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Material Information

Title:
Pound Ridge, New York
Creator:
Needham, Linda J
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
113, [6] leaves : charts, maps (1 folded) ; 28 cm

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
City planning -- New York (State) -- Pound Ridge ( lcsh )
City planning ( fast )
New York (State) -- Pound Ridge ( fast )
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

Notes

Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 117-119).
General Note:
Cover title.
General Note:
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree, Master of Planning and Community Development, College of Design and Planning.
Statement of Responsibility:
Linda J. Needham.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Colorado Denver
Holding Location:
Auraria Library
Rights Management:
All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
09246327 ( OCLC )
ocm09246327
Classification:
LD1190.A78 1980 .N43 ( lcc )

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--------------------------------------------, W E S T C I-1 .E S T E R COUN1,Y NEW YORI( 8ALW1N PLACE 7 ltOC-.LAND COUHT'f lllltOIN COUNTY ----01-t I : I . \ \ \ \ / POUND RIDGE LEGEND CONCENTRATED URBAN CENTERS MAJOR-INTERMEDIATE LOCAL HIGH DENSITY URBAN fii1IIllill) MEDIUM DENSITY SUBURBAN c=J LOW DENSITY RURAL OPEN SPACE SYSTEM LOOSELY DEFINED "WEDGES" DEFINITE ELEMENTS ACCESS TO SHORELINE TRANSPORTATION SYSTEM MAJOR URBAN CORRIDOR MINOR TRANSPORTATION CORRIDOR __ FALL, 1974 URBAN FORM CONCEPTS FIGURE 17

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-___,__ MURP STUDENT THESIS Linda J N dh ee am, Spr 80 FISHING I I //IIPE/1 PEIIALTf Of THEI.AVI L------POUND RIDGE NEW YORK Linda J. N e dham SPRING 1980

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1111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111 3 1204 00265 8954 T ii.BLE O F CONTENTS INTRODUCTION HISTORY 17th and 18th Centurie. s 19th Century 2 0th Century: 1900-194 5 20th Century: 1945-? r esent POUND RIDGE TODAY Growth Population Characteristics Land Use Governrnent/l oli tics Problems The Region SUBURBAN Analysis Forces for Chan g e Proposed Solution POUND RIDGE IN PER3PEC TIVE r---__......_. .. j l t .._, -.---A .. w= J .,.. ........ ________ __J, 1 4 8 12 22 5 8 62 66 69 75 78 83 89 103 108

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LIST OF FIGURE S FIGURE: 1: Town Location FIGU R E 2: The Stamford o f 1685 F IGU!<.E 3: S u rveying "the Oblong" FIGURE 4: Dev elopment Patterns, 1 8 5 8 FIGURE 5: O p e n S pace: Cou nty a n d Hatershed .areas FIG URE 6: 1936 Zoni n g FIGU ?.E 7 : 1959 Zoning FIGU R E 8 : Business Districts Scotts Corners FIGlJT-"( E 9 : f o pu1ation 1810-198 0 10: C o m p a rativ e l:-o p u1ati o n Gr ov1t h FIGlr.S 11: I--o pu1ation by A g e FIG Ur:E 1 2 : L a n d Use by A c r e F I G U::' S 13: Zoni n g by Acre 14: Pound R i dg e G overnment 15: 198 0 T own Budget FIG URE 1 6 : 1 9 79 Housi n g B u dget o f One round Ridge R esident on a Fixed Income FIG U F.T: 17: Urban Form Concepts FIGUS'. E 18: UpCounty Exp r e s s

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ACKNOVJLEDGENENTS To return to study one's hometown after eighteen years of only fleeti n g contact is a special experience. The changes which I h G d noticed in passing took on n e w m eaning as I gradually learned the story of the town's devolopment. feelings toward the had bee n nostalgia for the natural environment and p artly antipathy to the values e xpresse d in the manmade environment. of study end thought have not the emotions but have ho pefully improved the objectivity. I want to e xpress my thank s to seve r a l people who gave me their tine, interest, and encouragement in this project: to the staf f o f the Hira m Halle Library, v :ho got me started by digging throug h their files; to Nrs. Fred R o dney, h elped me get "the lay of the l and"; and especially to m y grandmother for her knov 1l e d ge, legwork connections, and especially for his l ively interest and o pen mind L J N Boston, 1980.

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INTRODUCTION I

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I I Pound Ridge is a town of 4,200 residents in the rugged hills and forests of northern Westchester County, New York, 45 miles from New York City. From its beginning s as a consolidation of small crossroads farm communities, the land has dominated the interests o f the residents; its use and profitability concern the present owne r s as much as the early farmers. Bypassed by the early of suburban development because o f its isolation from the expanding transportation network, the town had only 700 residents it passed its first zoning ordinance in 1936. In the series of land use regulations v1hich follo\.red, development was increasingly restricte d until the cost of a home was prohibitive to all but 20% of the region's population. The product of a sophisticated and far-sighted population, Pound Ridg e was prepared for the great wave of suburban migration. Growth occurred in an orderly fashion, limited primarily to residential use. Planning efforts, which were initiated in 1949, have successfully preserved the rural character while allowing the population to increase by over 400% in the 30 years since World \,rar II. The town, which almost 15,000 acres, enjoys a political unity in Westchester to\vns. While severa l

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' ---, \ \ TOWN OF \ \PoUND RIDGE \\ \ \ __ ... I STATE OF CONNECTICUT FAIRFIELD COUNTy

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I I separate nodes of crossroad commercial activity flourished within its borders at various times, they did not develop as independent communities. In addition, the boundaries of the school district coincide to-;.m boundaries with the exception of a small section along the northern border. The fragmentation of political activities, with which many towns must grapple, is not present to dilute or divert the power of town government. 2. Since the turn of the century, Pound Ridge has rejected all undesirable development. The power and responsiveness of its government have b een directed toward the m aintenance of a small-tovm atmosphere in a rural setting. The resulting settlement is composed o f single-family residences, e ach constructed on an average of more than three acres of land. Retail and public facilities for the residents are provided in two sm all nodes of development. The people continue to use roads which Here laid out by their Ind i a n predecessors on the land. The major issues have been, and continue to be, those which involve the use of undeveloped land. Threats to the continued exercise of over use of the land have come from sources which view Pound Ridge as part of the New York metropolita n region. With other suburban this community has increasingly turned inward in the face o f outsid e pressures. Reassertation of independence

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3. has been the response to the growing body of evidence of regional interdependence. The future o= the town will be largely determined by the results of this battle over the proper decision-maker for the issues concerning land use. This paper sets out to document the growth and development of Pound Ridge and to examine the results of that process. It is a story of people and of changes, of success and of failure. Finally, this is a study of suburbia and of the forces which will determine the future of suburban towns. As fervently as the people who make up this cowmunity wish to isolate themselves, Pound Ridge cannot be seen as separate from the regional context and the consequent forces for cha n ge.

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HISTORY 17th & 18th Centuries I

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I 4. The earliest inhabitants of the land which is now Pound Ridge were the Siwanoy and tribes of the Mohegan Indians. These tribes inhabited the l ands between the Long Island Sound and the Hudson River, fishing the streams and lakes and hunting in the rugged hills. They established semi-permanent villages and farmed som e of the land. In addition to their names, which now belong to lakes and roads in the town, the major legacy of the Indian period was the layout o f highways, which often followed the routes o f their trails. Le gend h a s it that the name o f the came from a pound constructed by the Ind i ans on one of the ridges to hold animals for protection or storage. While the specific site has not been i dentified from amon g the many located throughout the town, it is clear that Indian life is the source of its appellation. In 1640 the Indians sold a p arcel of land ext ending north from Long Island Sound to a group of settlers. K nown as the Stamford Tract, the land was held in common by the proprietors to be divided among individ u a l m embers as needed. Becaus e the majo r settlement on the Sound, the part of the Tract which included Pound Ridg e remained wilderness.

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I Tllr: n u F ......... 1 . \.\lFOH

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s. A second purchase o f land at about the same time was made by speculators who expected to hold the land until it could be sold for profit. This section was known as the East Patent and included the western and northern parts of Pound Ridge. The area was not only held by two different owners but was also part of the land known as "the Oblong", land claimed by both New York and Connecticut. Because of its uncertain status (numerous adjustments were made in the boundary before the permanent border was ratified in 1881), many settlers avoided the area. The controversy may h ave made the land attractive to scuatters because. records of ownership were confused and fragmented. As the demand for land grew, however, settlers began acauiring 1 8nd in the area both from the Stamford and the East Patent. These people built small wood-frame homes of modest proportions, capable of being heated and maintained during the h arsh winters and hard times. They were primarily farmers, clearing land from the forests and eking out an e xistence from the rocky soil. Settlement p atterns 'l:vere determinerl by the existing roads, presumably Indian trnils Hhich had been widened into cart roads. These the pathes of least resis t ance D the heavily wooded hills and ridges. The major cartways which passed throug h the area \ vere those connecting Stamford with

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Sc .. \t >j Mi\tS t l SURVEYING OF "THE OBLONG"

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6. Bedford and Bed ford with Ridgefield. It was from these towns th<:.t the first residents came before 1700, and many of their names remain farniliCJr in the town as their descendents continue to live in Pound Ridge. 11eanwhile, the area continued it have an identity crisis. In 1721 upon petition o f the residents, the land in West, East, and Middle Patents was incorporated as the of North Castle. no record exists of the separation of Pound Ridge and the establishment of its borders, the boundaries were stated in the Township Act o f 1788, which divided Westchester County into 21 towns: "bounded southerly by the State c Connecticut, easterly and northerly by Salem, and westerly by Bedford and the Mahanus River."l The tmm developed along a pattern familiar in New England, farms scattered along the roads with small village clusters and services at the major crossroads. As the population increased, there were a number of areas which developed substantial commercial activity and community focus. This multi-nodal development, which resulte d in the establishment o f incorporated villages within the boundaries of many towns, did not lead to government divisions in Pound Ridg e and remains evident in the town primarily throug h the proximity of olde r homes in several locations. Two areas remain as active community focal points: the Hamlet, which was the historic town center, and Scotts Corners, which was the center for small

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7. industry. The Hamlet was the home of the first prominent family in Pound Ridge, the Lockwoods. It their presence which led to the one notice which the town receives in history books: Tarleton's Raid in 1779 was an attempt by the British to capture Major Ebenezer Lockwood, a patriot for whom they had set a reward of 40 guineas. The with the help of the resolutely rebel local farmers, beat back a regiment of royal cavalry without much loss of blood on either side. During the Revolutionary \.Jar, the townspeople acknowledged regional responsibilities by organizing a Committee of Observa tion with neighboring The members participated in the rebel cause by refusing to s ell, or to allmo1 shipment over town roads of, food to the Tories in New York City.

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19th Century

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. \ B. During the first half of the 1800's, Pound Ridge continued to grow and prosper. While the major occupauon was farming, the residents were able to supplement their income through home-industry sidelines. Shirtmaking and shoemaking manufacturers in nearby Connecticut distributed pre-cut parts, and the women returned completed items. Over 150 families were involved in shoemaking on a part-time basis, and for awhile there were two small shops set up for the men to work together. In addition to these enterprises, there were numerous small factories scattered along the Connecticut border for the production of: chemicals, pumps, hats, bricks, and flavoring extracts. The best known of these industries was basketmaking, which was centered in Scotts Corners. Produced both in homes and in small factories, the baskets were supplied to the oyster industry in New York City and the towns along the Sound. Increased prosperity did not chang e the appearance of the town or the lifestyle of its residents. Dominated by the Presbyterian Church, the homes and lives o f the remained simple. The Church was a firm arbiter of morals and frowned upon worldly sins, from drinking to public lavishness to excessive concern with making money. Another Lockwood -

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9. Jacob was excommunicated for 11letting worldly business prevent his calling his family together for prayer."2 The wars of the nineteenth century had little effect upon life in Pound Ridge. An artillery piece used during the War of 1812 became the proud symbol of town patriotism until it killed two residents during two separate celebrations. Thereafter, the town showed its support of the military by hosting troop drills and regimental reviews. In the mid-1800's the prosperity of the town began to diminish. of the land was farmed out, and its owners were forced to abandon their property and move on. With the development of machinery, local hand-industry was no longer reauired. Basketmaking was virtually wiped out by a combination of competition from machine-made b askets and increasing pollution which affected its major market, the oyster industry. The grm1ing opportunities for employment in factories drew many to move in search of their fortunes. A resident of Pound Ridge at this time explained the impact of the technological revolution on the town: "It obliges the most of the work to be done in the factories so that the workmen are com pelled to live near the factories, and as farming is the only remaining source of income, it mechanical occupations and business opportunities must be sought elsewhere; thus there is a constant drain on the population.113

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I f h'j, ,,,.h .. ,. I . -.,r./

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lO. The in population which starte d in the 1850's not be reversed until the 1920's. The prosperity of the Industria l Revolution, in bypassing the town, left intact the character which is so treasured by current residents. The fortunes of Pound Ridg e were almost reversed on three occasions by the decision to build railroads through or near the By 1850 two railroads had b een built to outlying northern reaches from York City, one along the Long Island Sound which passed throug h Stamford and one along the Hudson River which served several northern Westchester towns. The first plan which to affect Pound Ridge was put forth in 1 8 63 by the New York, Housatonic and Northern Railroad. While there wer e no stations or tracks p roposed for the its proximity was expected to benefit the town throug h increased l and v alues and transport of f a rm products. The Railroad also hoped to encourage summer tourism by extolling the virtues of northern -v. -estchester in its prospectus: "pure mor a l atmosphere thrift and sturdy intelligence of the citizens . homes o f rura l beauty and refinement."4 The Panic of 1873 made this bucolic vision unaffordable, n n d the plans were dropped. The vision, however, w a s to reappear at a much later d ate. In 1867 the-Ridg e field and New York Railroa d proposed a route throug h found Ridge. Right-of-i lay for the track w a s

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11. purchased for railroad stock, and the grading was finished before the Panic bankrupted the company. Sections of this grading are still visible in the quiet woods near Scotts Corners. In 1910 the Westchester Northern surveyed a route through Pound Ridge -different from thGt already graded -but plans never proceeded. The economy of the town continued to l a n guish as it was bypassed by the major highways being built to the north from New York City as well as by the railroads. Houses and farm' land '''ere abanc'l .oned, and eventually some of the roads fell into disuse as well. The one series o f events during this time 'tvhich h a s h a d a continuing impact on the town was the purchase of larg e tracts of watershed land by the 'tvater companies of cities in the region. In 1869 and 1891 the Stamford Water Company purchased a total of 1,397 acres in several loca-tions; Portchester H ater \.Jerks bought 110 acres; and New York City acquired 50 acres.

