BRITISH, CANADIAN, AND AMERICAN PATRIOTISM: PERSPECTIVES THROUGH THE
BOOKS OF THREE WITNESSES OF THE WAR OF 1812
B.A., Metropolitan State University of Denver, 1997
A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts History Program
This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by
has been approved for the History Program
Kariann Akemi Yokota, Chair Ryan D. Crewe James E. Fell
December 16, 2017
Hogg, Laura (MA., History Program)
British, Canadian, and American Patriotism: Perspectives through the Books of Three Witnesses of The War of 1812
Thesis directed by Associate Professor Kariann Akemi Yokota
Many people have written about The War of 1812; however, the majority of these writings center on military campaigns. More recent works have covered the role of minorities during this episode in history. Very few have made the exploration of patriotism the basis of their study. By featuring patriotism and then comparing some of its different forms of the major combatants of the war, American, British, and Canadian patriotism, one can learn about the level of confidence each of the above felt at this time, a reflection of each nations culture. In other words, did the American citizen, who labeled himself or herself a patriot feel secure in that citizenship, or were there fears that accompanied the title American citizen? Did the typical Canadian or Briton sense his or her own status as a subject of the crown was a stable occurrence, or were there anxieties that threatened to reverse that standing? How did these anxieties or their reverse, these confidences, express themselves in the writings of people of this era? In general, they differed for each of the main players in The War of 1812.
This study puts the books of three participants of The War of 1812 side-by-side to compare some of the different forms of patriotism coming from good patriotic representatives of each nation. Diaries, journals, and newspapers of the era support the opinions and claims of the three major writers featured here. As a result, what becomes clear is that some patriotic Americans, from a country young at the time, fueled
patriotism with fear of losing their very nationhood, and they counteracted this anxiety with over-the-top patriotic sentiment. Britons could feel secure. These subjects often displayed patriotism with smug confidence in an ancient culture, tinged with aristocratic pride. Much Canadian patriotism shines with respect for Britain, its parent.
It also glows with love for a geographically beautiful nation, new like America, but supported by a culture that had proven itself over millennia. What this all implies is that expressions of patriotism are more important than many writers have given it credit for. One can learn much about national motivations by studying this theme, and from knowing these motivations, can sense patterns emerging presently or in the future.
With this knowledge comes understanding and tolerance.
The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication.
Approved: Kariann Akemi Yokota
This thesis is dedicated to my advisor, the inspiring Dr. Kariann Yokota, who saw me through a difficult and new process to help me become a better non-fiction writer, taking time for me even in her very busy schedule. It is also dedicated to Dr. Ryan Crewe, who is also on my team, and has offered much good advice over the years. He has been engaging and made the years pass with more clarity. Special thanks to Dr. James Fell for agreeing to be part of my team. I never got the benefit of one of his classes and did not want to miss the chance to work with him. Special thanks also to Dr. Tom Noel for all his cheerful and knowledgeable help all these years, a great teacher and person. More special thanks to all the professors who stopped to talk to me and give me helpful advice. There are exceptional friends I would like to acknowledge, Marie Von Haas, who was there with me and for me since the beginning. She has learned with me and mentored me and has been an all-around kind-hearted friend through all the ups and downs. She has taught me a lot. Erica Gulledge has also taken this journey with Marie and me. Being able to experience the rewards and challenges with her and turn to her as a good friend has made the difference. Without my closest historian friends, this whole process would have been diminished. They have enriched my life, and I am grateful. Next, I would like to bring attention to my patient, caring husband, Michael, who now probably knows more about The War of 1812 than the average American because he took the time to listen and act interested. And lastly, this is dedicated to my daughter, Caitlin, and my father, William, who both inspired me, in their own ways, to
TABLE OF CONTENTS
I. INTRODUCTION 1
II. HISTORIOGRAPHY 11
III. THE AMERICAN, SAMUEL WOODWORTH 36
IV. THE BRITON, WILLIAM DUNLOP 61
V. THE CANADIAN, JOHN RICHARDSON 71
VI. CONCLUSION 82
A seaman on board the Constitution...was mortally wounded, and whilst lying on the deck apparently dying, the word was passed that the enemy had struck. He raised himself up with one hand, gave three cheers, fell back, and expired! Heroic specimen of the genuine patriotism of American tars!1 Samuel Woodworth, The Champions of Freedom
The...Marquis of Tweeddale, who was Lieutenant Colonel of the 100th, commanded our brigade: he had been educated in a good school, under the "Great Duke;...Should his lordship, in the present high and responsible situation which he occupies, have an opportunity of displaying his talents, I am much deceived if he will not add one more to the numerous band of soldiers who have raised their own and their countrys name in the fields of Hindostan; therefore, God send him a good war!2 William Dunlop, Recollections of the American War, 1812-1814.
I too am a Canadian...I feel pride in having received my being in a land where every thing attests the sublimity and magnificence of nature. Look around you...and ask yourself what there is in the wild grandeur of these scenes to disown?3 John Richardson, The Canadian Brothers
Three voices illustrate conflicting views of patriotism during such a traumatic time as The War of 1812. Their views of the war are different due to their backgrounds. The American, Samuel Woodworth, pressures his readers with an urgency to put the
1 Samuel Woodworth, The Champions of Freedom, or, The Mysterious Chief: a Romance of the Nineteenth Century, Founded on the War between the United States and Great Britain, which Terminated in March, 1815. 1816 (New York: Charles N. Baldwin, 1818), 92. https://plav.google.com/books/reader?id= dUqAAAAYAAT&printsec=frontcover&output=read er&hl=en&pg=GBS.PA333 Accessed online October 1,1017.
2 William Dunlop, Recollections of the American War, 1812-1814. With a Biographical Sketch of the Author by A. H. U. Colquhoun, of the Toronto News (Toronto: Historical Publishing Co., 1905), 88-89.
https://plav.google.com/books/reader?printsec=frontcover&output=reader&id=c08bmRV67s MC&pg=GBS.PR3 Accessed online July 1, 2017.
3 John Richardson, The Canadian Brothers; or, The Prophecy Fulfilled. A Tale of the Late American War. In Two Volumes, Vol. 1 (Montreal: A. H. Armour and H. Ramsay, 1840), 29 https://plav.google.com/books/reader?printsec=frontcover&output=reader&id=d-UxA0AAMAAT&pg=GBS.PR3 Accessed online August 15, 2017.
country first, showing great insecurity. The Briton, Dr. William Dunlop, writes with the elegance and confidence of a cultured man from an ancient civilization steeped in aristocratic arrogance. The Canadian, John Richardson, merely loves his beautiful country and wishes to serve and protect it.
One can read diaries, journals, memoires, stories, and so forth left behind from those who beheld The War of 1812, but Woodworth, Dunlop, and Richardson each wrote full-length books about it, having experienced the war first-hand. Though many shorter works about this war exist, written by the hands of those alive at the time, there is a limited base of book-length works penned by witnesses.
Woodworth, Dunlop, and Richardson offer something else besides book-length memories, namely, work intended for a large audience and not just themselves. They were writing for strangers, and each had influence over their countrymen due to their reputations. From the small pool of book length works of the war, written by witnesses, the three in this study stand out for the authors clear motivation of trying to convince others that their countries held the moral high ground during this episode.
By reading the books of these men against the grain, reading between the lines for attitudes on patriotism, the approach of this study offers something most authors on The War of 1812 have not done, for example, it puts on display the emotional reactions to the war and how this could impact ones view of the country. Historians have often read first-hand accounts to get the facts, to read about battles or camp life. This investigation explores what witnesses of the war were saying without meaning to do so explicitly. It is illustrative, not comprehensive, but by getting a feel for patriotic
emotions and their motivations in this way, one can discover cultural meaning like an archeologist analyzes traces of the past.
I am looking at expressions of patriotism, which I define in much the same way as George Orwell. He offered an insightful description of it, comparing it favorably to nationalism. In his 1945 essay "Notes on Nationalism Orwell argues that what drives nationalism is a longing for power. Nationalists hope to win this authority and status not for the singular person but rather "for the nation or other unit in which he has chosen to sink his own individuality.4 Orwell adds that this sentiment drives its adherents to ignore the bad behavior of ones nation and offer unquestioning support to its causes "recognizing no other duty than that of advancing its interests.5 Patriotism, on the other hand, according to Orwell, is distinct from nationalism. He describes it as something that is "defensive, both militarily and culturally a "devotion to a particular place and a particular way of life, which one believes to be the best in the world but has no wish to force on other people.6 In other words, patriotism can be beneficial and is certainly not harmful because those who practice it have a healthy pride and not a destructive smugness concerning their country. True patriots celebrate their heritage while allowing others, in their own nations, to celebrate their own. Patriots can also win
4 George Orwell. "Notes on Nationalism. 1999-2017 0. Dag jC. date: 1999-05-21 & L. mod.:
2015-09-24! http://www.orwell.rU/librarv/essavs/nationalism/english/e nat Accessed November 3, 2017. This was originally published "Magazine of Philosophy, Psychology, and Aesthetics, Polemic, No. 1. (October 1945], Reprinted in George Orwell. England, Your England and Other Essays. London: Seeker and Warburg, 1953.
5 Orwell, "Notes on Patriotism.
6 Orwell, "Notes on Patriotism.
personal glory; whereas nationalists tend to be most concerned with furthering their nations needs, even above their own.
A broad study of The War of 1812 to get background information early on led to inquiries into the state of medicine in this era. However, exciting medical advances did not occur until later in the nineteenth century. Reading books and journals by doctors alive during The War of 1812 revealed things of interest though. For instance, Dr. Usher Parsons, surgeon in Americas navy, kept a record of his experiences. The blandly put diary entry dated Tuesday, September 6,1814 reads, "Spain has declared war against America and is followed by the distant "The city of Washington is taken.7 This led to a sojourn down a different path. It is common knowledge that the British burned the White House (its later name) in 1814.
The unexpected comment about war with Spain inspired a look into this history, leading to information about a war within a war. In brief, General George Mathews, once Georgias governor, with President Madisons support, attempted to take Florida from Spain. This did not go as the Americans anticipated.8 Florida did not become Americas until 1821 when "the Spanish flag came down for the last time over St. Augustine...9 As Gene Allen Smith writes, "Spain traded Floridas sovereignty for the security of Texas.10 The Americans, it seemed, did not learn lessons easily about trying
7 See Usher Parsons Surgeon of the Lakes: The Diary of Dr. Usher Parsons 1812-1814, Edited by John C. Fredriksen (Erie, PA: Erie County Historical Society, 2000), 96.
8 Gene Allen Smith, The Slaves' Gamble: Choosing Sides in the War of 1812 (New York: Palgrave, MacMillan, 2013), 67-68.
9 Smith, The Slaves' Gamble: 83.
10 Smith, The Slaves' Gamble: 83.
to take land from other nations. When it could win more territory, it would do so by taking advantage of the weaknesses of its adversaries.
This subject of war with Spain might have led to a complete study of its own, but upon reading other sources, especially Woodworth, Richardson, and Dunlop, a recurring theme stood out amongst all the others: patriotism. While reading their books, it seemed as if these authors did not intend on making this topic the driving force of their work; at least they did not appear to want to admit this was the case, especially Woodworth who comes across as pushing ultra-patriotism (possibly to some even nationalism) as a natural and not an explicit quality. But Woodworth might safely still be called a patriot and not a nationalist because he had no wish to force Americanism on others. He seemed to believe that an attempt to conquer Canada was about defense, not offense. Patriotism surely was important to all three men, for it underlined their words and shaped the mood of their stories. Of all the possible themes their books might have had in common, patriotism appeared to be the most pressing. This of course, provided an ideal focus for this paper, when all other paths led to dead ends or into territories meant for book-length projects. Reading the books of the three above-mentioned authors, supported by many other primary-source genres, provides a glimpse into hearts and minds in this period. Sometimes, a glimpse is all we have and is therefore worth the exploration. I knew early on that I wanted to study The War of 1812 because it was a gap in my knowledge, and when the broad led to the specific, the bigger theme of war provided the perfect setting for the narrower theme of patriotism.
The War of 1812 is an excellent setting and time to demonstrate various forms of patriotism because war draws out the sentiment in residents of a country, as a look at many wars will show. People historically have waved their flags when involved in a war, or protested the war as their form of loving their country. The War of 1812 offers plenty of that for study. What is special about this particular war for this specific exploration is the age of America at the time. By the later twentieth century, America was a confident, if not arrogant country, sure of itself and its power. But in 1812, the story was very different. Excessive show of patriotism in the form of "the country comes first, came out in the words of many people, including Woodworth, and was based on that insecurity.
Why were many Americans so uncertain? Canada was young as well, but numerous Canadians were not as anxious as some Americans were. Certain Canadians, though worried America might conquer them, were not attempting over-compensation the way Americans such as Woodworth were. Why not? This study will explore the reasons behind this. British citizens, from an established society, had a reason for smug confidence: Britain had proven its strength over centuries of wars, had overcome threats many times.
There was, of course, a wide range of personal opinions concerning patriotism during The War of 1812, but I chose to explore the form of the sentiment expressed most strongly by witnesses. After having read many books on this topic, ranging from broad, background materials on the war to very specific topical works, journals, memoirs, newspapers, and other written records, I decided not to focus on the middle ground expressions of patriotism. These people were not passionate enough about the
war, either way, to leave many comments about it. Quite simply, they had bigger, more personal concerns to occupy their time, and they did not leave behind enough of a written record of their feelings to offer much for researchers to delve into. Therefore, the most vocal, the most ardent supporters and detractors, are the focus of my study due to the number of words they left behind. Their readers might imagine they wanted to raise them above a laissez-faire attitude concerning the war, in order to win more people to their cause.
By comparing a few of the dedicated forms of American patriotism of the era to some of Canada and Britain (the major players in the war), one can more clearly see why many Americans felt the way they did about their country, insecure, for next to the other nations, important differences stood out. I think it is instructive to provide a side-by-side view because this approach allows for enhanced understanding. One learns something about the countries through the lens of a study of their patriotic outlooks, especially about their confidence as a nation, and in particular, America. A side benefit of this type of study is learning something of Canada as well and why many of its subjects had reason to feel differently about their own country than their neighbors to the south felt about theirs.
America was torn between opposite views before and during this war (go to war or do not go to war); therefore, I have chosen the work of an early nineteenth-century man that exemplifies the patriotic demographic of the U.S. to compare against a patriotic Canadian and a Briton loyal to his homeland. This is a case study, putting different forms of patriotism side-by-side in the hopes of discovering something about each society at that time, about their motivations for love of country and any fears many
of their countrymen may have felt. By comparing the American form of the value to that of its opponents, one can better understand the motivation behind fervent patriotism and whether or not it was justified.
After reading various types of written records, full-length books (primary sources) became my genre of choice to be the vehicle for this study. I started out thinking diaries and journals would play this principal role, and not the supporting role they became. The problem occurred when either the majority of these records were filled with mostly words about battles and camp life (not my focus), written by military men, or did not make enough mention of the warjournals written by civilians. The civilians covered considerable material not relevant to my topic, mundane daily activities that would be of interest in a study about daily life, whether or not in time of war. Other genres such as patriotic songs might have led to an informative study, but they were the end result, not the process. These did not offer enough insights on developing motivations or consequences of not being a patriot. Therefore, after surveying different types, books provided the most satisfactory way to discover details of my theme. Studying the three authors books is a literary device, a way to talk about the subject of patriotism, supported by articles, journals, diaries, and other papers.
The original bibliography I had compiled both shrank and then grew. At the start of my research, I had gathered a long list of books on many aspects of the war, including general background works. The latter made the final list. One group of books that I cut from the final bibliography was the medical collection, with the exception of one or two for minimal contributions and the two books by or about Dr. Usher Parsons, surgeon for the U.S. Navy (and of course, the book by the Scottish doctor, William Dunlop, whose
book I did not use for its medical insights). Those two books concerning Dr. Parsons provided non-medical, relevant insights into the war. The medical collection of books I had bypassed, though interesting, did not provide a strong enough theme, begging for more exploration. This was mainly because not much improved in medicine until later in the century. What grew in my bibliography were more primary sources, as my research deepened. Though not always possible, from some editors compilations of first-hand documents, I was able to trace back to earlier sources.
