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A history of community development and city form

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Title:
A history of community development and city form a case study of New Ulm, Minnesota
Creator:
Wong, Rose Marie
Publication Date:
Language:
English
Physical Description:
iv, 75 leaves : illustrations, maps ; 28 cm

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Subjects / Keywords:
City planning -- Case studies -- Minnesota -- New Ulm ( lcsh )
City planning ( fast )
History -- New Ulm (Minn.) ( lcsh )
Minnesota -- New Ulm ( fast )
Genre:
Case studies. ( fast )
History. ( fast )
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )
Case studies ( fast )
History ( fast )

Notes

Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 73-75).
General Note:
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree, Master of Planning and Community Development, College of Design and Planning.
Statement of Responsibility:
submitted by Rose Marie Wong.

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Source Institution:
University of Colorado Denver
Holding Location:
Auraria Library
Rights Management:
All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
15582697 ( OCLC )
ocm15582697
Classification:
LD1190.A78 1985 .W664 ( lcc )

Full Text
v/OAfG>
A History of Community Development and City Form : A Case Study of New Ulm, Minnesota
ARCHIVES
LD
1190
A78
1985
W664


A HISTORY OF COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT AM) CITY FORM: A CASE STUDY OF NEW ULM, MINNESOTA
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of Master of Planning and Community Development University of Colorado at Denver
Professor Herbert H. Smith, Thesis Advisor
May, 1985


Dedicated to the people who I couldn't do it, and to Roger
sa Id who
said I could


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TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER
I. INTRODUCTION ................................
Study Preface .............................
Town Description ..........................
The Project Defined .......................
Methodology and Constraints ...............
Theory ....................................
II. GERMAN POLITICS AND SOCIAL CURRENTS .........
The Migration ...........................
III. THE ARRIVAL .................................
The Turners ............................
Practical Gymnastics In Action ............
The "Forty-Elghter" Urbanites .............
The Turners and the German Land Association
IV. PHYSICAL PLATTING INFLUENCES ON NEW ULM .....
German City Form In the 1800s ............
Platting the Frontier .....................
V. POLITICAL INFLUENCES ON THE NEW ULM PLAT ....
Politics and the Minnesota Territory ......
The Project ...............................
VI. CITY GROWTH AND TURNER INFLUENCE ............


I V
VII. NEW ULMS TURNER INFLUENCE AND GERMAN TIES ........... 49
Religion and Education ................................ 49
Breweries ........................................... 50
Organizations ......................................... 51
The Turnverein ........................................ 51
European and American Architectural Influence ......... 52
VIII. THE PLANNING EXERCISE: AN EXERCISE IN
"STAYING POWER" ......................................... 58
IX. CONCLUSION: COMMUNITY IDEALS AND PLANNING ............ 60
FOOTNOTES ....................................................... 62
APPENDIX ........................................................ 67
BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................... 73
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................ 76


CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Study Preface
I have always been Interested In City Planning and Architectural History; the trends that create evolution of style and form.
When this project began, I decided to do an historical
case study of a town to examine physical form. Through some suggestions from friends, I chose to Investigate a small town In Minnesota. I knew very little about It, only that the residents were primarily of German descent and that the architecture was
worth noting.
In October 1984, I arranged a two week leave to live In
the community and check out the possibilities that might exist
for a study. Arriving in the evening, It Initially appeared as most of the small midwestern towns I had seen. There was farmland and urban environment, everything peaceful and quiet for the early evening hour. I took advantage of the vacant streets to do some exploring and surface observation.
It was a very pleasant drive along the broad landscaped boulevards. It was easy to keep oriented as to direction. The streets were neatly gridded with corner street signs to Indicate


2
the number of blocks north or south of Center Street. To the east, the land sloped toward the river, to the west it rose above the city.
I spent my visit examining the town layout, the buildings, and experiencing the hospitality and customs of the residents.
All of the buildings were Incredible; painted and well kept, some adorned with tole painted flowers on gables or flower boxes, some colored and textured by the richness of material that was used. Private and public buildings were carefully maintained by beautiful lawns and accented by mature cottonwood and elm trees. There were a number of city parks and monuments to commemorate past events; a clock tower downtown, a mono I ith In the middle of the boulevard, a statue on the highest plateau resembling a sentry on guard. Wherever I went, things were clean and In order.
The people were very kind and hospitable. I was observing and being observed, frequently asked where I was from and why I was there. I listened to conversations in German, read signs in German and went Into shops displaying imported German foods and household items. I learned that almost all of the local shops and restaurants did not accept major credit cards.
Everyone was more than willing to talk about the town whether they were a town official or resident on the street. There were stories of family and generations living there and residents living there less than 70 years were considered "new comers."
I was extended an invitation by the historic society and


3
the town's retired surveyor to use any resources I might need to aid in the research of "their" town.
The town had a strong feeling of pride and tradition, a community cohesion in a setting unlike most midwestern towns. The town is New Ulm, Minnesota.
Town Description
New Ulm Is the county seat of Brown County in Minnesota. It is located at the confluence of the Minnesota and Cottonwood Rivers surrounded by a lush wooded area and by agricultural land uses. The town was built terraced on a series of glacial plateaus rising two hundred feet above the river. It covers over 5400 acres of land, of which 2700 are used for agriculture or open space.1
There are about 14,000 people living in New Ulm. Over half of the residents are of German descent and 12$ of the popu-
o
I at ion speaks German as the primary language.
The economy is steady, based on a mix of agricultural, industrial and supporting commercial use.
The Project Defined
The purpose of this study is to trace the origins of New Ulm, Minnesota, to examine the founding of the town regarding the community organizations that settled there, and those major historical events that created the town as it exists today. A discussion of heritage and relevant social currents with respect to town layout, culturally Influenced architecture and maintenance


Map
of Minnesota


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of customs will be examined.
Methodology and Constraints
The study was undertaken In a combination of research methods including:
a) a two-week field study living in the community and conducting interviews with citizens and town administrators along with compiling photographs of the town;
b) a literature search involving the Brown County Historical Society Archives including examination of articles, newspapers, autobiographies and books;
c) correspondence and literature from the Minnesota State Historical Society's Reference, Mapping and Archives Department; and
d) reference material from selected texts discussing social and political events and the history of city development.
All material relevant to tracing community origin was categorized by place and chronologically to produce the clearest possible sequence of events that led to the founding of New Ulm.
Theory
The theory of this study Is based on a statement concerning components that create and maintain city form as the basis for planning. The statement Is from The Urban Pattern by Arthur B. Gal I ion and Simon Eisner:


6
What determines the physical form of the city? It emerges from the initiative and enterprise of many people, acting individually and in groups. However, the people are guided by a set of standards and not from some preconceived model of the future city, however brilliant or inspired. This set of standards Is the ,,law.,, The real plans for our cities are the standards prescribed by lawthe codes and ordinances that regulate the development of urban property.
If Gal I ion and Eisner's statement that city form is a product of law rather than a preconceived model; then the form of New Ulm was determined by codes and ordinances more than by the ethnic group's Idea of community form.
This statement fails to take Into account the power of "unified vision," a force that is instituted by a community to shape Its future. It is the fulfillment of this need that refutes Gall ion and Eisner's statement.


CHAPTER II
GERMAN POLITICS AH) SOCIAL CURRENTS
The story of the founding of New Ulm begins In the early 1800's when Germany was a conglomerate of states Including Prussia, Germany and Austria.
| | Prussia in 1815
| tcpuind by Prussia 1815-66 mb boundary of German Confederation of 1815 aw boundary of North German Confederation of 1866
Impart at territory of Alsace-Lorraine 1871 boundary of German Empire 1871 Austro-Prussian forces attach Denmert 1864 ^ i Prussian armies m the war with Austria 1866
German armies in the Franco-Prussian war 1870- 71


8
Politically, Napoleon the 1st of France ruled the area as dictator, with a powerless Prussian aristocracy of dukes and princes. It was a society run by a strong military. These unfederated German states had no freedom of the press, trial by jury or voice In the politics of the day. The national desire of the middle classes was for unification of Germany under a democracy, a desire that was continually fueled by stories of the recently successful revolution of America.
In Berlin in 1811, Friedrich Ludwig Jahn began his own movement toward this concept of a united Germany through the Institution of a program of planned physical exercise. His theory for a successful class revolution was rooted In the melding of physical strength through gymnastics and the resulting mental determination. The morale of the people needed to be lifted and this could be accomplished with dances, plays and debates. The building or "Turnvereln" was the setting for these social and gymnastic events.
It was the promotion of exercise and the arts and the movement was embraced by university students, Journalists, and artists throughout Germany, creating a radical, romantic, utopian organization. They called themselves Turners and "free thinkers" whose belief was the rejection of any practice that would inhibit freedom.
The Turner philosophy of physical training was adopted from Greek culture. The Greek exercise hall was the gymnasium and was traditionally the center for exercise and social events.