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20th Century: 1900-1945

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12. The pattern of life a t the start of the twentieth century had been the same for many years: few new families moved into town, old folks died off, the young ones left to seek opportunity elsewhere, farming was primarily sustenance, and hardly anyone travelled out of town. There were forces building outside its borders which would open up both the lives of the residents and Pound Ridge itself. In 1910 elec tricity carne to town, followed shortly by the telephone and automobiles. The isolation was ended, and many of the forces which were to revitalize the tmvn began, a trickle of what was to become a flood. "Summer people" started to visit Pound Ridge shortly after the turn of the century. In 1908 tuberculosis patients were housed in tents overlooking Trinity Lake, which was owned by the Stamford Water Company. By 1910 boardinghouses were available for these patients. Other groups came from New York City and lo1 ;rer estchester County to enjoy the pleasures of hunting and fishing in the wilderness which prevailed. One current resident who lived in the neighboring settlement of High Ridge recalls Sunday outings over narrow and crooked dirt roads to pick huckleberries in areas which had once been farmland. The townspeople generally welcomed outsiders because they contributed.to the local economy; hmvever, from the beginning there were some problems. The local residents 'tvere

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13. shocked at the Sabbath-breaking of many. The Stamford Water Company finally had to eliminate all public use of its watershed when it found a colony of squatters doing their laundry in the water supply; these areas continue to be closed to the public. Some visitors bought or built homes which were used on weekends and in the summer to escape from the city into the quiet, rural environment, an idea which was to grow in popularity and from a part-time to a full-time way of living. In 1916 Pound Ridge made its first major stand against um..relcomed kin.:::1 s of development. The Northern Westchester District Nursing Associatio n renuested permission to open an infantile paralysis hospital in tovn. The majority of residents opposed the hospital, and Town Supervisor George I. Ruscoe flatly told the grou p that the town did not Nant the pest house. The population was so agitated that they went on to pass a resolution requiring all children aged 16 and under to be examined by a health o fficer before being allowed to visit within the From that time on, Pound Ridge has refused to accept any land use which m i ght threaten its children or its property values. During the early 1900's, it was possible to put together larz e tracts of l and by buying them for back taxes. people took advantag e of this procedure to buy and hold land

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14. on a speculative basis. Twelve acres of land in Scotts Corners, now the commercial center of town, were obtained for $4.59 by Daniel W. Dann. His son Horace Dann eventually sold it off for business development at consideraQle profit, donating a piece to the town for the Fire Station. In 1925 Westchester County purchased 4,000 acres of farm and woodland for a regional park. O f this amount, almost 3,000 acres are in Pound Ridge; the Pound Ridge Ward Reservation continues to provide a permanent wilderness area in the northern part of town. This land, combined with the 1,000 acres held by regional water companies, effectively removes about one-fifth of the total l 3nd area from development. By the mid-1920's, with the possibilities of further development offering more economic rewards, some residents began to urge that roads and schools be improved to increase the town's attractiveness to potential new residents. While they were notably unsuccessful in promoting town action on either issue, the subject of schools became a bitter controversy for the next fifteen years. In 1925 the remained divided into five school districts, each served by a one-room school; those who went to high school had to leave and board in a neighboring town. The push was for a central elementary school and/or a high school. By 1931, with the battle still raging, the State of New York offered to provide part of the funds for the construe-

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TOWN OF POUND RIDGE OPEN SPACE County and Watershed Areas

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15. tion of a central elementary school. In 1935 the County Board of Health found one of the one-room schoolhouses unhealthy due to a substandard privy. The controversy continued because old-time residents objected to increased taxes and many new residents preferred to send their children to private schools and saw no reason to pay increased costs for public education. The resolution came when Pound Ridge was publically embarrassed by Eleanor Roosevelt, who proclaimed in an article printed in a local newspaper that the school she had visited in Pound Ridge was By 1939 the children of the tmm entered a new consolidate d school located in the H amlet. With several additions, this school continues to serve the entire town with the exception of those families in the extreme north, school district boundaries being nearly contiguous with the town border. The mid-1920's also saw the beginning of civic improve ment associations to guide the 's government and residents toward community betterment. Three organizations representing different areas sprang up during this time, all primarily concerned with such issues as better roads, better education, beautification, and good citizenship. In 1935 the three merged into the Trinity Pass Property Owners with the following state d -purroses: "to aid in m aintaining and improving real estate in the neighborhood; to be active and watchful for the protection of the character of the neighborhood and con-

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16. serve s ame for the best type of settlement; to protect and promote the safety, security and v alue of homes of the members; encourage enactment o f state and local legislation favorable to the community; procure better roads and transportation; attract residents of desirable character;" and so on.6 The organization was active in the fight for a central elementary school and the establishment of a fire house, among other i ssues. Good roads became a subject of debate within the group when some member s opposed oiling dirt roads because it detracted from the rural character o f the to\ ffi and increased traffic; the subject of roads is still debated with many of these arguments. The group b e came the Found Ridge Froperty Ot,"tler s in 19 0 and in 1947 chan' ;ed its name to the Pound Ridge Association, an organization v1hich continues to pursue the aims of civic improvement. }bch of this civic activity came f rom people new to Pound Ridge, people who wished to have the same amenities in their new hom e s a s available in the more civilized areas from which they had moved. George Bye, a literary a gent who worked in New York City, was a major moving force behind the Trinity Pass Property Otvners Association. In general, the people who moved into the town during the 1920's and 1930's were wealthy and well-educated. were celebrities who lived there on a p art-tim e basis. Westbrook Pe g l er, a noted jour-

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17. nalist, was a ppointed constable for a couple of years, although apparently he never had to act in his official capacity. The contrast between the long-time residents and the newcomers were lessened to some degree by the shared interest in the property values of the town. This shared interest manifested itself in 1933 when the town decioed to establish a commission to prepare zoning regulations. A t this time Pound Ridg e had approximately 700 residents, road signs "at the most important corners,"7and three paved roads. The Town Board submitted the resulting zoning ordinance to the electorate in an attempt to counter extremely vocal opposition on the part of many long-time residents. Approved by referendun, the ordinance was adopted in 1936. It established the Zoning Board o f A ppeals and provided for one-half-acre lots where they already existed, two-acre minimum lots for single-family dwellings, and quarter-acre lots for businesses in Scotts Corners and the Hamlet with specific set-back and frontage requirements. It also listed special uses allowed in residentia l areas. The zoning ordinance was highly unpopular with some residents. In 1937 Frank Selleck move d a small building which he owned from one side of vlestchester Avenue to the other. In deliberate violation of the new zoning regulations, he set his building down 18 feet from the road and ignored orders for

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TOWN OF POUND RIDGE 1936 Zoning BUSINESS W!!!!!!I!il 112-ACRE RESIDENTIAL l:m:tt] 2 -ACRE RESIDENTIAL

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18. compliance. A neighboring businesswoman describes the inci-dent: "Westchester Avenue was a dirt lane. There were beautiful maple and elm trees and fields on both sides of the road. Mr. Selleck sold baskets and he wanted his building close to the road, and the Tovm wanted it back 25 feet. That was the beginning of zoning troubles in Scotts Corners, and I 8 guess they've never ended." In 1938 to rally support for his cause, Selleck organized a motorcade of 25 cars led by a brass band which drove from Scotts Corners to the Town Hall to protest the constitutionality of the ordinance. There were rumors that some developers in-terested in the Lake Kitchawan area Here behind the protest, but they have not been confirmed. Later in the same year, Selleck presented to the Town Board a petition of 180 names of people opposed to the ordinance ?nd asked tha t it be rescinded. Only 53 signatures were found to be valid, representing only 47'% of the tmm 's 380 t axpayers, and the request was dismissed. Showing the Yankee stubborness for which the natives are wellknown, Selleck challenged the ordinance in court after a variance for his building's location was not granted. He won the case in lower court, but the town appealed and the decision was reversed, showing that the zoning ordinance was legal and enforceable. In another dispute, the Zoning Commission inspected a

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I 19. building in Scotts Corners which had been built by another native Robert Weed. They found that "it was practically on the (property) line. They told him he would have to move it, but he said no. They insisted, so instead of moving it, he cut the corner of the building off and it is still that way."9 On one side of the dispute ovP r zoning, the Pound Ridg e Property AssociP.tion campaigned to have part-time residents register to vote in Pound Ridge in order to be eligible to support measures and candidates dedicated to the protection o f property and the m aintenance of the attractive residential features of the On the othe r side was a largely Democratic citizens' committee which propose d dmmzoning of twoacre areas to one-acre. Its members tha t round Ridg e resirlents were divided into three categories: "surnmer people, mostly from New York City, speculators, and real people."lO To their surprise they found that several of the people carne to their support, one questioning how the town planned to house those ,.;ho provided st>rvice s such as pumping gas and teaching children. The battlelines were thus drawn early, and the issues 'ivhich continue to concern resi:l.ents were articulated. The major difference now is tha t the proportion of "real people" in the population has declined. In the late 19 ':' 0 's Pound Ridg e became embroiled in a fight beyond its borders that indicated the sense of independence which still prevails. The government o f \lestchc->ster County was

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I 20. to be changed from a Board of Supervisors, where each town supervisor had one vote to a one-man-one-vote system. For a town of 700 people, it meant that they had no change at all of influencing county-wide decisions; even cooperation with the other small in the northern p art of the County would produce little i m p act weighed against the more populous downcounty areas. Supervisor William Shine, successor to the e aually-adament George I. Ruscoe, threatened tha t the town would secede from the County if placed in the position of being governed and assessed by outsiders. While a similar chang e was ordered by the courts in 1970, the size of the county governing body is larger than that proposed in 1937 and allows the northern towns more voice, if not more po, ver, in the making of decisions. Between the wars more businesses were established in Scotts Corners and the Hamlet: gas stations and grocery stores in both areas, an exclusive restaurant in the Hamlet, an antiaue shop in Scotts Corners. The pattern of development continued to follow the layout of roads, only one new road being constructed, and houses were usually built on lots of more than the minimum required by zoning. The one new area of development was offered by Ernest L. Conant, a prosperous retired attorney who use d real estate as a hobby. He purchased 1800 acres on the Pound Ridge-Lewisboro border, cleaned and cleared the land, built Conant Valley Road to serve as access, and sold the land in parcels o f from 5 to

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21. 100 acres. Being anxious to preserve the beauty of the area and to prevent overdevelopment, he required the purchasers to promise not to resell in less than 5-acre parcels. Population reached 900 people by the end of World War II, still not back to the level of 1850 but a dramatic increase over the 500 residents recorded in the 1920 Census. The rural life continued: in the winter children slid down hills on the roads while someone held up traffic; local business was run on a credit basis and proprietors knew their customers by name; everyone pitched in in emergencies, doing whatever was required from taking the injured to the hospital to ridding a pond of frogs; telephone service and mail came from neighboring towns; electricity was frequently und 8pendable. During World War II construction of housing came to a virtual halt throughout the country; for Pound Ridge it was merely a brief pause before the real struggle with the pressures of suburbanization began.

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20th Century: 1945Present

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22. THE UNITED NATIONS INCIDENT In 1945 Ridge was threatened by more than the beginning of the rush to the suburbs; the zoning ordinance was in place to assure orderly directbn of that development. The United Nations was a force of imposing dimensions and was looking seriously at several sites in the town for its heanquarters location. A committee of townspeople had prepared a brochure describing the assets of the town in an effort to promote its selection: water supply, recreation, privacy, access to Westchester County Airport, and a proposed site for a private landing strip. Other residents were not pleased at the idea of having the United Nations as a neighbor and at a town meeting drafted a letter of opposition, copies of which were sent to every official connected with the matter, including President Truman. The U.N., however, included Pound Ridge in its final list of five possible sites. Town Supervisor William Shine pleaded the town's case before the U.N. HeadquRrters Commission in 1946, declaring that the proposal would wipe out the town and only its bonded indebtedness. He stated that opposition was final and that residents would not sell their land without condemnation. It was the offer of a site in New Yor k City which finally saved the town. Pound Ridge was awakened to the fact that more

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23. than a zoning ordinance was necessary to protect the town from unwelcome development. A JOINT PLANNING EFFORT The following year the town joined with five other municipalities (Bedford, Lewisboro, Mount Kisco, North Castle, and Somers) in a joint planning effort. They hired a staff of planners and sought advice on how to preserve their towns in the face of increasing growth. The series of reports issued by the Northern westchester Joint Planning from 1949 to 1951 emphasized th2 t the growth which the towns were exp eriencing could be expected to accelerate. They attributed the move of people and businesses from New York City to traffic congestion and national security considerations and foresaw its continuation for many years. Specific recommendations for Pound Ridge were: (1) to carefully weigh the benefits of increased taxe s a gainst the cost of increased services when considering commercial development; (2) to assig n some land to more intensive so that other land could remain open; (3) to develop subdivision regulations, minimum dwelling size requirements, stronger building codes, and architectural review; (4) to assess zoning standards against water and sewage reauirernents (wells and septic t a n ks) in conjunction with topography (swam p s and steep slopes); and (5) to antinue with their planning on a regional basis with the other

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24. The planners stressed that Pound Ridge had no alternative to larg e lot development as long as water and sewage were handled privately. Because other cities owned the majority of watershed areas in town, the provision o f these services on a municipal level was considered unlikely. The reports made the suggestion that the tmm use the concept of "dynamic zoning" because of its larg e areas of un-developed and desirable land: A graphic rr'prcsentation of future community structure is not feasible. Cver l a r ger stretches of undeveloped land, the most accurage statement about eventual use would be to say simply that it cannot yet be determined. Instead of the idea that the zoning map is a fixed pattern of eventual land use, with details amended grudgingly and as seldom as possible, it is suggested that it be seen as an evolving map.ll In 1949 the Town Board set to work implementing some of the suggestions contcined in the reports. The zoning ordinance was amended to prohibit tourist and trailer cam ps, to allow two-family units in Scotts Corners, and to establish minimum dwelling size standards. In a further effort to keep undesirable development from occurring, special uses in resi-dential districts were revised to prohibit dumps and the breeding of poultry, goats and sv.rine beyond a set number. Business areas were protected by prohibiting auto wrecking yards and outdoor advertising signs in excess of 35 feet. Standards and speci-fications were established for all new roads in subdivisions.

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I 25. THE PLA!'.I'NING C ONSULTANT Pound Pidge did not accept the premise of continued cooperation with towns and rejected the concept of "dynamic zoning". In 1953 the town hired Frederick P. Clark and Associates of Rye, New York, to serve as planning consultant; the firm continues to serve in this capacity. The stated purpose of this move was to guide growth "in an orderly manner and produce a community that would continue to be. an attractive and desirable place in which to live.."l2 Implicit in the statement is the assumption that Found Ridg e would r emain a residentia l community without significant de-velopment o f othe r kinds. At the time that the services of Clark Associates were engaged, t h e still retained its basic 1936 zoning ordi-nance, which had been amended fif t een times; LAND A REA B Y ZONING DIS T R ICT Zone Area in Acres Acres in Use. % Residence A 14,509 5,804 (2 acres/family) Residence B 185 93 (1 acre/family) Business 30 25 (Scotts Corners/Hamlet) Residential development was evenly scattered throughout the tmm, with approximately 40 % of the land in use. In spite of the. possibilities o f the minimums established by zoning, 90 % Total 98.6 1.3 0.1 of the home s had b een constructe d on lots larger than two acres.

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26. New development, however, was occurring primarily in subdivisions on minimum acreage. Analyzing the maximum possible development which could occur under the 1936 ordinance, Clark reported that the population would eventually reach 13,000, even after removing marginal lands (marsh and slope o f greater than The prediction was that a populntion of this size would.seriously disrupt the rural character of the town, cause traffic cong estion, and necessitate costly major road It was suggested that upzoning could reduce the maximum potential population to 8,500. This was to be accomplished by rezoning the town's undeveloped l and into three zone.s: (1) rural density development = 1 family/4 acres for the largest amount of residential area; (2) low density development = 1 family/2 acres for the southwest corner of town and along major roads; and (3) medium density development = 1 family/1 acre for the Scotts Corners area. When the rezoning was proposed to the town, it created much heated discussion. Those who opposed the new limits were polarized around the Committee for the Preservation of Pound Ridge. Prominent among the group were local businessmen and developers who saw their economic interests threatened by the proposal. A questionnaire circulated by a civic group showed that a large proportion of residents favored the zoning change but by less than a majority.