Three books, one from each of the major combatants, will be the focus of this comparative study of patriotism during The War of 1812. Samuel Woodworths The Champions of Freedom, or, The Mysterious Chief: a Romance of the Nineteenth Century, Founded on the War between the United States and Great Britain, which Terminated in March, 1815 was published in 1816. His work exemplifies the strident, patriotic American perspective that existed at this time. In fact, while the war was happening, Woodworth published a newspaper dedicated to it. His book, though technically a novel, is based on the many words he left behind in his newspaper. He fills the book with actual occurrences of the war and weaves a fictional story around the facts. Next,
William Dunlops Recollections of the American War, 1812-1814, a non-fiction work published in 1906, years after its writing, illustrates a British point of view that was in line with the government. Dunlop was not a rebel, and like Woodworth, respected the decision of his national leader to fight this war. Since Britain was in the midst of the Napoleonic Wars when the War of 1812 began with the Americans, and had been in this midst for many years, one might safely say that the mainstream viewpoint of those Isles was to support the government. To not be a patriot, might after all, mean ones loyalties
rested with the enemy. Finally, Major John Richardsons The Canadian Brothers; or, The Prophecy Fulfilled. A Tale of the Late American War, published in 1840, is seen through the eyes of a patriotic Canadian. Richardson fought in the war and wrote much about it, filling his pages with words showing his love of his country. The amount he wrote, and the sentiment interlaced throughout his work make his book an excellent choice to demonstrate the point of view of Canadians who felt strongly about their country and had plenty to say about the hostilities with the United States.
I may be focusing on expressions of patriotism as reflected by three books written by witnesses, but the support of various other sources from people who were present at the time of the war and left behind their memories will reinforce my conclusions. Because I have read far more on The War of 1812 than the three illustrative examples above, have considered different themes to compare, and have inspected a number of different types of written genres, finding that they reinforce each other, I believe I have come to sound conclusions about what motivated enthusiastic forms of patriotism in the era of The War of 1812. Without attempting to be comprehensive, I offer meaningful insights.
Military historians looking at America pre-twenty-first century often focus on the Gulf War, the Vietnam War, or World Wars One or Two. Very many make the Civil War, The Mexican-United States War, or the Revolutionary War of central importance to their readers. Knowledge of these wars, as evidenced by the number of books written about them, is in high demand with the public. But how many people might inquire about The War of 1812? Did we, as a nation forget about this war? Military historian Stephen Budiansky describes it as:
this often brutal three-year fight that raged across half a globe, from the wilderness of the northwestern forest to the capital cities of Canada and the United States, from the seas off Chile to the mouth of the English Channel.11
Why would such a far-reaching war be almost forgotten? Budiansky offers some
insights describing the terrible mismanagement of the war, how blunders humiliated
great men of the Revolutionary era and "Not until the Vietnam War...would a decision
to go to war so divide the nation...12 It seems this conflict irritated national pride in at
least this aspect.
Historian, Carl Benn, further explains why The War of 1812 faded in the minds of many, saying that the U.S. neither gained nor lost land in this conflict, something important to Americans. Benn writes, "Memories [of The War of 1812] were subsumed by those of...the one with Mexico in 1846-1848, in which the United States
11 Stephen Budiansky, Perilous Fight: America's Intrepid War with Britain on the High Seas, 1812-1815 (New York: Vintage Books, 2011], ix.
12 Budiansky, Perilous Fight, x.
expanded...Afterward...the Civil War...eclipsed the conflicts with Britain and Mexico...13 So, wars that ended with the expansion of U.S. territory or threatened to divide it took precedence over The War of 1812, which, as Benn states, ended with the idea of "status quo ante helium.14 At a glance, that might seem to make The War of 1812 a bland affair in comparison to others because the term status quo ante bellum alone makes it obvious that nothing much was gained.
One thing acquired in the War of 1812 though was honor. As Dolly Madisons (wife of the president) grandniece Lucia B. Cutts wrote in her editing of Mrs. Madisons Memoirs and Letters, "It was no longer doubtful that American sailors were the peers in valor and patriotism of any seamen in the world. It was no small triumph for the Republic that her flag should henceforth be honored on every ocean.15 One wanted to be known as patriotic in order to have a good name. This reflects President Madisons words to Congress, "British cruisers have been in the continued practice of violating the American flag on the great high way of nations, and of seizing and carrying off persons sailing under it...16 Respect for the flag and the people under it could mean patriotism, but this sentiment required different things from different people.
13 Carl Benn, The War of 1812 (New York: Routledge, 2003), 89.
14 Benn, The War of 1812, 82.
15 See Lucia B. Cutts in Madison, Dolly, and Lucia B. Cutts. Memoirs and Letters of Dolly Madison: Wife of James Madison, President of the United States: edited by Her Grand-Niece (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Col., 1886), 120-121.
https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd. 32044029903 200 :view=lup:seq=18 Accessed online October 1, 2017.
16 James Madison, as quoted in "A Solemn Question: Washington, D.C., June 1812: James Madison: War Message to Congress, in The War ofl 812: Writings from America's Second War of Independence, ed. Donald R. Hickey (New York: The Library of America, 2013), 1.
A perusal of the news literature of the era will show vicious fighting among those for and against the war. Budiansky notes that the Federalists, strongly represented in New England, generally speaking were against the war, and President Madison and his party, the Republicans, and their followers were for the war.17 New England militias, according to David S. Heidler and Jeanne T. Heidler, often would not cross state lines "hobbling the prosecution of the war.18 This makes sense considering much of the fighting happened near the U.S/Canada border. Heidler and Heidler also inform their readers that New England Federalists were angry about the war and held The Hartford Convention December 15,1814-January 5,1815 to come up with ways to address their grievances. This caused Americans outside of their region to question their patriotism, which weakened the power of the Federalists.19 The question of their loyalty had merit, after all, because the "New England governors, Federalists, and members of related antiwar factions met...to discuss the possibility of secession from the union.20
Lieutenant Reynold Marvin Kirby, U.S. Artillery, 3d Regiment wrote in his diary about an episode in The War of 1812 where General Harrison had a victory in battle, and Kirbys words show how the Federalists were "rebels against the U.S. government. People were holding a parade with music to celebrate Harrisons victory. The
17 Budiansky, Perilous Fight, x.
18 David S. Heidler, and Jeanne T. Heidler. Daily Life in the Early American Republic, 1790-1820 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2004), 17.
19 Heidler, and Heidler, Daily Life, 19.
20 See John C. Fredriksens notes in "Colonel William Clay Cumming 8th U.S. Infantry, in The War of 1812 in Person: Fifteen Accounts by United States Army Regulars, Volunteers and Militiamen, ed. John C. Fredriksen (Jefferson, North Carolina, and London: McFarland & Company, Inc., 2010), 162n36.
Federalists held their own type of anti-parade, ringing their own bells, and muffling the beat of drums, "blowing tin horns, so Kirby writes how they resented the mainstream patriotic displays and did something about it.21 The Federalists were in essence mocking the "patriots. The reason for New England generally having such objections to the war is somewhat clear but ironic.
Journalist Bil Gilbert, in his book God Gave Us This Country: Tekamthi and the First American Civil War, gives insights into Federalist objections to the war, explaining that they benefited from peace with Britain. Gilbert writes that the U.S., at least for appearances, declared war on Britain because the British were stealing American sailors [to help fight Napoleon] and interfering with American trade with Europe. However, North-Eastern Americans, with the greatest tie to shipping, "were the ones who found the British practices the easiest to bear because they made a nice profit off the wars going on in Europe, and merchants could not get behind a war [The War of 1812 that the U.S. declared] that would upset their potential for profit earning.22 So, though New Englanders lived in the region most affected by British policies, they were the least offended by them. Gilberts argument about why merchants from this region, though greatly affected by the interference in trade, were least offended by British policies has merit. Money is a strong motivator.
Historian Donald R. Hickey adds that objection to The War of 1812 was not always regional but rather politically biased. He writes that the "Federalists [in New
21 See Lieutenant Reynold M. Kirby in "Lieutenant Reynold M. Kirby, 3rd U.S. Artillery, in The War of 1812 in Person, ed. Fredriksen, 197.
22 Bil Gilbert, God Gave Us This Country: Tekamthi and the First American Civil War (New York: Atheneum, 1989], 276.
England and] in the middle and southern states opposed the conflict, too...the party presented a united front against the war.23 In fact, the Federalists "saw the war as a costly, futile, and partisan venture that was likely to produce little good and much evil.24 Perhaps they were right. After all, the U.S. gained nothing tangible and lost lives in the process. Moreover, as historian Gerald N. Grob writes in The Deadly Truth: A History of Disease in America, disease took more lives during The War of 1812 (and the Mexican War and Civil War) than battles did. Diseases such as dysentery, respiratory disorders, malaria, and other infectious diseases took...[their] toll.25 Those soldiers who took ill would not have been in such close contact had it not been for military life during war. It is not surprising that so many of them died in an era of "heroic medicine in which doctors relied on "bloodletting, blisters, chemical medicines, and other...dramatic therapies to force an illness to release its hold on a persons system.26 Apparently, loss of life during the war appalled "patriots of one type more than it did "patriots with the opposite, put-the-country-flrst view.
Concerning the rest of the country during The War of 1812, Gaillard Hunt, who in 1914 published Life in America One Hundred Years Ago summarizes where the
23 Donald R. Hickey, The War of 1812: A Forgotten Conflict. Bicentennial Edition (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2012), 261.
24 Hickey, The War of1812, 263.
25 Gerald N. Grob, The Deadly Truth: A History of Disease in America (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2002), 145.
26 Conevery Bolton Valencius, The Health of the Country: How American Settlers Understood Themselves and Their Land (New York: Basic Books, 2002), 55.
country stood on the war, generalizing it into regions, as opposed to Hickey who stated
that loyalties were based upon party adherence. Hunt writes:
Speaking broadly, the South had supported the war; the new West had supported it better than the South; in the Middle States there was much opposition to it, and the East had opposed it bitterly.2728
Perhaps both Hickey and Hunt had it right, and Hunts patterns reflected where the
Federalists were living at the time. There were many Federalists living in the East, for
example. It seems the form of patriotism, which equated duty and loyalty to fighting in
the military and putting the country first, as expressed so passionately in certain works
of literature would not be universally accepted in America.
Another reason the U.S. declared war was to acquire Canada, and different
writers have approached this topic in a variety of ways. In John Richardsons The
Canadian Brothers, one of the three main books analyzed in this study, two characters
have an informative discussion about this, offering both an American view and a
Canadian view of the U.S. invasion. Richardsons account comes across as fair,
addressing both sides of the story, but truthful, touching upon certain painful facts.
More of this topic will follow in the study of Richardsons work.
Gilbert offers an American justification for the multiple invasion attempts into
Canada, as it was generally believed among Americans that taking Canada would rid
them of the threat given by "The Red Menace, Native Americans. Many Americans
feared their own well being, both economic and physical, was at unending risk: 27 28
27 Gaillard Hunt, Life in America One Hundred Years Ago (Williamstown, MA: Corner House Publishers, 1971), 5.
28 Gaillard Hunts book was first published in 1914, reflecting American life during The War of 1812.
so long as the savages were being given sanctuary, supplies, and munitions [by the British] in the north. Starting a full-scale war with the British as a means of controlling a few thousand impoverished Indians...[was the idea because] many settlers were genuinely terrified by the prospect of hordes of warriors, well-armed from Canadian arsenals, ravaging the frontier districts as they had in the past.29
For those who believed Canada had to be subdued in order to protect Americans from their Native American neighbors, if the invasion is not justified, it is at least understandable from the viewpoint of the Americans. Gilberts insights, in their clarification, add to that understanding.
Conquering Canada would mean that the Americans could dominate North America and be rid of its lingering threats. The British would be banished from this side of the ocean. James Monroe wrote to John Taylor on June 13,1812 "In case of war it might be necessary to invade Canada, not as an object of the war but as a means to bring it to a satisfactory conclusion.30 If Americas enemies saw the invasion of Canada being about greed for land, it is comprehensible given the U.S.s history with such behavior. However, as seen in Monroes words, to some Americans, this was not the motivation.
Why else should the British be banished from North America? Historian Kariann Akemi Yokota explains in Unbecoming British: How Revolutionary America Became a
29 Gilbert, God Gave Us This Country, 276-277.
30 James Monroe and Stanislaus Murray Hamilton. The writings of James Monroe, including a collection of his public and private papers and correspondence now for the first time printed. Ed. by Stanislaus Murray Hamilton (New York: G.P. Putnams sons, 1898-1903), 207. https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.3 2044079388732 :view=lup:seq=2 31 Accessed online October 1, 2017.
See also James Monroe, June 13,1812 letter in "Trade & Fight, & Fight & Trade: Washington, D.C., June 1812: James Monroe to John Taylor in The War of 1812: Writings from America's Second War of Independence, ed. Donald R. Hickey (New York: The Libraiy of America, 2013), 31.
Postcolonial Nation that after the American Revolution, relations were tense between
Britain and America. There were people in Britain who only waited for American democracy to fail, as though they did not recognize U.S. independence, in spite of treaties signed. A physical example of this disrespect took the form of British forts around the Great Lakes, which they would not forfeit.31 How could this not disturb many Americans? Could the British and their Native American allies use this position to their advantage against the Americans? Going after Canada would be the easiest way to eliminate British presence on the continent if one considers the transportation capabilities of the time. Yokotas explanation, couched within a larger chronological and thematic discussion, offers useful insights into American resentment toward the British in the era of The War of 1812. An invasion into another country would also fire up patriotism on all sides, uniting (supposedly) and therefore, strengthening the nation.
However, the Americans failed to subdue Canada. Albert Bushnell Hart,
Professor of Government, Harvard University, in his 1916 book The War of 1812, explains that the situation turned sour for the Americans during the first fight. The British took Detroit [from General Hull] and kept it for over a year, when "20,000 men...[pushed] back the British into Canada...the Canadian campaigns were all humiliating defeats.32 If Britain would have held onto Detroit, might they have grabbed and kept other American cities? Later, as is commonly known, they would set their
31 Kariann Akemi Yokota, Unbecoming British: How Revolutionary America Became a Postcolonial Nation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 229.
32 Albert Bushnell Hart, The Mentor: The War of 1812. Online ebook by Project Gutenberg. Vol 4, no. 3, Serial Number 103; March 15,1916.
http://www.gutenberg.Org/ebooks/27586?msg=welcome stranger Accessed online July 24, 2017.
sights on New Orleans. American patriots would have their success this time. Harts book is a good mid-point reference, between the war and the current era, for military details of the war. One can see in his words that a hundred years after the occurrence, historians were capable of more honest assessments, not colored by intense patriotism, due to the time elapsed.
Ever since the war happened, in fact, while it was still occurring, people have written about it. Of the material produced on The War of 1812, examples of early newspaper coverage include Samuel Woodworths "The War, published weekly while hostilities were occurring. His paper is patriotic and a good representation of Republican ideals at this time because it was pro-war. A good example of an anti-war paper during this era is "The Federal Republican by Alexander Contee Hanson. More on this will follow.
Historian Donald R. Hickey, who has written articles and books about this conflict, explained in "The War of 1812: Still a Forgotten Conflict? (The name of this article is inspired after his book of a similar title) that since the 1990s, authors have written at least seventy-five books on this wars military history, ensuring that this period was "the most prolific decade ever for 1812 studies.33 He explained this phenomenon by mentioning that in 1999, David Curtis Skaggss William and Mary Quarterly reviewed Hickeys work and said, "Since the publication of Donald R.
Hickeys...[book], there has been a veritable flood of books trying to disprove his
33 Donald R. Hickey, "The War of 1812: Still a Forgotten Conflict? The Journal of Military History. Vol. 65, No. 3 (Jut, 2001): 741.
subtitle.34 This leaves one with the impression that Hickeys work is wise to consult for information on this war. It seems many people took Hickeys book, The War of 1812: A forgotten conflict, published in 1989, seriously because they answered it with works of their own in response.
According to Hickey, in the mid-1980s, one could find only two source guides on The War of 1812, showing that before Hickey wrote his book, interest in the war was in a slow cycle. Hickey informs us there was John Fredriksens work, listing thousands of sources, and Dwight Smiths, which also lists many works in which to turn for bibliography information.35 Hickey also noted that at this time, writers had provided broad histories concerned with the military activities of the war. He recommended consulting Reginald Horsmans work for accuracy and John Mahons for the most details, and quite usefully, he informed his readers of some Canadian authors who discussed the military activities near the border: J. Mackay Hitsman, and George Stanley.36
Many of the battles of The War of 1812 happened at sea, and Hickey offered for consideration writers who focused on this aspect of the war. Among that group, one stands out for the fame of its writer: Theodore Roosevelts The Naval War of 1812, published in 1882. Hickey wrote that that was a great source on this aspect of the war, and one could consult historian Alfred Thayer Mahans work, [Sea Power in Relation to the War of 1812, published in 1905] for "the best analysis of naval strategy.37
34 Hickey, "The War of 1812: Still," 741.
35 Hickey, "The War of 1812: Still," 742.
36 Hickey, "The War of 1812: Still," 741-742.
37 Hickey, "The War of 1812: Still," 742-743.
As of 2001, when Hickeys article was published, of all the general books on The War of 1812 available, John Fredriksens work, which contains hundreds of first-hand accounts, should be consulted because Fredriksen could be considered "the wars unofficial bibliographer (at least of American sources) ...38 When one researches The War of 1812, Fredriksens name appears often, giving legitimacy to Hickeys praise of him.