9
It was an architectural form, a training ground of spirit and body and had become a necessary element for all cities since the 3rd century B.C. This necessity was no different regarding the Turnverein In Germany and soon every major city had an active organization and the underlying theme of preparation for the revolution to come.4
For democracy to exist In an unified German state, two events would have to take place: the first was the overthrowing of French rule, and the second was the elimination of existing
aristocratic power. The key to maintaining goal support and Interest from the middle class was done through "speeches, military drills, and exemplified through songs and in poetry."-5
The Prussian aristocracy and the Turners faced a common
enemy in the denial of a German state and German rule and were
allies in their plan to defeat French dominance. With the force of the aristocracy and middle class, the French were defeated
at the Battle of Jena In 1819, ending Napoleanic rule.
The Prussian Government asserted Itself as the ruling class with no intention of having the people govern themselves. The Prussians realized that the Turner force that had helped defeat the French could also act in revolution again to destroy their monarchy. The Turners had gained tremendous political influence and this authority and leadership needed to be suppressed. Jahn was imprisoned for disloyal, revolutionary tendencies, the gymnasiums were closed and the universities were monitored for any student activities appearing to be subversive to the government.


10
The Turners had been successful In returning Germany to German rule, but the middle class had still not attained voice in national politics. Their attempted goal in gaining political participation was not totally democratic. There were expressions of socialistic views such as "universal national citizenship, industries and land owned by all of the people and public education for all ch11dren."
In 1842, the society of Turners was allowed to reopen under the Prussian assumption that it was better to control their actions than to prohibit them. The aristocracy was aware of the Turner threat from the knowledge of their tactics in the 1819 revolution. They had spent sufficient time monitoring Turner activity while enforcing the royal militia and were prepared to deal with any potential upheaval.
A similar attempt at revolution by the middle class was tried again in 1848 with the Turners as significant participants. The revolution was lost by the middle classes again, this time suffering not only political loss but a religious one as well. The national churches had supported the aristocracy throughout Prussian rule and it was this support that caused the Turners to reject religious practices. Churches were viewed as "political puppets" of the state.
Both attempts at revolution were devastating not only in terms of lost lives and Imprisonment of the radical Turner leaders, but also with the subsequent steady decline of Turner membership. The Imprisonment of leadership and the fear of further


punishment eliminated the Turners as an active political threat
to the monarchy. It was this failure to achieve voice in their
own country that turned political rejection into new world ambition
and the freedom to practice their own philosophy in America.
The Inspiring poetry of Revolution became the poetry of
escape and optimism for life in another country:
For the last time thy name I greet,
0 fallen so low, my Fatherland,
Who stoop'st to kiss a despot's feet,
In dull obedience to command.
Oh thou new world, and Freedom's world Against whose fertile, flowery stand The tyrant's wrath in vain is hurled.
In thee I greet my Father I and I6
At this same time, there were Germans other than Turners looking toward America for a new beginning. They were people in the dawn of the industrial revolution, fighting a non-political struggle. The urban environment was changing and expanding, drawing people away from rural life for the comfort and profits that living In the city would bring. The cost for this was in the social III of overcrowding and poor housing conditions. It was not long before the available labor force far exceeded the availability of Jobs and housing. The solution for alleviating these problems was relocation, and the economic and urban dream was focused on American opportunity.
Th.e manat ion
It was the beginning of a new migration.^ These two groups of Germans; middle class professional Utopians and struggling
urbanites with an economic dream came to America and became known


12
collectively as the "Forty-EIghters."
The tremendous influence of the political and economic revolution can be more clearly understood with an examination of the number of Germans that immigrated to the United States. It Is particularly Important to note that In a three year period (between 1847 and 1849) 208,305 Germans left their homeland as compared to 57,761 for a 12 year period (between 1821 and 1837) before the political and Industrial revolutions.
TABLE I
GERMAN IMMIGRATION
1821-30
6,761
10,000
17.000
24.000 82,473 62,684 63,148
1832
1834
1837
1847
1848
1849
Source: Carl Wtltke, Refugees of Revolution: The German "Forty-EIghters" In America (Philadelphia: Unlv of Penn. Press, 1952), p. 147.


CHAPTER III
THE ARRIVAL
The "Forty-Elghters" arrived In New York as their first American city. Some stayed In the rapidly growing town, but the majority of the Immigrants moved farther west to areas of lesser population density to land that was just becoming settled. For both groups of "Forty-Eighters," it was perceived as a chance to assimilate their own German community and desires within an American community. The Turners extended their utopian philosophy, viewing the settlement of the frontier as "practical gymnastics." The frontier could challenge his mind through required ingenuity and understanding, and his body by the physical endurance of the move itself.
The "Forty-Eighters" split Into their two groups again with the Turners moving to Cincinnati, and the urbanites to a less settled Chicago.
Itis .Turners
The Turners enjoyed and desired the American tolerance of personal freedoms, particularly to voice their organizational and philosophical opinions. They kept the same social values that had turned them to revolution in Germany: freedom from
religion, mental and physical strength through physical exercise


14
with a formal instruction for these beliefs.
The group established the first Turnverein in the United States in Cincinnati, the same year of their escape. Until a formal meeting hall could be established, meetings were held in private homes and exercise fields were empty town lots. In 1850, the first Turner Hall was built and by 1851, twenty-two such organizations were across the country with a total membership of 1,672.
With Turnvereins becoming established, the organization began national gymnastic competitions between cities and instituted Turner schools. The purpose of the school was to teach morality, humanity and to help the immigrant to become initiated in American
O
practice, particularly with government and economics.0
By 1854, the Turners had a nationwide membership of 3,000, their own publication (Turnzeitung or Gymnast Newspaper) and a lecture circuit. At their first national convention held in New York, they expanded their organizational bylaws. Their statements were reflections of the Issues facing America at that time: the issue of prohibition called Bluelaw and the question of slavery before the outbreak of the Civil War. The principles were as follows:
1) opposition to slavery as It conflicted with the U.S. principle of constitutional freedom and
2) opposition to prohibition law as It was undemocratic and not feasible In practice.^
These professed views of anti-slavery, anti-temperance,


15
the continued rejection of traditional dogmatism and the tendency toward socialistic views earned them the title of "outsiders, Ant I-American agitators." Their enemy was the nativist American and even the German immigrants arriving before 1840. State and national authorities became more concerned with curbing the opinions of the zealous Turners. The New York Turnverein was refused an organizational charter on the grounds that it might become a "legal front" for anarchist activity. The social outings of the New York group were often Invaded by angered citizens resulting In rioting between Turners and townspeople, and police Intervention.
Their stand against religion was under severe attack by the churches and many communities felt the ne^d to protect themselves against the "anti-God enemy." One such incident occurred in 1854 in Cincinnati resulting in a riot that turned into a three day urban war of shooting and rock throwing. The defense of the Turner sector of town was provided by their own militia called the Turner Jager (Gymnast Drill team). Three nativists were wounded, one Turner was killed.
While Inner-city tension continued, the Turners became more aware of and more participatory in American politics. They backed the recently formed Republican party (despite the presence of nativists and the German nativist sympathizer). The support was mutual between Turner and the Party. The party saw the benefit of voting support from an organization that continued to grow in size and the Turners saw this as a way to achieve power in


16
the democracy.*
Practical Gymnastics in Action
The rioting and dissension continued, the Turner literature and conventions continued and Part III of "practical gymnastics" was set Into action. During their annual convention in 1855,
the Cincinnati Turners decided that perhaps an entire community of "free thinkers" was the answer; a place where their desire for public ownership could be practiced; where resources of lumber, land and soil were abundant and where their philosophy of the perfect community could be met. They organized the Colonization Society of America under the leadership of William Pfaender, a
member of the New York Turnvereln and an Instrumental founder
of the Cincinnati Turnvereln.
Pfaender was born in Wurtemburg, Germany and had seen the Intense political upheaval in his country. He had been an active member of the Turners In Heilbronn. Pfaender was a prolific writer of the Society's continued quest making powerful statements of the organization's objectives.
He drafted the Charter of the Settlement Society and
distributed copies of the circular throughout the national organization to give everyone the explanation of goal and objective.
His explanation of purpose reflected the social conditions and slipping economic situation of the day:
Many workers are unable to find suitable employment and secure Iivelihood....corrupt ion appearing ever more openly....in all branches of the public administration, permit no expectation of improvementrather the opposite. ...animosity of Americans toward immigrant citizens


