a genre. It i s important to consider the motivation of someone willing to be a full participant within a genre. Ryan and Deci (2000) suggest that motivation is an intersection

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 8 between personal attitudes on certain actions and external encouragement (p. 69). Ho wever, other research suggests that motivation s are more extrinsic in nature. Lilleker and Koc Michalska (2017) propose that people, with moderate amounts of freedom of choice, internalize the attitudes of others, conforming to the social norms when makin g behavioral decisions (p. 23). The finding o f this research suppor t the importance of participation and motivation, showing that an individual who participates in a certain genre may affirm and assume said genre s characteristics and stereoty pes while choosing to overlook or d enounce the characteristics and stereotypes of those who favor other genres. Characteristics A large body of research proposes that people are partial to genres that cast similar characteristics of their personalities and identities (p. 330). This means that high sensation seekers would stray from the calm er, more conventional genres of classical or jazz opting instead for the more intense and stimulating aspects of punk or r ock music (Litle & Zuckerman, 1986). Those highly receptive to new experiences are going to prefer music that supports their preference for being sophisticated and artistic (Re ntfrow & Gosling, 2003). These personality characteristics are examples of how participants of classical, jazz, rock, and punk genres are either neutrally or positively affected by the music with which they identify The alternative is that attributes associated with genres create and maintain social and cultural division. To illustrate this division, take the psychological characteristics of classical music and the perception of its listeners as frien dly, hardworking, introve rted, intelligent, and artistic individuals (Rentfrow, McDonal d, & Oldmeadow, 2009, p. 331), i n comparison to the perception of hip hop listeners as extroverted, athletic, relaxed individuals who value social recognition, smok e ma rijuana and drink beer (p. 331). P sychological characteristics of classical music fans

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 9 are relatively positive in nature. The contrast between social and psychological characteristics associat ed with certain genres sets the basis for societal division. When individuals cho o se to express genre preference, they choose also to publicly associate themselves with a distinct social group. Therefore, through self categorization and public association, genres aid the perception of participants by others outside that group (Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, & Wetherell, 1987). This research will illustrate how race, class, and personal identity affect people who participate in certain genres as well as other culture specific that are associated with particular styles of music (Rentfrow, Goldberg, & Levitin, 2011). Class, Capital and Taste The link between the long standing cultural and societal divisions in America and the way people interact and identify with particular music genres is an area of study that has focused primarily on identifiers other than race. Existing research suggests that interaction and identity of genre participants with specific music genres are mainly socially and clas s based. The interaction of class and tastes was the primary area of study for sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. Bourdieu's work (1986) is relevant to this research because it focuses on the way people of different classes interact with one another, particularly in the context of tastes regarding entertainment To put the work of Bourdieu and his examinations of class in context, this research will outline how class has affected societies throu ghout history. First, philosopher and sociologist Karl Marx (1885) maintained that an individual's position within a hierarchical system was related to that person's place in the production process (Parkin, 1979). In Marxist theory, society's ideology towa rd its citizens depended on an individual's class position. For example, if one owned a factory, that person would hold a higher class position than those who work in that same factory. This division of class would lead to the perception of the working class as less valuable, inevitably