Hickey went on to discuss military histories published and mentioned Canadian Donald E. Graves who reorganized J. Mackay Hitsmans 1965 book. He added such features as maps and increased the bibliography.39 Because Canada played a large role in this war, Hickey was wise to include these authors in his article.
Another noteworthy War of 1812 work mentioned by Hickey includes one concerned with minorities. For example, Gerard Altoffs work discussed the role of African Americans in the war.40
To find a book written by an African-American, one could not do wrong to read the memoirs of African-American, Charles Ball who was part of a group of those who fled to the British to serve.41 Ball writes, "several thousand black people deserted from their masters and mistresses, and escaped to the British fleet...the British naval officers
38 Hickey, "The War of 1812: Still," 743.
38 Hickey, "The War of 1812: Still," 744.
Hickey, "The War of 1812: Still," 745.
41 Charles Ball, Slavery in the United States: A Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Charles Ball, a Black Man (Lewistown, Pa., 1836. See "Charles Ball: 1785 [?] 1837, in Recollections of the Early Republic: Selected Autobiographies, ed. Joyce Appleby (Boston: Northeaster University Press, 1997), 104.
treated them as free people, and placed them on the footing of military deserters.42 Who could resist such respect? Reading Balls work would add an important layer of understanding to the social aspects of the war.
One can find sources on officers and soldiers and other important aspects of concern.43 Books on the Canadian militia exist.44 There are works on specific battles.45 Of course, when one thinks of this war, the story of Francis Scott Key writing the Star-Spangled-Banner often comes up. Hickey alerted his readers to Lonn Taylors story concerning this.46 It is one small part of the story, but Hickey was right to include this source here because learning the story behind Americas national anthem would be appealing to many people.
Native Americans were heavily involved with this war, and one can find books about them. For example, Gregory Dowd wrote about the "pan-Indian movement.47 John Sugden wrote about Tecumseh, and Richard White about northern Indians.48 In a book focusing on one region of the theater of war, Border Crossings: The Detroit River
42 Charles Ball, Slavery in the United States: A Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Charles Bail, a Black Man, Who Lived Forty Years in Maryland, South Carolina and Georgia, as a Slave Under Various Master, and was One Year in the Navy with Commodore Barney, During the Late War. Electronic Edition (New York: John S. Taylor, Brick Church Chapel, 1837), 469. http://docsouth.unc.edu/neh/ballslaverv/ball.html Accessed online September 1, 2017.
Hickey, "The War of 1812: Still," 746.
44 Hickey, "The War of 1812: Still," 748.
Hickey, "The War of 1812: Still," 749.
46 Hickey, "The War of 1812: Still," 746.
42 Hickey, "The War of 1812: Still," 757.
Hickey, "The War of 1812: Still," 758.
Region in the War of 1812, edited by Denver Brunsman, Joel Stone, and Douglas D. Fisher, one can read about Native Americans such as Tecumseh. "He personified the romantic notion of a perfect Indian leader...49 More of the recent literature of the war rightfully includes Native Americans.50 The above literature zeroes in on specific aspects and players, and they make a more comprehensive and authentic picture for researchers.
The main combatants of The War of 1812 saw Native Americans in different ways. Historian Anthony J. Yanik touches upon this subject in The Fall and Recapture of Detroit in the War of 1812: In Defense of William Hull, a book focused on one major event: Americas surrender of Detroit to the British. Here, Yanik defends Brigadier General William Hull, who was Court Martialed for giving up the city without even a fight. He had feared the Native American allies of the British would massacre the civilians under his watch if the British beat the Americans.51 Though the court found Hull guilty and sentenced him to death, President Madison stopped the execution, even
49 Tim Moran, "A Most Convenient Indian: The Making of Tecumseh, in Border Crossings: The Detroit River Region in the War of 1812, eds. Denver Brunsman, Joel Stone, and Douglas D.
Fisher (Detroit: Detroit Historical Society, 2012), 209.
50 If one is curious about African-Americans and their role (not a focus in this paper), Gene Allen Smith published his book, The Slaves' Gamble: Choosing Sides in the War of 1812, in 2013. Of course it addresses black soldiers, but it also discusses something else of note. It is commonly known that as the British were fighting the Americans in the War of 1812, they were also fighting Napoleon, but what is perhaps not as well known is that the Americans were also fighting another war while they were fighting the British. Gene Allen Smith includes a chapter in his book entitled, "The Florida Patriot War of 1812.
51 Anthony J. Yanik, The Fall and Recapture of Detroit in the War of 1812: In Defense of William Hull (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2011), 125. Hull was charged and acquitted of treason but found guilty in the charges of cowardice and neglect of duty. See Anthony J. Yanik, The Fall and Recapture of Detroit in the War of 1812: In Defense of William Hull (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2011), 125.
agreeing with the courts findings.52 Perhaps the court was so harsh in their judgment against Hull due to a strong feeling of having their patriotism offended. Yaniks book offers a nice counter-point to the copious amount of work that condemns Hull.
In Yaniks book, he explains how the Americans and the British viewed the role of Native Americans in the war. He writes that American policy called for encouraging neutrality among the tribes, while British policy was to "enlist their services in military campaigns.53 And Native Americans, for the most part chose to side with the British because they gave them more food and weapons.54 Aboriginal Sam Norton writes, "another large, Aboriginal tribe has joined the British side. They have promised to help fight in favor of the British with the consent to keep their land in return.55 His words support Yaniks assessment. It seems the Native Americans and the British acted according to what was practical, and the Americans were not even moved by love of country to make serious efforts in recruiting Native Americans to their cause.
Some writers provide insights into the patriotism displayed right after The War of 1812. In Border Crossings: The Detroit River Region in the War of 1812, one will find this idea of patriotism, such as in Kaitlin Coopers essay, "Frontier Nationalism: President Monroe Visits Detroit. She writes, "The inauguration of James Monroe as the
52 Yanik, The Fail and Recapture, 126.
53 Yanik, The Fall and Recapture, 130.
54 Yanik, The Fall and Recapture, 130.
55 See Sam Norton in "Transcript of 1812-Diary Entries: Sam Norton-Aboriginal: August 17th, 1812 as quoted by ed. Joy Angelica in The War of 1812Diary Entries, (blog), May 30, 2014. https://prezi.com/cscuh34b4sxz/the-war-of-1812-diarv-entries/ Accessed online January 18, 2017.
fifth president of the United States on March 4,1817, ushered in the Era of Good Feelings, a period of growing American unity and national confidence.56 This implies that the war that just closed caused great change in the United States, namely, national pride and love of ones countrypatriotismbut based on confidence after the war, and not insecurity. Coopers essay provides a helpful look into the period right after hostilities ended.
Though there are plenty of works on military history, Carl Benn, named above, among other things produced a study discussing the Iroquois, saying they "played a crucial role in the defense of Canada...57 Benn also wrote a short but useful book about the war called simply, The War of 1812. While describing the typical military episodes, he also includes topics such as propaganda or tidbits on important individuals who partook of this war.
When it comes to patriotism and where Benn is situated on this topic, in his section entitled "Propaganda and Protest, he writes, "Both sides used propaganda to advance their cause, boost morale among their people, and win approval on the international stage.58 Within these words is the clarifying idea that Britain and America had to stir up their people, and did what is commonly seen during wartime: inspire patriotism. The way the patriotism is expressed will be explored further in this paper.
56 Kaitlin Cooper, "Frontier Nationalism: President Monroe Visits Detroit, in Border Crossings, eds. Brunsman, Stone, and Fisher, 244.
57 Hickey, "The War of 1812: Still," 748.
58 Benn, The War of 1812, 73.
Donald R. Hickey followed up responses to his article on The War of 1812 with a book. In his informative book, Don't Give Up the Ship!: Myths of the War of 1812, he states that many nineteenth-century writers created myths about the war. Hickey lists Henry Adams (1838-1918), descendent of the two presidents of the same name, as an author with a special role in this.59 Hickey writes that Adams and his nine-volume History of the United States of America, is still read. He calls this work, "the first modern study of the War of 1812 and admits that Adams was partisan but not filled with the "unthinking patriotic enthusiasm that tempted so many of his contemporaries...60 Adams started and spread many of the historical myths about the war, but "can still be consulted with profit today.61 Hickeys book is useful for clearing up myths but might have benefitted from providing the source of more than just some of the myths. For example, which myths in particular did Henry Adams start?
As for American patriotism, Henry Adams ends his book with examples of American patriotism. In his History of the United States of America During the Administration of James Madison he has assessments such as "The traits of intelligence, rapidity, and mildness seemed fixed in the national character as early as 1817..., "...no return to European characteristics seemed likely, and "The traits of American character were fixed;62 Reading these words, one feels the sense of national pride
59 Donald R. Hickey, Dont Give Up the Ship!: Myths of the War of 1812 (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2006), xviii-xix.
60 Hickey, Don't Give Up the Ship!, xxi.
61 Hickey, Don't Give Up the Ship!, xxi.
62 Henry Adams, History of the United States of America During the Administration of James Madison (New York: Literary Classics of the United States, Inc., 1986.), 1345.
within them. America was unique and here to stay. As Hickey asserted, Adamss book has much to offer about facts concerning The War of 1812.
Even books not focused on The War of 1812, but covering the time frame tend to give hints of the wars effect on patriotism. For example, in The End ofAnglo-America: Historical Essays in the Study of Cultural Divergence, edited by R. A. Burchell, one finds the essay, "American English: the Transition from Colonialism to Independence by Gilbert Youmans and Greg Stratman. This essay gives Benjamin T. Spencers list of statements made by American writers. A couple stand out. Washington Irving is quoted as saying in 1812, "We would rather hear our victories celebrated in the merest doggerel that sprang from native invention, than beg, borrow, or steal from others, the thoughts and words in which to express our exaltation.63 The words our victories, given the year they were expressed, imply victories in war, and his quote speaks for itself in its patriotic sentiment. Also quoted is James Kirke Paulding (1815) who "felt that America could never be truly independent till we make our own books, and coin our own words two things as necessary to national sovereignty, as making laws and coining money.64 These words as well indicate pride in being a sovereign nation, a unique country with its own cultural and economic expressions. Reading books such as this, which encapsulate the war within the larger society at the time, are useful for providing a broad context.
63 Gilbert Youmans and Greg Stratman, "American English: the Transition from Colonialism to Independence, in The End ofAnglo-America: Historical Essays in the Study of Cultural Divergence, ed. R. A. Burchell (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1991), 150.
64 Youmans and Stratman, "American English, 150.
Hickey, in his article, informs his readers that when it came to The War of 1812, certain themes in history could use more attention. He argues, "domestic history and...diplomatic history have been largely ignored.65 This paper is not concerned with those two topical themes but will focus on the subject of how patriotism was expressed by representatives of the three combatant sides. Hickeys article is a comprehensive historiographical look at works on The War of 1812, and should be consulted by anyone interested in learning about this war.
Nicole Eustace published a book that concentrated on patriotism: 1812: War and
the Passions of Patriotism. Her work goes into depth about this topic. She gives a reason
for the importance of patriotism during wartime. She states:
In a democracy, public opinion matters more than anything else. Politicians gain and maintain power with the approval of the populace. The War of 1812 provided an ideal moment for Americans...to experiment with shaping popular public opinion.66
This fight for the publics approval would largely be expressed in the newspapers. Wars cost money and lives. How could pro-war people gather support for their cause? Patriotism could work because it offered a diverse populace something in common to stand behind. Eustaces study spends much time discussing its manifestation in the form of urges from leaders to make the country stronger by reproducing. It is valuable for offering an important aspect of patriotic motivation. My study zeros in on the emotions behind the patriotism to its core causes.
Hickey, "The War of 1812: Still," 765.
66 Nicole Eustace, 1812: War and the Passions of Patriotism (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012], xi.
Illustrating one patriotic Canadian viewpoint is the prolific and popular writer, war veteran, John Richardson. His biographer, Alexander Clark Casselman, in Richardson's War of 1812: With Notes and a Life of the Author, informs his readers that Canada was a "land of a contented and happy people, guiltless of wrong to the United States.67 This wrong refers to the times the United States invaded Canada during the war. Richardson was a Canadian who "at the tender age of fifteen...resolved to fight in defence of his native land.68 He signed up and eventually became a prisoner of war.69 From Richardsons book, The Canadian Brothers (featured in this paper), one reads about events of the war.70 Interested readers can find a good sample of a version of Canadas patriotism within the pages of Richardsons book.
William Dunlop, the Briton who arrived in Canada with British troops during this war, wrote a book about his experiences and comprises one of the three main authors of this study. His insights reflect his culture and differ from that of an American, of course, though they show one form pride of an average Briton. His patriotism comes out in his words, in an indirect way, not overtly as in the work of his American counterpart represented here, Samuel Woodworth. Dunlops work is important because "Firsthand accounts of the War of 1812 are uncommon and those accounts of a British surgical and
67 Alexander Clark Casselman, Richardson's War of 1812: With Notes and a Life of the Author (Toronto: Historical Publishing Co., 1902), xvi.
68 Casselman, Richardson's, xvi.
69 Casselman, Richardson's, xvi.
70 Casselman, Richardson's, xvi.
military perspective are exceedingly rare.71 They can be valued for being a spotlight in the darkness. He offers a counter balance to the other points of view and in book form, the main vehicle used here.
One would do well to consult Historian Alan Taylors The Civil War of 1812: American Citizens, British Subjects, Irish Rebels, & Indian Allies for a comprehensive, American view of the war. Taylor writes, "The War of 1812 pivoted on the contentious boundary between the kings subject and the republics citizenship.72 He further explains that after the American Revolution, many Americans loyal to Britain moved up to Canada and that these "Loyalists did not believe that their empire had permanently lost the fight against the republican revolution.73 Doubt in the American Republican experiment would naturally tear away at the new nations stability and perhaps feed British hopes that things were not yet over. In fact, "Britons predicted that the republic inevitably would collapse into anarchy and civil war.74 Taylor explains the reason for his title of this war as a civil war when he gives the example of a man who "fought in a civil war between kindred peoples, recently and incompletely divided by the revolution.75 Also, "leaders in New England flirted with secession.76 While focusing on
71 Greg Baran, "William Dunlop. The Tiger Soldier, Engineer & Army Surgeon! The War of 1812 Magazine, Issue 19, December 2012. http://www.napoleon-
series.org/militarv/Warofl812/2012/Issuel9/DunlopReview.pdfAccessed online July 15, 2017.
72 Alan Taylor, The Civil War of 1812: American Citizens, British Subjects, Irish Rebels, & Indian Allies (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2010), 4.
73 Taylor, The Civil War of 1812, 5.
74 Taylor, The Civil War of 1812, 5.
75 Taylor, The Civil War of 1812, 6.
many of the important aspects of the war with topics such as battles and the invasion attempts of Canada, Taylor adds to historical knowledge of this conflict by convincingly showing that the United States were unstable at this time (and in this era, the United States was referred to in the plural), and this second war fought with Britain could have reversed the War of Independence, making The War of 1812 the second half of that earlier conflict, the way some historians have viewed it. However, others disagree with this perspective.
Author Jon Latimer provides a thorough, non-American look at The War of 1812.76 77 His book, 1812: War with America, covers many relevant topics such as battles, Native Americans, finances, and much more, using sources such as personal journals and memoires, from a British perspective. The book comes across as a fair look at issues. Concerning whether or not this war was a second war of independence, Latimer does not think this is the case. He writes:
in America the conflict helped create a national sense of unity and pride, but it was by no means a second war of independence; nor was it a war that both sides won. It was...a failed war of conquest. American desire to possess British North America dated back to the earliest days of the Revolution and the ill-fated attack on Quebec of 31 December 1775.78
76 Taylor, The Civil War of 1812, 9.
77 We learn that Latimer was once a lecturer at the University of Wales, Swansea, from the back cover ofhis book 1812: Warwith America. See Latimer, Jon. 1812: War with America. Cambridge and London: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2007.