17
as well as the exertions of the temperance peopIe....and so it Is about time to think of looking for a home where one can remain aloof from such disadvantages....It Is the organizations purpose to offer Its members aside from the basis for a secure existence, the benefits of a comprehensive, splendid youth education, and....to concern Itself with the promotion of trade and industry....and at the same time to foster German good fellowship.*1
It was this statement and similar literature by Pfaender that drew the moral and financial support of the nation's Turn-verelns to back the Cincinnati venture. A collection of dues
and shares sold were to be put toward the needs of the Turners and the colonization venture. The resulting total assets were $62,000. Government land was for sale farther west In Iowa, Wisconsin and In the Minnesota territory. Pfaender, acting as emissary for the Turners began the search for a perfect townsite.
Tlis. "F.or tv.=£lfltitgLlL.U rt?.an itas
The Turners were not the only group whose aspirations were to settle an Ideal German community. From those 1848 Immigrants settling in Chicago, a group of laborers had come to the same conclusion. They had been the new urbanites of Germany who had left because of economic distress and were now facing the same dilemma In America.
Unlike the Turners, they did not share the zeal for physical exercise, nor the opinions of socialist ownership as the answer for an economically successful society. They had not Identified church support of the action of Prussian aristocracy as a reason to reject religion In total. Their membership consisted of German Catholics and Lutherans whose philosophy was


18
peaceful living for all Germans in a well-planned community with the availability for some economic security.
The leader of this organization was Fredrich Beinhorn, a thirty-one year old cobbler from Braunschweig, Germany. Beinhorn had lived in New York for five years, settling in Chicago in 1853. He worked at night and attended English classes during the day. It was through these classes that he met eight other German immigrants who shared his desire for a townsite "beyond the reach of greedy land speculators," where they might "obtain government land and create a model town surrounded by gardens."*^ The group started the Chicago Land Verein (Association) in 1853 agreeing to admit as members "every person of good German character desiring independence and a heritage for their children."*^ The association was joined by friends and acquaintances and in less than a year, membership rose to eight hundred.
To raise money for the search, each member was charged $3.00 for an Initiation fee and an additional assessment of $5.00. In exchange for financial support, each member was to receive twelve town lots and one nine acre parcel for gardening.
A settlement plan was drawn up with a few guidelines known as the Association Bylaws. The major requirements were the supply of ample timber for building and near a navigable river for transportation of goods and people. The plan also stated the planning elements that the society wanted to see incorporated in their town. A portion of the plan states:
When the plan of the city is up for acceptance, special attention should be given that the streets are


19
laid out wide and that the building places are relatively deep and always adjoining a broad alley. Furthermore, places for public buildings, market houses, hospitals and school buildings with ample playgrounds should receive special consideration.14
The urgency of finding a towns ite was accentuated by Chicagos cholera epidemic during the winter of 1853. The overcrowding and lack of an adequate sanitation system was blamed for the death of hundreds of Chicagoans.
Be inhorn hired a land agent to do the Initial scouting
for available land. He believed that an Individual whose job
was to locate suitable sites would be more effective than a search
I *5
led by the Verein. The search was hampered by a harsh winter and by a blackmailing scheme by the scout. Seeing that a higher profit could be made at the expense of the organization, the agent held back his recommendation for ransom. His price was a percentage of the land to be purchased. Be inhorn refused to pay any additional money from the Verein's funds to this blackmailer or any other scout.
In the summer of 1854, Beinhorn and a small party of men, women and children began a second search for their townsite.*6 They traveled through Wisconsin, Missouri and Iowa, finding that a number of ideal locations had been taken by other settlers. They moved into Minnesota territory where they were met along the way by a trader named Joe LaFramboise. Framboise had traveled throughout the Minnesota Valley telling the travelers of an area he called Prairie Belle View. This land had recently been offered for public sale by the United States Government after purchasing


20
It from the Sioux Indians. Framboise told Beinhorn's party that the Indians had been relocated to a reservation north of Prairie Belle View.
With the directions of Framboise, the group traveled to the site at the confluence of the Minnesota and Cottonwood Rivers. It was a perfect source of power for mills and transportation for commerce. The site had "wide bench-like plateaus rising gradually and stretching along the valley several miles, like the tiers of an enormous amphitheatre."*^ In addition, there was a large wooded area near the Cottonwood River and a quality of land more than suitable for farming needs.*
The journey to Prairie Belle View became the beginning of Germania, U.S.A.*^ Most of the settlers had come from Ulm, a city in the Danublan District of Wurtemburg, Germany. They renamed their community Neu Ulm or New Ulm after the mother city. The name Ulm had originated from the Roman legend "Ultra Limltes Militares," meaning beyond the military border. The term was used by the Romans to identify countries out of their district and dominance. Ulm, Germany was such a town, free from Roman rule after the liberation by Herman the Cheruscan In 9 A.D. The community members identified themselves as attaining their own liberation from their economic problems in Germany and Chicago.
The new settlers started to build living quarters near the land that was to be the actual town, Intending to relocate when the platting was completed. Be inhorn filed a land claim and purchased 320 acres with a territorial land office in Winona.


21
It was far less land than he had wanted, but the parent association In Chicago could not provide any additional funds for the 70
venture.
Despite the town size, Be Inhorn proceeded to oversee the
platting of the town using the bylaws of the Land Verein as a
guide. In the course of the platting between 1854 and 1856,
Belnhorn had hired three surveyors, at least two of which were
members of the Chicago Verein. There Is little Information about
the first two surveyors and no evidence of drawings to substantiate
their contributions of what was to become the final layout. Their
? I
names were Schwartz and Volk. Both men had given up work on the project and it Is believed that they were frightened by Indian threats from the reservation. Individual diaries Indicate that a few renegades pulled up surveyor stakes and proclaimed that the land was still owned by the Sioux. Volk left New Ulm suddenly, taking his equipment and any notes or drawings that might have exlsted.
The third surveyor to begin the project from the Chicago Verein was Christian Ludwig Meyer. Meyer had begun laying out the first connecting roadways between the houses, sawmill and courthouse (the only structure built on the actual site) when William Pfaender arrived in New Ulm to discuss a matter of business with Belnhorn.
The Iurttflrs.and-.flifi..Sgnnari Land Association
Pfaender had heard of the small German colony during is travels through St. Paul. He had not found a suitable location


22
for the Turner colony. After seeing New Ulm he realize that New Ulm was both a perfect location and one in need of additional land that would become home for a sizeable German community. Pfaender suggested the merger of both organizations to create one Association. The fact that Pfaender was from a free-thinking radical background, politically active and socially dynamic and Beinhorn from a religious and struggling economic background did not cause a problem for the merger. Whatever the difference in their philosophical viewpoint, the desire to establish an ethnocentric, independent German-Amerlean colony was the primary Issue.
The joint venture was renamed the German Land Association in March of 1856. They proclaimed that their mission was "to procure a home for every German laborer, popish priests and lawyers excepted."'*"4- From this charter statement, It Is already evident that the Turners were becoming the principle influence of the town by eliminating "clergy" in the provision.
Pfaender purchased the holdings of the Chicago society for $6,000 including the existing saw mill. In return, the Turners promised to construct a warehouse and flour mill to be owned along with the existing saw mill as joint property of the entire community. The shares for each of the German Land Association members was divided into six urban lots and four acres of garden space for those Chicago members and three urban lots and four acres of garden space for the Turners. Lots were offered for sale to non-members for $50.
Pfaender went to Chicago to close the merger with the


23
Vereln and to reimburse the organization for Its Investment. He traveled by steamship, passing the small town of St. Peter where a large building was being constructed. On the return trip, Pfaender stopped In Winona to purchase an additional 16 quarter sections from the government. He made certain that the purchase included a strip of land eight miles long by seven miles wide located Immediately adjacent to the rivers. The purchase was an additional precautionary effort to prevent any land speculation that might endanger the communitys future. The transaction was completed In 1857 with the purchase of 4,836 acres and the legal Incorporation of the German Land Association.
The plat that was begun by Meyer was never officially submitted to the land office. No encumbrances in changing the plat existed other than the courthouse site that had been built by the settlers. Pfaender planned to modify the Meyer plan and hired a fourth surveyor. The surveyor was a twenty-five year old fellow Turner that had been living In the territorial capital of St. Paul. His name was Christian Prignitz.