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27. The Town Board's decision not to change the two-acre zoning brought forth loud accusations tha t the Board was repudiating its own planning expert and was deaf to the public voice. A new questionnaire showed 4-1 suppat for fouracre zoning. Six attorneys who lived in town offered their services to fight any charges of illegality which might arise. The opinion of the Town .\ttorney was that the upzoning would be supported by the courts if the Zoning Board of Appeals granted hardship variances. During the controversy, the Planning Board put a freeze on all new subdivisions. In 1959 the Town Board voted to upzone: 7,000 acres to three acres, 3,400 to two acres, and 185 to one acre. This rezoning has remained basically intact to the present. Business development was another bitter controversy in Pound Ridg e during the mid-1950's. Two separate areas of the town had developed from early crossroads villages into commercial centers, Scotts Corners and the Hamlet. Scotts Corners was a rather haphazard assortment of buildings strung out along Westchester Avenue f rom the Connecticut border; about thirty stores offered a variety of retail trade and services. The Hamlet, the historic center of town, was a mixture of beautiful old home s church and civic buildings, and a few retail/service businesses. Only one-third o f the residents r eported shopping in Pound Ridge, mos t patronizing the larger shopping districts in adjoining towns. In spite of the re-

PAGE 44

TOWN OF POUND RIDGE 1959 ZONING m 1-ACRE RESIDENTIAL [mm}IJ 2 -ACRE RESIDENTIAL \t\ A 3-ACRE RESIDENTIAL

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28. stricted market, the businesses were generally able to prosper because of the hig h purchasing power of the residents. The general sentiment of the residents was clear on three points: (1) business development should be limited to meeting the needs of present residents; (2) the Hamlet, in spite of its more central location, should not allow further business development and should be preserved as an historic area; and (3) Scotts Corners should be improved through the provision of parking facilities, better traffic access and circulation, coordinated building appearance, and landscaping. The issue of development in the Hamlet was r aised and resolved in 1955 around a proposal for the construction of a shopping center with eight stores. When the plan became known, it caused an outburst of protest. A petition signed by 545 property owners demanded that it be rejected and the zoning changed to prevent any further ideas which might alter the character of the Hamlet. The Town Board, attending the size of the protest, rejected the proposal and upzoned the Hamlet to allow only residential development. The owners of the property on which the shopping c enter was to h ave been built challenged this decision in court and lost both the original case and the appeal. The planning consultant aroused the anger of the Scotts Corners businessmen in ways other th2n the propos2 l for four-acre zoning It was sugg ssted that business areas, now 0

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29. for development only in Scotts Corners after the rezoning of the H amlet, be limited in the future by building size, use, setbacks, parking requirements, landscaping, and site plan approval. Twenty-eight merchants charged that the town was confiscating t heir property and hired an attorney to challenge the constitutionality o f the proposed amendments to the zoning ordinance. They were finally dissuaded from pursuing this course of action by the compromise on the rezoning of residential areas. THE F IRST Tmm OF DEVELOH-1ENT The first Town } l a n o f Development for Pound Ridg e was issued and adopted by the P l anning Board in 1957. It is important to note that the Planning Board has evolved as a relatively independent body of appointed officials; their decisions in routine matters are not subject to approv2 l by the Town Board. Another important point is that the Plan is adopted by the Planning Board as their policy; it is not adopted by the Town Board and, thus, does not necessarily reflect their policy. The current Town Supervisor Gerald Gould feels that this arrangement allows the Plan to protect the tmvn 's interests without binding it legally in the event of court challenges. Because the residents are actively involved in the production of the Pla n a q uestionna i r e and a s eries of public discussions on various aspects o f future development, it is

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30. generally in accord with the sentiment of the community. The consultant provides research, alternatives, and technical services; he does not set policy and is, on occasion, at odds with the policies expressed in the Plan. The 1957 Town Plan clearly reflects the attitudes of the residents: to limit future development as much as possible and to improve the physical appearance of the Scotts Corners area. Following are the major elements of the plan in addition to those which excited controversy on residential and commercial development: (1) No firm decision should be mad e concerning major businPss development (e.g., office and research centers). The of decreasing residentia l taxes and reducing the amount of land available for subdivisions may be offset by the need for improved services (especially roads) and the chang e in the character. It was pointed out that Pound Ridge was paying to educate the children of families brought to the area by such development in neighboring towns and might wish to explore the option if property taxes became too burdensome. (2) roads in the needed to be i mproved to allow for greater volune of traffic and increased safety. Ex roads rec uired widening, elimination o= bad curves and grades, improved sight cistnnce, a n d occasionally new alignment. The plan noted in passing that residents did not desire any form of mass transportation.

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31. (3) Community appearance, a major concern of the residents, could be improved by architectural revie w, sign control, an historic district in the Hamlet, and help for Scotts Corners. (4) Public facilities would soon be insufficient for a growing population. In particular, it was considered necessary to acquire the land for an additional firehouse, three elementary schools, and a junior/senior hig h school. (5) Land for recreational uses could be secured at no cost to the town through a reservation clause in the subdivision ordinance. (Current subdivision regulations require the dedication of 10% for recreation.) Through the late 1950's and early 1960's, Pound Ridge continued to turn away undesirable forms of development. In 1958 a plan to establish a sportsman club on the Reservation was defeated because of traffic, noise, and disturbance of wildlife. Summer day camps were proposed and rejected in 1960, 1962, and 1967 due to protests of neighboring property owners. A proposed radio station which would have required broadcast towers was turned dovm on aesthetic grounds. In 1964 the Pound Ridge Tennis Club was allowed to develop a strictly limited facility but only after its first two sites were rejected because of fierce neighborhood protests. There were outbursts of panic when it was rumored that major expressways were to be built through the town. The problem of the appearance of Scotts Corners took a

PAGE 49

/'\_ / // / / / / ---/ \ -\ I I I I PBA I I I PBA BUS Il'I "ESSE 0 IN ZONE B ELONG TO P A R KING DI::iTRICT. / / / / / / / / / /_, _____ / ----'\. PBB PBB /---/ -------/ "' / '""'-" I I \ \ \ \ \ / "'v/ BUSINESSE S IN P B B ZONE SUJ:JPLY ON-SITE b\RKING. BUSINESS ZONES SCOTTS CORNERS FIGURE 8

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32. giant step toward resolution in 1966 when the business area was divided into two zones: Planned Business A and l:'lanned Business B. The 1-'B-A zone covered the heavily developed and most aesthetically objectionable area north of Trinity Pass. A parking district was created with the power to issue bonds to pay for the construction of parking lots behind the businesses with limited access onto Westchester Avenue. In exchange, the owners agreed to landscape the areas in front of their stores at their own expense. With the development of professional landscape plans in 1970, this area now has treelined brick walks where once there was unpaved, unsafe, and unsightly parking. During this period of the l ate 1950's and early 1960's, Pound Ridge was confronted by two specific planning issues which continued to trouble both residents and officials for many years: light industry and multi-family housing. LIGHT INDUSTRY In 1957 a local developer asked the Planning Board to consider rezoning a 41-acre site to allow the construction of an office building for 1,200 employees of the Olivetti Corporation. The corporation had agreed to accept 100% assessment for the proposed $ 1 million facility, to limit the building to one acre of the site, to confine use to office activity, and to build at least 1,000 feet from the property borders. The

PAGE 51

33. proposal was supported by the Businessmen's Association and a petition signed by 100 property owners. It was opposed by the Pound Ridge Association and a similar petition. In rejecting the rezoning request, the Planning Board found that the small tax savings would be by the effects of the downzoning. Residents who attended the public hearing clearly voiced their willingness "to pay for the luxury of rural living."13 The Committee for the Preservation of Pound Ridge, born twenty years earlier during the first zoning controversy, requested that a committee be formed to study possible sites for light industry and consider dmmzoning these areas to attract more working people to the tm, rn. The Committee on Campus-Type Industry was formed finally in 1961. This committee found that the amount of services required to service such development and its employees would outweigh any tax benefits to the town. The amount of such industry sufficient to provide meaningful tax relief would be so large as to be unacceptable to the vast majority of residents and drastically change the residential character of the town. For these reasons, they suggested that no changes be made in the zoning map and that nothing be done to encourage business to move to Pound Ridge. A c knowledging the validity of the concerns of the Committee for the Preservation of Pound Ridge, the report suggested that a better balance o f population in town might

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34. be achieved by permitting garden apartments or higher density single-family development. The issue continued to be discussed in town, especially as the Planning Board initiated discussion preparatory to a new town plan of development. Some residents continued to support the acquisition of light industry because such f acilities in northern Westchester had proven to be good additions to their towns, not only in tax relief but also in preserving large amounts of natural open space around the facilities. A new element was added to the debate by the fear that the impact of a plant would lead to pressure to provide more inexpensive housing for its employees through both small-acre zoning and multi-family housing. In 1967 the High Ridge Country Club, 225 acres of open space of which 180 acres are in Pound Ridge, was put up for sale. Seeing it as an ideal location for industrial development or a large subdivision, the Pound Ridge Association sought to find a way for the town to acquire it. There were questions about financing and use which r ;ere apparently insurmountable obstacles, and the land was purchased by the Uris-Westfair Corporation in 1969. In 1970 Uris requested rezoning to allow the construction of an office/research complex employing about 2,000 people. A study by Clark Associrttcs found tha t the proposal should be rejected on five grounds: (1) direct conflict with County and

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35. regional plans which designate Pound Ridg e as a low-density residential area; (2) heavy peak hour traffic, twenty times that which would be generated by the 52 single-family homes allowed by zoning, would require substantial and costly improvements in the town's rural roads; (3) heavy drain on the town's groundwater system because there is not a public water supply; (4) the possibility that such development could bring other pressures for change; and (5) the tax-savings of $120/ year/taxpayer would be offset by the cost of extra services including fire, police, school, roads, and recreation. To counter the consultant's report, "Uris brought in a lot of high-priced talent tha t didn't convince anyone."14 The policy of not encouraging business development of this type has been, and continues to be, a policy to exclude it from the town. Recent court decisions and the tactics of groups determined to open up the suburbs indicate that, if Pound Ridge wishes to retain its rural residential character, such a policy must be pursued. MULTI-F.ANILY HOUSING The second issue which surfaced in the early 1960's was that of mul ti-frtmily housing. In 1961 a local developer proposed the construction of such housing for retired people and young couples without children on a secluded 57-acre site. The $1.5 million project was first proposed as 25 clusters

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36. with 4 apartments each; a later revision was for 12 one-story buildings a total of 96 units. The value of the project would have increased the town's assessed valuation without adding to the school tax burden. The negativity of members of both the Town Board and the Planning Boerd convinced its sponsor to withdraw the proposal before public hearing. Again, the issue continued to provoke discussion in town. In 1964 Supervisor James Sacks addressed the issue in The Pound Ridge Review, a monthly newsletter published"by the / Pound Ridg e Association. He characterized multi-family housing as 'not a project the Town Should sponsor, but properly placed, conceived, and financed, such a construction might be appro-priate. There is a n observable demand for garden-type apart ments."15 In light of this demand, the Planning Board established a committee to investigate how the tmm might meet the unfulfilled housing needs of its elderly, its young, and its service employees. The Committee on Eousing was charged with two functions: (1) to formulate a statement of opinion on policy and Town attitude toward multi-family housing and (2) to assess such factors a s tax0.s (school and town), effect on the charac-ter of the problems of services, subsidies vs. private f inancing, what controls are available to make t h e housing serve only the present community. The committee sent q u estionnaires to all Pound Ridge

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I 37. residents, employers, and teachers; the results indicated a need for 182 units over a 10-year period. A t least part of these units could be supplied by allowing more apartments above businesses in Scotts Corners and by establishing new guidelines for variances within existing zoning to allow use of cottages, garag e apartments and guest houses as apartments. In their interim report, the committee ur6ed the town to take into account forces at work outside the community which might force it to chang e zoning in a drastic way when some voluntary provision mi ght avoid that eventuality: "It is foolish to think that Pound Ridge can remain forever immune to from public and private developers. H e must evolve our ovm plans now before that privilef!e is preempted . v;e are an ever-morevisible target for outside pressure because the present economics of home in Pound Ridge so patently excludes moderate and low income resi dents."16 It concluded its 1970 by requesting more time for further study on impacts, financing, and ways to restrict renta l to town residents and employees. When asked to detail the work which followed the interim h 17 report, a. member of this committee replied, Not He at-tributed the failure of the tovn to provide for multi-family housing to a medieval view of the town, the desire to build a wall around Pound R i dge and preserve the status quo. He feels that there are few residents who can se. e beyond the fear of depreciating land values to a broader perspective which ac knmvledges that the town is part of the r eal v10rld.

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I 38. The second Town Plan of Development, issued in 1971, a dmits the need for some multi-family housing but does not advocate the rezoning of any specific sites, an action which might encourag e such development. It does articulate four general policies for would-be developers: (1) limited to Scotts Corners and Hamlet areas, (2) limited to elderly and thos e of modest income, (3) limited to proportion of total and (4) strict desig n standards: low-density, generous set-backs, adeq u ate park i n g site plan review. The plan also contains this warni n g "The fundamental planning which underlies all o f the Town's long policies is to preserve and enhance this (single-family) resioent i a l environment 2-S the d o minant featur e in Pound Ridge. All othe r use, facilities, a n d service s should b e planne d only a s n eeded to complement this policy."l8 The residents of Pound Ridg e are aware that they "are excluding not only outsiders but their own grown children, older adults, and civil servants."1 9 These people are often unwilling or unable to m aintain the expensive single-family homes required by current zoning. The most libera l attitud e is that "we'd welcome lower-cost housing f o r our youth and elderly But there's no g u a r ante e w e could keep it for them. And given tha t choice, we just won't do it."2 0 In addition, many res i dents feel tha t t h e provision of multi-family housing would encourage light industry a n d outside pressure groups to

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39. take a closer look at the possibilities of the town. Supervisor Gerald Gould feels tha t the loss of older residents is ''regrettable" and hopes that a bill currently proposed by northern l lestchester 's State Senator l-1a.ry Goodhue will help to alleviate the problem. The bill would allow the State to take a no interest lien on the property of senior citizens in the amount of their taxes and pay this amount to the tmm; the money would come b a c k to the State \vhen the house was sold '-'lhile it \vould alleviate the financial burden of older homeowners, their reaction indicates tha t it is not a pleasant alternative: "The money I worked so hard for should g o to my children, not to the State." Hr. Gould dismisse s the need to provide housing a ffordable to children o f resi-dents by pointi n g out the1t he couldn't afford to return to his hometo\YTl either. Employees of town businesses have been able to find appropriate housing in neighboring municipalities. The Supervisor admits tha t Pound Ridg e could probably be forced to provid e some lower-priced housing "if someone wants to prove process, however, would require more time and money tha n most developers Hould find profitable. He sums up the attitude of residents toward the results of the economic discrimination which proceed from the town's land use regulations: "The gu ilt isn't overwhelming. ,f-2 An incident in 1975 seems to confirm Gould's analysis. A cha n g e in the business zones in Scotts Corners would

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t 40. have removed 10 acres from the P B -A zone and, with the addition of 9 adjoining residential acres, provide a site for about 100 units of housing at a density of 5 units (12 people)/ acre. Such density would have required the construction of a water supply and sewage treatment facility because of the marshy character of the land. The Pound Ridge Association circulated a questionnaire, the results of which predictably opposed both further commercial development and all multifamily housing. The idea was allowed to fade away. Pound Ridge is not without apartments; the 1970 Census reported 85 units v lith separate toilet facilities. They are allowed above the stores in Scotts Corners on the basis of one apartment per store. In addition, many cottages and former servants quarters are available in in spite of their noncompliance with zoning regulations. The Planning Board states multi-family housing is a possibility within the PB-B zone in Scotts Corners, but there have b een no bona fide proposals in the past ten years. As the new town plan is prepared, there will be more discussion of this issue, but a change in policy is unlikely. The current economics of construction make the possibility of specific proposals remote. SECTION 281 At the time that the Town Board upzoned the undeveloped residential acreag e in Pound Ridge in 1959, they adopted

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I 41. Section 281 as a measure to offer some relief from topographic barriers to the development of land to its full potential. It was seen as necessary to compensate property owners for the expanded restrictions on the potential of their land. Variously known as "cluster zoning" and "conservation zoning", Section 281 allo-v1s the averaging of acreage and has excited sentiment both pro and con. Before it was ever applied, the concern that it might result in effectively downzoning certain pieces of land led the Planning Board to unanimously recommend its deletion from the zoning ordinance. This was done in 1960, and use of Sec tion 281 must now be authorized by the Town Board for applica-tion to specific subdivisions. Although the concept had been applied to three small sub-divisions in the early 1960's, the Bernier subdivision on 75 acres alarmed many residents. Spanning the years 1968 to 1971 and involving 28 public hearings and a court challenge, the controversy grew out of the Planning Board's determination "to lead the public in good planning and create an exemplary sub-d . 112 3 J..VJ..sJ..on. Bernier came before the Planning Board in 1968 with a conventional layout for 23 houses over very difficult rugged terrain. The Town Board in special session agreed to allow the use of Section 281, and Bernier agreed to try the concept. Scale models were prepared to show both open space and conven-

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I \ I 42. tional layouts for the property, a public meeting was scheduled before approval. i:.t that meeting a petition with 400 signatures was presented asking that the decision be deferred until a well-advertised public hearing could be held to clarify the issues; many felt that because "cluster zoning" allowed the construction of more homes than could be accornmo-dated without its application it was the equivalent of down-zoning. In the two weeks that intervened before the public infor-mation meeting, opposition to cluster zoning organized around the Committee to Prevent Downzoning. In a memorandum the Committee charged that cluster zoning "will be the greatest single factor in accelerating Pound Ridge's Restrictions upon development inherent in the land itself could be overcome through its use and thus make areas of the town now considered unfeasible profitable to private interests. ''It equals more homes because developers won't have to deal with difficult terrain and sanitary problems."25 They contended that zoning was intended not merely to control density but to insure privacy and control the growth rate. The 500 people who attended the meeting the Town Board affirm its decision to apply Section 281 but make final approval their prerogative r ather than that of the Planning Board. This did nothing to appease opponents of the plan. The Pound Ridge Association conductP.d a poll of the town

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, I 43. and found 2-1 opposition to the Bernier subdivision. The Committee to Prevent Downzoning hired an attorney to prepare a suit against the to,,m if the proposal received final approval. A petition of opposition with 1,231 signatures (about one-third of the town's total population) was presented to the Supervisor. residents feared that with approval would come a rush of money-hungry developers to dispoil the land. yfuen the subdivision was finally cpproved in 1971 after innumerable revi8ions, it consisted of 20 p2rcels of two or more acres and two parcels of 1.5 acres with 25.6 acres of open space. The parcels Bnd street layout reflected the natural contours of the l and; the open space would be owned and maintained by a homeowners' association and thus remained on the tax rolls. The court challenge was dismissed because the court found that the Planning Board's decision to apply Section 281 in no way constituted downzoning. As the ecology movement gathered growing support in Pound Ridge, the opposition to Section 281 has subsided. The dreaded landrush did not occur after the approval of the Bernier subdivision, and "cluster zoning" now "conservation zoning" -is an accepted weapon in the fight to prevent the destruction of the town's environment.