78 Jon Latimer, 1812: War with America (Cambridge and London: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2007), 3.
Talk of Americas unity and pride refers to its patriotic sentiments. It seems that from an outsiders perspective (the British Latimer), Americas patriotism was not a positive thing but rather something that fueled the passion to conquer a happy people (Canada).
Latimer uses primary records such as journals and newspapers as well as various secondary sources. His thorough work includes references to many of the works in this study. He brings in two of the three main authors featured: the Canadian John Richardson, and the British doctor, William Dunlop, though with Richardson, the book of choice is not his novel The Canadian Brothers, but rather Richardsons history of the war.
Patriotism plays a role in Taylors book as well despite the fact that his approach is not one-sided. He states that he "attempts a borderlands rather than a national history, for it promotes neither Canadian nor American icons of patriotism.79 That may be true, so the effect is indirect, sometimes by showing the passion of peoples beliefs for their nations ideology, and sometimes by showing the opposite as when he writes "peoples on both sides of a new and artificial border...often defied the control of their rival governments. When they did this, for reasons such as economic ones, patriotism was highlighted as something that was for the other guy. This shows that not everyone appreciated this specific value, not even in wartime.
Taylor furthers our understanding of historic attitudes. For example, he writes, "Britons defined Upper Canada as a set of absences: as free from the social and political pathologies attributed to the United States.80 This implies a hardening line between
79 Taylor, The Civil War of 1812,10.
80 Taylor, The Civil War of 1812, 71.
peoples of similar background and a love of ones own country for those who held these ideas. One might also take from this that if many Canadians were proud to be different than their neighbors in the south, then those same neighbors, who chose not to move north of the border, loved their country as well and believed in their own unique traditions, displaying once again, the idea of patriotism. A section on Irish immigrants to America offers more insights to values at this time. Taylor talks about how the Irish had attempted independence from Britain unsuccessfully, and the latter rid themselves of the formers Parliament in 1801. Tension between Irelands Catholics and Protestants "betrayed the United Irish vision of a secular republic with equal rights for all men.81 This sounds very much like a value they shared with the Americans, and when the Irish came to the United States, it would affect what would happen. Taylor writes that the British military lured poor Irish men into service and that they then headed for Canada. Some of these Irish meant "to desert once they got close to America.82 Perhaps many eagerly became American and enlarged the group of patriotic citizens once in the U.S. For its fresh approach of treating this war as a civil war, Taylors book adds much to our understanding of many aspects, military included, about the events. Things were not cut and dry, and patriotism, even in its absence, had much to say about hearts and minds during this time.
The newspapers of the day featured regular stories about what was happening on the battlefield and on the seas, or more specifically, the Great Lakes. Kate Caffrey, in
81 Taylor, The Civil War of 1812, 87.
82 Taylor, The Civil War of 1812,107.
her book The Twilight's Last Gleaming: Britain vs. America 1812-1815, quotes Professor
A. J. P. Taylor, "All sources are suspect.83 Caffrey supports this idea when she discusses
journalism during the war. She informs her readers that newspapers were not valuable
for clarification because they were too partisan. She writes:
they were either pro-Republican or so extremely Federalist that they did more harm than good, except for a few dignified papers in Federalist areas, like the Columbian Centinel of Boston or the Connecticut Courant, printed in Hartford. Apart from...these, the Republican press had better quality and wider circulation...84
This would reflect the ideological battle over the rightness of the war going on in the United States at that time. This book, with all its specific and valuable insights, also provides a wider cultural context for the war, and consulting it would be beneficial to those studying this topic.
The majority of sources on The War of 1812 cover topics related to battle, whether that entails the big picture fighting, the careers of important players such as generals, or the naval battles. More recent work incorporates the roles of minorities in the war, previously largely ignored, such as Native Americans, women, or people of African ancestry. Some recent historians have focused on cultural aspects during and after the war. Those who have looked at and analyzed primary sources such as diaries and journals have put their attention on soldiers for the most part.
Joyce Appleby, in Recollections of the Early Republic: Selected Autobiographies, has brought us the personal memories of people alive in the early nineteenth century,
83 Kate Caffrey, The Twilight's Last Gleaming: Britain vs. America 1812-1815 (New York: Stein and Day Publishers, 1977), 12.
84 Caffrey, The Twilight's Last Gleaming, 80.
people who were not necessarily soldiers or sailors. Some of the writers in this book make mention of The War of 1812, but surprisingly, it is not a main focus to these civilians.85 At least one early nineteenth American though, Samuel Woodworth (not mentioned in Applebys book), put the war front and center.
85 To see these memoires, refer to Appleby, Joyce. Recollections of the Early Republic: Selected Autobiographies. Boston: Northeaster University Press, 1997.
THE AMERICAN, SAMUEL WOODWORTH
Samuel Woodworths The Champions of Freedom can be considered "the first US historical novel.86 This alone makes the novel something of interest to those who love history or literature. David Lawrimore, writing about early American historical novels, offers some background on Woodworth. Lawrimore writes that Woodworth, coming before James Fenimore Cooper and Washington Irving, did not have the financial success as a writer that the latter had. Woodworth did what most writers of the time had to do: he wrote within a variety of genres, and his focus was not as a novelist but rather "a journalist, printer, poet, song lyricist, playwright, editor, and publisher of various newspapers and magazines.87 Overall, as Lawrimore states, Woodworths work reflects his dedication to the Democratic Republican party, despite the fact that pieces of his most famous work are non-partisan such as his song "The Bucket published in 1818. "The Bucket reflects fondly on youth, and a childhood on a farm.88 Lawrimore informs us of other works by Woodworth. Woodworth wrote a poem entitled, "New Haven, A Poem, Satirical And Sentimental in 1809, making fun of the Federalists [who would later be the anti-war party] and a play called The Forest Rose; Or,
86 David Lawrimore, "Samuel Woodworths The Champions of Freedom and the End of the Early American Novel, Working Group on the History of the Novel in America: How Would Our Literary Histories of the Early American Novel Change if the Texts We Included in That History Changed? When We Recognize New Texts as Part of Our Field, What Effect Do They Have on Our Narratives about American Literature and Culture? (blog], February 3, 2017. https://earlvamericannovel.blogspot.com/2017/02/samuel-woodworths-champions-of-freedom.html Accessed online July 15, 2017.
87 Lawrimore, "Samuel Woodworths The Champions.
88 Lawrimore, "Samuel Woodworths The Champions.
An American Farmer dealing with a countrywoman harassed by "an urbane English Villain and "saved by Jonathan Ploughboy, a stalwart American farmer.89 One can see a pattern here.
Woodworths most obvious partisan work, as Lawrimore writes, could have been the newspaper The War (published during The War of 1812). Lawrimore informs us that it was "dedicated to espousing pro-war rhetoric and condemning anti-war Federalists as internal enemies.90 When reading Woodworths novel The Champions of Freedom, the partisanship comes out, reflecting that of his newspaper that came shortly before it. Lawrimore writes, "it is a particularly partisan history that minimizes defeat and dissent...while...amplifying victory and "the novel claims to sell a nationalrather than a Democratic Republicanform of history.91 Perhaps Woodworth did this to give his audience the impression that there were more patriots than they believed, and by not being in this group, one was in the minority. In reality, the country seemed to be split down the middle, divided on what defined a patriot.
Woodworth believed his novel, Champions of Freedom, praised American character. He said it was a "monument to American patriotism and bravery and admitted that because some would find it, "a disagreeable and tiresome monotony he addressed this by shortening chapters and throwing in some romance "with the most correct and History of the War...92 Also Cathy Davidson called it "an attempt to sell
89 Lawrimore, "Samuel Woodworths The Champions.
90 Lawrimore, "Samuel Woodworths The Champions.
91 Lawrimore, "Samuel Woodworths The Champions.
92 Lawrimore, "Samuel Woodworths The Champions.
history.93 Woodworths novel will make it clear that to be patriotic meant to support the war, as the Democratic-Republican Party did and the Federalists did not. It is too bad that as Joseph J. Letter wrote in Early American Literature, "That work [The Champions of Freedom], like its author...has largely been forgotten...94
The Champions of Freedom, the first so-called American historical novel, and a reflection of partisan politics during the era of The War of 1812, gave insights about Americans.95 Letter explains that the novel was Woodworths "most ambitious attempt at expressing the nation as it emerged from the War of 1812, and Woodworth offers a "nonlinear, irrational alternative for understanding the nation...96 Letter views the work as:
one of the earliest examples of a modern national culture; it is...a composite of the country...a highly fragmented and diverse body held together by the spirit of euphoric nationalism following the war.97
The sense of patriotism expresses itself from every page of Woodworths book and his newspaper of which the book is based upon. Perhaps this is due to how sensitive the young nation was about their stability at the time. How could not many Americans feel insecure in their nationhood, being as young as America was? And what better way to support a nation and strengthen it than through patriotism?
93 See Cathy Davidsons quote in Lawrimores "Samuel Woodworths The Champions.
94 Joseph J. Letter, "Reincarnating Samuel Woodworth: Native American Prophets, the Nation, and the War of 1812, Early American Literature, Vol. 43, No. 3 (2008), pp. 687.
95 Letter, "Reincarnating Samuel Woodworth, 689.
96 Letter, "Reincarnating Samuel Woodworth, 689.
97 Letter, "Reincarnating Samuel Woodworth, 689.
As for the reason behind why America invaded Canada, each nation had an opinion about Americas true motives. Woodworth often defends the American invasion in The Champions of Freedom. Take for example the argument of an American in this book. The soldier and main character, George Willoughby, reads the words of his father, Edward Willoughby, in a letter dated October 22,1812. The letter explains that good men must not fight an offensive war unless ordered to do so by authority figures, for to disobey them would be a worse offense. However, in a defensive war, like the current one, good men could fight and remain on the moral high ground in order to protect their rights:
It is surely justifiable self-defence to strike a weapon from the hand of an assailant; or, if that weapon is raised against us, to strike off the arm that wields it. Canada is that armthe Indian scalping knife is the weapon it wields. If we cannot repel the weapon, let us attempt to cut off the arm.98
Edward Willoughby is justifying the behavior of the invaders to make them seem like
innocent victims doing the right thing for their country. The anxiety comes out.
Some of those Americans who fought in the war agreed that declaring it was
about defense. For example, Private William Greathouse, of the Kentucky Mounted
Riflemen, wrote, "I entered the service as a volunteer...for the purposes of
exterminating the savage foe and British armies that were committing woeful
depredations on the frontiers of Ohio and Michigan...99 His memoires were first
98 Samuel Woodworth, The Champions of Freedom, or, The Mysterious Chief: a Romance of the Nineteenth Century, Founded on the War between the United States and Great Britain, which Terminated in March, 1815.1816 (New York: Charles N. Baldwin, 1818], 23. https://play.google.com/books/reader?printsec=frontcover&output=reader&id=_dUqAAAAYA AJ&pg=GBS.PPl
99 See William Greathouse in "Kentucky at the Thames, 1813: A Rediscovered Narrative by William Greathouse in Register of the Kentucky Historical Society 83 (Spring 1985], 96, ed.
"published in 1927 but slipped into obscurity.100 Were the Americans justified in calling this self-defense, or were they spreading out in areas where they did not belong? Opinions differ.
There are many other patriotic lines sprinkled throughout Woodworths novel.
In a scene set in a room decorated with trophies of naval victory, those people present were "roused [by] the proud feelings of patriotism... and moved by "the brave defenders of their countrys rights.101 The main character, George Willoughby, a soldier, says that it is okay to fight as long as patriotism is the motive, not revenge, reflecting Christian undertones.102 Then there is a line by the author in a chapter entitled American Heroism which reads, "Another dazzling blaze of glory...encircles the "stripes and stars of Freedom.103 Woodworth often uses the vehicle of "gallant soldiers and sailors to press his issue of patriotism. For example, as quoted at the beginning of this essay, a sailor is shot on a ship and covered with blood. His superior officer orders him
John C. Fredriksen. https://kvnghistorv.kv.gov/Our-Historv/Historv-of-the-Guard/1812%20Additional%20Resources/Kv at the Thames 1813 rediscoverednar Regitr v 83n2.pdf Accessed online October 2, 2017. See also William Greathouse in "Private William Greathouse, Kentucky Mounted Riflemen in The War of 1812 in Person: Fifteen Accounts by United States Army Regulars, Volunteers and Militiamen, ed. John C. Fredriksen (Jefferson, North Carolina, and London: McFarland & Company, Inc., 2010), 240.
100 John C. Fredriksen, ed., "Kentucky at the Thames, 1813: A Rediscovered Narrative by William Greathouse Register of the Kentucky Historical Society 83 (Spring 1985), 96. https://kvnghistorv.kv.gov/Our-Historv/Historv-of-the-
Guard/1812%20Additional%20Resources/Kv at the Thames 1813 rediscoverednar Regitr v 83n2.pdf Accessed online October 2, 2017. The unavailable original is noted as follows: Margaret Shotwell, Stories of 1812; Prize Winning Reminiscences (Omaha, Neb., 1927), 11-17.
101 Woodworth, The Champions of Freedom, 69.
102 Woodworth, The Champions of Freedom, 34.
103 Woodworth, The Champions of Freedom, 35.
down to safety, but the man does not listen "preferring to do his duty while he had life, to abandoning his post....and performed every service in his power...until the stars and stripes waved gloriously over the foe.104
As is apparent from quotes like the above, Woodworth did not demand halfhearted patriotism but rather giving it ones all in order to prove his loyalty and keep his honor intact. Every incidence of not putting ones country first in The Champions of Freedom met with censure, such as when the hero heard his fiancee thought she was dying, and he wanted to go to herbut to leave his post? He could not ask to leave when his country needed him, but to never see his Catharine againthe thought tore at him. "A severe struggle now took place in his bosom...Duty, Patriotism, Honor, urged their imperious claimson the other stood weeping Love and meek-eyed Pity...105 When he left to go see Catharine, he did not find her, and "The Mysterious Chief pays him a visit. The Chief comes down on George very hard and even tells him that by leaving, George had acted in self-interest, as if he were a god, and not an agent of Providence, and he should go back to his duty or suffer great miseries.106 If the importance of putting the country first is not clear through these words, there is no hope for this idea. And though the book was published right after the war, Woodworth puts brave Americans who believed as he did on a pedestal, surely to justify his point of view.
104 Woodworth, The Champions of Freedom, 215.
105 Woodworth, The Champions of Freedom, 282.
106 Woodworth, The Champions of Freedom, 293.
Who is this Mysterious Chief of Woodworths novel who often appears to the hero to push a "patriotic agenda? Joseph J. Letter refers to the words of Renee Bergland writing in The National Uncanny to explain this character. Bergland writes that the Mysterious Chief is, "the mouthpiece of American nationalism, and...a young mans conscience.107 She further explains, "the Indian ghost acts as a revisionist historian, turning Americas historical indignities into spiritual or mental glories.108 In other words, Woodworth puts words into the mouth of a Native American representative, in general replacing their communitys viewpoint with an Anglo-American one. The Mysterious Chief furthers the idea of the country comes first with the words, "Patriotism...must rise superior to all selfish considerations...your country claimed you, and must have you undividedentire.109 There is no room for dying loved ones, so George goes back to the field of battle and will have a happy ending as a reward for deciding to put duty first. Duty to ones family could not compare to duty to ones country.
Why might Woodworth stress adhering to ones duty to the country so much? Perhaps because serving in the military was so demanding, and a little push was necessary to convince others to stay loyal to their nations fighting forces. After all, it
107 Renee L. Bergland, The National Uncanny: Indian Ghosts and American Subjects. Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 2000, 58. http://collections.dartmouth.edu/published-derivatives/bergland-national-2000/pdf/bergland-national-2000.pdf Accessed online November 12, 2017. See also Letter, "Reincarnating Samuel Woodworth, 705.
108 Renee L. Bergland, The National Uncanny: Indian Ghosts and American Subjects. Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 2000, 58. http://collections.dartmouth.edu/published-derivatives/bergland-national-2000/pdf/bergland-national-2000.pdf Accessed online November 12, 2017. See also Letter, "Reincarnating Samuel Woodworth, 705.
109 Woodworth, The Champions of Freedom, 292.
was possible that problems would flare up between Britain and the U.S. again. Should not the U.S. have willing fighters to protect its way of life? Also, the novel reflected Woodworths newspaper that came out during the war. It is likely that through it, words very similar to the novel reached American readers during war time, in an attempt to praise loyal, fighting, courageous Americans and give them reason to keep fighting.