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 10 resulting in oppress ion by higher classes. Marx also asserts that the political and ideological consciousness of the public was derived from class position. Class and its dominant ideological power grasp on citizens in the Marxist theory shifted in the mid 20th century. Althusser (1974) believed that hierarchical class systems were seen and used as a tool to maintain a power structure within a society. The distinction between what Marx referred to as the repressive nature of State Apparatuses is made clear by the juxtaposition of Althus ser's notion of Ideol ogical State Apparatuses. Marx understands State Apparatuses such as governments and administrations as the tools by which are used to dominate the ideology its population (Althusser & Brewster, 2001). Typically, these tools employed by the state would be inherently repressive, deploying armies, prisons, and police presence to maintain the dominant hierarchal positioning. Althusser claims that unlike the Repressive State Apparatuses that function primarily through violence such as prisons, the police, and the army Ideological State Apparatuses fundamentally operate through the submission of fear by a population in the private domain rather than through legal or violent means (p. 97 ). To illustrate this, take for example the ideological nature of Christianity. The Christian Bible often uses the fear of sin and evil to which followers submit themselves out of fear of falling out of favor with God. Althusser argued that the ruling classes maintain the ruling ideology in a society using both repressive and ideological state apparatuses. As a student of Althusser, Bourdieu suggested other attributes that co ntributed to the hierarchical class structure. Allen and Anderson describe Bourdieu's view of taste as a "social weapon which separates the high from the low, the acceptable from the vulgar and the most salient, the legitimate from the illegitimate (Allen & Anderson, 1994).

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 11 Bourdieu's belief that the separation of societal groups stems from the differences between low and highbrow types of culture (de Boise, 2016), which is foundational in this research. Bourdieu's work underpins the no tion that people's tastes will afford them positions within dominant ideological systems These differences in low and highbrow tastes are what Bourd ieu coined as cultural capital (p. 181). An individual's position in the societal hierarchal system is s imilar to Marx's assertion of their position in the capitalistic production process Bourdieu maintained that the collection of capital by someone (economic, cultural, or otherwise) also reflected their position in society. The term cultural capital refers to the accrual of value and status through certain skills, knowledge, and educational advantage rather than through direct monetary means (Legg, 2012, p. 159). The cha racteristics of cultural capital were used to distinguish dominant ideologies within societies, especially by taste. Examples of cultural capital are positions on a school board, higher educational degrees, or status within the community. Those who concern ed themselves with a cultural capitalistic lifestyle also believed in high scholastic culture and "legitimate taste" (p. 163). I f an individual doesn't identify with specific music genres like classical, the chances of that same individual falling into a lower cultural class are increased It is at this moment that the separation of higher and lower class begins. Bourdieu suggested that the motivation behind the colle ction of cultural capital was the achievement of habitus described as a set of durable, transposable dispositions that emerges out of a relation to wider objective structures in society (Bourdieu, 1977). De Boise highlights that Bourdieu's habitus relate s to even minor genre selections as engagement with music genres is a culturally learned response (de Boise, 2016, p. 180). Both Bourdieu and De Boise's research touched on a semiotic style of the resistance that takes place in the direction of working class culture to elitist art forms (p.

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 12 183). This resistance originated from the lower classes in opposition, and is often igno red by dominant ideologies in society. Bourdieu's work highlights the role class plays in the development of specific tastes and position in society as well as the importance of this role Because of the identification people have with specific music genres, and the class and stereotypical implications that come with this identification cultural divisions are more easily fostered and maintained Governance Music has been a vital element of societies and cultures throughout history Music has acted as a universal language tool used to navigate through life (Acker, Nyland, & Niland, 2015). Humans have used language to disseminate, experience, and enjoy different aspects of life Language, in the discursive sense, has largely been considered to be possessing the ability reaffirm power structures. Michel Foucault and his discursive criticism of society recognized power as being located not in the state but the people. A Foucau ldian analysis of power would discover that the rules of discourse govern knowledge and those rules are the essence of authority (Herrick, 2005, p. 232). Systems of discourse control the construction of thoughts and what people claim to know. For instan ce, the way in which students are treated by and interact with their teachers is the byproduct of the classroom power structure. Foucault concerned himself with the true location of power and unlike Marx 's suggestions of state centered power, he suggested that the location of power is not as significant as the reaffirmation of the power through the rules of discourse. Discourse in society is an integral part of its creation. Foucault believed that di scourse did not simply constitute what was real in society, but that it was an element of its inception (McHoul & Grace, 2002, p. 35). By assessing the relationship of power and language, Foucault