CHAPTER IV
PHYSICAL PLATTING INFLUENCES ON NEW ULM
There were some fundamental differences between physical form of cities in Germany and in the United States. Each country had a different planning history. The platting practices that contributed to the attributes or problems of the city were experienced by these German immigrants. The ideas were ultimately accepted or rejected. It was this influence of planning elements combined with social and political struggle that became the foundation for establishing their own community and the platting of New Ulm. An overview of these towns follows.
German City Form In.the ISQQts
Many of the cities of the German States, including Ulm, began as Medieval or Gothic towns. The primary reason for their form and function was for protection and the town was an object of military defense. They were built within the constraints of the topography, creating an asymmetrical town pattern that aided in Internal defense.
The German towns produced had an Irregularity of road design with curvilinear streets or straight stretches of roads with oddly positioned or angled intersections adapting to physical contours. The amount of angle and width of these roads varied.


25
Town Plan of Ulm,
Germany


26
German streets measured anywhere from 16-1/2 feet to 24 feet in total width. Right of way width to Include walkways and landscaping ranged from 29-1/2 to 67 feet.
Section Showing the range of Road Widths In Metres
These Irregular streets created unusually shaped parcels of land where buildings were the focus of visual dominance. There
Typical Intersection Variations
were no singular central areas of the town but rather nodes of


27
Interest or Importance such as the Rathaus (Courthouse), KIrchen (Cathedrals, of which there were many), Gasthaus (guesthouse or hotel) and Uhrturn (clock tower). The dominance of those multiple nodes was accentuated by the fine craftsmanship of building construction; the use of complex geometry of molding and windows and the richness of material and color. This was particularly noticeable from the use of stone and brick which were native building materials of Germany.
German cities continued to expand and change, especially from inventions such as gunpowder that made the peripheral defense wall obsolete. The fortification was torn down and moats were filled In and replaced by open space and boulevards.
The German Baroque movement of the eighteenth and nine-
\
teenth century began the development of formal squares and market places, where possible, and at the extension of town limits,
Vienna as a Medieval and Baroque City


28
boulevards were constructed to maximize the feeling of openness and space.
Aside from the positive aspects of craftsmanship and views, the form was both inconvenient and Inefficient for movement and orientation. This was particularly true at the onset of the industrial revolution when the influx of people to the city compounded confusion with congestion resulting in physical disease from poor sanitation and unrest from overcrowding.
The city plat was a product of evolution directed by monarchies and developed in stages. It was not an entity planned ln totaI.^
Platting,..the. Frontisr
At the time the "Forty-Eighters" arrived, the United States was experiencing its own "revolution in the form of settling and expanding a vast, open frontier. It was a time when building towns, expanding cities and land speculating was at its zenith.
The town layout in the United States was a sharp contrast to the town layouts In Germany. Land speculation, theories of national planning and the modified elements from the layout of the nations capital set the pattern for city design that was to be duplicated all across the new frontier.
The model was the gridiron plan, an Idea introduced in Greece and Italy in 480 B.C. It was called the HIppodamian or gridiron plan named after a Greek town planner.^ It was a rational and starkly geometric plan with blocks and lot sizes of standard size. The outstanding feature was its simplicity


29
and adaptability to accommodate the expansive potential of the urban setting.
Following the American Revolution, there was a strong desire and demand for land as town sites and for agriculture. The Land Ordinance of 1785 was the means of providing the sale of land to an individual or group at a public auction. The most significant outcome of this was the subsequent measuring of land Into sections within specific townships and ranges. The overall effect was a series of geometric squares, each containing 640 acres. This survey system governed the settlement of America during the next century until the closing of the American frontier.The United States itself became a gigantic gridiron plan.
It was this pattern of section lines that became the guiding system for transportation routes. The street systems mimicked the sharp right angles, crossing parallel and perpendicular to the section lines. The establishment of half section (320 acre) townsites "perpetuated the rectangular street system for the overwhelming majority of American cities."^
The most noted exception to the strict gridiron was the layout of Washington, D.C. It was a radial city combining grid with radiating avenues. The plan was done between 1792 and 1796 by Pierre Charles L'Enfant with editing changes and comments by surveyors Thomas Jefferson and Andrew Elllcott. Unlike many of the frontier towns to follow, Washington was a city planned in total with a scale much larger than most American cities.


30
The general scheme of the plan was not a new Idea as the radial city had been Initially introduced in Ancient Rome and executed during the Medieval and Renaissance city planning phases. The latter was a "pure radial city as it did not contain the gridded overlay.
LEnfants plan gave Washington major avenues with wide


31
Palmanova, the "pure radial cl+y planned In Its entirety. Peripheral walls created a complex fortification system.
boulevards of 120-160 feet In width for the radial arms and 80 to 110 feet for the grldded overlay streets. The avenues gave the city broad vistas terminating Into 'nodes' of Interest such as governmental buildings, monuments, open squares or parks. These elements were widely publicized and noted In both the United States and Europe. Parts of the Washington plan were duplicated In other American cities using the gridiron plan. One such city was New York.
New York's official survey instituting the gridiron was prepared In 1796. In 1800, the city surveyor, Joseph Mangin began
OQ
work to extend the city northwards over Manhattan Island using


32
wide north-south streets terminating In public squares and open spaces that were reminiscent of Washington, D.C.29 This plan was worth noting but ultimately rejected for Its "uneconomical" use of land.
The extension of the existing grid over Manhattan was planned again In 1811 by the New York City Commissioners. It was a super grid superimposed over the entire Island Irrespective of the topography or the waterfront.30 There were only minor concessions made to extend the plan and still incorporate property boundaries and winding streets existing from the time of the revolution.
1817 Plan of New York City


33
The Commissioners anticipated population growth and attempted to create a city that was platted to house more inhabitants in the future. As one of the commissioners stated:
To some.... it may be a subject of merriment that the Commissioners have provided space for a greater population than is collected at any spot this side of China. '
Their attempts to provide enough space for a surplus population fell short in terms of providing open space. The plan Included only 500 acres of open space for future use Including 69 acres for military parade ground, 55 acres for a public market and five parks. The rationale In this provision was Justified by the commissioners in a statement reflecting the value of land and the early stages of the frontier land rush:
...the price of land Is so uncommonly great, It seemed proper to admit the principles of economy to greater influence than might under circumstances of a different kind have consisted with the dictates of prudence and the sense of duty. 2
Their justification for not platting New York in its entirety was that the additional land "might have added to the pernicious spirit of speculation."^
The Commission assumed that limited platting would overcome potential land speculation. The net affect of their efforts was minimal open space in an area that was soon to become blighted by overcrowding.
It was this same spirit of speculation that was the impetus for establishing the frontier towns of Cincinnati and Chicago. These towns became great centers of German population. It was in these cities that the Immigrant settled, instituting educational


34
facilities for "Americanization."
Like New York, these cities were settled as trade centers, utilizing waterways and steamships for transportation and commerce, and becoming cities of increasing growth.
Cincinnati was a product of the 1785 land ordinance. It was a speculative venture of land purchased by John Cl eves Symmes, a New Jersey congressman. Symmes had sold shares of the property to two surveyors who then proceeded to lay out blocks and roadways north of the Ohio River in 1788. The layout was no different from any gridiron plan but it did include areas reserved for "market places, a public landing at the rlverbank, a public square and a courthouse site of more than generous slze."-^ Symmes had reserved some land adjacent to the city for himself in anticipation that it would become part of the city in the future and be worth a great deal of money. Indeed, this was the case and the land was annexed in 1790.
Chicago owes its growth to speculation and transportation particularly regarding the initial plans for a canal that was to be built, connecting the Great Lakes with the Mississippi River. The initial survey of the land began in 1822. The plan for the city was laid out by civil engineer James Thompson in 1830 with 66 foot wide streets and 16 foot wide alleys. While the actual construction of the canal had not begun until 1836, the years between 1832 and the construction brought about tremendous area settlement. The continued expectance of economic prosperity increased land value and the desirability of settlers