Private Charles Fairbanks, of the New Hampshire Volunteers, like many others, wrote about soldiers who were executed for desertion.110 This says something about the poor conditions of camp life to make men want to leave so desperately. Also, Chester Harding served, first as a drummer; then he "was obliged to do military duty.111 He talked about military life and the sufferings involved, about the rampant sickness in camp, the deaths, his "thinly clad frame in freezing weather, fatigue, lack of shelter, and terrible pain of frost bite. When he headed home, he could put all this happily behind him.112 Such physical agony could only have chipped away at his patriotism.
110 See Charles Fairbanks in "Private Charles Fairbanks, New Hampshire Volunteers in The War of 1812 in Person, ed. Fredriksen, 254.
111 Chester Harding, My Egotistography. (Cambridge: Press of John Wilson and son, 1866), 13. https://ia800200.us.archive.org/35/items/mvegotistigraph01hardgoog/mvegotistigraph01ha rdgoog.pdf Accessed online October 3, 2017. See also Chester Harding in "Chester Harding: 1792-1866 in Recollections of the Early Republic, ed. Joyce Appleby (Boston: Northeaster University Press, 1997), 134.
112Harding, My Egotistography, 13-15. See also Chester Harding in "Chester Harding: 1792-1866 in Recollections of the Early Republic, ed. Appleby, 134-136.
One soldier, Joseph Byfield, wrote on August 16,1812 showing that
discouragement could set in among fighters due to not being convinced the war was
justified, the men not being properly prepared to fight, or that a good end was in sight:
I understand not why we continue to fight this war of misfortune...why must we withstand so much shame for something I fear will only ruin us in the end. For heavens sake, most of us men dont even know how to handle a gun proper!...Im sure thousands more are losing hope.113
Consequently, early in the war, people were already disheartened. Super-patriots like Woodworth would have their work cut out for them.
Woodworth is preoccupied with justifying putting ones country before oneself perhaps because not enough men served during the war, and he possibly feared a repeat of this situation in the future. The country had needed men to leave behind their personal responsibilities and sign up for duty. In editor John C. Fredriksens compilation, The War of 1812 In Person: Fifteen Accounts by United States Army Regulars, Volunteers and Militiamen, readers learn from him that "the state militia comprised the most numerous and popular contingent of the national defense establishments. An estimated 719, 449 men served in this capacity, while the regulars scarcely mustered one-fifth that total.114 It is not surprising the numbers were so low considering that to leave for the military meant leaving behind ones farm or business and families for long periods of timeand for a cause American citizens could not agree upon.
113 See Joseph Byfield in "Transcript of 1812-Diary Entries: Joseph Byfield-Soldier Government Compensation, August 16,1812 as quoted by ed. Joy Angelica in The War of 1812Diary Entries, (blog), May 30, 2014. https://prezi.com/cscuh34b4sxz/the-war-of-1812-diarv-entries/ Accessed online, January 18, 2017.
114 Fredriksen, ed. The War of 1812 in Person, 265.
Some knew of such sufferings of military camp life, but patriotism drove them to serve anyway. In Fredriksens work we learn from him that "Captain Rufus Mclntire of the Third U.S. Artillery from Maine served his time in New York, at "Sackets Harbor, the strategic naval base on Lake Ontario.115 Mclntire writes about how he willingly gives up his earned income, his comfort, time, and possibly his health and life while risking his morality living in notorious military camps. He believes the trouble is worth the sacrifice because of duty. Living in a society requires contributions to it beyond individual comfort and benefit. Mclntire is certain that duty meant giving ones government assistance and loyalty in return for the protection it offers its citizens. Obligation to the government included defense of rights, [a mutual protection]. Mclntire felt Americans rights were in danger and so signed up for military service, justifying the fight:
I am satisfied that the essential rights of my country have been trampled on and are at stake and that the war in consequence thereof is a righteous and necessary war, and that it ought to be spiritedly supported by every man in America.116
Woodworth would have been proud of such an American putting his country before himself, and perhaps such men were the inspiration behind the gallant soldiers in his novel. Mclntire is proof that not all men of New England held the same anti-war view.
115 Fredriksen, ed., The War of 1812 in Person, 117.
116 Rufus Mclntire April 11,1813 letter to mother, as quoted by Philip W. Mclntire in "Presentation of Rufus Mclntires Sword: Read before the Maine Historical Society February 14, 1901, in Collections of the Maine Historical Society. Third Series, Vol. 1. (Portland, Maine: Press of Lefavor-Tower Company, 1904]: 188.
https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uva.x001172521:view=lup:seq=9:size=125 Accessed online October 3, 2017. See also Rufus Mclntire in "Captain Rufus Mclntire, 3rd U.S. Artillery, in The War of 1812 in Person, ed. Fredriksen, 118.
Some, for example, those who did not serve, varied in their support for the war or their country. Some appeared to accept events as they unrolled. Lucy Fletcher Kellogg writes that when war arrived, her family simply changed their business due to a failed industry. She talks about getting looms and doing weaving, making "fine shirtings, gingham, and bed tickings...as English goods were not to be had...we made fine gingham dresses ...which were good enough in time of war.117 Her words come across as calmly accepting the situation. Did she read Woodworths paper and shrug? Perhaps.
Others of this era also appear to have been observing political happenings without a strong emotional reaction. Chauncey Jerome, a Connecticut clock maker, was visiting New York when the war started. A Navy man, Stephen Decatur, who had captured a British ship, said, "Our country...may she always be in the right; but our country, right or wrong.118 Very patriotic of Decatur, maybe blindly so. Dacaturs words reflect a nationalist attitude held by some. Jerome, had a look at the ship and wrote, "I was surprised and frightened to see brains and blood scattered about on the deck...This prize was taken by the gallant Decatur...Hastening back from this sickening scene, we resumed our journey...119 His feelings appear mixed. He was upset about the gore on the ship from battle but called the captain gallant. He ended up signing up for
117 See Lucy Fletcher Kellogg in "Lucy Fletcher Kellogg: 1793-1878, in Recollections of the Early Republic, ed. Appleby, 148.
118 Joyce Appleby, "Chauncey Jerome: 1793-1868, in Recollections of the Early Republic, ed. Appleby, 161.
119 Chauncey Jerome, and Lockwood Barr, History of the American Clock Business for the Past Sixty Years and Life of Chauncey Jerome, Written by Himself Barnum's Connection with the Yankee Clock Business (New Haven: F. C. Dayton, Jr., 1860), 21.
https://plav.google.com/books/reader?id=MzoZAAAAYAAT&printsec=frontcover&output=read er&hl=en&pg=GBS.PA21 Accessed online October 3, 2017. See also Jerome, "Jerome, in Recollections, ed. Appleby, 166.
service because he "being about the right age, had of course to...[join the service].120 He
"soon became sick and disgusted with a soldiers life... bored with the lazy life and not
being called to fight or given opportunity to display a brave nature.121 After a month
and a half of guarding the city against an invasion that did not happen, he was released
from duty and happy about it.122 His reaction of first being bored with the lack of
opportunity to prove his own gallant nature, then his delight at being released from
service shows once again, mixed feelings. Perhaps others put into his head that he must
prove he was courageous, but not being able to do so did not overly upset him. This
demonstrates that perhaps he did not hold excessive feelings of patriotism but had
enough of them to serve his country in the first placea rational reaction.
Some clearly stood behind Woodworth in sentiment. For example, Allen Trimble,
coming from a well-to-do Virginia family, left behind these words:
When the call was made for...Volunteers, in 1812, two full companies were raised...I then commanded a battalion of militia, and I had determined to turn out as a private, in order to encourage others to volunteer.123
120 Jerome and Barr, History of the American Clock Business, 25. See also "Jerome, in Recollections, ed. Appleby, 167.
121 Jerome and Barr, History of the American Clock Business, 27. See also "Jerome, in Recollections, ed. Appleby, 168.
122 Jerome and Barr, History of the American Clock Business, 27. See also "Jerome, in Recollections, ed. Appleby, 168.
123 Allen Trimble, "Autobiography, in The Old Northwest Genealogical Quarterly, Vol. 10, no.l (1907), 36.
https://books.google.com/books?id=cBEzA0AAIAAT&pg=PA49&source=gbs toe r&cad=4#v=s nippet&q=Volunteers%2C%20in%201812%2C%20two%20full%20companies%20were%20& f=false Accessed online October 3, 2017. See also "Allen Trimble: 1783-1870 in Recollections of the Early Republic, ed. Appleby, 217.
He later adds to this feeling by writing about his disappointment in the general who surrendered Detroit to the British without a fight. "The disastrous result of Hulls campaign was all attributed to the Generals want of courage, or patriotism.124 Patriotism was important in time of war. Lack of it could mean defeat.
Hellen Ferguson writes about women and the war, giving us an idea of the class of women that left behind written records. She informs us that it was well-to-do ladies who wrote most of the wartime letters and diaries [not written by men fighting in the war].125 One such lady who accompanied her husband in camp "was Mrs. Lydia B.
Bacon...the wife of Lieutenant and Quartermaster Josiah Bacon.126 While writing of duty, Bacon includes her religious faith, "I do not regret that Josiah was in this Battle, for I trust the kindness of God in thus sparing his life...127 She also writes about a brave American child, "he [a soldier] had a Son 12 years old which he had suffered to accompany him on the present expedition, he had a gun adapted to his size, he behaved extremely well, went on guard in his turn & fought in the Battle as well as a man...128 When the child discovers his slain father, he cries, and Bacons heart goes out to him as she wonders "when will Brother cease to lift his hand against his Brother, & learn War
124 Trimble, "Autobiography, 40. See also Trimble, "Trimble, in Recollections of the Early Republic, ed. Appleby, 221.
125 Hellen Ferguson, "The Roles Women Played in the War of 1812, Upper Mississippi Brigade Articles, http://umbrigade.tripod.com/articles/women.html Accessed August 27, 2017.
126 Ferguson, "The Roles Women Played, http://umbrigade.tripod.com/articles/women.html Accessed August 27, 2017.
127 Ferguson, "The Roles Women Played, http://umbrigade.tripod.com/articles/women.html Accessed August 27, 2017.
128 Ferguson, "The Roles Women Played, http://umbrigade.tripod.com/articles/women.html Accessed August 27, 2017.
no more...129 Bacon believes in duty, but she wanted the war to end, having seen such suffering. Her patriotism is tied to duty but is not excessive in sentiment. Also, by the statement above about brothers, is she, like the historian Taylor, referring to this war as a civil war? It seems to be the case.
Other women seemed to feel the same way, supporting their country but being
concerned about the daily, practical needs of their families. Jane Simone left behind a
snippet in August of 1812, early in the war, longing for hostilities to end because
soldiers were running off with her garden and animals. Though she was a patriot, loving
America, she and her children were trying to survive alone, rendering daily life a
challenge. She worried about desperate soldiers invading because of what she saw soon
after her Jonathan left at the beginning of the war:
a woman running through the woods stumbled upon our house, explaining that the British had taken her young baby girl, Hope and faith is not so strong within myself either...I just hope that after this all ends, our whole nation while be benefited greatly, and that Jonathan can come home so our family can be complete yet again.130
It is clear that Simone cares about her country, but her anxiety for her own family takes precedence. What would patriotism matter, after all, if American families paid the ultimate price?
We learn about some women in this war indirectly. Naval surgeon Dr. Usher Parsons left a diary of his time serving the Americans during this war. On Monday,
129 Ferguson, "The Roles Women Played, http://umbrigade.tripod.com/articles/women.html Accessed August 27, 2017.
130 See Jane Simone in "Different Perspectives-Diary Entries: Jane Simone-Civilian August 17th, 1812, as quoted by ed. Joy Angelica in The War of 1812Diary Entries, (blog), May 30, 2014. https://prezi.com/cscuh34b4sxz/the-war-of-1812-diarv-entries/ Accessed online, January 18, 2017.
September 28th , he writes, "We this day discovered among the crew a female clad in sailors apparel.131 The doctor makes many such plain statements throughout his diary without giving his own emotional response. What this unelaborated snippet from his diary tells his readers though is that some women were so patriotic, they did not let a little thing like regulations barring them from serving their country get in the way of them doing so in a military sense.
Alfred M. Lorrain writes his story, linking patriotism to duty to ones country in the era of The War of 1812. He was "a sailor, a soldier, and a clergyman...Born in Maryland...grew up in...Virginia...132 Lorrain informs his readers that his battalion had marched for almost a year and gone without necessities. Sometimes fruit trees tempted them, but they obeyed General Harrisons orders in Canada and left the property of those who lived there alone, facing the hardship of temptation because "a proud national glory swelled our bosoms...133 He took his love of country seriously, including keeping his honor, and therefore his countrys, intact. He is not happy with those who chose the privateering route during wartime. He left behind words making this clear: "Patriotism is the most diminutive motive lurking in the bosom of a privateersman. He
131 Usher Parsons, Surgeon of the Lakes: The Diary of Dr. Usher Parsons 1812-1814, ed. John C. Fredriksen (Erie, PA: Erie County Historical Society, 2000], 5.
132 Applebys introductory notes in "Alfred M. Lorrain: 1790-1860 in Recollections of the Early Republic, ed. Appleby, 244.
133 Alfred M. Lorrain, The Heim, The Sword, and the Cross: A Life Narrative (Cincinnati: Poe & Hitchcock; 1862], 95-96.
https://ia902703.us.archive.org/24/items/helmswordcrossli001orriala/helmswordcrossli001o rriala.pdf Accessed online October 4, 2017. See also Lorrain, "Lorrain, in Recollections of the Early Republic, ed. Appleby, 262.
fights for himself, and not for his country.134 It would not be surprising to discover if he read Woodworths work with appreciation.
Woodworths book ends with the Chief visiting George again to congratulate him on his wise choice of returning to duty, telling him as food for thought that every parent has a duty to see to it that their children become useful, for this is sanctioned by God. He also says that if Americans are to succeed, "their heroes [must be] inspired by the Spirit of Washington.135 By this he means George Washington, the first president. This desperate patriotism also comes across as insecurity. Woodworth appears to be attempting to add legitimacy to his point of view by connecting it to the nations "father."
Encouraging parents to make children patriotic (useful to ones country) could
help ensure the future strength of the country. Eustace adds to this idea writing:
Maximizing the number of people who could be mustered for the country meant relaxing barriers to public participation, finding new ways to inspire loyalty to the nation, and encouraging reproduction. With the stress of war making every persons contribution count, personal feelings and patriotic feats became connected in new ways.136
Woodworth certainly found a way to do this, through a new type of fiction. The winners in The Champions of Freedom were the patriotic ones, and those who put themselves first would pay a price.
134 Lorrain, The Heim, 96. See also Lorrain, "Lorrain, in Recollections of the Early Republic, ed. Appleby, 262.
135 Woodworth, The Champions of Freedom, 236.
136 Eustace, 1812: War and the Passions of Patriotism, 4.
Patriotic fervor, even among children, happened in the real world as well. Julia
Anne Hieronymus Tevis, a Kentuckian alive during the war, left a memoir.137 Recorded
in Teviss autobiography and Joyce Applebys Recollections of the Early Republic:
Selected Autobiographies, Tevis is a memory, showing that children cared very much
about the war. Tevis writes that leading up to the war, the country was excited. She
takes note of the bitter political feelings between the Federalists, the party of peace, and
the Democrats, those for war, and even children became emotionally charged over the
topic. She writes, sounding like she, and the others were well-informed children:
It was not an unusual thing to see the girls of our school in battle array on the green common, during intermission, fighting like furies; and though, like Pompeys patrician soldiers, carefully avoiding scratched faces and broken noses, many a handful of hair was borne off as a trophy, many a neatly made dress torn into tatters; while a system of boxing was practiced, that would have done honor to a Grecian gymnasium. The war party, of course, were generally victorious, as they were not only more numerous but fiercer, and more demonstrative, and would not stay whipped.138
The implication here is that those who supported the war were the stronger ones and the ones who deserved their success. Tevis shows her personal fervor for the war as well, describing a scene from its start, "a splendid body of cavalry passing through the streets...a full regiment, handsomely equipped...with all the pomp and circumstance of
137 See notes in "Julia Anne Hieronymus Tevis: 1799-1879 in Appleby, Joyce. Recollections of the Early Republic: Selected Autobiographies. Boston: Northeaster University Press, 1997, 69nl. To read this memoire, refer to Julia A. Tevis, Sixty Years in a Schoolroom: An Autobiography of Mrs. Julia A. Tevis. Cincinnati, 1878.
