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Reimagining the Jibaro

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Reimagining the Jibaro post colonial identity in Puerto Rico and the speciality coffee market
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Post colonial identity in Puerto Rico and the speciality coffee market
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Velez, Jasmin ( author )
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Denver, Colo.
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University of Colorado Denver
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Jíbaro (Puerto Rican identity) ( lcsh )
Coffee ( lcsh )
Coffee ( fast )
Jíbaro (Puerto Rican identity) ( fast )
Puerto Rico ( lcsh )
Puerto Rico ( fast )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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In the 19th century coffee dominated the economic markets of Puerto Rico. Favored by European consumers, some claim that even the Vatican savored its unique flavor, and the island held a reputation for producing high quality coffee that has long since outlasted the market itself. After ownership of the island passed from Spain to the United States, a shift to sugar economies, natural causes, and social stratification issues, caused the coffee markets of Puerto Rico to plummet. Despite its reputation for producing high quality coffee, the island has failed to match the production level it once had. In the last decade, there have been attempts to revitalize the stagnant coffee market by focusing its production on specialty coffee. This thesis uses anthropological theory and qualitative methodologies to explore linkages of postcolonial identity of Puerto Rican specialty coffee farmers, and their attempts to succeed in the third wave coffee market.
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Includes bibliographical references.
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by Jasmin Velez.

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University of Colorado Denver
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on1006904457
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Full Text
REIMAGINING THE JIBARO: POST COLONIAL IDENTITY IN PUERTO RICO AND THE
SPECIALITY COFFEE MARKET by
JASMIN VELEZ
B.A., Bloomsburg University of Pennsylvania, 2015
A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts
Anthropology, College of Liberal Arts


This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by
Jasmin Velez
has been approved for the Anthropology Program by
John Brett Sarah Horton Marty Otanez
Date: July 21, 2017
n


Velez, Jasmin B.A., Anthropology
Reevaluating the Jibaro: Post-Colonial Identity in Puerto Rico and the Specialty Coffee Revitalization
Thesis directed by Associate Professor John Brett
ABSTRACT
In the 19th century coffee dominated the economic markets of Puerto Rico. Favored by European consumers, some claim that even the Vatican savored its unique flavor, and the island held a reputation for producing high quality coffee that has long since outlasted the market itself. After ownership of the island passed from Spain to the United States, a shift to sugar economies,natural causes, and social stratification issues, caused the coffee markets of Puerto Rico to plummet. Despite its reputation for producing high quality coffee, the island has failed to match the production level it once had. In the last decade, there have been attempts to revitalize the stagnant coffee market by focusing its production on specialty coffee. This thesis uses anthropological theory and qualitative methodologies to explore linkages of postcolonial identity of Puerto Rican specialty coffee farmers, and their attempts to succeed in the third wave coffee market.
The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication.
Approved: John Brett
m


DEDICATION
This work is dedicated to all the coffee farmers who trustingly opened their haciendas, fincas, and hearts to me. It was their willingness to speak with me and their teachings that made this research study possible. Secondly, I would like to thank my parents. Their love for me and support for my passions has given me the opportunity to do what I love most, and I am forever grateful. Lastly, I would like to dedicate this thesis work to Puerto Rico itself, the small island that has shaped my culture, my identity, and which, during this horrific economic crisis, has somehow managed to remind me that we can be strong and powerful, no matter our size.
IV


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This research study would not have been possible without the following:
Dr. John Brett, my committee chair and advisor who supported me and guided my every step of the research path. I feel lucky to be one of the last few students to have been advised by you during your tenure, and I look forward to working with you in the anthropological world further. Thank you for being open, excited, and supportive of my research, which I am immensely humbled to have been able to do.
Dr. Sarah B. Horton, your work with migrant farm workers is truly inspirational, and I hope to one day be a strong advocate for the people I work with, as you have been with your participants. Thank you for your support, your enthusiasm for my research, and for making me a better writer.
Dr. Marty Otanez, I thank you for your support the last few years, your enthusiasm for my research, your flexibility, and your technological advice. I am grateful for your willingness to be a part of my thesis committee team and for all your help.
Connie Turner for all your help and support the last few years. I would not have been able to get through graduate school without your advice and your advocacy over the years. The University of Colorado Denver and the Anthropology Department are lucky to have you, as is any student who passes through in the next few years.
Meredith Wilson, Elizabeth Sweitzer, and Ray McPherson for their peer-review.
The Department of Anthropology at University of Colorado Denver for their support and their funding for my thesis travels. This research would not have run as smoothly if not for their support.
The Colorado Multiple Institutional Review Board for the review and exempt approval for protocol 16-2060.
The University of Colorado Denver, and the College of Liberal Arts for granting me the ability to conduct this research.
v


TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER I................................................................8
INTRODUCTION:............................................................8
CHAPTER II............................................................. 13
METHODS:............................................................... 13
CHAPTER III............................................................ 18
BACKGROUND............................................................. 18
The History of Puerto Rican Coffee:.....................................18
Grito de Lares:.......................................................23
Social Class and Identity.............................................25
CHAPTER IV..............................................................27
The Neo-Jfbaro:.........................................................27
CHAPTER V...............................................................36
Destined for Growth:....................................................36
CHAPTER VI..............................................................39
The Decline of Coffee, and the Contemporary Revitalization..............39
Industrialization, and Operation Bootstrap:...........................45
CHAPTER VII.............................................................49
Revitalization Through Specialty Coffee.................................49
CHAPTER VIII............................................................55
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION:..............................................55
References Cited........................................................61
APPENDIX................................................................65
vi


LIST OF TABLES
1. Participant background and demographics on coffee experience......19
vn


CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION:
"Everything is more lush this year," / said, observing how the forests on both sides of the road were overflowing with green, and looming over the cars ahead of us. It made my eyes widen trying to take in all the contrasting colors that we quickly drove past, sometimes greeted by a bright flor de maga growing in the wild.
Yes, it's been nonstop rain this time of year, beyond our normal season. It's destroyed a lot of the cosecha." A strange fact as August is usually the end of the rainy season in Puerto Rico, and it was now mid-December. I couldn't help but think about the farmers that I was meant to interview soon and their affected harvests, a thought that would later be confirmed by many of them. The coffee movement on the island, if there was one, couldn't afford a lack of harvest. -Author's Fieldnotes
In popular culture, the coffee industry has gone through two waves and has been shifting into its newest one. The "first wave of coffee" is defined by canned coffee and its emergence in the homes of consumers (Weissman 2011]; the second wave is defined as the rise of the "specialty coffee movement, "and the increase in shops like Peets Coffee or Starbucks (Weissman 2011]. The foundations of the "third wave" coffee market are
8


based on the origins of the coffee plant, the processing of the beans, and lastly the methods by which it is brewed (Edwards 2014]. During my time in Puerto Rico, many of the farmers I spoke to emphasized the importance of brewing coffee a specific way, some adhering specifically to regulations from the Specialty Coffee Association, others unaffiliated, but maintaining methods that have been passed down for generations which produce a cup of coffee that will take you back in history. Puerto Rico's relationship with coffee is complex, associated with a dark past, but it also maintains a position of hope for many people. The hope of island producers is to revitalize the agricultural markets on the island and produce harvests that they can identify with and proudly claim as their own. This thesis will explore the relationship between national cultural symbols of identity and the rise of the specialty coffee movement on the island, and how it may be linked to the resurgence of coffee production on the island.
Puerto Rican coffee has been out of the international market since its initial decline after hurricanes, lack of laborers, and the invasion of the United States in 1898, when sugar took precedence over coffee in the commodity market economy, and with the introduction of new tariffs (Nicholls 2007; Caban 1999: 70-78]. Despite a claim in 1899 that "the advent of American enterprise will doubtless stimulate the coffee industry in Puerto Rico, and will certainly introduce the product for consumption in the United States," there has been virtually no presence of the island's coffee in the international market (The Youth's Companions 1899:256]. Coffee flourished on the island in the 1800s, led as the top export for Puerto Rico's economy, and "the cafes of Vienna, Paris and Madrid served Puerto Rican coffee in the 19th century, as did European monarchs and even the Vatican" (Goodnough 2005]. In the 1800s Puerto Rico
9


was exporting more than 60 million pounds of coffee a year. Today only 2 million pounds of coffee are produced yearly, which makes up a supply that barely meets the demands of the island, and any export from the past is now a distant dream (Goodnough 2005]. To meet the demands of the island's consumption, Puerto Rico often requires imports from neighboring islands like the Dominican Republic (Nicholls 2007], and as a few of my participants noted, Mexico. In recent years, there has been a resurgence of agriculture on the island, a 25 percent increase that has created 6,500 jobs (PBS NewsHour 2015]. This increase resulted from the government pushing to revitalize the agricultural sector by providing subsidies and equipment for farmers (PBS NewsHour 2015].
Today through domestic efforts, the island seeks to revitalize its agricultural markets, including making their mark in the specialty coffee industry (Nicholls 2007; NPR 2015; PBS 2015]. As the island imports about 80 percent of its goods (PBS 2015], this movement to revitalize the agricultural sector can serve not just as means for economic growth on the island, but also as a representation of Puerto Rican farmers' attempts to identify with a period in history where they believed they were one of the best producers worldwide, but was lost when coffee production on the island declined.
J: I've heard other producers talk about a movement, what do you think about that?
P: Definitely. Puerto Rico was once recognized world-wide as some of the best producers. The resurgence is coming because things stopped being done the way they were supposed to be done. The quality of coffee in the last
10