35
1815 Plan of Cincinnati, Ohio
and speculators to live there.
In 1833, two hundred houses had been built and the area population was 400, Within the three years to follow, the population had Increased ten fold. Only a small amount of land at the mouth of the Chicago River remained as open space.
Even school officials were active participants in the


36
"speculative game." The school board had sold a section of land In town that was reserved for schools, dividing the land Into blocks and lots and selling them at public auction. The school district kept 16 acres and one block for open space which at the time was the only open space in town. The future social cost of this land was far greater than the marginal monetary gain from its sale. A later observance of this practice aptly describes the transaction:
The sale of the school section was the greatest administrational blunder of our time. These lots were the most valuable for building purposes....suppose these to have been leased instead of soli. ...the educational sum would have reached $100,000,000. 5
The price they had received for the land was about $38,000. There is no disputing the monetary foundation that could have been gained, but the loss of facility and beauty of open space for the community was lost until the World's Columbian Exposition in 1893 and Daniel Burnham's city renovation plan in 1909.36
The sale of the school land was only part of the rapid exchange of land. Reports of Individual lot sales were said to have been sold as much as "ten times in a single day with a price approaching ten times the original cost."37 In these speculative days, Chicago seemed "less of a community than a real estate lottery."3
The depression of 1837 halted the land mania, but the city pattern was well set by the time the "Forty-Eighters" had arrived. The city was crowded with people, had poor sanitation.


37
ten railroad lines cutting through the city, congestion and loss of what could have been prime open land to housing or industrial speculation.


38
Map of Chicago


CHAPTER V
POLITICAL INFLUENCES ON THE NEW ULM PLAT
Prlgnltz, like L'Enfant had the advantage of platting an entire town without the restrictions of preconceived and executed platting. Unlike LEnfants radial city with Grand Avenues, PrIgnitz adhered to the grid pattern that was popular for frontier towns. He incorporated elements that can be noticed In both the Chicago and Cincinnati town plans with the exception that the entire site was platted as one cohesive plan.
Prignitz envisioned the town to hold 75,000-100,000 people one day, a size much larger than the then present needs. Certainly one reason for this foresight were the fears of land speculation. Increased population and economic opportunities were forces that ultimately altered city form. Whether economic gain was In the form of land speculation or profits from industrialization, the urban population continued to rise. The following table indicates the population Increases for 1840-1860 in the cities most Influential on the "Forty-Eighters."
The figures Indicate not only the rapid Increase in population but also indicate the effect of migration as settlers moved from east to west. It was this kind of increase that created need of additional housing, support services, annexations and


40
TABLE I I
TOTAL POPULATION
1840 1850 I860
New York 312,710 515,547 805,658
Cincinnati 46,338 115,435 161,044
Chicago 4,470 29,963 109,260
Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1840-1860
"piecemeal" platting, and the overcrowding that became evident by tenement housing and epidemics of cholera as experienced in Chicago. Through the complete platting of New Ulm, some of these annexations might be avoided.
Territorial politics were also playing an important role in the townsite purchase and platting development.
Politics and the Minnesota Territory
At the time Prlgnitz was beginning the plat, the Minnesota territory was In the process of becoming a state. Two proposed boundaries were under considerations. Along with the boundary decision came the proposal to move the eight year territorial capital from St. Paul to St. Peter, a community twenty-five miles from the New Ulm site. At the time, It was assumed the east-west boundary would be the preferred choice and that St. Peter would be the ideal central location. The Republican party supporting the capital move was convinced that the move would be approved. They had already begun construction of a court housethe same building Pfaender had seen en route to Winona and the purchase
of the townsite


41
STATE BOUNDARIES proposed for Minnesota in 1857
The bill was Introduced to the legislature and supported by both the Territorial House and Senate by a wide margin. The territorial governor signed the removal bill and the anticipated date for relocation was May of 1857.^ There can be little doubt that Prlgnltz was familiar with the proposed change since he had been a resident of St. Paul.
The charter bylaws of the German Land Association together with territorial politics and the environment of Cincinnati and Chicago made the platting of New Ulm an even more sensitive project.
The Pro iect
New Ulm was not laid out In a free style pattern that was common to German towns, particularly to the mother city of


42
Ulm. It was platted In the popularized American grid pattern with streets running parallel and perpendicular to the Minnesota River. In ail of the American examples, orientation with respect to the river was followed. In the case of New Ulm and New York, the river was more of a determinant of layout than the section Iines.
Unlike New York who laid out the super grid regardless of topography, New Ulm respected the land as medieval Ulm had done. It did not have the winding, meandering streets, but utilized the rising plateaus to terrace the grid.
Ulm and New Ulm: Topographic Adaptations


43
The narrow European streets were abandoned for wide boulevards as those seen In New York and Washington, D.C. Like the latter city, new Ulm also reserved land for monuments at two of the major street Intersections, and had one main vista of Center Street sloping towards the river. These broad avenues of major circulation routes were Broadway, Center, Garden, Front and Water Streets with rights-of-way measuring 120 feet. All other urban
streets measured 80 feet wide. These widths are comparable to the width ranges of New York.
The urban core that was created had 400 city blocks, each containing fourteen lots measuring 50xl65 each and a bisecting alley of twenty foot width. The core was then surrounded by a greenbelt that was divided Into 494 four acre outlots. Access to these outlots was by 60 foot wide streets and thirty foot a I leys.
The German Land Associations approval of the plat Included land that was dedicated to the "public use forever" In the form of streets, markets, parks, town square and a marina landing.4* The public squares were laid out In a mirror Image north and south of Center Street. They were dedicated as follows:
1) The Pub IIc Landing
2) German North Park
3) German South Park
4) North Park
5) South Park
6)
Market I


44
7) Market 2
8) Market 3
9) Market 4
10 Courthouse Square
The Courthouse Square, public markets and public landing were features evident In the Cincinnati layout as were quite a few of the street names given to New Ulm such as Broadway, Center, Front, Water and the numbered streets.
Of the 4800 acre total site, 22 acres of the urban core was open space and 1976 acres was to be the greenbelt garden surrounding the city. In total, over 41$ of the town was to remain open space for the enjoyment of the residents.4^
In April, 1858 the town of New Ulm filed Prignltz's plat at the official plat of the city.


Prignl+z Plan
4*
U1


CHAPTER VI
CITY GROWTH AND THE TURNER INFLUENCE
The cl+y continued to Increase In population due to the steady migration of Turners from Cincinnati and Germans from Chicago. Table III shows the New Ulm population figures between 1854 and 1862.
TABLE III
NEW ULM POPULATION
1854 .... 30
1857 ____ 356
I860 .... 65343
1862 .... 900
By I860, the growth had Increased the original twenty three log homes to one hundred eighty frame houses and the one general store to six commercial operations. With the saw mill, the Turners built two flour mills to be owned by the city and operated two general stores selling at cost to customers. In addition, a Turnerhalle was constructed to continue gymnastic and cultural events and to be used as the school. Other community services Included: two blacksmith shops; one butcher, hotel,
brewery, newspaper (two pages printed In German, two pages In English) and shoe shop; and three doctors. It Is Interesting to note that no churches were built and no clergy was In the town.


47
The German Catholic Church Services were officiated by a missionary traveling from Mankato to New Ulm.
The town's brewery was a subject of controversy to the neighboring communities of Ottawa and Carlmora who practiced temperance. Nonetheless, two members of the Turners opened the Betz-Frlton Brewery In 1858. It was the first In a series of
such enterprises, and In keeping with the platform the Turners established regarding ant I-temperance at their national convention ten years earlier.
The Turners were true to their word in providing communal services, denying prohibition and restricting clerical Influence In the town's development. Their Intent to maintain forms of
communal ownership was dissipating due to financial losses that were Incurred by both the flour and saw mills and the communal warehouse. The members of the German Land Association grew more alarmed with the financial losses, the time demand required to run such businesses, and the time needed to sell town lots to newcomers. As the population Increased, communal ownership became more difficult and the financial support of the Cincinnati Turners dwindled.^
The German Land Association, In a monthly meeting, agreed
that the attempt of socialism was failing and that "a settlement
could not thrive unless families with means also settled and
4*5
provided opportunities for others." J The mills, warehouse and
stores were sold at public auction and the organization was
preparing to dissolve in May, 1862.