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44. THE TO'.-.:N PLAN O F DEVi::::LOFMENT The second Town Plan of Development was issued in 1971 amid the atmosphere of controversy surrounding the Bernier subdivision and received loud criticism for many of its proposals, which were felt to invite increased and undesirable development. However controversial some elements appeared to be, the plan begins by restating the traditional goals and objectives of Pound Ridge: (1) The lm.;-density, primarily single-family residential character should be maintained. (2) Retail and service business development should be to the a mount necessary to provide convenience shop-ping and should be concentrated ln Scotts Corners. (3) The Hamlet is the community focal point; it should be made an historic district to preserve it. (4) An increased emph asis should be made to conserve open Five issues raise d in the plan were immediately identified by the Committee to Prevent Downzoning as "interrelated and contrary to the major goal of the planning function: to preserve and enhance the rural character of the The issues were: (1) consideration of multi-f2mily housing, (2) implied invitation to non-residential developers through the commitment to consider such applicstions for re-zoning on a case-by-case basis, (3) a m ajor by-pass road to divert traffic

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45. from the two intersections in the Hamlet, (4) a path system for public use over private property, and (5) support of cluster development. The members of the Committee felt that the Planning Board was setting the stag e to acquiesce to regioanl pressures. The 1967 report of the Regional Plan Association indicated that Pound lay in the path of the greatest growth in the region: "its fields and woods are quite clearly the suburbs of the future. Growth pressures ivill begin in earnest in the early 1970's."2 7 Based upon the assumed continuation of growth at the rate occuring during the 1960's, the plan sought to accommodate the projected increase in population with a minimum of disruption. It does not appear to be an invitation to urbanization given the a pplication of the policies by the Planning Board. That the projected surge of new growth did not materialize saved the town from the necessity of considering the expensive changes in the road system and the e qually expensive acquisition of more public space. The Planning Board is currently in the process of preparing a re w tovm plan of development. In its initial phase, public hearings are being held to discuss the traditional issues ivhich have concerned Pound Ridge residents for the past 50 years. The planning consultant does not foresee any major chang e in policy. The com:-.os i tio n of the seven-member board has changed with the appointment of one new member and the

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I I 46. resignation and replacement of two others; it is characterized as "progressive" by one member. The sense one gets of the Board is expressed in the To\>m Plan: "We cannot realistically resist changes. We cannot put our heads in the sand and avoid inevitabilities. If we do, we will even-tually be gobbled up by hungry developers. We must proceed forward at a sensibly controlled pace."28 CONSERVATION Environmental issues have been a part of the planning process in Pound Ridge f rom its initial joint effort in the late 1940's. Larg e lot zoning for these northern towns was justified lar8ely on the basis of the necessity of insuring land area sufficient for private septic systems for sewage disposal under difficult topographic conditions. One of the reasons for upzoning undeveloped lands in 1959 was the concern that the maximum density allowed by the 1936 zoning would overtax the watertable on which residents depend for their water supply. In 1968 the Town Board created the Conservation Board to address environmental issus in a coordinated manner and to act in an advisory capacity to the Town Board and the Planning Board. The Con serv.e.tion Board's 1973 publication The Conservation of l-ound Ridge states: W e still have an opportunity to make ( Pound Ridge) a unioue showcase of human

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47. activity and growth in harmony with The goals are to "prevent the piecemeal destruction of our wilderness habitats and to preserve our lovely vistas of green space."30 Admitting that not all remaining green space can be preserved as it is either morally or legally, the Bo9rd emph asizes the importance of its functions as recreation, visual amenity, and education. While some town residents feel that enough open space is provided by existing recreational facilities, watershed lands, and large lot zoning, the Board is concerned with overcrowding and the potential judicial attack on larg e lot zoning. Although it takes ratables off the tax roles, open space which is truly protected from development is seen as the only means to insure its future abundance. In 1973 an Open Space Hap and Index was created for the town as the initia l phase of a study to e stablish !!environ mental planning11 The Conservation Board reviews any property on this map when a subdivision approva l is requested. They may prepAre, or reauire the developer to an environmental impact statement. The map and a statement of requirements are in the Office of the Building Inspector and are available to all potential developers. In 1969 the Town Board approved a Wetlands Ordinance, the first of its kind in New York State. The ordinance, enforced by the Hater Control Board, controls any development or chang e of environment for an area of 100 feet from the edg e

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48. of any wetland. It regulates the drainage, use, obstruction, or diversion of streams, lakes, and and must approve any alteration to surface water areas or their contributory watershed areas. Those involved with the ecological issues in town have welcomed Section 281 and support its application in providing large areas of protected open space and in protecting fragile wetlands. In the 1970's the emerging coalition of environmentalists clashed with the Planning Board over the development of a 300-acre site known as the Simon property. As the two activities had developed separately, there were conflicts within th.eir overlapping jurisdictions and "a thrust on the part of the environmentalists to compete ,...rith and discredit the Planning Board. u 31 The Simon property included watershed, wetlands, and an area of virgin conifers kno'-)n as Indian Hill. Simon, one of the developers of Reston, Virginia, proposed a conventional subdivision for the land. The Planning Board walked the land with their consultant and identified a number of environmental problems as well as scenic area s they wished to see preserved; Section 281 was suggested as the advisable development pattern for the area. The initia l phase of development allowed to proceed as a conventional subdivision the Planning Board worked with Simon to produce an acceptable conservation sub-

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49. division for the rest of the land. The environmentalists, questionning the competence of both the Planning Board and its consultant, paid for the consulting services of C ODA (Community Design Associates), an environmental planning team, to nentify the ecological issues and conservation recuirements o f the land. Several citizens put together a five-minute film on the land for showing at one of the public hearings. Using aerial photography and a narrative of factual data, it was a highly effective tool and a strong factor in convincing the developer of the need for a conservation subdivision. The final a pproved desig n for the property was done by the town's planning consult8nt becaus e Simon's team could not come up with a n acceptable use of the concept. In spite of his efforts and those of the Board, the environmentalists continued to view the planning process in Pound Ridge as insensitive to ecological concerns. PRUP In an attempt to achieve their goal of changing planning to a more environmentally-oriented process, those involved in the Simon controversy formed an association called PRUP ( Pound Ridg e United for Planning) and retained the services of CODA to prepare an ecological evaluation of the town and a pla n of development based on thes e findings. They asked the Town Board

PAGE 68

so. for funding so that they mi ght take over the planning function for the to .. m. This denied, their project financed privately and the scale reduced from its original conception. An Ecological Evaluation of Pound Ridge, issued in 1973, stressed the need to base all planning functions on the capabilities of its natural ecosystem. It began by warning that "modern waste and water treatment facilities could satisfy the health and welfare concerns that were the legal justification for large lot zoning, and thereby vastly increase the population potential of Pound Ridge."32 The alternative way to maintain the character of the town in the face of development pressures was to establish a plan based upon the varying capacity of the l and to accept proposed uses. The first step in preserving the environment was the preparation o f the ecological A r guments for the preservation of natural areas in regions undergoing urbanization are aften based on aesthetic and emotional considerations and on the need for recreation areas, wildlife preserves, and parks."33 Such arguments have been effective on a l imited basis and have not mana ged to preserve more than isolated areas. By basing development decisions on a scientific evaluation, planning could function to preserve a quasi-rural area without having to rely upon ordinances subject to court challenge. The maJor problem with this approach, acknowledged in

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51. the report, is that it does not respect individual property rights. By designating some areas for intensive use and others for conservation according to ecological considerations, land value s would chang e dramatically, some owners reaping huge profits and others being left with useless land. wbat is necessary for this system to work would be a "reinterpretation of the rip;hts of individual land ownership."34 Feeling that such legislation was being evolved by the severa l states, the report continued under the assumption that these changes would come as the awareness o f the importance of ecolog y gained strength. The evaluation divides the town into ten environmentally self-contained watersheds the purpose o f analysis. Within each watershed it defines critical a r eas in the planning process, environmental problem sites and areas of special ecological and historic interest. The Open Sp 2ce and Index discussed above are the final product of this phase of CODA's work. The study made five final recommendations: (1) use of the watershed unit in town planning to arrive at l and use policies based upon ecological relationships; (2) coordina t ion of soils classifications and hydraulic data with the current study; (3) support for a town-wide development plan to inte-grate the whole com plex of ecological factors, including "fully substantiate d nnd e auitable zoning developers to finance and submit environmenta l i m p act statements that

PAGE 70

52. justify their specific development concepts and proposals; and (5) encouragement of planning that preserves unusual aesthetic and historical features. Because of financial problems, the work of C ODA in Pound Ridg e has been restricted in scope. Initially, a fourphase prog r 2 m was envisioned: ecological evalu2.tion, population determination, development plan, and economic analysis. The final product of this effort, a development plan, is being made available in late Spring 1980. It was characterized by the town's planning consultant as "ideological and not realistic"36 because it does not accept the concept of individual property The consultant feels that present law allows control and regulation o f land use but not prohibition. The formation of PRUP and their support of C O DA's work has affected the planning process in Pound Ridge. The once bitterly contested Section 281 is applied to areas of environmental concern without citize n protest. The flanning Board now has a P R U P member, who will surely make ecology the basis of her decisions. The Open Space } .lap and have already been incorporated into the process. The } l anning Board commissioned a study to measure water quality to determine the extent of existing problems and the imp act o f future development on the environment. \Vbile the issue w a s part of planning decisions before the push o f P R U P their aggressive support has made it a hir.hly visible factor in planning decisions.

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53. SUBDIVISION The Thalheim subdivision, received its final approval in 1980, is a good example of the consideration of ecology in the planning process. Over two years ago a standard subdivision was proposed for about 100 acres on Lake Kitchawan. The area encompassed wetlands and a peninsula into the lake and was astride an a quifer. Identified as an especially fragile area on the Open Space Map, the Planning Board and their consultant w alke d the land and requested that the Town Board authorize a Section 281 conservanon subdivision. This g r a n ted, the PlAnning Board worked with 'I'halheirn to develop an acceptable configur ation for the subdivision. 1--1-'Jny plans subm itted, rejected, and modified before the final layout carne before the Board for approval. It provides for 20 houses on 2-acre lots with parcels of open space, including some on the lake, to be dedicated to the Pound Ridg e Land Conservancy, a private conservation group. In spite o f the time and precautions taken, the ecological issues dominated the ciscussion of approval. One Town Board m e mber regretted that an environmental im pact statement had not been required of the developer and expressed concern about drainage onto a djacent property. Another member stated, "If w e make a mistake, it's irreversible. These are e xtremely fragile "37 One member, reminding the others of the a mount o f delay occasione d by environmental concerns already,

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54. warned, "If we jerk this thing around rrruch longer, Nr. Thalheim v 1ill decide to develop without 281 and then there will be environmental damage.'08 Approval was secured with a vote of 4-1, the one not that this piece of land could tolerate any development. SEQRA In addition to local measures to insure the preserva-tion of the environment, New York State has added another weapon which became available to municipalities in 1978: the State Environmental r;u ality Review Act (SE( ; RA). This act ler--islates that before a government takes any action or approves any action, it must determine whether or not that action will have a "significant" impact on the environment. If it may have such an e ffect, an environmental i m p nct statement is required. As applied to rlanning Board approval, the developer is required to supply an EIS if the Board determines that a significant impact will result from a proposal. The procedure, intended to protect the environment, also increases the time and cost involved for any proposal where it is deemed applicable. The language is broad enough to make it applicable to any development. The way in which SEQHA is applied could have a significant imp act on future growth in Pound Ridge.

PAGE 73

55. THE MALL The one development in Pound Ridge ,.,hich is apparently out of keeping with both the character of the town and the policies of the Town Plan of Development is the rew shopping center being completed in the PB-B district of Scotts Corners. Variously known as The and the Trinity Shopping Center, it is a one-story brmm brick building of 51,200 square feet with its own adjacent parking and is situated right on Westchester Avenue. w'hile commercial construe-tion has not always conforme d to the pre-existing environment, this development is dramatically different. The developmen t this site as a small shopping cente r w a s originally approved b y the Board in 1973 based on a proposal made by the National Corporation. Apparently the meeting and issue to be decided were not well a dvertised, and the a pprova l caught residents by surprise. The round Ridge Association led the protest over the construction of a shopping center which violated the Town Y l a n guideline of restricting commercial development to that necessary to meet the needs of current residents. The result of a questionnaire which the Association circulated indicated strong opposition: 9 2 % -take action against the decision 82 % -legal action is supportable 74 % ,.;ould contribute to finance legal action 437o to contribute to fund to purchase land 56% -support public condemnation and purchase by town39

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56. In the midst of this storm of protest, National Corporation went bankrupt after only part of the girder structure was complete. The land was involved in court action for many years, and the partial skeleton of the building stood abandoned. Purchased by the present owners from a bank, the development will be complete after the extensive landscape plan is impleme .nted in late Spring 1980. As space is rented in the shopping center, it is becoming obvious tha t the negative impact on the town 'vill not be only aesthetic. The major tenant will be the Scotts Corners which will move from its building in the PB-A district. The owners have been unable to locate a neH tenant for their building which occupies a substantial area the business district. They have presented several proposals to the t-lanning Board, including conversion to a rollerskating rink; all have been rejected. In addition, the 1-larket plans to expand into an operation similar to that of a chain department store; it will sell garden supplies, stationery, hardware, clothing, sporting goods, and so forth. The owners of small stores which now supply these retail services are concerned that they will be unable to compete with the expanded operation. Some residents, resentful of the attitude of the market's owners, are committed to boycotting all but the operation. The bustling retail area of Scotts Corners is currently faced with the possibility of becoming a gap-toothed environ-

PAGE 75

57. ment with abandoned stores and the threat of further failures. The shopping developers have not yet been able to rent all their space and are likewise confronted with a partially used with only one major tenant. There is concern that they may lower rents to attract marginal businesse s or that they will seek to attract shoppers from towns to make their rental space more a ppealing through a broader market. The residents cert2inly do not wish to s e e this development dependent upon outside support, but it remains to be seen whether Pound Ridg e can and will support the expanded volume of retail services representP.d by the

PAGE 76

POUND RIDGE TODAY Growth

PAGE 77

58. There are two factors which mak e an accurate characterization of Pound Ridg e difficult to detail in 1980. The first is the fact tha t this is a census year; thus the most recent firm data for the town is ten years old. The second is that the Planning Board and its consultant are in the initial stag e of preparing a new development; their collected statistical data is not yet available. The population estimate for 1980 is the figure uponwhich Town decisions are based as per the Supervisor's office. Pound Ridge experienc2 d a tremendous surge in growth follov 1ing v lorld War II. Since 1940 the total percentage change is slirhtly more tha n 420% from 806 residents to 4,200. This represents approximately 85 new people each year moving into the town over this period. This quantity of growth is typical of suburban areas during the same period, and it is similar for the adjacent to-vms in northern \lestchester County and neighboring Fairfield County, Connecticut. The surge of growth was caused by many factors: the pentup need for new housing after the \ lar, improved transportation facilities, the availability of the automobile, Federa l mortgage throug h and GI Bill, the Federal and State push in hig h, re.y construction, and the increasing income of large numbers of Americans. These elements combined with two charac-

PAGE 78

4500 4200 4000 3500 3000 2500 2000 1486 1500 1000 500 515 1810 1820 1830 1840 1850 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1 0 1980 POPULATION 1810-1980 FIGURE 9