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 13 sought to identify how societal discourse affirms power str uctures. Discourse, in Foucault's criticism, is comparable to Althusser's Ideological State Apparatuses on the bas i s that power is reaffirmed and perpetuated by those who participate within it. The purpose of these apparatuses used by the state is primarily to change the ideologies of that subject to it. To put this in context take the differences between a prison and the religion. There are strict rules and symbols of authority in prisons which demand strict adherence to and obedience from the inmates. Religion, in comparison, is a structure that changes the behavior of partici pants through their beliefs and ideologies; thus, the participants themselves are patrolling their own obedience. However, in both examples, Foucault believed that discourse was used to maintain structures and reaffirm the power within them. Authority (and those with it) needed to be more subtle and elusive to be effective. Machiavelli's The Prince (1542) laid out how principalities should systematically go about retaining their authority ; primarily through brute force and absolute power. Sovereign authorities were facing unsettling citizenry and militaries, making them too large and abstract in turn making them weak and threatening the sovereignty of power (Foucault, Burchell, Gordon Miller, 1991, p. 98) Documented in his essay Governmentality is the example of this belief in which Foucault made the discernment between Machiavelli 's proposal and a more discursive centered power structure. The term economy, as Foucault states, denoted a tool of governments, which added a "level of reality or a field of intervention, through a series of complex processes (p. 93). To put these complex processes in context, Burchell, Gordon, and Miller (1991) suggest that to govern, one must not just govern things or people but govern the complex relationships people have with things (p. 93). It is through an economy that a state can place the burden of rule and place it back on the citizenry, ensuri ng that sovereign power remains in the hands of the ruling class.

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 14 Economy is successful in governing a population, not only because of its structure but also the ideology behind it. Like other ideological apparatuses, economy get its power from those who submit to its function and consequences. The concept of an economy changes its participants from their core beliefs outward, thus allowing the structure itself to govern those within. The development and adoption of economie s by populations meant that sovereignties did not have to maintain a constant pressure on the populous to comply with rules of law. Rulers saw th e externality of growing economies as a benefit to managing larger and unrulier populations. Economies also p rovided hope through the success of economic prosperity. Similarly, today's understanding of the word comes in the form of production and resource management. The economy imposes rules and laws through its processes, which participants then impose on themselves willfully. Economies render ways of allowing sovereignties to govern in ways other than authoritarian effectively leaving citizens to govern themselves. For instance, the concept of good credit or a high credit score is how W estern economies self imposed discipline on populations. Individuals typically strive for the best credit score possible knowing t hat lower scores present difficulties in obtaining loans, residence, and other financial necessities of life. Foucault wrote that instruments like economies are fundamental to the art form of governments, simply because they act as a particu lar means of asserting power or discipline through alternative processes (Foucault, Burchell, Gordon, Miller, 1991, p. 91). It is important to note that Foucault illustrated instruments like the economy as technologies of governance, at the disposal of sovereign leaders, amongst other instruments. In sum, government's use of these technologies allows the administration of discipline and order by other means rather than a central power.

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 15 An important aspect of Foucault's concept is the role that individual discourse plays in the structure of authority in the technologies used to govern. The discourse used within a deployed technology is crucial to the participation and the obedience of those within. It was Foucault's foundational claim that in soc iety, discourse and its creation, are controlled, organized, and distributed according to particular producers (Escobar, 1984, p. 379). Furthermore, Foucault asserts that power is inescapable and routed in discourse and knowledge (Foucault & Sheridan, 199 1). Power is at part of the foundation of who people are and what they do, and discourse is what affirms that power. Given that Foucault claims that power and discourse are synonymous this research will attempt to connect technologies like the fashion, discourse, and business, which favor specific genres in relation to governing its participant s. These relations promote cultural division caused by music genre selection. Discursive Importance Discourse used by people in society, unbeknownst to them, had a specific structure. In his book Archeology of Knowledge (1969) Foucault maintained that the language used in society to detail history, social practices, societal economics, and even differe nt spoken languages are all governed by very specific rules tha t are no t typically directly endorsed (Foucault & Sheridan 1976). Foucault states that individuals find this hard to believe, simply because of the illusion of helplessness, and are unwilling to subscribe the governing rules of discourse. In the above example, the economy has certain standards and functions, empowered by those who participate in its structure. The information in this research demonstrates how participation w ithin music genres is comparable to other well organized systems that are capable of self governing through discourse to all its participants. This systematic approach to governing is designed to monitor and control