forty years and more because coffee companies, in addition to the government, have betrayed the consumers in Puerto Rico...and so while that is bad, someone was bound to notice and so here we are starting again...adelante. Pablo, 1st generation coffee farmer
In this thesis, I propose that coffee had an impact on the larger cultural identity of Puerto Ricans, and the recent attempts at revitalization may be linked to the reimaging of a negative past agrarian history into a symbol which promotes Puerto Rican-ness and authenticity. To identify this possible link, three important factors must be addressed. The first is to understand how sugar and coffee have had a historical impact on Puerto Ricans' perceptions of agriculture; the second is to identify specialty coffee farmers on the island and their relationship with coffee; and third is to explore how they view the market in terms of their own cultural identity. In chapter two I will discuss the methods I used for recruitment, interviewing, transcribing, and analyzing. The third chapter covers the two most important commodities that have shaped the agricultural sector of Puerto Rico: sugar and coffee. It will evaluate not only the impacts the crops had on the island, but also the colonial influences which could be impacting the culture currently. The fourth chapter will cover the emergence of coffee on the island and its rise to prominence, including the social problems that arose as result of its production and the influence it may have had towards the decline and stagnation of coffee markets over the course of decades. Furthermore, the jibaro, translated as a peasant or mountain-dwelling individual by my participants, will also be considered,
11


including the emergence of the neo-jibaro and the reformation of its original meaning. The fifth chapter will focus on the link between agriculture and the farmer's beliefs that they were destined to be producing coffee. The sixth chapter will review the hegemonic domination of the United States and its influences on the industrial revolution of the island, including its impact on coffee production. The sixth chapter will also focus on the revitalization of the coffee market and how the specialty coffee movement empowers farmers to get involved in the industry. Finally, I will analyze how these recent attempts to revitalize the market are linked to a national identity of the neo-jibaro, and the rebranding of the jibaro as a symbol of empowerment for this movement. I will consider how the revitalization of the coffee industry is linked to the specialty coffee movement and how the neo-jibaro has emerged as part of a national cultural identity which seeks to reconstruct the symbols of the agrarian past as means to empower the current coffee resurgence in the island. Puerto Rican national identity has "centered around a traditional agrarian past with is customs and folklore; and a romanticized and harmonious integration of the indigenous Taino, Spanish, and African components of society" (Davila 1997:5]. Thus, the idea of the neo-jibaro arising as a symbol for empowerment is not far off from current national identity's sentimental attachment to the jibaro, and all aspects surrounding him. I will develop this idea further in my discussion portion of this thesis. All interviews were conducted and translated by the author, and all the quotations are the opinions of the Puerto Rican coffee farmers and connoisseurs who are working to shift the market into the new era lead by the neo-jibaro.
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CHAPTER II
METHODS:
This research relied on traditional anthropological methods, including ethnographic fieldwork, semi-structured interviews, and participant observation.
Coffee production has traditionally been found in the center of the island of Puerto Rico, including regions like, Jayuya, Adjuntas, Las Marias, Lares, Ciales, and Utuado. Most of my interviews were conducted on site in these regions, also including one in San Lorenzo, an atypical region for coffee production. The author conducted twelve semi-structured interviews, and all but three interviews were recorded and later transcribed. All interviews were hand coded deductively for themes regarding identity; however, room was left for inductive coding as well. Interviews were transcribed with the Google online application called Transcribe, which allowed me to listen to my interviews and write at the same time without having two different programs open. In addition, the application has a function to dictate speech in various languages including Spanish. However, as a native Spanish speaker and with my dialect I found the dictation function to work poorly and transcribed all interviews in the traditional methods. After my interviews were transcribed, I color-coded emerging themes related to: identity, history, government assistance, and the specialty coffee movement. I sub-coded for additional themes such as negative perceptions about identity and positive perceptions about identity for each code. At the completion of coding, all codes which shared a color were then combined into a document together and further split by the subcategories I
13