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59. teristics of Pound Ridge -its location 45 miles from New York City and larg e amounts of undeveloped land -to make development of the town inevitable. It offered access for commuters who could drive to railroad stations, either to New Canaan or Stamford for the New Haven Railroad or to Mt. Kisco and neighboring towns for the New York Central. In a ddition, several parkways provided routes for those who wished to drive to New York City or employment areas in Hestchester County and Connecticut. These factors explain more why the rush to suburbia could happen than why it did happen. People carne to the sub-urbs in such lzrg e numbers in pursuit of the American Dream: "a single-family detached house in a safe, homogeneous setting which would foster a renewed sense of family life. 40 'i't'hat the Pound R i dg e version of the Dream lost in convenience was more than compensated for by its exclusivity, privacy, and natural beauty. New residents found a community dedicated to the ideal of preserving common values, which they shared, and a setting in which to share a small-town identity while pursuing their individuality. Pound Ridg e was seen as providing a prestigous and wholesome setting for family life. In the decade between 1960 and 1970, growth slowed somewhat, but the town continued to add more than 100 residents each year. The desirability of suburban living had become an accepted tenet of America n thinking by 1960 and was further

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CONPA.RATIVE :POPUL..<\TION GRO\ITH 1940-50 1950-60 1960-70 1970 POP. POUND RIDGE, N.Y. 52.6% 108.5% 47 .4'/o 3,792 B E D F O RD, N.Y. 24.5% 38.9% 26. 8'lo 15,309 LE:\nSBORO, N.Y. 21.9% 77.1% 58.7% 6,610 NORTH C ASTLE, N.Y. 1 6.6% 76. 41.1'7o 9,591 NE\-1 CANAA.N, CT. 28.6% 68.370 29.6% 17,455 vlESTCHE STER COUNTY, N Y 8 4'7c 29.2% 10. 3 } 1 983,218 FIGURE 10

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60. enhanced by the increasingly negative perception of the alternatives, p articularly that provided b y the city. Projected population for the tm:rn, estimated by the planning consultant in 1956, was expected to reach 4,450 by 1970. In order to slow this anticipated growth, the Town Board increased the minimum number of acres reo,uired for construction of a singlefamily dwelling for the undeveloped land The direct effect of this move in stemming the tide of new development cannot be judged with any degree of certainty because the demand for new housing dropped off throughout the area as fewer people found the American Dream affordable. Again in the decade betHeen 1970 and 1980, Found Ridge continued to grow, but at a much slo,ve.r rate.. llhile the causes have not been fully analyzed, severa l influences beyond town boundarie s appear to be operating: uncertain economic conditions, the energy crisis, and a resurgent interest in city living. As the character of the to1m has stabilized, it has become o bvious that homes in Ridg e are available only to a limited mar-ket and that market is one which h a s the opportunity of exploring a wide of choices in housing. The slowed growth thus reflects both national conditions and the limited number and selectivity of the town's potential new residents. It a ppear tha t Pound Ridge will continue to grow at a slmver pace in the next decade. In addition to the conditions which restrained development the 1970's, another

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61. factor is beginning to operate: large areas of land which can be easily developed are rapi dly disappearing The Planning Board indicates that the subdivisions presented for review are smaller now tha n they were a decade a go. The increasing concern with environmenta l issues, as reflected in both town and state legislation, makes development of the remaining land to maximum density unlikely. Increasing economic activity in Westchester and Fairfield Countie s and the a ppea l of the lifestyle in Pound will continue to provide a steady demAnd for availab l e new housing The round R i dg e version of the Dream is a s powerful now as it was when the movement to suburbia began.

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Population Characteristics

PAGE 84

62. While suburbia is not one immense area to be characterized by any single feature, the separate communities within it all tend to take their identities from the ways in which they are homogeneous. As towns differ from each other in their physical appearance, which reflects economic and social differences, so they derive their character from the social and economic commonality of their residents. Pound Ridge is not typical of the general population or even of the population of Westchester County, but statistics show a remarkable consistency within the town. Pound Ridge is a town w hose population is centered about those in their middle years with school-age children. Statistically the percentage of residents in thes e two categories remained relatively constant during the 1960-1970 decade, and there is no empirical evidence that it has changed substantially since that time. Almost three-fourths of the population fall into these groups: 33% are 5-19 years of age and 40 % are 30-54. People in their twenties and those past retirement age comprise less than one-quarter of the town's population. The average household size has remained relatively consistent at 3.5 for two decades; this figure is higher than for the genera l population but is averag e for an owner-occupied household.

PAGE 85

600 550 500 450 400 200 150 100 50 0 5 5 9 10-14 15-19 20 -24 25-34 3S-44 45-54 55-64 65-74 74+ POPULATION BY AGE 1970 CENSUS FIG

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63. Pound Ridge is a racially homogeneous community, so much so that many residents respond to a question about the number of minorities with a standard, "Oh, four or five families." The 1970 Census reported that minorities numbered 34 persons, or 0.9% of the town's population. The lack of racial balance in town is apparently the result of economic discrimination rather than prejudice, as is the imbalance in a g e distribution. The residents of Pound Ridg e a:r-e well-educated. Again using data from the 1970 Census becaus e there is no evidence of general change, more than of the population have completed high school and more than 55% have completed four or more years of college. Employment statistics reflect the high level of education: over 50 % of those employed listed their profession as "professional" or "administrative". The mean income reported for all employed persons in 1970 was $26,981, and almost 10% reporte d incomes above $50,000. Twenty-six people (2.6% ) were below the poverty level, but no one reported being on public welfare. In summary, the town's population is significantly better educated and more affluent than the general population. The affluence of the is further reflected in the housing statistics of the 1970 Census. The median number of rooms per d\.;elling unit w a s 7 .4, and the number of persons per room was less than l. The median value of homes v1as

PAGE 87

I above $50,000. than 90% of residents owned their own homes. Another characteristic of the population is its mobility. Common knowledg e indicates tha t the turnover of residents in Pound Ridg e eauals about one-third of the total population each year. This fact is supported by Census data as well as by the results of questionnaires which are periodically circulated throughout the The factors which account for this turnover appear to be the transfer of executives by their companies, the exodus of grm :n children, and the retreat of older residents. In two ways the stereotype of suburbia is changing, and the resicents of Founcl reflect these changes. The people who live in suburban towns are primarily commuters, but they are employed in New York City in lower numbers than used to be the case. In 1950 62 % of those employed reported commuting to New York City for their jobs; 11% were employed in suburban Hestchester. By 1960, those employed in New York City had dropped to 31% while 47% worked in Westchester. A s more industry has moved to the suburbs and new jobs are created, this trend has continued. Less than 10% of the population works in Pound Ridge, which offers limited employment opportunities, the t employer being Scotts Corners 1 "-arket. Another change which is discussed by reisdents is the increasing number of familir>. s in which both parents work. One

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65. questionnc .ire reported that in 196 8 25'/'o o f households had two workers; the feeling is that this percentage has increased. While Found Ridge continues to be a "bedroom community" oriented toward chi l d-re.aring activities, shifts in employment patterns appear to be in the o f dispelling at leas t two of the social criticisms levelled against suburbia. Fathers are more available because of shorter commuting time, and mothers are less bored housewives than partner s in making the American Dre a m afcordable. The picture of Pound Ridge which emerges from these statistics is of a r e l a t ively hom o geneous of white, affluent families who live. in l a r ge. and gracious homes. It is a picture. when tends to reinforce the. popular conception of suburbia, w h ich is often described in precisely these terms.

PAGE 89

Land Use

PAGE 90

I 66. Pound Ridg e lies along a serie s of ridges and hills with intervening valleys. It is amply supplied with lakes and ponds, which cover approximately 400 acres of the town1s total area of 15,000 acres. Heavily wooded hills are separated by numerous streams and river. s The elevation o f the town ranges from 220 feet in wetland areas to 900 feet. The major land use is open space, 3800 acres of which are prot0cted from any further ceveloprnent. The major area is the 3300 acres of the Found Ridge \lard Reservation, a countyowned regional park in the northern part of town. in it was improved during the l9301s as a project of the Civilian Conservation Corps. The Corps reforested farmlands, laid out trails, built picnic facilities, and completed construction of the Trailside Nature Other protected open space includes the 53-acre Town Park -developed for active recreation with a swimming pool, tennis courts, picnic facilities, and playfields -and several areas ranging in size 4.6 to 310 acres for restricted use under the protection of the Pound Ridge Land Conservancy. In addition to protected open space, there are more than 1,800 acre s which are in private owTiersh i p and currently preserved as undeveloped areas. The three water com p anies which purchased land in Found R idge in the late 1800's still retain ownership of about 1,528 acres of watershed. one of

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COMMERCIAL & PUBLIC 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 3000 3500 4000 4500 5000 5500 6000 LAND USE BY ACRE FICJURE 12 < ,. I

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67. these areas in the southeast section is undergoing some changes, the companies appear to be committed to their maintenance as wilderness. Two country clubs in town combine to hold 300 acres as open space for the use of members; the status of one of the clubs is currently uncertain as it has been purchased by a development company. The various and scattered areas of open space account for more than one-third of the tota l land area of Ridge. They are well-distributed throughout the town and help to give it the rural flavor so prized by the residents. The second major use of land is residential, which utilizes approximately 4,000 Present residential development is spread out rather evenly the town at a density of less than one dwelling unit per acre. Two areas of busire ss and public development occupy about 75 acres in concentrated nodes in the Hamlet and Scotts Cor-ners. About 4,500 acres of land in Pound Ridg e which are available for development remain unused. Zoning in Found Ridge indicates that the town will continue its pattern of large-lot residential development. Almost the entire land area is zone d for two or three acres per dwelling unit: 80 % in the R3A zone (3-acre residential) and 20 % in the R2A zone (2-acre residential). The area around

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11,600 I 164 34 R3A R2A R1A PBA PBB ZONING BY ACRE FIGURE 13

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I I 68. Scotts Corners includes a small section of RlA zoning (oneacre residential). Less than 1 % of the land is zoned for business development (PB-A and PB-B zones in Scotts Corners).

PAGE 95

Government/Politics

PAGE 96

69. The Town of :.Found Ridge is governed by a Town Board, which is composed of the Supervisor elected for two years and four Councilmen elected for four-year terms. For most of its history, politics has played a minor role in determining power within the to;m. During the first century of its incorporation, the Lockwood family held the in a kind of stewardship, providing the Supervisor for all but thirteen years during the period 1772-1868. The position was primarily one o f m anaging taxes and acting as the town's representative to other levels of government. The papers associated with business were kept in the home of the Supervisoy, a n c all business was transacted from that location. This custom was not changed until 1970, when the established offices for its officials. Town meetings were held one a year; special meetings were called in an emergency. The busire ss of the town was effectively in the hands of one m an, anc the residents ,,,ere little concerned. The tradition of prominent citizens assuming the duties of Supervisor reached its height in the person of George I. Ruscoe, who was considered the absolute ruler o f the town while Supervisor for 33 years and for a long time thereafter. It is said tha t he held so many mortgages that f e w people could afford to oppose him; only murmurs of protest accompanied his residing in a neighboring town for part of his tenure.

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POUND RIDGE GOVERNMENT ELECTED ELECTED ELECTED ELECTED E L ECT .ED COUNCILMAN COUNCILMAN SUPERVISOR COUNCILMAN COUNCILMAN 4 YEAR TERM 4 YEAR TERM 2-YEAR TERM 4--YEAR TERM ELECTED OFFICIALS APPOINTED OFFICIALS LANDMARK & HISTORIC DISTRICT COMMISSION WELFARE OFFICER l TOWN SUPERINTENDENT I I CLERK OF HIGHWAYS TOWN ATTORNEY l 2 YEAR TERM 2 -YEAR TERM I PLANNING BOARD _1 ZONING BOARD CONSERVATION BOARD J OF APPEALS BOARD OF ETHICS J WATER CONTROL RECEIVER 2 JUSTICES OF TAXES OF THE PEACE COMMISSION 4 -fEAR TERM 4 YEAR TERMS INSURANCE COMMITTEE! {RECREATION COMMISSION BUILDING INSPECTOR 1 DRUG ABUSE PREVENTION COUNCI L I TOWN ASSESSOA _. J TOWN ENGINEER l I POLICE I SCHOOL CROSSING CEMETERY COMMISSION I .J GUARD DEPUTY CIVIL J TOWN HISTORIAN L DEFENSE DIRECTOR FIC 14

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' 70. l lhen he relinouished his position of Su pervisor, Ruscoe picked Benjamin S mith as his successor and continued to hold the position of Justice o f the Peace, which a t that time included the 1egislative now delegated to the councilmen. Smith was reelected until 1934 when he clashed with his mentor and was replaced by another Ruscoe protege William D. Shine, who held the position for 26 years until 1959. As a long-time resident saw the town, there w a s no opposition because the town residents were nearly all Republican. ''When we bought the grocery store and moved to Pound Ridg e in 1937, we didn't join the Republican Party becaus e we wanted to be Republicans; we joined b ecause it was good business." 41 With out any possibility of politica l challenge, a prominent R epub-lican held the position in a mann e r described by J a mes H Sachs, Supervisor from 1960-1967: "I think o f Pound Ridg e as a small and cohesive group, one big family, working cooperatively together, drawing u pon the best available public-spirited citi-d . 4 2 z ens, of whatever enom1nat1on. Hr. Sachs resigned h i s position in 1962 because of both partisan and intra-party politics, he found antithetical to public s ervice. His reelection the following year indicated tha t the m ajority o f the town's residents agreed with his e ssentially nonpartisan attitude. While the Democrats have provided vocal politica l opposition in Pound R i d r e from the time o f the zoning ordinance battle

PAGE 99

' I 71. in 1936, they have been outnumbered, and no Democrat was elected to any office from 1928 to 1979. They continue to be the minority party by about a 2:1 ratio of registered voters. While Democrats are characterized as being ideologically separated from the Republicans by a broader perspective, the r eal partisan differences in town seem to be most clearly visible within the Republican Party itself. There is a growing division between those who are ideological conservatives and those who are moderates. Perhaps the clearest statement about politics in Pound Ridge is that it is very personal: each candidate, regardless of party affiliation, campaigns and is elected upon an articulation of a personn l position on issues affecting the town. The present composition of the Board reflects this auality of politics. The Supervisor Gerald Gould is a moderate Republican; Councilman James Tripp is also a moderate Republican; Councilwoman Pearl Glassman, the first Democr a t e2cted since 1928, is an ideological conservative; Councilwoman Marguerite Weiss is a conservative Republican; and Councilman Peter Robaum, having lost the Republican nomination, ran and was elected as an Independent Conservative. If party distinctions are becoming less important in elections, the distinction between conservative and moderate is operatively an important element in decision-making by the

PAGE 100

72. Town Board. The conservative majority on the Board is clearly committed to preserving the status quo in town. The two moderates appear to be willing to accommodate town policy to a wider range of opinion. \..,bile there is some feelin g that the last elections do not accurately reflect the majority attitude of town residents, the current make-up of the Board will have far-reaching implications for the future of Found Ridge. Already the Board has had the opportunity to appoint three new members to the Board, and another term expires this year. One resident points to the demise of the League of Homen Voters as evidence of the increasingly narrow and conservation viewpoint prevailing in the town. The government o f Pound is v ery open and responsive to citizens. Supervisor Gould, a business executive who commutes to New York City, is available in his office on Thursday afternoons. The Town Board meets the filst Thursday of each month in open session in the Town Hall. begin with the reading of all correspondence on issues of general community concern which have been received at the Town Of fices. All matters are open for discussion, and even during the final consideration of business coroments are accepted f rom residents. If an issue is expected to generate larg e public attendance, Board meeting s are scheduled in the school cafeteria to accommodate the larr;e numbers of resid ents who might wish to express their opinions.

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73. Officials of the town are committed to the values shared by the majority o f residents, as expected in any form of democratic The more threatened those values are by forces outside the the more zealously they guard their The most heated issues for many years have involved land use decisions, and it is perfectly rational and clearly for the community to shape its land use pattern, to use its foresir.ht, and to develop as its citizens desire. Even if motivated by the most democratic public in-stincts, a must be able to finance its government, services and schools. Thus, the question of porperty taxes becomes a factor to add to t r e weight of public opinion regarding land use. A 1968 stud y in the neighboring northern westchester town of NPw Castle estimated that school costs alone were so hig h that a new hous e would hnve to cost $58,000 to yield enough taxes to educate the averag e number of children per dwelling unit.4 3 Under financial pressures of this kind it is eminently logical that officials support only high-priced development. The property tax in l 'ound Ridge is assessed at the rate of $29.52 per $1,000 assessed valuation. The owner of a typical $100,000 home would pay $2,951 in taxes each year, or about per month. Cf this amount, the town receives $337; the county $641; and the school district $1,973.