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 16 the behavior of those in the populati on by those with authority (Foucault, Burchell, Gordon, Miller, 1991, p. 3). Knowledge is highly desired and kept guarded by those who control the system. For instance, within a music genre, it could be an influential friend or trendsetters w ithin tha t genre can disseminate the fashion or the terminology of that genre The discourse used by influencers establish unwritten rules that maintain cultural division. Take for example the hypothetical scenario of an individual, P erson A who has chosen to participate within and identify with Genre X. A presumption would be that those around Person A who also participate with Genre X, would use discourse about the genre to Person A and vice versa. Depending on the upbri nging, cultural beliefs, social standing, and other societal factors of those participating and using discourse with Person A (or vice versa), the rules of that structure (genre) would govern the view or treatment of participants of other genres. The inverse function of this scenario is also valid. If Person A's community has predominately adopted one particular genre ( Genre X) over another, through the discourse used, Person A could feel pressured to not enjoy genres outside of the adopted communal genre. The hypothetical scenarios in this research act as a reflection of how the discourse used creates a power struct ure coercing genre participants into certain actions. Foucault concerned himself more with how discourse is regulated through certain functions to affirm already established power structures rather than locating the source of power. Unlike Marx who believed all class struggle was the product of a centralized power due to capitalism Foucault suggests that the construct of power not be considered a central based concept, but rather a ubiquitous segment of life (Foucault, 1990, p. 93; Olssen, 2004 p. 463). Foucault's understanding of power and knowledge assists this research in underlining the severity that discourse and its directives have on social understanding. Coupled wit h pre existing

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 17 cultural differences, the discourse used in opposition of one another about adopted genres, aid in maintaining, and in some cases creating, new cultural differences. Today, individuals treat music genres like structured institutions like the way participants are expected to dance or dress while participating. Foucault would call this structure the texture of civil society, which carries a consensus that authority is a function within the institution (Foucault, Burchell, Gordon, & Miller 1991, p. 32). This research will attempt to build on the view held by Foucault, stating that power is ubiquitous which maintains and reaffirms existing power structures through a procedural discursive manner. Identity and Language This research has outlined Althusser and Marxist theories of the roles individuals play in the production process that creates a hierarchical class structure. The public's feeling towards a person was based on that person's class position, which spawned elements of power and hierarchy within a society. This research also has demonstrated how the political use of a class hierarchy and the use of other apparatuses as a disciplinary tool has ensured a deployment of power. These apparatuses are important to note in association with Foucault 's concept of governmentality, because the discourse used within these apparatuses has reaffirmed power structures which frequently resulted in the dominance of a population. Also, Bourdieu's work reveals how class positioning is e ngrained in the specific tastes of a population, marrying the ideologies of both Althusser and Marx to show that who one is and what one does creates that person's position in society. It is important to structure the ideas of Marx, Althusser, Bourdieu, and Foucaul t first, to set the theoretical framework and context for this research. Genre selection comes with significant repercussions, stereotypes and stigmas, which as the previous theoretical arguments