48
Before the disbanning, the German Land Association filed two additional deeds for the promotion and protection of the organization's goals. One such deed was for the sale of ten acres of land to the town to be used for the sole purpose of building a hospital. The other deed was in the form of public dedication. The German Land Association bequeathed over sixty-five acres of land throughout the city for school sites and over nine thousand dollars In cash (part of which came from lot sales) to be used for educational purposes. This latter gift was not without certain stipulations. The first one was that teaching religion In public schools was to be prohibited and the second was that no bibles were to be found In the libraries. With these final dedications, the organization terminated as the legal guiding force of New
Ulm


CHAPTER VII
NEW ULM*S TURNER INFLUENCE AND GERMAN TIES
The Turners experienced status ascension as New Ulm's ruling ethnic group. With the dissolution of the German Land Association, their strict objectives could not be enforced, particularly in the matter of blocking religious participation and in community ownership. Their attempt at socialism within a democracy had failed. Since that time, New Ulm has seen a stronger influence of German non-Turners with some evidence of Turner philosophy remaining in tact. Organizations, tradition and architecture all blend together to create a town structure as unique as was the original plat.
ReJiaion and Education
It was in 1869, seven years after the dissolution of the Turnverein that the first church was built in New Ulm. In a statement given the year before, during a Turner banquet, William Pfaender gave a speech reflecting a more tolerant opinion of the Turner position on religious matters; a contrast from his statement on the original town charter.
No Turner Is questioned as to his religious views, but It Is self evident that after a thorough research, he will gradually emancipate himself from the errors which today hold millions of people in spiritual s I avery.... the Turner is tolerant and honors the religious convictions of every person and expects the


50
same consideration....this struggle of reason against darkness, of sound reasoning against religious blindness will end with victory for free thought even though It may take hundreds of years.^
Sixteen years later, the Martin Luther College was built after a lengthy search by the Lutheran Synod for an appropriate site. It was the desire of the synod to provide a school in which to train missionaries, pastors and teachers for parochial schools. New Ulm was one of three towns under consideration as a final site. The decision to locate in New Ulm came after the town donated twenty four acres of prime land and the promise of sewer, water and sidewalk facilities for the school.^ In this instance, the community pulled together to acquire a religious facility. The town had thus dramatically changed Its stance on religious prohibition.^*
Breweries
Since the Betz-Friton Brewery was built in 1858, New Ulm
has always had a privately owned brewery. Seven have been located
in the town with as many as four breweries operating at the same *5?
time In 1869. Some have changed names, ownership, even location. All of them were originally owned by Turners. One of these, the Schells Brewery remains today, under the same family ownership and location since 1861.
The Schells Brewery had taken the business and expanded it to Include the family residence, brewery and a German Beer Garden which over the years has become a park to visitors and community residents.


51
Organizations
There are organizations In New Ulm that reflect the strength of community and tradition that have evolved since the towns beginning.
1862 was not only the end of Turner dominance, It was the beginning of the New Ulm Battery, a volunteer local army whose Institution was founded as a means of town protection after an Indian attack. William Pfaender became a colonel In the battery, true to the Turner commitment of participation in military drill and action.
The Battery operates today with forty members; one captain, two lieutenants and thirty-seven sergeants. The organization has always been a volunteer group with a three year enlistment. Since the Indian attack, New Ulm has never needed the protection of the militia. It enjoys full membership, each soldier wearing the regalia replicating the 1885 uniforms. The militia holds drill and artillery practice, primarily performing at socials, festivals and parades. Membership is open to "citizens of good
character," a criteria reflecting the homestead charter of the
Chicago "Forty-EIghters." The New Ulm Battery Is the only organization of its kind in the United States. It Is funded by the
town.
The Turnverein
The Turnerhalle and Its members have been a thriving organization since the beginning of the town in 1857. The meeting hall has been destroyed by Indian attack, fire and tornado and


52
each time has been rebuilt Immediately. The radical view of gymnasts melded with politics and revolutions and the free-thinking philosophy has passed and the Turners have relied more on the social aspect" of their organization to Include promotion of the arts through music and plays and gymnastic competitions. Only three such organizations exist In the state, New Ulm having the only gymnastic program open to all members of the community at no charge.
European and American Architectural Influence
As with planning the plat, architecture In New Ulm is a hybrid blend of a popularized American style during the mid to late 1800s and a European style evident from use of contrasting color and materials.
At the time of the "Forty-EIghters" arrival, American architecture was In the midst of the Greek Revival style. For Americans, Greek architecture was the symbol of cultural Independence, furthered by the German admiration for American Ideals of liberty and freedom. It was the first style In American history to be consciously understood and embraced as a truly national style.54
One local architect was Adolph Selter, a man who accompanied Pfaender to the townslte. Selter had been a tailor In Germany turned builder In America by one of a number of "architectural cookbooks." The structures he built were from a pattern book that was popular at that time entitled, "The Modern Builders Guide" by Mlnard LaFever.


53
The style he depicted had undergone some alterations In that the marble or granite used for public buildings was substituted for material common to the area. In this case, wood or brick was used. The buildings had a symmetrical, geometric character combining cube with cylinder with column.
The style is evident in homes and particularly In commercial structures. One of the best examples of Greek Revival style was Turner Hall.
The second arch ItecturaI style Is exemplified by the handling of brick. It was a material readily available due to the clay deposits along the banks of the Minnesota and Cottonwood Rivers. The use of brick and the contrasting color of quoined stone courses Is a strong characterIstic of German architecture. This use of material was especially popularized from the German immigrants arriving after 1870.^ The design created by these ornamented facades Is known as the split style.
It was first used In Greek and Roman architecture, moving north to Germany and Holland before It was brought to the United States. The Ulmltes used this style and the community voice to assure that one of the public buildings depicted their culture.
In the 1900s, through a ruling of Congress, all cities with a population of at least 5,000 were entitled to apply for federal grants of up to $20,000 for public buildings (including the site and structure). New Ulm was granted the money for construction of a post office.*5 The site that was chosen was at the intersection of Center and Broadway Street, the same area


54
that Prignitz had envisioned a town monument. The first design of the post office was done by the supervising architect in Washington, D.C. The citizens of New Ulm rejected the design as it was "stark, and lacked architectural beauty."^ Citizen letters, encouraged by Minnesota Congressman James T. McCleary requested that the design be one that would commemorate the German influence and proud heritage of New Ulm.
The appropriation was increased to $50,000 and a new plan drawn and approved. The building construction was done by Stewart and Hager, a firm In Wisconsin specializing in masonry construction. The 1-1/2 story building was completed In 1910 of alternate white granite and red brick courses with a red slate roof.
This external division of a surface was taken to Germany and Holland with striking results. In Holland, the Vleeshal in Harlem (1602) and In Germany, the Hochzeithaus (Wedding or Courthouse1610) In Hameln are examples showing the expertise of handling this layered form.
The Herman Monument Is another structure whose construction reflects the strength of ethnicity and community. In 1840, the Sons of Herman Lodge was founded in New York City. It was a social organization of freethinkers whose purpose was to keep the stories of German culture and heritage alive, and to share the joint feelings of liberty offered by the United States.
The parent organization was in Germany, the name of which honored Herman the Cheruscan, a German prince who saved Germany from Roman dominance in 9 A.D. A statue to commemorate the heroic



Vleeshal In Hoi I and
Post Office In New Ulm
\J1
VJ1


56
deeds of their liberator was erected In Detmold, Germany outside the Teutoburg Forest In 1875.
The American Lodge proposed building a replica of the statue somewhere In the United States to proclaim the liberation from Prussian monarchy. New Ulm was the selected city for the monument because of the enthusiastic response of the people and for Its high concentration of German population.
Julius Berndt, a local architect, was commissioned to design the project and In 1885, construction began.
It Is a replica of the Detmold monument standing one hundred and two feet high, located west of the city on a high plateau.