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1980 TOWN BUDGET General Fund 59% EXPENDITURES LOCAL -86% SOURCES FIGURE 15

PAGE 103

74. Pound Ridge is designated by New York State law as a first-class tmvn, qualifying for broad state aid, and it receives a small amount of Federal Revenue Sharing money. However, local sources of revenues and taxes account for 86 % of the town's budget. the majority of residents are clearly willing to finance their current lifestyle throug h the property tax, they a r e ouite obviously not eager to see their taxes increased by the kinds of development 'Which will chang e their community. Su pport for the continuation of restrictive land use policies is thus economically as well as socially motivated. Realistically, elected officials c 2nnot be expected to vote against the interests o f their constituency o n the bnsis o f abstract values. \. ihile there are certain consequences to the tmm for policies which maintain the current pattern of development in Ridge, they are not of sufficient magnitude to substantially alter the course which the town has chosen to pursue.

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Problems

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75. In spite of the town's efforts to maintain its ambiance of small town and the Good Life, Pound Ridge has been unable to avoid the manifestation of problems which have increasingly plagued suburban areas. The sociological implications of the restricted environment created by these affluent communities has been the subject of much debate and many books; changes within Pound Ridge give support to much of the theory. Thirty years ago, residents did not lock their doors when they went out. Now many homemvners are installing elaborate burglar alarm systems as the number of residential break-ins have increased. By making itself an enclave of the affluent, the town has made itself a visible target for a burglar as well. The pattern of development ensures privacy for a thief just as it does for the residents. The protection supplied by the New York State patrolling the winding roads was not sufficient to curtail the rate of property crime; the town now finances its police force to reinforce the presence of the State Police. The problems of teenagers in suburbia is present in Pound Ridge as well. Life is limited and dull to young people in a to'vn with entertainment unavailable either throug h community or commercia l enterprises. \ 7 i thout a car there is no access to a movie theater, a bowling alley, or even to many friends. Van dalism, which has risen dramatically, is generally attri-

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77. cause their children c annot afford to live in the area, and they are isolated in their homes where they cannot see their neighbors. The town provides some activities through a senior citizen program, but they are primarily social. Older residents about what will happen to them when they can no longer drive because they are totally dependent on that one means of transportation. Those who remain past retirement know that they will finally have to leave their at a time in their lives whe n they will have little opportunity to becoroe part of another. Again, while these problems are present throughout society, the pattern of develo ;ment in Pound Ridge has fostered them. And, perhaps most importantly, the town continues to pursue its future without more tha n a sidelong glance at the social consequences of its actions.

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1979 B U DGLT O F POUND RIDGE R E SID ENT ON A FIXED ITE!1 T AXES I NSUHANCE HEATING OIL G A S E L ECTRICIT Y GARB A G E ANNlJA L N ONTHLY COST S2,150 370 993 157 230 57 500 S4,447 371 In addition, the resident fip,ures the loss of at least $125/month in interest on money invested in the house. The cost of maintaining the residence is thus f i gured to total $ 5 00/month "plus the worry." Mortgage paid. No m ajor repairs included. Assessed value = $75,000. FIGURE 16

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The Region

PAGE 109

78. The New York Regional Plan Association's 1967 report locates Pound Ridge in the intermediate ring of the region, the fastest area both in absolute and relative terms. hig hways from the Connecticut Turnpike to the Saw }ull River Parkway service the area Hithout passing through the town; two major railroads do the same. In addition to out-stripping New York City in population, the Association foresaw that this area would gain over 90 % o f the jobs create d within the region in contrast to l07o New York City. The report recommended that metropolitan growth be concen-trated in 23 c enters "to combat urban sprawl, reverse segre-44 gated housing patterns, and converve land"; none of these centers as located in the report would directly affect Pound Ridge. This 1967 report continues to underlie plans for the region. The major subregiona l goal expresse d in the report is the provision of housing variety in densities. wbile there is some high-density, low-cost housing with the subregion which includes Found Ridge (Stamford, l ihite Plains, and Hount Kisco), the needed ammmt is not bein8 supplied. job opportunities exceeding housing the phenomenon of reverse-commuting from the inner circle of development is increasing. In addition, the labor force which is most in demand for sub-urban employment represents precisely that part of the popula-

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79. tion which c annot afford suburba n housin[ \:here commuting costs were formerly born by those who could best afford them, they are now t aking up a substantial portion of the income of people who cannot afford them. acknowledging the regional housing problem and its magnitude, the Town Plan of Development finds its place with-in the subregional goal of variety in housing: "Pound Ridge's position in the New York metropolitan region is a unique and important one in that it is at the lowest density end of the scale, with the most difficult terrain to develop, the most attractive land to preserve, and the least accessible loca-tion. ,4i.S Thus, Pound can meet its responsibility within the region precisely by continuing the tmm 's current development pattern, "particularly maintaining lo-v1-densi ty residential LL' character and open space.ri0 Pound Ridge is not the only northern Westchester town willing to insure housing variety by providing a low-density The zoning of adjacent towns also reflects this desire: in Bedford and North Castle much of the land is zoned for 4-acre development; in Lewisboro most of the land 1S divided into 2-acre and zones; in Connecticut, New Canaan 1 S primarily zones for 2-acre lots as is the area of Stamford borders Pound Ridge. It appears that the need for o f this variety will continue to be met. the shif t o f the Regional Plan Association toward

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I I I I I I I I I I 80. special issue and consultation work, the contextual planning for the area which includes Pound Ridge is done primarily by the Westchester County Department of Planning; the Tri-State Planning Commission is primarily an A-95 review organization. is provided is basically a series of guidelines within the present system of local governments will make specific land use decisions. Its role is advisory and deals with issues which cross municipal boundaries. vlithin the development concept of the County .Planning Department, Pound Ridge is a "Lo w Density Rural Area. The key factor in designating lands in the low density rural urban form type are: the absence o f plans to service these areas with public water and sewers, their generally rugged topography, and their relatively remote precisely those factors which have enabled these areas to retain their low censity and defend their large-lot zoning. The averag e number o f dwelling units in this area is less than one per acre. The Department does not foresee any changes for in their planning policies. ;, .ih.ile a "fair share" housing policy is currently being prepared by the County Board of Legislators, it will probably h a ve. no i mpact on the town. 't.Ji thout an employment center or mass transit, it is unlikely that Pound Ridge will be seen as a suitable environment for low-income persons: "What kind of lifestyle would they have without mobility, employment, and entertainment?"48 In a

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I I I I I I I I 81. more general w ay, higher density development is felt to be unfeasible because of environmental constraints. The County Pl2.nning Department admits that there are no measures available to enforce their policies even if they wished to see changes. No legal m achanisms, either of the carrot or the stick variety, currently exist. Early attempts at coercion produced more hostility than compliance, and it now depends upon the prestig e of the members of the County Planning Commission to persuade local officials. While the Department would like to see Pound Ridge provide housing to meet the needs o f its employees and its elderly, they can only t h e to adopt such policy. Indeed, this policy is in the Town Plan as a goal but remains unimplemented. The \-iestchester County Department of Hig hways has some authority in Pound Ridge in prescribing standards and maintenance of county roads. The County Department of Transportation recently initiated bus service for commuters in the northern part of the County from town locations to the Conrail station in North White Plains. Concerned about energy consumption and in spite of the indifference expressed by residents, the Department formulated the program and met with an unexpected level of success. The three buses which service Pound Ridg e are standing-room-only by the time the y reach the station. The 'i.Jestchester Developmental D isabilities Organization

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I SOMERS@ CROSS LEWIS00110 RIVER CC>RNERS NORTH WHITF. PLAINS NORHI\f\!'t\'!11 WHITE PlAINS RR STA 0 (HARL EM LINE) c 3 POUND POUND RIDGE RIDGE PARK CANYON CLUB TlmPpalnltt Thes.e arft lhe pfCt' l or street Uont lloted 81 the top of lhe ""Ad lhe 8 ppropr1 Aie Tlmepo;nf h4!Pd lout to bua lure "d ttlp lfa'l"'!l """'' WHITE PLAINS UP-COUNTY EXPRESS FIGURE 18

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82. (\ vDDSO) is currently seeking locati. ens for two or three group homes in Pound The Town Board ann the residents are extremely concerned about the irn. pact of these homes and are prepared to exercise as much control as possible over the final WDDSO decisions. Except for the assessment o f taxes by \ vestchester County, these relatively minor incursions by outside forces represent the extent o f outsid e interference in the local affairs of Pound Ridge. Indeed unless, as the Supervisor stated, "someone wants to prove something", the will continue to offer its version of the !\merican Dream only to those who can choose to afford it.

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SUBURBAN CONTEXT Analysis

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83. Pound Ridge and the simila r towns in the New York region view themselves as small towns in the continuing tradition which finds its nostalgic roots in New England. These towns have a semblance of this culture, but the change of context has made the resemblance more form than substance. The most cited similarity is the open and responsive government which has evolved in the suburba n towns. Each resident can make his voice heard on any issue of concern, and participation is encouraged rather than tolerated. With members of the Town Board elected on a town-wide basis, they are each responsible to every citizen. Representatives are eager to lead an active and articulate constituency. Socially these towns are similar to the small-town myth in several ways. The residents are held together by the com-mon bond of civic concern, not enforced by isolation as in the past but still centered around a sense of separateness I from the rest of the world. The issues which now stimulate expression o f civic concern are the future of land use and the related consequences to taxes. These communities are an expression of family-centered life as were their predecessors, and they are often small enough for general acquaintance. The sense of separate identity is furthered by local merchants who know their customers and cater to the tastes of town residents. But perhaps most importantly, suburban towns echo the p ast in

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84. the degree of homogeneity within the population, the similari ties of race, education, income, and profession. In this age of specialization, each suburban town has evolved its own interpretation of the small-town myth, re flected in the kind of liefstyle which has evolved within its borders. Subtle distinctions have rendered Westport, Ct., an artists' colony; Scarsdale, N.Y., a setting for consumption; Bedford, N.Y., a country-club set; and Ridge a community whose primary value is privacy. As part of the effort to establish a sense of identity, these local customs become an important part of social life. Conformity to style is as mttch a part of citizenship as casting a vote. The society created in the suburb n to-vm is an artificial one -rhen compared to those tovms -v;hich they seek to emulate. They separate work from living, young from old, rich from poor. The mobility of the population constantly changes the composition of the community; fe'-l residents have their roots in either the town or tre region. Even the tradition of "taking care of your 0.'11111 has been pushed aside in an effort to limit development and keep taxes down. It is a society based on choice rather than a lack of choice. These separate communities, each zealously guarding their identity, are no longer isolated pockets of civilization, no longer self-sufficient areas. The obvious factors of communication and transportation have dramatically altered the fron-

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85. tiers of the residents; moving from Stamford to Pound Ridge is no longer "like moving to a different part of the country.H-9 The residents depend upon other areas of the region for employment, entertainment, and major shopping It is no longer a primary community, the point of departure for all aspects of life. The people of Pound Ridg e would have an extremely difficult time surviving if confined within the borders of the town. The Net\r Yo k region is composed o f hundreds of communitie s such .;s Found Ridr,e r\rhich are increasingly proclaiming their independence and turning im.;ard th a determination based on the individual pursuit o f a better life. They represent an attempt to shut out the social r 0alities of society at large and to create an identity obviates the need to deal with the "spreading a gony and distress only a few miles away." 50 In a sense, the suburban town has achieved through land use regulation an improvement over any form of settlement which has gone before: It can almost literally choose its residents; it can enjoy the economic and cultural advantages offered by the city without cost; it can use the city as a receptacle for whatever and whoever are not welcom e as neighbors; it can limit its activities to political boundaries and ignore all elRe; it can even disclaim joint responsibility by avoiding dependence upon, or c ooperation with, all other government units. wbereas the tv-ord (suburban) once implied a rela-

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86. tionship with a city, the term today is more likely to represent a distinction from the city."Sl The suburban share of responsibility for urban problems cannot be eliminated by the claims to independence on the part of these towns. individually the position is supportable -the 4,200 residents of Pound Ridge have not significantly impacted conditions for the population of 8 million in New York City -but collectively the tovms within the New York region have dramatically influenced the social and economic climate in the City. The issue is not one of the distribution of guilt to individual towns but rather one of the acceptance of metropolitan citizenship by all towns. The pattern of development in exclusive suburban towns has effectively closed these communities to an estimated 80% of the metropolitan population and to 90 % of its minorities. The exclusionary la,.;s are not completely explicit: there are no zoning maps divided into racially or economically restricted areas, so labelled It is a certainty that the planners and public officials who draft and enact zoning ordinances restricting land development to sinf,le-family detached structures on plots of an acre or more do so in full awareness (of the consequences).52 The conseauences for the city have been two-fold: (l) its affluent and m i ddle-class residents have been drawn out of the city toward the homo geneous and protected environment and (2) low-income and unemployed residents are forced to stay within the city. The city is thus faced 1 1ith a deteri-

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87. orating tax base as well-to-do neighborhoods are abandoned to the poor, who require more services from the increasingly restricted city budget. In addition, the residents who left often return to the city as commuters, using the city's facilities without having to help pay for them. The polarizad on which results from the e xodus of upper-and mi ddle-income residents is not only economic but racial as well. The movement o f jobs f rom the cities to the suburbs has further exacerbated the problems by reducing the tax base of the city. In addition, they take with them job opportunities in such numbers that the poor of the city have little opportunity to better their s ituation. As large corporations have moved from New York City to suburban \lestchester and Fairfield Counties, they h av e b een followed b y small businesses which offer supporting services. with the dispersion of major firms, there is less necessity and less prestige in establishing or retaining businesses in the city, and the suburban areas cont inue to experience economic growth. As businesses leave, the city nrust increase the taxes for the companies which remain, o ften driving awa y even more. The increase of population and economic activity in the suburbs diverts state and federal aid f rom the cities, leaving them in a worsening situation. They becom e the repository for the elements which society wishe s to i gnore. This element is people who have less and less opportunity to chang e t beir lives;

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88. they cannot afford to move to an area where employment is available, and they increasingly see no alternative to a life of public subsidy. As cities lose their strong residential neighborhoods and concentrated economic activity, they remain regional centers in the provision o f cultura l and entertainment resources for a population which does not support their more basic services. Suburban residents can choose the aspects of the city which they will support, and their increased demand leads to expansion of those activities. Unfortunately for the city, many cultural institutions are tax-exempt, and their expansion can further reduce the shrinking tax base. These cyclic processes clearly indicate that the entire metropolitctn area is one social and economic entity. The c 2uses of the urban crisis n o not reside within the political boundaries o f the city alone, and it is unrealistic for the residents of the suburbs to believe they can be solved within tha t context.