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 18 demonstrate, is possible to create and maintain cultural division within opposing genre participants. Personal and social identity is central to this research as music, or more importantly, genre selection is used to construct meaning in experiences and emotions (Minichiello, 2005, p. 440). In the modern view of identity, individuals who wish to be seen a certain way or by a particular group may identify with persons or products specifically to achieve the goal of association. Peter Burke suggests that identity is comprised of concepts such as "depersonali zation, self verification, self esteem, and self efficacy" (Stets & Burke, 2000, p. 24), which allows people to align themselves with any association they choose. Here, Burke is referring to the internalization of the emotional characteristics one goes through to identify with aspects of life. Monrad (2013, p. 349), like Stets and Burke, suggests that identities consist of meanings, which people ascribe to themselves as occupants of positions in the social structure. The commonality be tween these two theories is the notion that the person chooses and then internalizes the characteristics of who they want to be. Burke and Tully (1977) also maintain that it is the categorization of oneself that is the fundamental aspect of identity which occurs by the performance of a role by an occupant This, in turn, has specific expectations that are associated with that role. This identifying occupancy of a specific role means that identity occurs when peopl e find a niche in society and can perform that position with little societal push back. Social groups are also fundamental to individual identification. Burke and Tully described these groups as people who hold a common social identification or view thems elves as members of the same social category (p. 225). Furthermore, White and Burke (1987) maintain that through structural symbolic interactionism, self conceptions surface through interpersonal interaction, which is then constrained and define d by

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 19 the social structure. Cocklin and Stryker (1982) reaffirm the research of Burke and Tully (1977) by maintain ing the expectations of these social structures where identity is found in roles assumed by participants. However, Stryker contends that self definitions, meanings, and the definitions of others are built around those same role definitions (Stryker, 1987 p. 89). This is important to note since Stryker reaffirms the importance of participants in identity by asserting that role definitions an d meanings are imperative to participation in social movements (p. 89). The connection genre participants have with their community and other participants are significant to the identification and resultant treatment of those who do not id entify with specific genres. It is this notion of identity that Kenneth Burke saw as a form of persuasion a way to deepen cultural differences of those who identify with different music genres. The recognizable theme of identification through se lf and assuming that characteristics of who one wants to be, underpins the understanding that one's association with friends, family, and community bolsters personal identification. Rhetorical Identification Burke, a 20th century philosopher and rhetorician believed that the invention of language has made the bonds of identity stronger. Burke believed that language is the building block of rhetoric, and maintained that actions were only made possible by language (Southwell, 1988). Burke exp lains in his essay Language as Symbolic Action (1966) that people are signal using animals who cling to na•ve verbal realism and who also refuse to register the full extent of the role played by symbols in their perceived reality. His work in this essay is pivotal as Burke introduces terms like symbolicity, which acts as the link between people, and the nonverbal communication, which he says is a screen that separates individuals rather than brings them together (p. 5).

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 20 This link is the notion that people would be apart from nonverbal interactions if it were not for the language through symbolic structures creating meaning for those structures. Take for example Burke's analysis of William Shakespeare's poetry, specifically the writer's style. By stating that Shakespeare's unique manner of art is, in fact, his essence, Burke highlights the foundational belief of identity (Burke, 1954). The essence of one's identity suggests that an individual possesses a quality or a talent u niquely their own (p. 249). The association of a universal essence or nature of someone distinctly makes individual s unique. Burke proposed that while people are different in their individual personalities, it is their interests that can also unite the m. Through the shared interests of individuals, an identifying bond is born. Burke theorized that through this shared link via interests, people were substantially one (Burke, 1969). The idea that people can be substantially one (p. 21) with one another via shared interest given their distinct personalities is the precursor to what Burke would describe as identity. Since individuals "A" and "B" identify with one another through an activity they have in common this would make them consubstantial with one another (p. 21). For example, individuals who identify as country music fans form a bond through the participation in the genre and are therefore one and the same (consubstantial) with one another. The term consu bstantial refers to the state of separate parts being one and the same substance, essence, or nature, primarily used in theology to teach of the Holy Trinity 's unified state The belief is that The Father, The Son, and The Holy Spirt act as three separate entities but are in fact the same substance. Burke ofte n spoke of biblical aspects in his writings like the story of Samson and his action towards the Philistines (p. 4). However, Burke professed that the forging of iden tities of separate individual essences through the connectedness of shared interests had a divisional component.