initially coded for to find emerging themes, constant agreements in the participants' thinking, as well as any disagreements. Puerto Rico's small size allowed me to travel from one side of the island to the other in a span of a few hours. All the participants were in the municipalities at the center of the island, except for San Lorenzo which is further southeast.
Recruitment:
For my research study, I used purposive/judgement sampling. This recruitment tool is useful for intensive case-studies, or when you are attempting to do describe a cultural phenomenon (Bernard 2006]. I was aware of the target population that I wanted my study to focus on, and as the specialty coffee industry is niche in Puerto Rico, I found my participants through google searches and then through Facebook before directly contacting them or messaging them through social media. In addition, through chain referral sampling, on my first interview with a green coffee buyer I was given a list of additional individuals involved in the industry which I supplemented by finding their Facebook pages or their phone numbers for contact. This kind of sampling is useful when specific populations are difficult to find, or when there are not many members of that population over a large area (Bernard 2006].
While the island of Puerto Rico is not as large as many states in the U.S., my time was limited to 5 weeks, and having quick and direct access to the participants allowed me to conduct more interviews. I consider the green coffee buyer a key informant because he was heavily involved in the industry and knew the people who were selling the best specialty coffee on the island. After my interviews with him, I was able to find
14


other participants who also referred me through others. Facebook was an incredible tool for finding participants; however, I often called prior to messaging companies, shops, or haciendas, and used the messaging tool as a second step for recruitment after calling. Furthermore, I was in Puerto Rico during the months of December and January, which are often very busy months during the holidays including Christmas, New Years Eve, and lastly, Three King's Day. Many shops choose to close during this time, and it made scheduling difficult at times; having access to the population I needed for my study prior to conducting fieldwork allowed me to not make any unnecessary travel plans. In addition, Facebook and Google have business hours posted for many shops, and this was particularly useful for contact and recruitment and planning trips around the island. On average, I spent five hours a day traveling between sites and my home during my time on the island.
Interviews:
Bernard [2006] notes that there are three different ways to administer surveys: face-to-face interviews, self-administered questionnaires, and telephone interviews. I conducted twelve semi-structured interviews, ten of which were face-to-face interviews, and two were conducted by telephone due to scheduling conflicts. There are two advantages to conducting face-to-face interviews; the first is that I was able to speak to a target population who may not otherwise be able to provide information (Bernard 2006]. Prior to fieldwork I anticipated the possibility that some of the participants may not be able to read or write on their own, and while I did not directly ask if they could, this eliminated that obstacle. Furthermore, Bernard (2006] notes that
15


face-to-face interviews allow researchers the ability to fill in questions the interviewees may have or clarify any questions that may not be understood at the time of the interview. Furthermore, the advantage to face-to-face interviewing is that participants are more likely to agree to sit for a 1-2-hour period more so than they would be likely to complete a self-administered questionnaire. In addition, I completed two phone interviews, and while Bernard [2006] notes that it is difficult to conduct an interview by phone that lasts beyond 20 minutes, this is not the case when participants are personally interested in the topic.
All of my interviews were conducted in Spanish and lasted anywhere from 20 minutes to an hour due to the busy schedule of the participants. Three interviewees declined to be recorded; however, the remaining 9 interviewees were recorded and their interviews were later transcribed; the unrecorded interviews were supplemented with my fieldnotes. After each interview, I assigned a pseudonym to each participant, and an age-range as I did not directly inquire for their age demographics. Most the participants were 4th generation coffee farmers and could trace back their involvement as far back as the 1800s (see table 1 for full participant backgrounds below].
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PARTICIPANT
AGE RANGE
TITLE
COFFEE
SHOP(Y/N)
GENERATIONS
INVOLVED
Roman 30-40s Coffee roaster No 1 generation
Marco 40-50s Coffee picker/farmer No 4 generations
Juan 20-30s Coffee picker No 4 generations
Cesar 50-60s Coffee company/coffee farmer Yes 4 generations
Angel 80-90s Coffee company/coffee farmer Yes 4 generations
Alejandra 70-80s Coffee company/coffee farmer Yes 4 generations
Ines 40-50s Coffee company/coffee farmer No 1 generation
Santiago 40-50s Coffee company/coffee farmer Yes 1 generation
Pablo 30-40s Coffee company/coffee farmer Yes 1 generation
Mario 30-40s Coffee company/coffee farmer Yes 4 generations
Ricardo 70-80s Coffee company/coffee farmer Yes 4 generations
Andres 40-50s Green coffee buyer Yes 4 generations
17