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< I I Forces for Change

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I t 89. There are pressures which are being focused on suburban communities to move them from their isolation nom the social and economic realities o f the metropolita n area. The forces range from international issues to pressures within their own borders. ENERGY C RISIS The outcome of the energy crisis cannot yet be deterQined, but it is perhaps the direst threat to the suburban way of life which has yet made its appearanceo Automobiles propelled the rush to the suburbs and were the absolute sine non qua for a such as }ound Ridge, isolated from rail transportation. They continue to be an essential in the lives of residents in areas of widely scattere d dev.,lopment. This pattern of develor:ment v1ould make the. implementation of mass transit a virtual impossibility, beyond the economic reach of even the most affluent towns. Energy related to transportation does not begin to all the areas of im pact: the amount of energy necessary to heat a large single-family detached home, fuel to run lawnmowers, and on and on. Some experts s e e the slowing growth of suburba n areas and the increasing rehabilitation of inner city as evidence tha t the concern about energy h a s already begun to affect development patterns. Other experts expect

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I 90. that the energ y crisis will result not in the unavailability of fuel but merely in increased prices. Under these conditions it is quite possible tha t the suburbs will survive unchanged or more protected than before because it is precisely their current residents who will be able to finance an energy consumptive lifestyle. If one accepts the premise that the energy crisis will substantially alter suburbia, it is likely thn t the resulting pattern of development would be the of employment and housing i n nodes o f development. Pound Ridg e would either have to secure an employment center -unlikely when the town is viewe d as a competitor against neighboring towns which offer both more multi-f amily housing and more retail services -or encourag e residentia l development o f sufficiently high density to support public transit. F aced with these alternatives, the town would probably prefer the housing This extreme scenario seems an unlikely one, fraught with difficulties of such magnitude that the issue of suburban isolationism would be of little relative importance. FED E R.'-\L The next levcl of attnetion being focused on the suburban towns comes from the federal government. in the federal arsenal are Title VI of tre The principal weapons Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibits discrimination in a n y prog ram or activity

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) I 91. receiving federal financial assistance, and Title VIII of the 1968 Civil Rights Act, which states that it is federa l policy to provide fair housing throughout the country within constitutional limits. Title VI is considered the stronger measure, but its use has been confused by leadership unwilling to enforce its pro-visions and has been circumvented by local governments by rejecting federal funds. Although application of Title VI led to a successful regional fair share housing plan for Dayton, Ohio, its use as leverag e was effectively discontinued in 1970 when the town of l-1ichigan, responded to the pressure by rejecting an urban renewal program and creating a nationwide stir with charges forced integration. President Nixon stated that his adr:1inistration 'muld n o t use the legal and financial leverage of the federal government to conpel the suburbs to accept low-or moderate-income housing. He restated Title VI as a law which prohibited discrimination but did not require a policy of economic integration. This rendered the use of federal sanctions to the status of a threat, but many suburban tmms continued to avoid the acceptance of federal funds because they feared the possibility of outside inter-vent ion. The controversy started in 'i.;'arren had its i mpact on the prosecution of Title VIII by the U.S. Department of Justice. As of 1974, the Department had only two suits to

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) I 92. challenr.e local exclusionary zoning that has the effect of depriving citizens of their right to housing. Legal efforts have been left to private groups. Althoug h currently in virtual disuse b y the government, the laws are there awaiting an administration committed to the goals which their use would help to achieve. 1-'.la.ny suburban towns now accept Federal Revenue Sharing funds, which make them susceptible to the application of Title VI as well as Title VIII. A renewed interest in opening up the suburbs would probably result in the immediate rejection of federal funds, which in Found Ridge and other small towns amount to less than 5 % of total revenues. One federal policy is currently functioning requires the establishment of a regional a gency to assess all requests for federal funds by metropolita n municipalities to prevent the overlapping use of funds and to assure that the comply with regional goals and objectives. The agency for A-95 review for the New York City region is the Tri-State Planning Commission. Its planning function is limited by available staff and finances to the production of a cursory overview of regional development. The regional plan is essentially a derivative of the node-corridor plan presented by the New York Regional Plan Association in 1967, not requiring any alteration in the most exclusive low-density suburbs. :ven if they proposed changes, their decisions are

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A I 93. without an enforcement capability for those towns which do not make a pplication. Towns can effectively avoid having to en mply by en ntinuing to finance their own activities. The great suburban migration which left only 30 % of the nation's population in the cities has resulted in representation in the U.S. Congress which is increasingly based on an anti-urban political constituency, a fact which reduces the possibilities of further legislation at the federal level. Indeed, with the growing absolute numbers in the suburbs, a move to enforce the laws currently available might be the equivalent of political suicide to any administration. The federal government clearly wishes to leave the solution of metropolitan problems to groups less dependent upon broad political support. REGIONAL GOVERNPNT Although the influence of regional agencies has been unable to produce changes or provide leadership, it is to regional government that reformers have looked since the 1930's for the solution to metropolitan Because it transcends local, county, and state political boundaries, regional government is the only structure of sufficient scope to encompass a complex metropolitan region. In addition, this unit is the logical one because it conforms to a definable economic and social community. It is expected tha t the political unity

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I I 94. at the regional level would save money by elimin2ting the duplication of services, by spreading the burden of financing local activities among a broad population, by reducing the financial and social costs of unemployment through a match of housing with employment. To secure regional cooperation and at the same time pre serve suburban democracy, the proposal most frequently advanced is a two-tiered government in which local governments surrender those functions which are most clearly metropolitan in n ature. These functions include transportation, water and sewer, planning with the accom pany:i_ n g land use controls. The concept of g o vernment h a s been vigorously oppose. d by suburba n r:overnments p r ecisely beca u s e they are not 1illing to surrender t heir land use controls. These are the l2st and best defense of a small town a rainst the forces of urbanization. suburbia has becom e increasingly independent throug h the acquisition of economic activity formerly house d in the city, it is increasingly unlikely tha t thes e to .... ms will see any aclv antage in joining a metropolita n government. They envision the consen u ences o f belonging to such an organization as ec:u 3ll ing rising property taxes, lmv ered land values, reduced quality o f education, increased crime, and general disruption of the q u ality of life which the y now enjoy. As the suburbs h ave more people than the cities, the c entra l city of a rer:ion may no-v; have reservations about the

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_, ..._ 95. results of joining a metropolitan government. Unless such action would improve tr.eir financial position and offer access to better housing and employment opportunities, the city would be relinquishing its identity and in,iependent prerogatives in return for nothing more than the opportunity to cast a minority vote against preordained suburba n dominance. City res:id ents remain isolated politically and socially within the region at the s ame time as they surrendered local control. The population shift vlhich renders the city less than eagPr to join in a regional government also makes more questionnable the issue of what government entity would establish such a regional structure and delegate to it the necessary authority. Federal and state rovernments are both experiencing the chang e in constituency which reflects the anti-urban bias of the 70 % of the population resides in suburban a n d rural areas. STATE GOVE'Zl\TllENT The efforts of states to urg e a broader perspective on their suburban towns have taken the form of laws and special agencies to deal with the unequal distribution of resources within metropolit0 n areas. N ationwide, the strongest law passed thus far is the "snob zoning" in which reauires communities to set aside a portion of their

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96. land for low-and mocl.erate-income housing and provides for a state board of appeals to review any such proposal which is rejected by local governments. States in the New York metropolitan region have had less success because of strong political opposition. In the early 1970's, New Jersey passed a state land use plan which was accompanied by a warning from the governor that unless local governments relaxed their restrictive zoning practices, he would introduce a bill to abolish the delegation from the state of land use controls. /1. building code for the state was designed to supercede local codes which inhibited the use of new types o f low-cost construction. The Governor conceded, however, that passage of legislation which would significantly impinge upon local rights would be virtually impossible.53 In York State, the formation of the Urban Development Corporation was greeted enthusiastically by those who recognized the metropolitan scope of urban problems. UDC was a public benefit corporation with the pm ,ler to fund its activities throug h bonds and the pmver to overrid e local zoning and building codes. In 1972 the UDC proposed the construction of 100 units of low-and moderate-income housing in each of nine County communi ties. The response was the formation of United Towns for Home Rule, in which all the towns of Northern \
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97. of the Governor and that the legislature stripped UDC of its override powers. The possibility of a comprehensive plan for the solution of metropolitan problems coming from the states is diminished by the growing political imp act of the suburbs. These contain not only increasing absolute numbers but also that portion of the population \vhich is most able to articulate and defend its position. State legislators, closer to their small than their counterparts in Fashington, are unlikely to i gnore the storm o f protest which would accompany any attemp t to curtail local powers. JUDICIAL R E S PONSE The branch of in which the most positive consideration of regional concerns has been evident is the judicial. Courts in both New York and New Jersey have held specific local zoning ordinances to be unconstitutional because they fail to provide housing opportunities for low-and moderate-income people with the region. The most frequently cited case has been the l!t. Laurel decision in which the New Jersey Supreme Court ruled tha t all developing communities must a fair share of the regional low-and moderate-income housing need. In April 1979, the Appellate Division of the New York Supreme Court h anded a decision in Berenson vs. The Town

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' I I . 98. of New C astle involving a tmm in northern \ /estchester County. Nev; Castle is a tm, m of 17,000 inhabitants which had enacted a zoning ordinance in 1945 preventing the construction of both apartment houses and small single-family dwelling units. In 1972 l ti.tchell Berenson, who owned land in the town zoned for one-acre single-family residential development, reauested rezoning to permit its use for a condominium complex for those over 50 years of age. the rezoning was denied, Berenson brought suit against the tovm on the principle that the exclusion of all !'!1ulti-family housing a mounted to a deprivation of the constitutional rights of the people of the region to become resir1ents o f the tmm. The Court of i \p peals, "in vie'l l of the highly significant public policy considerations involved,"54 set forth the guide-lines by which provision of housing within zoning ordinances of all New York towns would be judged. The first branch of the test is t'l.;ofold: (1) whether existing housing meets the present needs of the residents of the toym and (2) what form of new development is necessar y to fulfill the future needs of these residents. The second branch is the consideration of regionu l needs and requirements: "Residents of \ 1estchester County, as well as the larger N ev.r York City metropolit.J.n region, m a y be searching for multiple-family housing in the area to be near their employment or f o r a of other socia l and e c onomic reasons. There oust be a b alancing o f the local desire to the status auo within the community and the public :Lnterest tha t regional needs be met."

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' I 99. The fina l decision w a s that the zoning ordinance o f the Town of Ne\v Castle \Ias unconstitutional. The court, in thi s case as well in the l'1t. Laurel decision, mad e a plea for regional planning to relieve the judicial branch o f its case-by-cas e zoning review: "It is ouite anomalous that a court should be reauired to perform the tasks of a regional planner. To that end, we look to the Le gislature to m ake approprirtte changes in order to foster the d e v elopment o f prog rnms designed to achieve sound regional In addition to the proble m o f the courts assuming legis lative functions b y d e fault, many other d i f ficultie s resid e in to u p sub u rbia via the judicia l route: (1) The decisions are b ased on case-by-case s pecifics. Thus, in spite o f its o bvious violation o f the tests set forth by the A p pellate Division, Pound Ridg e does not feel that the Berenson decision applies to their zoning ordinance because Ne,., Castle is substantially different in development: rail transit, a larg e employer, public se\.;er and water i n some areas, and so on. Bec ause the courts cannot draft legislation, the ame n dments made in the zoning ordinance by the Town of New Castle are being challenged in court in 198 0 (2) Court decisions are applicable only on a case-bycase b asis. Thus, round Ridge w o uld not h ave to cha n g e its zoning ordinance even if it believed that the Berenson de-

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' I 100. cision rendered it unconstitutional. (3) Many court decisions cited as "landmark" cases are seemingly contradictory. There is no one set of guidelines applied between states or even within the levels of one state's system. The precedents established case-by-case provide leral ammunition for both sides in the next round of court challenges. (4) Law suits arP costly and time-consuming. From the time of his application for rezoning in 1972, Berenson spent seven years in court receiving permission to develop his land Individuals and developers are o ften unable to engage in this kind of effort. 1 iany developers will not $)en d either the time or the money to fight for a specific proposa l there are other ways to profit from their la. nd. The fragmentary approach of the courts to fill a vacuum left b y the legislative branch is not only frustrating to those who attempt to bring about chanrre but to the judges as well. The Berenson decision concludes with this paragraph from the concuring opinion: "In a case such as this y,rhere the dilatory t actics of the town have prevented the plaintiff s f rom pro ceeding with their building project for more than five years, two strikes should be out. The conduct of the tm ... -n fathers exhibits a flag r ant and intentional and malicious policy of disregard for the law which was clearly intended impede, if not entirely defeat, the rig hts o f plaintiffs. Thus, the zoning ordinance should be declared invalid with no period o f zrace. If there is no zoning until the f athers shoulder their proper responsibilities--

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i I i 101. so be it. They should not be leisure time to reform. Enoug h is enough."57 And in this case, the town fathers did truly defeat l-'l i tchell Berenson, for with changing economic conditions his plans are now unprofitable and thus unimplemented. Action groups -such as the NAACP and the Suburban Action Institute -continue to pu rsue their goal of the economic and social integration of the suburbs throug h the courts because it has proven the most effective route. They feel that the examination and articulation o f the i ssues involved in sub-urban land use is a necessary part o f the cemocratic process and valuable in its own right. In addition, the presence of groups which question these practices is a continuing threat to the governments which enact them. SAl's course of pur-chasing small parcels o f land in e xclusive suburb s for the purpose of confrontin s local with the challeng e of unconstitutionality has increased anxiety but produced no voluntary revisions in these laws. I f the to\vns cannot expect to maintcin their exclusivity forever they appear willing to retain it for as long as possible. Perhaps the ultimate irony of the judicial role in esregiona l p l Anning is tha t the major practical obstacle to its realization appears to be the courts' one-man-one-vote rulings. The population of the suburbs is now greater tha n of the cities, making metropolita n unacceptable to both sides. R e gional p l anning at the state level would

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102. bring about a home rule fi7,ht in which suburban and rural areas would h ave a t least 70 % o f the vote based on population. LOCAL PRO B LENS The pressure for within suburbiu comes primarily from those people who feP l that the towns must begin to meet the housinG needs of the elderly and those employed in town. The elo.erly themselves are pressing both for their own n eeds and those of their grown children. In addition, there are residents in these towns who would like to s e e them b ecome more diverse and integ rated communities. Others desire more employment centers for their tm\ms, both to reduce property taxes and to eliminat e the energy-consumptive necessity of commuting These fo::ces 1::ithin small suburba n tovms are a small portion o f the population, gene r ally not o f sufficient number to have a voice on town boards. Individuals become known for their outlandish positions as they repeatedly express their opinions at public hearinf,s to force discussion on these issues, violAting the practice of politenes s is ritual. There is little indication that numb e r of dissenters is increasing; indeed, as the price of in thes e escalates, the number o f those who ,.,u estion policies vlhich protect their investments is likely to decrease.

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A Proposed Solution ._J

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I 103. Clearly, the m i gration to the sub u rbs after world var II was a statement o f preference b y millions o f A m ericans -a preference for a society and a lifestyle freed from the complexities o f an urban culture. E q u ally evident is the fact tha t the cumulative result of these millions of independent decisions been the creation of problems within the city which def y solution e xcept on a metropolitan scale. wnile m any residents of suburbia fee l sympathy for the human beinr,;s who suffer the cities, fe\v are willing to t heir share o f the resDonsibility for this suffering Intell ectually, they accept the i d e a tha t the members o f a society are the e ffects of their actions on others, but the a pplicability o f the i dea to the problems of the city does not occur to t h em. They do not seP the connection between their exercise o f individual property rights and the welfa r e o f people without property only 4 5 miles away. Left to its m m devices, the collective guilt of suburba n society is unlikely to cause any significant in government policy. For the comprehensive solution o f metropolit2n-wide problems, the establishment o f a r e g i onal government is at least a f i rst step. The f o r m a n d function o f s u c h a n entity \ voulc h::v e to b e dramatically dif ferent fror:, those organiza -

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104. tions now under the label "regional government". It must be structured to assume authority for all phases of lancl. use development a.s well as the provision o f many public services. This involves the capability to establish and exercise policy throu:rh delegated from governments both above [!nd below. Perhaps most importantly, a regional must be democratic; it must dra-o;..r its support directly from the electorate rather tho n from a system of member municipalities. This is necessary to allow the formation o f new coalitions which spa n the division which curre.ntly exists between city and suburb. The poor ,.,ho live as minorities v1ithin the borders of suburban towns may find that they sh0re common concerns ..-..Tith those who live ,.,rithin the city; the rich -o;..rithin the city may find a commonality with affluent suburban residents. Hithout t h e possibility of alliances a regiona l government evolve into an "us -vs. -themtt situation based upon population totals r ather than is sues \vhich cross current government boundaries. Within the context of the New York metropolita n region, the plethore o f bouncaries involves states, counties, municipalities, and districts; the practical complications involved in the imposition o f yet another level of government are staggering. The determination o f regional boundaries within the complex of multiple interrelationships

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105. throughout the Northeastern corridor is another difficulty. But the social consequences and the deterioration of urban centers which result from the current government structure, the alternative of regionalism must be attempted. The lend in encouragin g the establishoent o f a regiona l structure will have to come from the federa l government because it is most removed from the storms o f localism h hich inhibit even the consideration o f an to the an achronism of horne rule. The stimulus could come from a reinterpretation o f the law which established the current r e gional A-95 reviP w the Intergovernmental Cooperation Act of 1968. The implementatio n o f such a o f governments would have to a t the state level. It is here tha t p ol-7ers are delegated a n d tax structure determined. For it to b e e ffective, a regiona l government must have the police p m .Jers n m r esiding v.rithin local communi ties as well as the ability to fund activities without the heavy dependence u pon the property tax which h a s been partially r e s ponsible for current development patterns. \.Jhat it v 1ill t ake to convince the states to pursue a course towarG. regiona l g overnment is, of course, prob lematical. A combination of f edera l pressure -financia l r s ,,rell a s direc t i o n a l -and the worseni n g of con ditions within the city prove sufficient. T h e establishment o f a regiona l rovernment v1ith the p m .rer

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106. to coordinate l and use and services is only p art of the answer to the problems dramatized within metropolit2 n areas. A pro-gram of income redistribution is a concurrent necessity for the solution of these broad issues. While the physical co-ordination of employment and housing, density and transporta-tion, and so on, will provid e the opportunity of a better life for many people, a reordering of national economic priorities is essential to finance programs 't lhich will lead to the realization of a society o f opportunity. "In its broadest sense, the issue o f managing physical growth is one o f regulating the output of the econom y and its distribution among different groups of the population, as 'to1ell as its distribution in urban space. The two are interrelated. For when income grmvth accrues disprorortionately to higher incom e groups, chances are that they will spend it on third cars second ho mes, first motorbo ats, and long airplane trips -things that are highly resource-consumptive and detrimental to the environment. If tha t is reallocated by government, it can be spent on public transportation, urba n housing and urban parks, on ment"-1 and physical health, on community services, on education and cultural pursuits, on science and technological advancement. It can be s pent on income support for the indigent and underprivileged. of these alternative economic outputs are cuite expensive in terms of dollars or man-hours, but very economical in terms of the consum ption of physical reso urces"" and in terms of interference with the environment.'08 If believes that the essential commitm ent of a demo-cratic society is to the welfare of all its citizens, the n one can b elieve tha t such thing s as regional governments and new economic priorities are possible. Viewing the democratic system in action, the suspicion is tha t the implementation of

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107. these programs will come about only in the face of a crisis of monumental proportions. The suburban impact upon our cities raises these issue s and makes them visible by contrast a n d proximity. The racial and socia l polarization which results surely rlemands broad-based change s within our society. a sufficient number of enlightened and influential citizens become aware, one can hope tha t a solution will -rhich idll be in the best interests of sociPty as a whole.