138 Julia A. Tevis, Sixty years in a School-room: an Autobiography of Mrs. Julia A. Tevis, Principal of Science Hill Female Academy to Which is Prefixed an Autobiographical Sketch of Rev. John Tevis (Cincinnati: The Western Methodist Book Concern, 1878), 78.
https://ia800207.us.archive.org/34/items/sixtwearsinsco00tevi/sixtwearsinsco00tevi.pdf Accessed online October 4, 2017. See also Julia Anne Hieronymus Tevis, "Julia Anne Hieronymus Tevis: 1799- 1879 in Recollections of the Early Republic: Selected Autobiographies, ed. Appleby, 75.
glorious war.139 The word glorious and the description of the troops with its positive inflections show her clear support and enthusiasm for the war. It is possible that she read Woodworths work with approval.
Not every American of course, saw things the way Tevis and Woodworth did.
The Federalist Party and like-minded individuals thought the war was foolish. Woodworths newspaper, The War, which was produced during the war to keep people updated, preceded his novel, The Champions of Freedom, but other newspapers took a different stance. The Biographical Directory of the United States Congress informs us about Alexander Contee Hanson, a Maryland Congressman who, "established and edited the Federal Republican, an extreme Federalist newspaper... and in 1812, in Baltimore, angered a mob because his paper put down the current administration.140 The mob tore apart Contee Hansons office, and when he moved the paper, another mob physically hurt him. Undeterred, he moved it again to the D.C. area and was safe there.141 Contee Hansons attackers did not appreciate his negative words about the president probably because it was President Madison who declared war in the first place.
Contee Hanson seemed to think his view was the majority view and was not afraid to denounce the president in order to do what he thought was right. In his paper,
139 Tevis, Sixty years, 78-79. See also Tevis, "Tevis, in Recollections of the Early Republic, ed. Appleby, 75-76.
140 Library of Congress. Biographical Directory of the United States Congress. "Hanson, Alexander Contee, (1786-1919].
http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/biodisplav.pl?index=H000176 Accessed online August 8, 2017.
141 Library of Congress. Biographical Directory of the United States Congress. "Hanson, Alexander Contee, (1786-1919].
http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/biodisplav.pl?index=H000176 Accessed online August 8, 2017.
the Federal Republican dated June 20,1812, he wrote that the countrys rulers pushed for an unpopular war. Contee Hanson and his colleagues would use the constitution and the law to bring suspicion and loathing upon the countrys leaders. He felt the war was harmful and inappropriate and that his actions against it and those who pushed for it would bring him honor. For not to stand up to these tyrants would bring one shame. He writes:
we shall be supported and ultimately applauded by nine-ninths of our countrymen, and that our silence would be treason to them...We are avowedly hostile to the presidency of James Madison...Let those who cannot openly adopt this confession, abandon us, and those who can, we shall cherish as friends and patriots, worthy of the name.142
Contee Hanson, by using legal means, seems to be trying to give legitimacy to his point of view. One might wonder though why, if according to him, the majority of American citizens already sided with him, he would need to push so hard to be convincing. Did he harbor doubt? At any rate, the above words reflect just as ardent a patriotism as that of Woodworth and the like, but with vastly different motives. Contee Hanson seems to think patriotism meant standing against a warmonger president because war was "highly impolitic and destructive, in other words, not good for the country. Contee Hanson, by saying keeping his silence would be "treason to his country, comes across as a patriot of a different kind, but still a patriot.
142 Alexander Contee Hanson, ed., "Thou hast done a deed, whereat valor will weep, the Federal Republican, June 20th, 1812 as quoted by Martin in "The Mob and Freedom of The Press, in What Would the Founders Think? Today's Politicos vs The Words and Deeds of The Founders, 2010-2014, (blog), http://www.whatwouldthefoundersthink.com/the-mob-and-freedom-of-the-press Accessed online August 8, 2017. The word "nine-ninths is in the original. He may have meant this to show 100% of the populace supported his view, but it seems unlikely that he would be unaware this was not the case. It is almost certainly a typographical error. He appears to have meant that 90% of the people were behind him.
Woodworths newspaper, The War, informed the country about the brave men doing the fighting. In an article dated June 15,1813, he printed the words of Morgan Lewis, "It is impossible at this moment to say any thing of individual gallantrythere was no man who did not perform his duty, in a manner which did honor to himself and country.143 Duty (fighting ones best) and honor did the country well. The implication is that it strengthened it. Woodworth would probably have denied that any respectful American soldier would have given in to possible temptation and deserted his post.
Hezekiah Niles warned Americans of the danger of inaction. He "published the pilot issue of Americas first news weekly, The Weekly Register144 Niles explains that his paper would cover politics fairly for the publics consideration. He was not unclear about being American and vigilant.145 He writes, "The indignity, abuse and destruction of our seamen, and through them, the violent assault on the sovereignty of the country itself, has long cried for revenge, as preventive of the practice in future ...146 He agrees with Woodworth in political sentiment and a sense of patriotism, but his use of the
143 Morgan Lewis, "On the field, 1 oclock, 27th May, 1813, The War. June 13,1813, p.2. http://images.ourontario.ca/1812/70061/page/4?n=3 Accessed online August 8, 2017.
144 Donald R. Hickey, "Long Live America: Baltimore, June 1812: Hezekiah Niles: "War against England, in The War of 1812: Writings, ed. Donald R. Hickey, 38.
145 See Hezekiah Niles in "Long Live America, in The War of 1812: Writings, ed. Hickey, 38.
146 Hezekiah Niles, ed., "War against England in The Weekly Register: Containing Political, Historical, Geographical, Scientifical, Astronomical, Statistical, and Biographical Documents, Essays and Facts; Together with Notices of the Arts and Manufactures, and a Record of the Events of the Times. From March 1812 to September 1812Vol. II (Baltimore: The Franklin Press, 1812), 283.
https://books.google.com/books?id=k AaAAAAYAAT&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs ge sum marv r&cad=0#v=onepage&q=our%20ancient%20and%20inveterate&f=false Accessed online October 4, 2017. See also Niles in "Long Live America, in The War of 1812: Writings, ed. Hickey, 39.
word revenge would probably make Woodworth cringe. However, Niless revenge has the motive of prevention and not just satisfaction of anger.
Who was right? All of the above parties would be if one considers that each appeared to be following their consciences for the best of their country. One cannot say absolutely that one of these men was a patriot while another was treasonous, though they probably saw each other as that. It is an impossible task. What one can read from analyzing this is that two very different roads led to the same place: patriotic ardor.
Woodworth put bravery, gallantry, and duty front and center, repeating these values often in his newspaper and in his novel, but ironically, with its melodramatic approach, the bravery seemed to be inspired by uncertainty in the young nations stability. One must fight and prove himself a man on the battlefield to be a patriot and fortify the country. Whereas, Contee Hansons bravery meant facing down an irate mob to stick to what one thought was right. Contee Hanson suffered personal injury to stand up against a war that he thought harmed his country.
Terence Martin of Indiana University argues that books of Woodworths war novel type had serious weaknesses. In American Quarterly, Martin writes "the early American novel [of which The Champions of Freedom is among] ...is a body of fiction for the most part trite, undistinguished, conventionalized, ridden with formula, [and] thematically uninspired.147 This seems to be the case with Woodworths novel. Martin further writes that morals intruded constantly in these novels [and one sees this in Woodworths novel] and adds that these books "can tell us many things about the
147 Terence Martin, "Social Institutions in the Early American Novel, American Quarterly, Vol. 9, No. 1 (Spring, 1957], pp. 72.
culture in which it was written. It reflects the attitudes and assumptions of its society.148 A quote in The Champions of Freedom shows the importance of keeping ones morality in check and is spoken by the hero George Willoughby, "...duty would forbid revenge and one should not "wish the death of a fellow-creature adding most tellingly, "we ought to love our enemies, even while duty compels us to be their executioners.149 In Woodworths case, his book reflects many in this era who surely would have approved of his moral arguments. Martin is correct in writing "A study of the early American novel may thus provide insights into the quality and texture of American life in the...early nineteenth century...150 Values certainly come out as in this line, "Her character was amiable, chaste, and correctand for filial affection and domestic virtues, she has not left her equal...151 A woman of that era must be quiet and suffer silently.
Because as Martin writes that early novels such as Woodworths provide an important look into national culture, a peek within these pages can provide a sense of general beliefs in this era.152 Martin informs us that a book in this category "lets us see, as an expression of the mind of the period, what Americans assumed they knew and what they wanted to believe they were.153 In the case of Woodworths work, what the
148 Martin, "Social Institutions, 72.
149 Woodworth, The Champions of Freedom, 32.
150 Martin, "Social Institutions, 72.
151 Woodworth, The Champions of Freedom, 99.
152 Martin, "Social Institutions, 73.
153 Martin, "Social Institutions, 73.
author wanted to believe of his young nation was that it was filled with brave and virtuous men and women. Perhaps Woodworth was trying to convince himself this was the status quo of America, but Woodworths assertive and constant moralizing tends to make one think he was trying to give Americans some noble goal to reach for. By representing them strongly this way in his novel, they would in true-life act in such a manner and make a good name for the country, justifying such ardent patriotism.
Martin calls The Champions of Freedom a failure. He writes the book is, "schizoid, saying "the elements of history and fiction do not mix.154 This was because Woodworth had no precedent, "no concept on which to found a fiction requiring the marriage of what did happen to what might have happened.155 Woodworth gave it a good try though, aspiring to influence a nation.
Why would American patriots come across as insecure or sensitive about their national strength in this era? Martin puts it well, discussing the newness of the United States, and how it was "socially, economically, and politically fluid...whose government could hope for but not promise stability...questions of...authority...were not yet fully answered in such a country.156 The uncertainty is perfectly understandable in a new nation experimenting with a novel political system. The exaggerated patriotism of writers such as Woodworth comes across as a natural response to such a national situation. After all, if citizens did not respect their leader and his decisions and did
154 Martin, "Social Institutions, 74.
155 Martin, "Social Institutions, 74.
156 Martin, "Social Institutions, 75.
something drastic about it, the whole system could come crashing down in another revolution. Though Woodworth and many others surely believed this, the patriots of a different flavor (such as Contee Hanson) were more secure in their position and apparently saw the country as strong or settled enough to openly defy its leader.
Privately, those who fought in the war for America may have started out believing in the cause (they signed up for service willingly), but battles and camp life could take their toll and change minds. For example, Colonel William Clay Cumming, in a letter to his father wrote after being injured (shot through the thigh) that he still wanted to fight, hoping the Americans could yet win, but he had to limp away with help.157 He found discouragement and writes, "I had seen enough during the day to wound my feelings as a man, a soldier & an American. But most humbling of all to my pride was the precipitation of our retreat. It was scandalous.158 He tied his own pride to that of his nation. Retreating when he felt the Americans did not need to was shameful, and he felt that on a personal level.
Some who were injured would have remained enthusiastic for war, but realities could chip away at patriotism as seen through the words of an unnamed scout working with the Americans. He had these words in his diary for September 17-18,1812, "As provisions had grown scarce, and no road...[led] directly to the town...the Militia were
157 William Clay Cumming as quoted in "Colonel William Clay Cumming, 8th U.S. Infantry in The War of 1812 in Person, ed. Fredriksen, 144.
158 William Clay Cumming as quoted in "Colonel William Clay Cumming, 8th U.S. Infantry in The War of 1812 in Person, ed. Fredriksen, 144.
unwilling to go...159 Fighting men reached the point where they thought continuing forth with the war was not worth what it asked for in personal sacrifice. Works such as Woodworths newspaper could encourage them to keep up the fight, and later his novel could be useful in celebrating courage on the battlefield and helping to inspire Americans to live up to his particular type of patriotism.
159 Milo Quaife, "A Diary of the War of 1812, The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Vol. 1. No. 2 (Sep., 1914], pp. 277.
THE BRITON, WILLIAM DUNLOP
Dr. William Dunlop, a Scotsman and surgeon, signed up for the Connaught Rangers, and his government sent him to Canada from 1812-1814. There, he practiced surgery during the war but also fought. He recorded his memories of this adventure later in Recollections of the American War, 1812-1814.160 Dunlop put these recollections to paper in 1846, and a year later, they "were published in a serial format in the Literary Garland in Montreal...161 The British Medical Journal reports that then, after the war, Dunlop followed his regiment to India for some time. He fell ill there and came back home on half-pay. To make ends meet, he gave medical lectures, and then became involved in working with a newspaper. For a little while, he was editor of The British Press. John Galt, the novelist, guided the Canada Company, and Dunlop got on board, going back to Canada in 1826. Dunlop became "Warden of the Woods and Forests and was responsible for "the highway between Goderich and Toronto also helping to form a settlement, was a "leader of public opinion in the district... and was voted into the Legislature, a "central figure in this oasis of culture in the backwoods writing "articles to British magazines...mostly descriptive of the country and the life in Canada...and a
160 A. H. U. Colquhouns introductory comments in Recollections of the American War, 1812-1814, With a Biographical Sketch of the Author by A. H. U. Coiquhoun, of the Toronto News, William Dunlop (Toronto: Historical Publishing Co., 1905), xii.
https://plav.google.com/books/reader?printsec=frontcover&output=reader&.id=c08bmRV67s MC&pg=GBS.PR3 Accessed online August 10, 2017.
161 Greg Baran, Dr. "William Dunlop. The Tiger Soldier, Engineer & Army Surgeon! The War of 1812 Magazine, Issue 19, December 2012. http://www.napoleon-
series.org/militarv/Warofl812/2012/Issuel9/DunlopReview.pdfAccessed online July 15,
series in Fraser's...162 The article ends, praising him with the words, "Tiger Dunlop was one of the many members of the medical profession who have played a strenuous part in the building of the Empire.163 To be loved so by ones government would surely imply the man must have been a great patriot.
The focus here will be his activities during The War of 1812, on which his book Recollections of the American War, 1812-1814, is based. According to the Web site Reading and Remembrance Lecture Et Souvenir, Dunlop was there during "the battles of Cryslers Farm and Lundys Lane.164 It was "the battle of Cryslers Farm...[where the Americans] received a severe tactical check...[and] coupled with acute supply shortages...[this] terminated [the American General] Wilkinsons grandiose plans for American occupation of Canada.165 166 167 Dunlop worked hard while in Canada. In one case, he alone treated over 200 injured men "from both armies being the only surgeon around at the time.166167 Dunlop worked to exhaustion under very hot weather
162 "Literary Notes, The British Medical Journal, Vol. 2, No. 2542 (Sep. 18,1909], p. 804.
This is an article about Dr. William Dunlop.
163 "Literary Notes. The British Medical Journal, 804.
164 Reading and Remembrance Lecture Et Souvenir, "William Tiger Dunlop: Surgeon War of 1812. Minute From Reading and Remembrance 2012War and Medicine 1812-1918. http://readingandremembrance.ca/forms/RR2012/2012Minutes/WmDunlop.pdf Accessed online July 15, 2017.
165 John C. Fredriksens introductory comments in "Colonel William Clay Cumming, 8th U.S. Infantry in John C. Fredriksen, ed. The War of 1812 in Person, 144.
166 Reading and Remembrance.
http://readingandremembrance.ca/forms/RR2012/2012Minutes/WmDunlop.pdf Accessed online July 15, 2017.
167 See Mary C. Gillett, The Army Medical Department 1775-1818 (Washington D.C.: Center of Military History United Stares Army, 1981], 175 for hospital conditions and how Americans cared for both British and American patients.
conditions for two days straight without resting. These types of actions led to him being decorated. In the line of fire, he had carried away about ten or so injured soldiers, one-by-one. This hard-working, caring man also had a great sense of humor, known to have said he did not go to church because, "a man was sure to find his wife there...he could not bear to be at a meeting where one man dominated the conversation; and,...he never liked singing without drinking.168
Dunlops Recollections gives one the impression that he was a fair man. For example in Recollections he writes of Native Americans, "Socs or Sacs...They were very fine men, few of them under six feet high, and their symmetry perfectly faultless.169 Dunlop wrote that after one battle while he was on the lookout for injured men, he only found enemy soldiers. He asked that they be brought to the nearby hospital, so he could care for them. Near camp, he came across a dying American and had his men set him down, so Dunlop could help him. This American officer told Dunlop he was beyond help and asked the doctor to leave him and save himself because he was surrounded. The American told the doctor to go through the woods, north, and then head to Queenston to escape. Dunlop did not do this. Instead, he had his colleagues take the American to an officers hut, where Dunlop would get to him as soon as he could. However, when Dunlop arrived to the mans bedside, it was too late. Dunlop writes of this man after he discovered his identity that he was an engineer named Colonel Wood, "a man equally
168 Reading and Remembrance, "William Tiger Dunlop.
http://readingandremembrance.ca/forms/RR2012/2012Minutes/WmDunlop.pdf Accessed online July 15, 2017.