Detmold Herman
New Ulm Herman
U1


CHAPTER VIM
THE PLANNING EXERCISE: AN EXERCISE IN "STAYING POWER"
Prignltz dream of a community of 75,000-100,000 people never came to pass. This does not Imply failure of foresight but vision of protective planning. The evidence of community voice and strength In the planning of the town Is clear. It is a power that has existed since the beginning of the community. It Is this combination of tradition, heritage, community action and pride that has maintained the form.
There Is no record of Prignltz ever plotting a town before or after his masterpiece of New Ulm. His design has survived the stages of development of the town with minimal alterations.4 The original 4800 acres has expanded to 5400 acres. Over 300 acres of the annexations have been In the form of a waste treatment facility and a commuter airport, both of which are products of technical advancements that could not have been foreseen at the time of the platting.
The rights-of-ways have always been sufficient for development of roadways. No landscaping or structure has ever been removed for lack of space to pave.
For the most part, the garden lots have remained as agricultural open space. Only thirty of the original 1,976 acres


59
have been developed for housing.
The original twenty-two acres of parks have had minimal changes Including the renaming of two Market Squares into Washington and Lincoln Parks and the sale of one quarter of North German Park to the Winona and St. Peter Railroad in I872.4^ The need of open space and recreational facilities so strongly supported by the Turners has continued. Two hundred thirteen acres of public park has been dedicated to the city, one hundred eighty of which has come from the outlots. The parks are under supervision by the Director of Parks and Recreation of the city, but the maintenance is done in part by citizen volunteers, primarily from senior citizen and youth groups.4 The recreational facilities provide courts for tennis and racquetball, skating rinks, swimming pools, and fields for baseball, football and picnic grounds.
There Is one professional planner In town. The guide for development approval is determined by the zones that evolved since the original plat and settlement. A comprehensive plan has never been adopted nor has it ever been a matter of pressing
need


CHAPTER IX
CONCLUSION: COMMUNITY IDEALS AM) PLANNING
The e+hnlc heritage and Ideals of the German Land Association, both Turner and non-Turner, became the foundation for the town's physical form. The desire for the town's successful design and operation was more Important that the Individual goals set by either group.
The Association was created with the Intention that control over community growth could be maintained by .the parent organization. The economic pressure of development from the outside and within the community forced the change toward private enterprise.
Over the years, the strongest elements remaining as testimony of their accomplishments are the physical form of the plat and the structures and organizations that continue community common goals of the legacy. The collective cohesive attitude of participation has existed since before the town platting and continues to date. The active participation makes New Ulm a unique town; one that practices community planning in total. Pride of the present community and regard for the past make It a city of charm and strength.
Gal I ion and Eisner's statement of city form regarding


61
New Ulm is not totally false, nor Is it totally true. New Ulm Is the product of an "enterprise of people, acting as a group" and it was "guided by a set of standards" which in this case were the Charters of both Settlement Societies. Contrary to the statement, it is also the reality, the physical evidence of a "preconceived model of a future city." It was the physical models (Chicago, Cincinnati, New York) and social ideals that the founders used to base the established standards for the ideal German commun i ty.
The importance of "preconception" goes far beyond the limitation for new towns only. It is the "Ideal" that makes form work with community whether it is revitalization of a town or city or in annexation. Planning, whether physical or social planning should be a mental art form that attempts to foresee the needs of community and environment. If cities and form are merely "victims" of "law and ordinances;" then perhaps more care should be taken so that these ordinances contain the vision and "preconceived ideas" that begin to prevent wasted resources and
urban sprawl


FOOTNOTES
1. See Appendix A.
2. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Selected Ancestry Group. New Ulm is the second city In the state with this high of a percentage with German ancestry. St. Paul Is the first.
3. Arthur B. Gal I ion and Simon Eisner, The Urban Pattern; City Planning and Design. (New York: D. Van Nostrand Company, 1975), p. 246.
4. Turnverein membership rose to over 1000 members In Berlin alone.
5. Noel Iverson, Germania. U.S.A.. (Minneapolis: University
of Minnesota Press, n.d.), p. 28.
6. Augustus J. Prahl, The Turner, In The Fortv-Eighters. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1950), p. 86.
7. German Immigration could be divided into two distinctive time periods. Those coming before 1837 were peasants with rural backgrounds settling Into farm communities, particularly in Ohio and Pennsylvania. Political expression and desire for urban living was not a catalyst for their desire to Immigrate.
8. Noel Iverson, Germania. U.5.A.. (Minneapolis: University
of Minnesota Press, n.d.), p. 49.
9. Ibid., p. 50. During the Civil War, the anti-slavery dogma of the Turners saw the enlistment of 15% of the total organization membership into the Union Army.
10. This republican support saw many Turners traveling with or on behalf of Lincoln and the anti-slavery ticket during the campaigning of the I860 presidential election.
11. Turnzeitung, March 29, 1855.
12. Edward D. O'Neill, History of the Minnesota Valiev. (Minneapolis: North Star Publishing Co., 1882), p. 704.


63
13. Evan Jones, The Minnesota;_______Forgotten River. (New York:
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1962), p. 153.
14. Chicago Land Vereln Charter.
15. It Is unclear as to whether the agent was a licensed federal agent or merely a prospector who was familiar with the midwest.
16. Some discrepancy on the exact number of people In the settlement party exists. Sources Indicate the total of men, women and children between twenty-three and thirty-one.
17. Evan Jones, The Minnesota:_______Forgotten River. (New York:
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1962), p. 156.
18. L.A. Frltsche, editor. History of Brown Countv. Minnesota.
(Indiana: B.F. Bowen and Company, Inc., 1916), p. 3.
19. A "generic" term used to describe the German ethnic community settlement.
20. There was also some fear and reluctance by members to support a community so close to an Indian settlement.
21. First names have not been recorded In the sources available.
22. L.A. Fritsche, editor, History of Brown Countv. Minnesota.
(Indiana: B.F. Bowen and Company, Inc., 1916), p. 466.
23. The uneven distribution was probably another bonus for the sale of the towns Ite, giving the Chicago Vereln compensation for their Initial labors. This land allotment had been revised at least twice. The original Turner scheme was for a lottery distribution with a maximum of two shares per person. A share consisted of one town lot and a small garden lot. City owned land would consist of one town lot and one hundred acres of outlot. This was further modified substituting the lottery for each member receiving twelve lots and an outlot of nine acres.
24. A noted exception Is the beginning of model cities. One particular industrial town built for workers In Essen, Germany was begun In 1865. Other earlier examples in Ireland and England appeared as early as 1846.
25. The planner was Hippodamus who has been credited with the plan of Miletus and Pieraeus. Hippodamus Imposed the grid on hilly sites regardless of the topography. In some ways this topographic disregard can be compared to New York's Imposing of the super grid.


64
26. John W. Reps, The Making of Urban America:____________________flf.
City Planning In the United States. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965), p. 216.
27. John W. Reps, Cities of the American West:__________ft_iii,StaiX-..Qf.
Frontier Urban Planning. (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1979), p. 8.
28. The actual project began in 1807.
29. Arthur B. Gal I ion and Simon Eisner, The Urban Pattern:. Cltv Planning and Design. (New York: D. Van Nostrand Company, 1975), p. 49.
30. Ibid., p. 49.
31. Turpin Bannister, Town Planning in. New York State. American Society of Architectural Historians, n.d.
32. Ibid., New Yorks later concern for lack of space is best exemplified by the competition for Central Park planned by Frederick Law Ohmstead In 1863.
33. "Commissioners Remarks," in William Bridges Map of the
City of New York and Island of Manhattan, New York, 1811, pp. 24-25.
34. John W. Reps, Cities of the American West:___A History of
Frontier Urban Planning. (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1979), p. 13.
35. Joseph KIrland, Chicago Historian.
36. It is interesting to note that the site of the Fair was recommended by Frederick Law Ohmstead, thirty years after his revitalization plan for New York City.
37. John W. Reps, Cities of the American West:___A History. of
Frontier Urban Planning. (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1979), p. 25.
38. Harold M. Mayer and Richard C. Wade, Chicago: Growth of
a MetropoI 1 s. (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,
1969), p. 18.
39. Prignitz made two assumptions: I) Some blocks and lots would be later used as apartment row houses, therein housing more people than a single family home and 2) some of the out lots might function as garden and homesite.


65
40. Before the capital was moved, Governor Gorman was replaced In the next territorial election. The new Governor refused to move the capital, and the matter became a battle ultimately decided by a federal court judge. The decision was given by Judge Rensselaer Nelson, who denied the validity of the move on the basis that the territorial legislature had exhausted Its power of locating a capital when St. Paul was selected. St. Paul remained the territorial capital, the state boundary selected was the north-south division and Minnesota became a state In May 1858.
41. Document submitted to the territorial land office, dedications formally recognized in 1862.
42. It is interesting to note that the greenbelt theory most popularly presented in Ebenezer Howard's Garden Cities of Tomorrow was not published until 1898, thirty years after New Ulm was plotted.
43. Figures Indicate that two of the six hundred fifty three people were non-German.
44. The Cincinnati Group even accused the German Land Association of mismanaging funds.
45. New Ulm Daily Journal. June 26, 1962, p. 2.
46. Evan Jones, The Minnesota.-_______Forgotten River. (New York:
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1962), p. 159.
47. Money received for the land sale was used to upgrade the remainder of North German and South German Parks.
48. Appendix B.
49. New Ulm Post. September 4, 1868.
50. The town furthered this donation by an additional sixteen acres and $7,000.
51. Presently, twenty-two churches of various denominations are in New Ulm.
52. Appendix C.
53. Appendix D.
54. William H. Pierson, Jr., American Buildings and Their Architects;________The Colonial, and Neoclassical.,Styles. (Garden City:
Anchor Press, 1976), p. 417.