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 21 A grounding principle of Burke's writing within rhetoric is his belief that where there is language there is identity, and where there is ide ntity, there is also division. In Language as Symbolic Action (1966), Burke points out that every man's language has its individualities, followed by common properties of class, words, and phrases related to universal use (p. 28). It is important to note his deliberate phrasing : individualities, common, and universal. Individuality describes the distinct nature of the language individuals cho o se to use in their specific cultures. The choice to use words, common and universal, expounds on the idea that as symbol using creatures, humans have a universal commonality in language used with one another. Here, Burke sets the framework for his notion that identity and division are interconnected through blurred lines. In Rhetoric of Motives (1969), Burke introduced a possible range in the rhetorical nature of language. The line that separates identification and division is ambiguous and difficult to recognize where one starts and the other begins (p. 22). To root this theoretical understanding in a genre selection, we can see that identifying with hip hop (culturally) is to not identify with classical music. I dentif ication with one genre and the exclusion of others is the ambiguous nature of identity and division. To "not identify" with a particular genre is, in fact, to establish a level of division by merely wanting to identify wit h a favorite piece of music or to fully participate in other genres This relationship between identification and division is innate within the moment a language is learned. Although it is entirely possible to enjoy culturally opposing genres at the same time, such actions do not detract from the divisions caused by identification with these genres For example, individuals who identify with one another through country music are also perceived to embody that genre's stereot ypical characteristics. For the person who may enjoy

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 22 country and other genres, the stereotypical perception is still present by those who do not identify with that genre ; thus the creation of division. Burke understood the difficulty in understanding a division and its relation to rhetoric. The same challenge is true today where there is no shortage of reasons to be divided in society. Whether it is race, socioeconomic class, geographical location, or any other variance between people in society, this research finds it productive to educate the public that music genre identification has the potential to be just as divisive. Burke sought to discover what effect language has on the persuasion of people and vice versa. Because of t he ambiguity of language, rhetoric, and persuasion, there are aspects of genre participation Burke believes act as a rhetorical agent T he D J the group, the band, the rapper, or the genre sways participants through rhetoric/persuasion to form identity and consubstantiality. This influence reinforces belonging, and is therefore persuasive in this sense Why is Identity So I mportant? More disparaging than Burke's notion of the ambiguity of identification and division is the concept of social comparisons. Crocker and Major (1989) state that social comparison takes place when members of stigmatized or oppressed groups are disenfranchised due to victimization via prejudice, as compared to memb ers of dominant groups (p. 614). It is significant to note certain genres have become oppressed and victimized because of the socially held characteristics and associated characteristics of certain genres. For example, the rap genre gets criticized becaus e of the appearance of violen t and misogynistic messages. Because of this criticism, those who do not align themselves with the perceived attributes of the genre can result in the victimization the genre. Crocker and Major continue saying that in dividuals from these oppressed groups tend to compare themselves to others in the same group for who m the

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 23 likelihood of positive outcomes is narrow (p. 614). It is important to highlight the work of Crocker and Major because it emphasizes the sever e impact of genres which hold a negative connotation in Western cultures. Pronin, Steele, and Ross (2004) suggest that people will decide on the values that they feel are associated with negative stereotypes and choose not to associate those c haracteristics with their sense of self esteem (p. 153). The idea that individuals will knowingly disassociate themselves from values that do not align with their own further supports the claim that the maintenance of cultural divis ion is present within genre identity. Depending on the perceived values of a genre s participants, those who do not participate will be skeptical of doing so. Conclusion I write this thesis as a 20 year veteran of expo sure to parties, gathering s and music as a D J I have witnessed firsthand how music separates people, depending on the genres of music in which they choose to participate I have direct knowledge of what occurs when I a m playing music at a predominately African American party and I try to work in music that do es no t fit into the genre I a m expected to play More importantly, I have witnessed the oppression the hip hop and rap genre receives given th e negative perception and stereotypes. This research presents a hypothesis that is worth further examination If given the opportunity, I would investigate the link between personal tastes and the views of others who hold opposing views or tastes. I believe, too, that there could be correlations between age, geographical location, and the genres with which individuals identify I believe t hat these links would better develop research such as this to clarify how individuals interact with genres I have an emotional connection to this topic, not only because my identity with oppressed genres but also my role as a music maker.