169 Dunlop, Recollections, 78.
admired for his talents and revered for his virtues and admired his courage.170 He also, according to historian Gareth A. Newfield in "Medical Care of American POWs during the War of 1812, saw to the care of hurt Americans other times, "following several engagements in Upper Canada.171 It is true that "British policy was to treat American patients as they would their own.172 But when the British sometimes housed injured Americans in the houses of non-combatants in Canada, "Dunlop worried that this practice exposed American patients to local vengeance.173 The above gives Dunlop credibility for his fairness and shows him as a compassionate man.
Woodworth was clear that by invading Canada, the Americans were protecting themselves from tyrants, but Dunlop offers a British view contracting this. He writes, "the Americans were deceived in all their schemes of conquest in Canada...and a belief...that they had only to do display their colours to have the whole population flock to them.174 He does not treat the Americans as tyrants but rather as hungry to get more land, conquer, and under the belief that the Canadians would appreciate the Americans coming to take them in their embrace.
170 Dunlop, Recollections, 78-79.
171 Gareth A. Newfield, "Medical Care of American POWs during the War of 1812, Canadian Military History, Vol. 17, Iss. 1, Article 5. (2008], 51.
172 Newfield, "Medical Care, 56.
173 Newfield, "Medical Care, 54.
174 Dunlop, Recollections, 19.
Dunlop writes, forecasting ahead, of the Canadian losses "with His Majestys Government showing that the viewpoint of the British was one of defense.175 He informs his readers that "the Colonial Secretary ...stated that everything that could be done had been done for the defence of the Province, and that it never had been the intention either of the Imperial or Colonial Government to abandon it.176 The last words here show the British governments loyalty to Canada. Many of the British and Canadians saw the Americans as invaders, whom they had to defend against. Dunlop is among those who believe this, even if he is generous in what he says motivates the Americans. Dunlops fairness and credibility make it clear that he does not just offer unsupported, emotionally based viewpoints. Also, Dunlops reference to "His Majestys Government shows respect for his government by including the title so formally in his reference. He could have just said something like "the British government etc. to get his point across, especially if he did not support it in his heart. There is the implication here, along with other comments he made, that Dunlop is a patriot.
Dunlop, like Woodworth, brings religion into the mix. He writes about a battle and trying with their equipment without much hope of getting through ramparts and towers to the Americans, "under the direction of such engineers as it pleased the Lord in His wrath to bestow upon us, it was determined to try the matter by a coup de main.177 It seems Dunlop, even with his wild sense of humor, still held certain things as sacred, such as his king, and his God. This might keep him honest with himself.
175 Dunlop, Recollections, 48-49.
176 Dunlop, Recollections, 48-49.
177 Dunlop, Recollections, 80.
Dunlop and Woodworth come across as men of faith, men who know what they believe in: their countries and the same Christian God. Besides holding faith in common and differing on which country was morally in the right, they both brought up the same man in their books with vastly different views about him. Colonel Drummond fought for the British, but upon reading Dunlops work and Woodworths novel, one has to wonder what kind of man Drummond was.
In Recollections, Dunlop discusses a scene before battle where Drummond has a premonition that he is going to die. Dunlop writes that Drummond told him and "several others of his friends about this.178 Dunlop writes that Drummond shook the hands of all the men, telling them all that he believed in their courage.179 This is an admirable thing for a leader to do. Drummond and Dunlop exchanged swords, and Drummond told Dunlop to stay safe, his last words to him.180 Dunlop wrote of him, "Colonel Drummond was everything that could be required in a soldier; brave, generous, openhearted and good natured.181 Dunlops admiration for the man is clear.
On the other hand, Woodworth writes in The Champions of Freedom of an incident where the heros friend was injured and down in battle. George Willoughby, the hero, was also injured and saw as his friend asked the enemy for quarter but:
Give no quarter! exclaimed the tiger-hearted Drummond, and darted forward
to stab the fallen suppliant; who, seizing a handspike, successfully defended
178 Dunlop, Recollections, 82.
179 Dunlop, Recollections, 82.
180 Dunlop, Recollections, 83.
181 Dunlop, Recollections, 63.
himself against a numerous party that now rushed upon him, until a pistol-shot from the hand of Drummond terminated his existence....Our hero had now recovered himself, and...drew forth a pistol and shot his [friends] inhuman assassin through the heart...182
Though understandable that men on different sides in battle would view the colonel differently, the two views are a bit extreme and make one wonder who was closer to the truth. Credibility alone in matters of political views may not be enough to substantiate ones views on individual people. Though Dunlops words come across as believable in general, were his views about Drummond colored by his friendship with him? Woodworth often seems just as dramatic as he is in this episode, and his words about Drummond especially so. Was he just being melodramatic about the man? This little incident, mentioned in both books, offers a peek into a very specific incident and opens up questions about each authors reliability. Was Drummond an uncompassionate man who performed unnecessary acts of cruelty, or was he really a good person only doing his job in war? That is left up to the reader to decide. There is one thing to consider though: Woodworths work as a whole is ultra-patriotic, and Dunlops work is more subdued.
As for other authors writing about Lt.-Col. William Drummond (not the General Drummond), Latimer writes the words of Lieutenant John Le Couteur. Le Couteur wrote that Drummond asked (not told] his men if they would "charge the Americans and that Drummond, having already killed and injured many Americans, ordered another attack.183 Latimer also writes, "During one rush the gallant Lieutenant-Colonel
182 Woodworth, The Champions of Freedom, 306.
183 Latimer, 1812: War with America, 296.
Drummond was shot and killed.184 Latimer usually reports the battles in a neutral way, but here the word gallant implies his admiration for the man, not an impersonal description. Did he praise his character as a disinterested historian because Drummond really was a brave man, one had to admit, no matter what side one was on, or did Latimer use the word because he is British and biased?
Historian Alan Taylor reports on the occurrence from an American point of view. He writes:
The defenders [the Americans in the fort] could hear Colonel Drummond bellow, 'Give the d[amned]d Yankees no quarter!' Setting the example, he shot a wounded Irish-American...as he tried to surrender. To the Americans delight, a bullet then struck Colonel Drummond through the heart.185
Taylor distances himself by saying "To the Americans delight, but his reporting is
flavored with disapproval for Drummond.
Latimer and Taylor report on the same scene that is presented in the major
works this study covers. The British historian and British writer have good things to say
about Drummond, while the American novelist and American historian write that
Drummond killed a helpless, wounded man, not such a gallant thing to do. Though the
historians toned down the sentiment, and the other writers played up the emotions, it
seems patriotism in the form of national pride or bias found its way into all these works.
There are only a few overtly patriotic moments in Dunlops work. He talks about
"soldiers who have raised their own and their countrys name and writes "therefore,
184 Latimer, 1812: War with America, 338.
185 Taylor, The Civil War of1812, 397.
God send him a good war!186 It is clearly important to him that men fighting for their country do so for their own and their countrys honor, for personal glory and national, showing that patriotism mattered to Dunlop. The fact that a doctor, a compassionate man, hopes for "a good war shows that he wishes for men to have an opportunity to make themselves and their country look good, and a wonderful way to do this is in battle. In comparing Dunlops patriotism to Woodworths, it is like contrasting a youths insecure enthusiasm to an elders calm confidence, but both link the individual closely with his country.
A woman living in Canada during this time showed the same kind of family
concern for honor as her American counterparts had, an honor which, while not
explicitly stated, would have been tarnished had the country not been glorified through
personal actions. Anne Prevost, daughter of Sir George Prevost who commanded North
Americas British forces, left a diary about the war. She writes about her fathers good
name and how this consumed her. He did not have many men with which to defend
Canada, but Anne believed in his skill and good fortune, so she was not worried about
him succeeding. She had harsh words for the Americans:
I thought those abominable Yankees deserved a good drubbing for having dared to think of going to War with England...I thought he [my father] was the person best calculated to inflict on the Yankees the punishment they deserved.187
186 Dunlop, Recollections, 89.
187 See Anne Prevost in "January 10 1812: Anne Prevost as quoted by ed. FAASouza in 1812now: This blog explores events in the year 1812 as they happen, (blog], http://1812now.blogspot.com/2012/01/ianuarv-10-1812-anne-prevost.html Accessed August 27,2017.
Anne Prevost clearly supports the British crown, and is plainly an ardent patriot, but even more evident is her pride in her father and concern for his personal glory, which will reflect upon her. Her patriotism is linked with hatred for the Americans, making it, as one possibility, nationalistic, filled with a sense of her nations superiority and seeing other countries as substandard. What else is possible, of course, is that she hates the Americans simply because they declared war and invaded. However, Annes use of the words "dared to think of going to War with England make me inclined to believe the former option. Other Canadians would feel patriotic with less detestation for their neighbors to the south.
THE CANADIAN, JOHN RICHARDSON
In 1840, Canadian John Richardson published The Canadian Brothers; or, The Prophecy Fulfilled. A Tale of the Late American War. The setting of this novel is The War of 1812 and reflects personal experiences of the author. Richardsons importance as a writer perhaps inspired Lawrence J. Burpee to include him in his paper "Canadian Novels and Novelists sixty-one years later, which he read at the "Literary and Scientific society of Ottawa.188 Burpee informs his readers that Richardson can be seen "as the father of the historical novel in Canada [Woodworths counterpart] and he "served in the war of 1812, and was taken prisoner...189 After the war, he signed up for "the British Legion in Spain...In 1838 he returned to Canada, and devoted himself to literature and journalism.190 Richardsons personal experience serving in The War of 1812, as well as his respected status as a Canadian writer, make his book about the war one worthy of comparison to the others in this study.
Burpee writes of Richardsons other work showing how versatile of a writer Richardson was. For example, there was the romance "Jack Brag in Spain coming out "in the New Era, or Canadian Chronicle, a newspaper which he had established...in 1840.191 His first book had been published years before this though. "Ecarte; or, The
188 Lawrence J. Burpee, "Canadian Novels and Novelists, The Sewanee Review, Vol. 11, No.4 (Oct., 1903), 385.
189 Burpee, "Canadian Novels, 387.
190 Burpee, "Canadian Novels, 387.
191 Burpee, "Canadian Novels, 387.
Salons of Paris, a novel [was] published at New York in 1829 in two volumes.192 Four years after this came the work that stands out, "Wacousta; or, The Prophecy, a tale of Pontiacs war and of the siege of Detroit set often around Richardsons Amherstburg childhood residence.193 Richardsons father was a "surgeon to the Governor and garrison of Fort Amherstburg... [and] Judge of the District Court of the Western District...[where] all his children were reared and educated.194 "Wacousta got good reviews in respected English journals; third of his books is "The Canadian Brothers, which "is a vigorously written romance of the war of 1812...195 It is true that there is a romance in the story, but much of the work is concerned with the war. Within its pages, one finds many informative bits of information on the different perspectives of the opposing players in this war. Characters who are political enemies have conversations justifying their nations actions, a true show of patriotism for ah involved. After The Canadian Brothers, Burpee writes that Richardson came out with the following:
"Matilda Montgomerie, Wau-na-gee; or, The Massacre of Chicago, The Monk Knight of St. John, Westbrook, Tecumseh [an important Native American who took part in the war], and one or two others, founded chiefly upon incidents in Canadian history.196
There is a reason Richardson includes Native Americans such as the famous Tecumseh in his work. As a child, Casselman informs us, Richardson was exposed to a
192 Burpee, "Canadian Novels, 387.
193 Burpee, "Canadian Novels, 387-388.
194 Casselman, Richardson's, xiii.
195 Burpee, "Canadian Novels, 388.
196 Burpee, "Canadian Novels, 388.
diverse community of people. He admired "officers and soldiers of the garrison, dressed in brilliant uniforms...197 Also, "Next to the soldiers in attractiveness were the Indians that periodically repaired to the town to receive at the hands of the Superintendent of Indian Affairs their customary presents.198 There is the implication of admiration here as well. The youthful Richardson strolled to Detroits shores to watch the military or "the Indians [as they] marched to the storekeepers with a pride and haughty mien...199 Here he saw them "engaged in various games of leaping, wrestling, ball-playing, [where] he would follow and delight in receiving recognition from some chieftain...200 His respect from a young age is obvious. Casselman writes that here is where Richardson "acquired that close and accurate knowledge of Indian character and life that he afterwards so successfully used in his literary productions saying also "In The Canadian Brothers he gives us a description of the principal Indian chiefs who were allies of the British in the War of 1812...201 This has the potential to inspire confidence in Richardsons reliability. If he can represent the Native Americans respectfully in an era when the majority groups treated them with disdain, this is a signal that Richardson is a fair writer and might be trusted.
One can see that Richardson was a true patriot by the age he was when he signed up for service. Casselman writes that when the U.S. declared war on Britain and planned
197 Casselman, Richardson's, xiv.
198 Casselman, Richardson's, xv.
199 Casselman, Richardson's, xv.
200 Casselman, Richardson's, xv.
201 Casselman, Richardson's, xv.
to invade Canada, the fifteen-year-old Richardson signed up for service, "to fight in defence of his native land.202 His government appointed him "a gentleman volunteer...in His Majestys regular forces...to do duty with the 41st Regiment...203 To sign up for service at such a young age shows nothing if not Richardsons patriotism. Casselman writes that Richardson took up arms in every one of his regiments engagements. Then their enemy defeated them at Moraviantown in 1813. At this point Richardson became a prisoner of war. The Americans released him in 1814. He writes his story "in his history of the Right Division, and in his novel The Canadian Brothers, readers discover "the story of the events in which the Right Division took part...204 Next, "he was given a lieutenantcy in the 2nd Battalion of the 8th (Kings) Regiment... [and] embarked...for Ostend, to join the Duke of Wellingtons army in Flanders.205 He eventually ended up in Barbados, later got transferred "to the 92nd Highlanders, and was again placed on half-pay...[in] 1818.206 After that, he spent a decade as "a literary man in London writing about life in the West Indies and Canada, stories found in periodicals. He wrote longer items such as poems like "Tecumseh and novels in the 1820s.207
202 Casselman, Richardson's, xvi.
203 Casselman, Richardson's, xvi.
204 Casselman, Richardson's, xvi.
205 Casselman, Richardson's, xvii.
206 Casselman, Richardson's, xvii.
207 Casselman, Richardson's, xvii.
Richardsons story Wacousta came out in 1832 and was successful, giving him a national voice. Several London papers praised it, and "He was at once recognized as a powerful rival of Cooper [James Fenimore], then at the height of his popularity in England and America.208 This book is about Pontiac, who wanted Detroits fort, and is based on history.209 One can find different pieces of Richardsons work, published for years after that. The Canadian Brothers, as Casselman notes, is one of Wacoustas sequels, registered in 1840, and consisting of two volumes. Here one reads about the frontier at Detroit. Though a novel, the book "is autobiographical and covers the same period as that of his history of the war.210 William Renwick Riddell writes that The Canadian Brothers "was written in England as early as 1833 when Richardson was still a Lieutenant of the 92nd Regiment.211
Those knowledgeable of The War of 1812 will recognize within the books pages, real players in the war such as General Brock, Tecumseh, and others, and this gives the story a small amount of its credibility. The two brothers of the title are "Major Richardson and his favorite brother Robert.212 Richardson forewarns his readers of anachronisms at the beginning of the book, such as dates of meetings or battles. There was a second 1851 edition that came out in New York, put under one volume.213 This
208 Casselman, Richardson's, xviii.
209 Casselman, Richardson's, xix.
210 Casselman, Richardson's, xxx.
211 William Renwick Riddell, John Richardson (Toronto: The Ryerson Press, 1923), 55.
212 Casselman, Richardson's, xxx.
213 Casselman, Richardson's, xxx-xxxi.
version was much the same but named, "Matilda Montgomerie, or the Prophecy Fulfilled.214 Richardson was living in New York at the time.215 One can see why he made certain changes in the title and content, living across the border. Also, there were omissions in this edition of the story, and it is not a surprise that "while sturdily British and almost passionately Canadian, Richardson says nothing [in the novel] at which any fair-minded American could cavil.216 Richardson had to move from his beloved home to earn a better living. His patriotic works of history did not sell well in Canada due to a broad "lack of interest in literature in Canada at the time.217 In other words, low sales were not due to the quality of his work personally.