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55. Roger Kennedy, Minnesota: An Architectural and Historical View. (Minneapolis: Dillon Press, 1967), p. 70.
56. The Post Office facilities at that time were leased by the government to service the town.
57. Brown County Journal. May 21, 1910.




APPENDIX A
SUMMARY OF LAND USE
Total Area
Use (Acres)
Resident la 1 (Single) 748.2
Resident la 1 (Multiple) 1 1.5
Commerc1 a 1 44.1
Schools 76.7
Churches 4.1
1ndustrial 136.9
PublIc and Semi-Pub 1Ic Areas 688.7
Highways, ! Streets and Alleys 664.3
Ral1 roads 107.4
Airport 201J.
2685.6
TOTAL LAND WITHIN CITY LIMITS 5402.4
TOTAL VACANT AND
AGRICULTURAL LAND 2716.8


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APPENDIX B PARK LAND INVENTORY
Name Acres
Wests Ide Park 13.98
Herman Heights Park 6.56
Lincoln Park 2.81
Washington Park 2.81
North Park 13.97
South Park 13.97
Riverside Park 13.23
South German Park 15.74
German Park 6.80
Johnson Park 16.99
North Market Park 2.81
South Market Park 2.81
Stelnhauser Park 11.29
Meneconn Park 1 18.65
Neh1*s Park 12.00
KelslIng Park .19
Cottonwood River Beach Park 2.10
5th North Mini Park .82
Schonlaw Park
20


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APPENDIX C BREWERIES
1) Be+z-Fri+on Brewery: 1858-1862
2) Cl+y Brewery or Schumucker Brewery 1864-1917
3) Schells Brewery: 1861 to present
4) Bender Brewery: 1866-1870
5) J.B. Carl Brewery: 1969-1871
6) Havensteln Brewery: 1869-1970
7) Waraju Distillery: 1861-1862


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APPENDIX D ORGANIZATIONS
American Association of University Women
American Legion
American Legion Auxiliary
American Red Cross
Birthright of New Ulm
Boy Scouts
Brothers & Sisters
Brown County Agricultural Society
Brown County American Cancer Soc i ety
Brown County Historical Society Charity Lodge (Masonic) Contemporary Club Crescendo Women's Club Current News CLub Disabled American Veterans Farm-City Hub Club Fellowship of Christian Athletes Flying Dutchmen Cycle Club Friends of the Library
Future Farmers of America
Future Homemakers of America
Garden Club
Girl Scouts
Golden Age Club
IZAAK Walton League
Jaycees
Jaycee Women
Junior Pioneers of New Ulm Knights of Columbus League of Women Voters Lions Club
Lost Dog & Fox Hunters Club Minnesota Heart Association National Secretaries Association New Ulm Baseball Association New Ulm Club
New Ulm Community Concert Association
New Ulm Country Club
New Ulm Gem & Mineral Club


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New Ulm Hockey Association
New Ulm Junior Baseball Association
New Ulm Municipal Band New Ulm Park 4 Recreation New Ulm Shrine Auxiliary New Ulm Swimming Association New Ulm Turnverein PEO
Pioneer Players Polka Town Saddle Club Pot Pourrl
Referral 4 Information Rotary Club Sertoma Club Shrlners Club
Sioux Valley Hospital Auxiliary
SnowmobiIe Club
Solo Parents and Singles Club
Toastmasters
Tops
Turner Ladles Twist 4 Twirl Club United Way
Veterans of Foreign Wars
Veterans of Foreign Wars AuxiIiary
Weight Watchers
Welcome Wagon
Western Square Dance Club
Womens Literary Club
Womens Network


BIBLIOGRAPHY
1) Argan, Glut Io C. The Renaissance Cl tv. New York: George Brazil Ier, 1969.
2) Blegen, Theodore C. MiflOflSfllai______A-HlStQCy.-ai.-thfl-Stats
Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1963.
3) Brown County Historical Society. Landmarks and Historical Sites. New Ulm: 1977.
4) Cass, William E. Minnesota:________A-.Sl£a[Ltannifli_.ttlslSLY New
York: W.W. Norton and Co., Inc., 1977.
5) Chaoay, Francoise. The Modern Citv:_________Planning In the 19th
Century. New York: George Brazil Ier, 1969.
6) Franki, Paul. Rrijac.lB.al,a ..el-Ansl) Itectural Hi story;___lbs
Four Phases of Architectural Style. I42Q-I90Q. Cambridge: The M.l.T. Press, 1968.
7) Gal I Ion, Arthur B. FAIA and Eisner, Simon, APA, AICP. The Urban Pattern: Citv Planning and Design. New York: D. Van Nostrand Company, 1975.
8) Glasrud, Clarence A., Ed. and Rankin, Diana M. A Heritage
Qftferred.i___Iha. -g.sr.aiflB.- Amer 1 cans-ln..-MJ.rnissa.tfl. Moorehead:
Concord i a Co 11ege, 1981.
9) Iverson, Noel. Germania. U.S.A.:_______Social Chance in New Ulm.
Minnesota. Minneapolis: The University of Minnesota Press, n.d.
10) Jones, Evan. The...Nliimssalai_______EflraaltflnBivcer. New York:
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1962.
11) Kellett, Leota M. Early. Brown County. New Ulm: 1966.
12) Kennedy, Roger. Minnesota Houses:. An Architectural and Historical View. Minneapolis: Dillon Press, 1967.
13) Mayer, Harold M. and Wade, Richard C. Chicago: Growth of
a Metropo I i s. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,
1969.


74
14) Minnesota Historic Properties Inventory Form.
15) Pierson, William H. Jr. American Buildings and Their Architects: The Colonial and Neoclassical Styles. Garden City: Anchor Press, 1976.
16) Reps, John W. The Making of Urban America: A History of
Citv. Planning In the United States. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965.
17) Reps, John W. Cities of the American West: A History of
Frontier Urban Planning. Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1979.
18) Session Laws of the Territory of Minnesota Eight Session, January 7, 1857.
19) Smith, Herbert H. The Citizens Guide to Planning. Chicago: Planners Press, 1979.
20) The German Land Association of Minnesota Legislative Act for Its Incorporation, 1857.
21) The New Ulm Journal: June 15, 1934
June 5, 1968 July 28, 1975 July 24, 1977 February 23, 1979 February 28, 1979 December 31, 1983
22) The New Ulm Post: August 17, 1866
August 31, 1866 September 14, 1866 January 8, 1869 November 5, 1869 December 3, 1869 October 14, 1870 December 23, 1870 September 15, 1871 August 1873


75
23) The New Ulm Review; November 21, 1883
June 20, 1884 July 2, 1884 November 12, 1884 August 29, 1888 November 28, 1888 June 25, 1890 July 14, 1893 August 2, 1893 August 20, 1893 January 19, 1916 February 2, 1921 September 2, 1937 June 14, 1951 October II, 1951 March 12, 1953 May 14, 1953
24) Unwin, Raymond F.R.I.B.A, Town. Planning In Practice; An Introduction, to the Art of Designing Cities and Suburbs. New York: Benjamin Blom, Inc,, 1971.
25) U.S. Bureau of the Census, June 1840, 1850, I860.
26) Wycherley, R.E. HQW, the.. GreekS..,.BulLt...CJ.t.lfl5 New York: The Norton Library, 1976.


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
In thl I at ions
My special thanks to Herb project and to Cornel la
Smith for his McDonald for
continued
invaluable
Thanks also to:
The people of New Ulm Darla Schnurrer Kathleen Juni David Schnobrick Harley Schneider
The citizens who shared their town
Dan Schler Howard Iber
The Minnesota Historical Society
Brown County, Minnesota Historical Society
Rock County, Wisconsin Historical Society
support
trans-