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 24 This research is go ing to introduce a term called forced selection suggesting that people who may want to participate in one genre over another are often unable to do so without some cultural push back, essentially forcing them to select the genre agreed upon by cultural factors. It is hypothesized that through forced selection, DJ s and music programmers also push participants toward certain genres over others, forcing or reaffirming onto potentially unwilling participants cultural stereotypes associated with those genres An example of this is the selection of music genres in television and radio advertisements. A cultural decision is made based on the perceived attit ude and feeling toward the genre and potential return from that selection. The reasons and circumstances for why participants interact with certain genres differ for a variety of reasons. This research will offer theoretical methods and frameworks to provide insight on how and why an individual might identify with certain genres and the potential cultural barriers that can result from that identification. My function as a D J puts me in the position to act as a rhetorical tool, which ac cording to Burke has persuasive component to it. As this research has highlighted, through Forced Selection, I am choosing what music people will effectively like and dislike through the music I do no t select I am essential ly re affirming the division that the research proposes through my music selection. Because of this interconnectedness, I would urge all of those in similar "forced s election positions to re evaluate their roles within genre selection and identity This research, while acknowledging the need for further research and discussion illustrates the likelihood of genre based cultural divisions in society. However, this trend can be reversed easily by genre participants acknowledging culturally held biases toward other genres and those who participate within them, and keeping an open mind to other tastes in music and culture. Advertisers can act by not succumbing to culturally held assumptions about certain communities and the music genres they prefer. The same action is true where forced selection

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 25 takes place i n groups of people, obligating them to accept or participate within genres that they normally would not Music is one of the only art forms that can genuinely bridge divisions similar to the effect food has on communities. In a time wh en political ideologies have been divided into right or left of philosophical line music does n o t have to go the way of the political division in America. As a population, we need to be willing to hear what our neighbors are listening to and participating with. If this small feat can be accomplished, then there will be one less thing in society that divides the people.

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MUSIC GENRE ID E NTITY AND CULTURAL DIVISION. 26 Resources Acker, A., Nyland, B., & Niland, A. (2015). The relationship between children's learning through music and the use of technology. Australian Journal of Music Education, (1), 64 74. Allen, D. E., & Anderson, P. F. (1994). Consumption and Social Stratification: Bourdieu's Distinction. Advances In Consumer Research 21 (1), 70 74. Althusser, L., & Brewster, B. (2001). Lenin and philosophy, and other essays. New York: Monthly Review Press. Bonilla Silva E. (2015). The structure of racism in color blind, "Post racial" america. American Behavioral Scientist, 59 (11), 1358 1376. doi:10.1177/0002764215586826 Bourdieu, P. (1977). Outline of a theory of practice. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press. Bu rke, K. (1954). Part Two The Philosophic Schools: The Act. In A Grammar of Motives (p. 249). New York, NY: Prentice Hall. Burke, K. (1966). Language as Symbolic A ction: Essays on life, literature, and method. Berkeley: University of California Press. Burke, K. (1969). A Rhetoric of Motives. Berkeley: University of California Press. Burke, P. J., & Tully, J. C. (1977). The measurement of role identity. Social forces 55 (4), 881 897. Crocker, J., & Major, B. (1989). Social stigma and self esteem: The sel f protective properties of stigma. Psychological Review, 96 (4), 608 630 doi:10.1037/0033 295X.96.4.60 Cocklin, B., & Stryker, S. (1982). Symbolic Interactionism. Teaching Sociology, 9(2). doi:10.2307/1317324

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