It is understandable that he might leave certain things out of the later edition in order to appeal to his new American audience. For example, Richardson takes out the part about America declaring war in order to conquer "The provinces on which she had long cast an eye of political jealousy...218 What makes Richardson noteworthy here is that he is undeniably a patriot, a lover of his country, but yet, he is flexible enough to tone down such fervor in order to make money in what had only recently been enemy territory. This comes across as reasonable though and not hypocritical.
Casselman admits that The Canadian Brothers is not as good as his earlier work. He says, it "is not the equal of Wacousta saying that the "characters are not so well
214 William Renwick Riddell, John Richardson, (Toronto: The Ryerson Press, 1923], 13.
215 Riddell, John Richardson, 56.
216 Riddell, John Richardson, 58-59.
217 Casselman, Richardson's, xxxix.
218 Riddell, John Richardson, 59.
drawn...219 England did not publish The Canadian Brothers; however, Montreals Literary Garland issued some of the chapters.220 This does not mean the book lacked merit. It is filled with informative conversations between adversaries, providing readers with insightful ideas about different viewpoints.
Richardson played an important role concerning his nation. Casselman writes that in 1838 Richardson, by way of a newspaper, "endeavored to teach the public of Great Britain that the unity of the Empire depended upon the granting of Responsible Government to the Canadian people and was dismissed from his job with the paper.221 It is clear he is a patriot, and this comes out in his novel The Canadian Brothers often. It is true that Richardson reflects loyalty to the British crown in this work. For example, the character Sambo, a servant to the main characters, the Canadian brothers, says of a Canadian deserter, "he dam serter from a king!222 There is clear disapproval here. However, Richardson expresses love for Canada in particular with such scenes as the one of a Canadian woman, Julia, talking to an American soldier. They love each other but are on opposing sides during the war. She asks her lover, "How am I so far to overcome my natural love for the country which gave me birth, as to rejoice in its subjugation by yours;223 Upon careful consideration, Richardsons form of patriotism is different than that of the American or the British writer featured in this study.
219 Casselman, Richardson's, xxxi.
220 Renwick Riddell, John Richardson, 55.
221 Casselman, Richardson's, xxxiii.
222 Richardson, The Canadian Brothers, 146.
223 Richardson, The Canadian Brothers, 197.
Another scene of The Canadian Brothers shows Richardson freely admitting that Canada is British, showing his readers his respect for the crown, despite his regional pride. He writes that America attacked Canada having long had its eye on it with the idea of conquest and chose the moment when Britain had a disadvantage: "assailed at a moment when England...could ill spare a solitary regiment to the rescue of her threatened, and but indifferently defended transatlantic possessions.224 However, as stated above, there is also specifically Canadian pride in this work. A young man, Henry, one of the Canadian brothers of the title, is speaking with his uncle, Colonel DEgville. Colonel DEgville says, "I fell pride in having received my being in a land where every things attests the sublimity and magnificence of nature.225 He speaks of the natural beauty of the country and exudes a relaxed confidence, not speaking as if he is secretly unsure of his position.
There is a scene in The Canadian Brothers where the British took some Americans prisoner in Canada, an incident that provides space for a debate between enemies, showing Richardsons proclivity toward fairness. An American, Major Montgomerie, has a conversation with a British general. Each defends his nations past behavior. The general accuses the Americans of breaking many treaties with Native Americans. Major Montgomerie admits the guilt of his country but in true patriotic fashion justifies it saying that U.S. territory, different from European kingdoms, has unclear boundaries, and this makes America undecided about its bearings. He admits
224 Richardson, The Canadian Brothers, 1.
225 Richardson, The Canadian Brothers, 29.
that Canada gives Americans an idea about part of their boundary, but different than Europes situation, the U.S. is increasing in numbers quickly and needs an area to expand. Major Montgomerie asks where else could they go "to find an outlet for the surplus...unless, unwilling as we are to come into collision with our more civilized neighbours, we can push them forward into the interior... and reminds the Canadian that the United States have given Native Americans money for those lands.226
A British Commodore jumps in with a valid criticism. He asks, "Were the citizens of the United States condensed into the space allotted to Europeans, you might safely dispense with half the Union at this moment.227 Back and forth the conversation goes, a matter of national perspective. Each countrys representative truly believes he is morally correct and speaks for his respective nation. Richardson does a fine job of showing that men from both sides of the argument come to the table with good motives. The Americans are the enemy, but they have a fair voice in this novel. This differs from the American Woodworths work, which vilifies Canada in his novel, coming across as saying that America is only defending itself against a tyrant.
Though the British and Canadians such as Richardson considered Tecumseh and other Native Americans their allies, did this mean all Native Americans sided with them? It would seem logical because the Americans were trying to rob them of their land. However, some Native Americans chose to ally with the Americans. For example, U.S. surgeon, Usher Parsons, mentioned earlier, who served in the navy as a doctor
226 Richardson, The Canadian Brothers, 62.
227 Richardson, The Canadian Brothers, 63.
during The War of 1812, left a journal of his experiences.228 Parsons biographer, Dr. Seebert J. Goldowsky, informs his readers that while traveling, "Usher was fascinated by an encampment of Oneida Indians 2,000 strong, who had volunteered their services to the United States in the war with Canada.229 The story as to why some Native Americans sided with them will have to be the subject of another paper, but one can speculate that perhaps the Americans offered this group a better deal in food and gifts than their enemy did. Perhaps they promised land.
The Canadians in Richardsons novel distrust Americans who have come to live in their land and have a reason for doing so. Richardson writes how "adventurers from the United States, chiefly men of desperate fortunes, and even more desperate characters, had...been suffered to occupy the more valuable portion of the country.230 He refers to Americans who came to Canada just for the land and not for loyalty. He notes how these newcomers will not defend their adopted land when the time comes to do so and cross back into America, a "double treason.231 It seems that part of patriotism for Richardson is protecting the land one occupies with an implication that one is there not merely for having landany land, no matter the locationbut rather loving land for being in a specific nation. The character Desborough is one of these men,
228 See Fredriksen, John C., Ph.D, ed. Surgeon of the Lakes: The Diary of Dr. Usher Parsons 1812-1814, Erie, PA.: Erie County Historical Society, 2000. Parsons journal entries are mostly non-emotional, filled with facts such as the weather or how he treated his patients.
229 Seebert J. Goldowsky, Yankee Surgeon: The Life and Times of Usher Parsons (1788-1868) (Boston: The Francis A. Countway Library of Medicine in Cooperation with The Rhode Island Publications Society, 1988), 21.
230 Richardson, The Canadian Brothers, 80.
231 Richardson, The Canadian Brothers, 81.
and he is the villain of the book. Canadian pride shines here. Overall, though Richardson, through this book, shows his pride in being "British, his patriotism is quite localized to the Canadian shores. He is secure in his knowledge that his country is a place to love and remain loyal to.
War brings out strong emotions and illustrates those that are violently against and those that are passionately for fighting it, as well, of course, as all those in the middle. The War of 1812 divided the nation this way as no other war would for over two hundred years. Each far end of the spectrum saw itself as the patriotic one, the side that loved and supported its country, putting their own viewpoint forth as proof of this.
When one reads the words of both these extreme views (not the ones somewhere in the middle of the spectrum), both the supporters and the opponents of the war do indeed come across as patriotic, looking out for the best interests of their country. Their motives can hardly be questioned because they are sincere in their wishes to protect their country. Those in the middle, not saying much about the war, might love their country, but perhaps these feelings were not ardent, and that is the reason many of these people did not leave behind volumes of opinions. It is also possible that many of them were just private people and did not wish to bequeath their feelings to posterity. The solution for researchers interested in their state of mind and thoughts is to read between the lines of the written words they did leave behind. Making conclusions based on indirect communications in the primary records is really only what a researcher of these people can do. I felt it was more worth my time for this project to read the fervent and many words of the outspoken patriots because their feelings and thoughts were more accessible and clearer.
I used Woodworths book, as opposed to his newspaper as the vehicle of this analysis in order to have a parallel structure with the other two main books featured.
His book was strongly based on his newspaper of the war though, and only peppered with a story in between the "facts making up most of the book. Like Richardsons novel, this "novel was really a history of the war with a nice little story woven in to make it more palatable.
One can compare American patriotism during The War of 1812 to that of the other major players, British patriotism and Canadian patriotism, in order to gain some understanding of American culture and society. The counter stories in three different and general responses to war and their own unique forms of patriotic display reveal a lot about fervently partisan sections of each society and their values. Putting some of Americas expressions of patriotism side-by-side to her foes in this war, contrasting it to these other views, more clearly demonstrates the insecurity of many of its citizens. The comparison is stark. Many Americans were afraid and said so while meaning to say the opposite. This fear sometimes expressed itself culturally with over-compensation. Socially, fear divided America against itself. Some feared war itself and the damage it could cause to the nation. Some feared not fighting a war and never proving true independence from Britain.
Americans showed their patriotism in every war, but during The War of 1812, the display of it reflected a young country still unsure of itself. The over-the-top expression of ultra-patriots like Samuel Woodworth, who supported the war, comes across as vulnerable, having to constantly reassure itself and citizens of the U.S. After all, had America lost the war, it would no longer be an independent country. The Republican experiment would have failed, and the proud citizens would have gone back to being merely colonial subjects in an empire. There was a lot at stake. A country
divided as it was during this war was at even greater risk of losing, not only the war, but its very existence as a country. It could not lose. The ultra-patriots knew this. In future wars, not so much was at risk. Americas confidence could be based on security due to the nation having already proven it was here to stay.
Though Americans could not agree on what made a patriot, studying writers such as Woodworth who defined patriotism as putting the country first provides a glimpse into one of the most voiced forms of the sentiment, and perhaps the most desperate. Reading the journals of men who fought in this war one often finds support for Woodworths perspective. Many of course did not agree with him, but it seemed to be because personal discomfort and danger wore them down, not because they did not believe in duty to ones country. As for the Federalist, anti-war crowd, these were also patriots. With this study, I might have done a more in depth comparison between them and the Republicans, the pro-war party. However, it was my intention to focus on comparing those who supported the war, and their different expressions of patriotism. Therefore, Woodworth, who exemplified this point of view, suited my purposes nicely.
For this same reason, Britons, by the time of The War of 1812, could feel secure against their fight with America. Britain had an ancient, established culture. Even its fight with Napoleon could not eat away at its national self-confidence, and this is shown through the work of Britons such as the doctor, William Dunlop, who never once showed fear in his writings that his culture and society (represented by the broader Britain here and not the more specific Scotland) would fall. Dunlop could rest easily on centuries of political development of his homeland as is evidenced by the calm
confidence lacing his words.232 Words from those like Dunlop illustrate that even in times of war, people from much older countries and proven stronger would not worry so much about their nations being wiped off the world map.
Then there is Canada. Under British rule, Canada still had and has its own sense of pride as a homeland. John Richardson, an important national Canadian writer, often penned words of admiration for his beautiful home. His initial success as a writer demonstrates that many Canadians agreed with his opinions. If there are those who did not, I have not come across their written words. Since Richardsons view of his native Canada seems to be a prominent one among Canadian writings of the era, it is reasonable to see this perspective as common, and therefore somewhat representative.
Studying a novel form was useful for several reasons. Firstly, in Richardsons case, the book was based on his personal experiences as a fighter in this war, giving it credibility. Choosing a novel to study as opposed to a strict history had other advantages. For instance, in novels, writers are freer to express emotions than stringent history writers are in their non-fiction books. Since my overarching theme was patriotism, I found this to be highly relevant considering patriotism is fueled by powerful emotions. Being a novel based on history had the added benefit of showing realistic human relationships, including how combatants of the war reacted to Native Americans on a personal level. Finally, after reading fact-based novels and comparing them to non-fiction works, I came to understand more clearly the significance of non-scholarly productions in the creation of a countrys social identity. Canadians could be
232 1 hesitate to use the word country here because he was Scottish. Scotland was part of Great Britain, but yet it had its own strong and unique history. Dunlop was loyal to the crown though and seen as a good subject by the government.
proud to be British while at the same time being gratified of being Canadian. This was clear in the work of their earliest national novelist, Richardson. If this is the case in Canada, it certainly could apply to other nations.
The fact that Richardson was a POW of the Americans and yet gave them a fair voice in the novel demonstrates that he is a reasonable and honest writer. If he is a good representative of patriotic Canada, then his experiences and writings on The War of 1812 can teach his readers that Canada had its own type of patriotism and national pride. Canada was/is a land of geographical beauty, and this gets expressed in Richardsons work. Canadians obviously did not take this for granted. Canadians during The War of 1812 came across often as loyal to the British crown that ruled them politically, but novels and writings of the era showed a sense of regional pride. Where some British sounded arrogant at times, confident in their ancient culture, and many Americans sometimes sounded terrified to lose their way of life, Canadians often seemed sure that their country was great, without sounding arrogant. It was rather a comfortable surety in their lovely surroundings and way of life. Of course they had Britains centuries of strength to back up this new nation, so would not have to be as afraid as America was of losing themselves, but Canadian writings such as Richardsons reveal less condescension than that of their parent land.
The different types of patriotism revealed in the writings of Woodworth, Dunlop, and Richardson can tell us that a countrys age, physical make-up, and political system strongly influence the levels of confidence held by residents each nation. Each level of self-assurance is understandable; therefore, one can make predictions about the behavior of future nations to be created, and knowing what the possible trends are can
aid in making wiser policy decisions. Knowing what we might expect from future events can lead to more tolerance and a better way of dealing with them. Ah, yes, so that is why they are acting this way...
Comparing three contrasting expressions of patriotism during The War of 1812 had the added benefit of showing if any of those studied were more capable of honest history making than the others in their personal accounts. It turned out that all the featured authors were honest at least to a useful degree, for exaggerations stand out and are obvious. Their stories differed in some details, but this could be explained by pure perspective.
What did these authors provide of value with their interpretations outside of entertainment? Woodworths critics called his book an inferior attempt at novel writing, but one learns many of the newspaper headlines of the day by reading Champions of Freedom. His readers learn details about battles and personalities of the heroes of the day. People learn of more general American values as well, such as that women were expected to be just as patriotic as men. Richardson gives us a peek into life in Canada at that time and the way some mainstream Canadians (not fringe groups) treated Native Americans with respect. We also see battles from a Canadian perspective. Dunlops respect for the crown shows an ingrained and happy-to-be so attitude about class distinctions in Britain. It is nothing of note that people in his culture have titles raising them above the general population. He also leaves behind a British viewpoint about battles and medicine. The above are just a few examples of what someone can glean by reading between the lines. So, even with emotional accounts, people can gain much from reading personal stories of the war. Of the three highlighted authors, though,
Dunlops account was the least emotional. This is not a surprise since his was not in novel form. The fact that Dunlop presented the least emotion-driven story of the three, however, does not mean that the other two authors did not offer accounts that are equally valuable for their information.
What might have happened with this study is a change in direction. The question of why any Native Americans sided with the Americans who disdained them and offered them very little is intriguing and is worthy of its own research. Anyone interested in The War of 1812 would benefit intellectually from a study of this kind. Native Americans played a large role in this war, and though books have finally been written about this, more could still be said, perhaps, as I have mentioned, one based on why some fought on the side of the Americans.
As for my own story about patriotism, my study might have benefitted from comparing more of the newspapers of the day or making a different genre the focus of the account, such as exploring the arts and their cultural reflection of society at that time. Looking at the songs of the era or the paintings would surely have provided an entertaining and insightful journey through the past.
Finally, after coming to my conclusions about patriotic expressions of the major participants of The War of 1812, questions remain for further exploration. Time constraints prevented me from delving deeper into certain areas of this theme. Some questions I present to future researchers on the topic of patriotism during The War of 1812 include those concerning people who changed sides. For example, what would cause a citizen or a subject to give up everything and embrace a new country, lifestyle, and political belief system? Did any of these people include amongst themselves spies
who "saw the light and crossed over to a new nation? Did their new country embrace these spies or distrust them? These inquiries I must leave to others to investigate.
Though I did not attempt to be comprehensive with this study, using examples to illustrate my argument served to prove my claim had merit. It would be interesting to see if future researchers attempted the opposite and tried to show that ardent forms of British, American, and Canadian patriotism were very much the same, with quite similar motivations. I do not see how this could be so, but I offer this challenge.
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