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POUND RIDGE IN PERSPECTIVE

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108. Pound Ridg e was a rura l town with a population of 700 people when it constructing the walls with which to protect itself from the pressures o f the outside 'tJOrld. Having been bypassed by the development accompanied the 19th century industrialization and the exodus of the rich from Ne. w York City, the construction of the railroads and later the high'tvays, the residents decided to avoid the conseouences o f g rm :th which v.ere being m anifested in similar tmms to the south, the c-:ast, and the west. A s the obstacles of inaccessibility and topography bec ame surmountable, growth inevit2.bly occured. E2.ch new resident who moved into the h ou ght a share in m aintaining it as a semi-rural area, thus increasing the numbers of those dedicate d to further fortification. By the early 1950's, the population h & d doubled, and the residents acted to prevent further escalation by a dopting more restrictive land use rep:ulations. People with their roots in the area "'ere ov e r'tvhc:-lming outnumbered by the mobile population of often viewed the m Hith some disdain. The leadership of the town passed to those most intent upon exclusivity. The majority dem2.nded l a n d v 2lues be n n d property taxes be kep t as low as possible providing for minimal services and good schools. The government was responsive and

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109. fought every sur;(';estion of develo))ment uhich be unacceptable to its electorate. The sophistication and knowl o f the population provided the town with a sense of superiority and power. The fe\v developers who souzr.ht to increase their profits by suggesting chang e found themselves confronting a virtually united community in opposition to their i deas; they b 2cke d a way from the confront3tion, realizing that some profit was better than n one all. The success of town policie s WRs evident by the 1960's when c ensus data confirmed the family-oriented, upper-middleclass, well-educated of the population. The price of homes, determined in larg e p art by land use controls, virtually guaranteed the continuation of these trends. The to\VTI had evolved an identity a set of local custom s which d escribed the lifestyle o f the residents; it was an informal, countrified individualism predominated. The character of Pound Rid: e resided as P.Uch in its social customs as its physical attractiveness. The 1970's brought about a stra n g e alliance between the isolationists, who v1ished to see no further development, and the who were addressing issues of national and international concern. Those vlho loudly protested the use of Section 28 1 when it was c alled "cluster zoning" found that its application as "conse .rvation zoning'' was acceptable. Their concern the1t it \vou l d amount to the dmmzoniu.g o f property

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110. dissipated by the practical results. The environmentalists welcomed the support because it meant the achievement of their different goals. Thus, Pound Ridg e has evolved over the past fifty years the careful use of an impressive array of legal "ileapons with which to order anc' control its growth. In p art, the town has responded to concerns about the increasing burden of property nnd ecological constraints. But the results of its land use regulation have been the creation of a community which, throus h economic discrimination, excludes the young, the old, and virtually all minorities. Judged by the tests set forth in the Berenson case, the meets none of the rer.uirements for provision o f housin6 ; the present needs of its their future needs, or the regional demand. The attitude of the majority of residents is that they have worked hard to achieve their current lifestyle and continue to do so to maintain it. The reward for their years of effort is in part a lovely home in a auiet community of people ... ho share their values. Obviously they wish to see their chosen place o f residence protected, both to preserve their personal investment and to assure their quality of life. \ Jrile Pound Ridg e represents less than .03% of the popul ation o f the metropolitan N e w York region, the personal decisions of its 1,200 families must be added to the cumula-

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111. tive effect of the sam e decision made by illillions more. The social pola;i3ation and the financial a n d physical deterioration of New York City are clearly manifestations o f these decisions. Individually, there is no reason and no w a y for suburba n tovms to lessen these. e ffects. low-income housing project on sever2 l acres in l 'ound Ridge I!OUld be an expense which the tm m could ill-afford and "'ould present an environment of isolation to its residents. Without the ability to coordinate employment, transportation, housin g and services, a single municipality c a n make only token efforts to alleviate the problems within the metropolitan area. A regiona l with the power to these activities is a necessary structure + o r effec tively a dcressing thes e issues. If such a regional government were created with the re0uired powers to regula t e development patterns and to est ablish its own tax structure, the in l'ound Ridg e would surely be less dramatic than the residents have envisioned Both the energ y situation and environmental restraints would direct major grmth away f rom the town. Indeed, current reg i onal p l 2ns by both the Tri-State P l anning Gommission and the Westchester County Department o f P l anning indicate that much o f northern \ 1estchester County is designate d for low -den sity resi d entia l development. T h e most likely scenario for the tm m would be a.djustments in l a n d use: (1) to provide

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112. single-famil y d welling s on smaller lots but still of sufficient size to accommodate septic t a n k d i sposal and (2) to provide multi-family housing in suffic i ent quantity to meet the needs of its 0'1 residents and o f a designated number of potentia l new residents. The residents of tound Ridge firmly believe in the ability of the private enterpris e system -the efficacy of which is proven by their success -to solve the existing metropolitan problems. Ironically, the y are "illing to err:ploy public laws, which interfere with the market function, in to protect their investment. The residents advocate the democracy which allow s them to determine t h e character of their but the y democracy's b asic commitment to the w e l fare o f all citizens of the society or even of the town. F rom H. G. \ \1ells to 1-iargaret Head, observers of our culture attacked the suburbs for distorting values and pol2rizing society. Their abstract idea s a n d ideals have not led to a r eassessment of the w n y of lif e which expresses the preference o f the maj ority o f Americans. Th e chance tha t suburban tmms ,,Till initin t e cooperative action to address metropolita n issue s is nonexis t ent a s long as they do not a c knm, Tledr::e t h e injustices which flow f rom their clinging to the vestig e s o f the 19th century in the mi dst of the 20th century.

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113. Pound rem ains an aesthetically beautiful setting for those who can afford to live there. lvhile it is no longer the quiet small town which its first wave of suburbanites had hoped to preserve, it is still a town devoted to the mytholog y ideals whose time has long passed. But, surely, overarching and hopefully overcoming this feudal theory o f lif e with its attendant enclaves and fortresses, lies a greater moral of the common society we h ave set out to found. The power (of social systems) makes it easy for them to maintain perspecti68s and actions tha t def y morality and reality.

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FOOTNOT!:::S 1. Harris, Jay. God's Country, Peauot Press (Connecticut: 1971), p.29. 2. Ibid., p.74. 3. Northern \-lestchester Joint Planning Frogram. Series of Planninr; Reports for Six Nunicipalities in Northern Hestchester (1949-195U, p. 17. 4. Pound Ridge Review (June 1964), p. 6. 5. Harris. Op.cit., p. 98 6. Ibid., p.119. 7. Ibid., p. 1 24 8. V.1aters, Edith. "Good Neighbors Awards Address" (Novemb e r 1979 ). 9. Ibid. 10. Harris. Op.cit., p.l76. 11. Northern '\iestchester Joint f'l anning Prog ram. Op.cit., p. 134. 12. Pound Ridge Planning B o ard. Town of Development Pound R i ege, New York (January 1957):-p. 1. 13. Harris. Op.cit., p. 176. 14. Goul d Gerald B. "Interview" CHarch 1980). 15. Pound Ridg e Review (June 1964), p. 4. 16. Committee of Housing, frogress Report to ( November 1970), p. 5. 17. Lomas, Stanley A "Interview" (}'larch 1980). 18. 19. Pound R idge Flanning Board. Town of Development Pound R i dge, Ne'tv York (July 197r;:-p. 16. Masotti, Louis H. and Jeffrey K., e d Suburbia in Transition, Ne't-1 York Times ( Ne"tv Y ork: 1 9 74 ) p. 297.

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20. Ibid., p. 30 2 21. Gould. Op.cit. 22. Ibid. 23. Harris. Op.cit., p. 170. 24. Committee to Prevent Dm..mzonin g H emorandum (undated), p. 2. 25. Ibid., p. 2. 26. Ibid., p.3. 27. Pound Ridge Board Tovm .Plan of Development Pound R i dge, Nevl York (July 28. Pound Ridge Review (January 1967), p. 1. 29. Pound Ridg e Cons ervation Council. The Conservation of Pound R i dge (1973), p. 20. 30. Ibid., p. 2. 31. Portman, David. "lnterviev" (April 1980). 32. Community Desig n _:,ssociates, An Evalu.::J.tion of Pound N e\ v York (1973T, p. 2. 33. Ibid., p.9. 3Lo. Ibid p. 8. 35. Ibid., p. 106. 36. Portman. O p.cit. 37. Weiss, l-1arg uc.ri te. Tm..m Board l':le.eting (:?Ylarch 20, 1980). 38. Tripp James. Tovm Board I Jeeting O
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42. Harris. Op.cit., p. 168 43. Op.cit., p. 138. 44. Sobin, Dennis f. The }uture o f the American Suburbs: Survival or Extinction, NatiOna l Un1vers1ty (Port \.Jashington, N.Y.: 1971), p. 130. 45. Pound Ridge Planning B o ard. Town Plan cr Dev elopment Pound Ridge, New York (July 46. Ibid., p. 3. 47. County Department of Planning. \-Jestchester County Development ?olicies (Fall 1974), p. 3. 48. Gordon, Gary. "Interview" 0.1arch 1980). 49. \ 1aters, Edith. "Good Neighbors Awards Address" (November 1979). 50. }1asotti. Op.cit., p. 283. 51 Do 1 c e Op. cit p. 9 8 52. Op.cit., p. 137. 53. Ibid., p. 122. 54. Berenson vs. the Town o Ne''' Castle, New York Court of Appeals-1December 3. 55. Ibid., p. 8. 56. Ibid., p. 9. 57. the Town m New Castle, New York State Supreme Court (April 1979), p. 29-30. 58. Kaplan, Samuel. The Dream Deferred: Feople, Politics, and Planninn : in Suburbia, Vintage Books (New York: 1972, p. 225. 59. Haar, Charles H End of Innocence: [:,Suburba n Render, Scott, Foresman and Company ( Glenview, Ill.: 1972) p. 81. 60. Goodenough, \'-lard Hunt. Cooperation in Change,

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BIBLIOGR.c\ FHY Berenson vs. the Town of New C astle, New York State Court of Appealslnecemberl975). Berenson vs. the Town cr New Castle, New York State Supreme Court (Aprlll979).-Berger, Jay. "Interview" ( FJarch 1980). Pound R i dg e Planning Board. Birmingham, Stephen. The Golden Dream, Harper and Row (New Yor k : 1978). Clark e and Associates. P roposed. Nap Based .Qll Town Plan: Preliminary Re::>o r t O..iay 1959 Committee on Campus-Type Industry, Report !2 (April 1961) Committee on Housing. 1-'rogress to Town Board ( November 1970). Committee to 1:-revent Downzoning H emor a ndum (undated). Community Desig n Associates. An Ecological Evaluation of Found Ridge, New York Dolce, Philip c., ed. Suburbia: The American Dream and Dilemma, Anchor Book ( Garde n City: 1979). Downs, Anthony. the Suburbs: An Urb a n Strategy for America, Yale University ( New-Haven; 1973). Goodenough, Hard Hunt. Cooperation in Clmge, Russell Sage Foundation (New York: 1963). Gor-don, Gary. "Interview" O.iarch 1 80). I-1 anner, \.-restchester County Department o f ilanning Gould, Gerald B "Interview" U :larch 1980). Supervisor, Town of foundRidge.

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H aar, Charles l ; End of Innocence, Scotts, Foresman, and Company (Glenvie w, Ill.: 1972). Jay. God's Co1ntry, Press (Connecticut: 1971). Hudson Institute. \ 4estchester County futures Study (Croton-onHudson : 19 7 5 ) Kaplan, Samuel. The Dream Deferred: i-eople, folitics, and Planning in Subu,bia, Books (New York: 1977). League o f \ ; o men Voters of I'ound Ridge. Town (1970;. Lomas, Stanley 1-. "Interview" (Narch 1980). Democratic candidate for Supervisor 1979; member, Committee on Housing; member, fRUf Najor, l<.ichard. "Interview"(February 1980).l:'ound Ridg e Town Historian. :tf.tale.wista, Lawrence. "Intervie\v11 (April 1980). r ound and private developer. Louis H and Hadden, Jeffrey K., ed. Suburbia in Transition, New York Times (New York: 1974). New York P.egional Plan Association. Implementing Regional P l anning in the Tri<>tate New York Region (New York; 1975). Northern Joint Planning Program. Series o f Planning Reports for Six Hmicipali ties in Northern \ lestches ter (1949-1951')." Portman, David. "Interview" ( April 1980). Planning Consultant, Clarke and A ssociates. P ound Association. Pound Ridge Review, issues for 1964-1979. Pound Ridge Conservation C ouncil. The Conservation of .tound R idge (1973). Pound Ridge Planning B oard. Lan d Development Regulations (Angust 1972). Pound R i dg e f l anning Board. T own Plan of Development :found New York (Janu&ry 1 957).----

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Pound Ridge Flanning Board. Town Plan of Development Ridge, Nev: Yor k (July 1971-)-.--Pound Ridge, Tm, 'il of. Summary of Tmm Budget (1980). Pound Ridge, Tovm of. Zoning Ordinance August 1978). Rodney, l-1rs. Fred. "Interview" ( February 1980). Former T own R e publican Committeewoman. Shournato-l'"f, Alex. "frofiles: i-:estchester", The Ne1v Yorker (November 13, 1978) Simpkins, Joy. "Interview" ( Larch 1980). Chairwoman, ?ound Ridg e flanning Board. Sobin, Dennis P T h e Future o f the Suburbs: 3urvival or. Extinction, Nationa l UniVers1ty Pu8[cations (rort N.Y.: 1971). Soldner, Doris v. Its 2arly History Told its .t\rchitecture (..:;.pring l972J. Unpublished thesiS. United States Bureau o f the Census. 195Q 1 960, a nd 1970 Census of Population. D.C.). \laters, P.di th. "Good Neighbors Award .-' ... ddress" (1 ovember 1979). 1-Je.ters, Edith. "Intervie. w11 ( Februery l98J). :t'ound Ridg e resident since 1937. County De.pa .rtrr.ent o f I-lanning. lestchester County Development ( Fall 1974) \.Jood, Robert c. Suburbia: Its People and Their 1:-oli tics, Houghton } j_fflin (Boston: 1958).