CHAPTER III
BACKGROUND
The Histoiy of Puerto Rican Coffee:
After the Spanish conquest of Puerto Rico, the conquistadores exhausted the little gold to be found on the island and eradicated the Tamo indigenous people through war and diseases, resulting in a small population by the early sixteenth century (Bergad 1983: 3) Of the few Spanish settlers that remained, all relied on subsistence crops such as: "corn, casabe[cassava], and sweet potatoes"
(Bergad 1983:3). In addition to these subsistence crops, the Spanish also introduced sugar cane from the Canary Islands to Puerto Rico (Bergad 1983:3). Yet while Puerto Rico's soil was plentiful and fertile, very few colonizers came to the island, resulting in a population total of around 44,883 people of which 5,037 were slaves in 1765 (Bergad 1983: 3). However, a spike between 1768 and 1800, due to immigration, tripled the population of Puerto Rico to 155,426, an increase which would impact the demographics of the island significantly, and most importantly, their economic organization (Bergad 1983: 3). Through these demographic shifts, a "native entrepreneurial elite" emerged and the Puerto Rican hacendado class was formed
18


(Bergad 1983: 4]. This new class controlled much of the land production and influenced the expansion of exportation on the island (Bergad 1983:4]. The hacendado class has been described as a criollo elite who enjoyed "economic autonomy" (Bergad 1983: 4] on the island, and participated in illegally exporting and importing agricultural goods for manufacture with a variety of European merchants (Bergad 1983: 4].
This led to an increase of trading between European merchants and Puerto Rico's hacendado class, with the latter focusing its efforts on the export of sugar to the former (Bergad 1983:5]. Yet while sugar was growing in its importance to Puerto Rico, the production on the island was not large enough to meet the demands from Europe, a market which was 80 percent controlled by the French and the English (Bergad 1983: 5]. It was not until Puerto Rico began to increase sugar planting and rely on the use of slaves (Bergad 1983: 5] that the island was fully integrated into the overall world economy. Thus, as sugar became dominant, other crops such as coffee and tobacco were introduced (Bergad 1983: 6]. As production on the island continued to expand, so did the use of slaves which were now in high demand and brought over duty-free with hopes from Spain to gain control over the increasing foreign trade demands (Bergad 1983: 8].
Consumption of sugar and coffee rose in the United States and Europe, and offered Puerto Rico's economy the ability to increase most notably between 1760 to 1790 (Bergad 1983: 8]. However, the Haitian revolution in 1791 dramatically altered the entire world market for sugar and coffee (Bergad 1983:8]. Haiti was the largest exporter of both commodities, and with their presence in the market gone, islands like Puerto Rico experienced a growth in both their production and exports (Bergad 1983:
19


8]. Furthermore, with the massive increase in production, an influx of immigrants began to arrive with the desire to invest their capital and make their mark in the international market (Bergad 1983:9]. As the Haitian revolution led to an increase in prices for sugar and coffee, individuals fled from areas like St. Dominguez to Puerto Rico, which increased the production of sugar and coffee (Bergad 1983:9].
Coffee production in Puerto Rico grew because of the initial exports from the hacendados, and because of the low capital and labor demands that coffee offered in contrast to sugar (Bergad 1983: 6,10]. It is important to note that not everyone was involved in this massive increase in production and economic vitality (Bergad 1983:
10]. Much of the production of these export crops was happening along the coastal regions, and not within the central areas of the island (Bergad 1983: 10], which would later become the center for coffee production. Production was booming on the coastal regions because the resources needed, such as timber, were plentiful and there was no need to seek resources elsewhere (Bergad 1983:10]. This lack of communication between the central and coastal regions would become a very important aspect of the social and economic factors on the island as commercial agriculture began to expand (Bergad 1983:10].
Between 1815 and 1849, Puerto Rico's export and import markets (regulated by the Spanish starting in 1820] grew, and soon their goods could be found in trading ports in countries like Africa, Europe, North America, and even remote areas on the island itself (Bergad 1983: 13]. Coffee, while important, still did not maintain the presence that sugar did, and around the 1830s it stagnated for a while in its production; in 1824 there were 10,911,427 coffee trees planted, and that number only increased in
20


a decade to 12,832,522 (Bergad 1983:14]. The coffee industry, while still present on the island, would not see a true market boom for another two decades (Bergad 1983:19]. During this time, Corsican migrants were beginning to monopolize credit and trade in several municipalities in the coastal regions, while Mallorcans began to establish control of coffee in the towns in the middle of the island, pushing out the criollo elite families who initially established haciendas (Bergad 1983: 14]. In municipalities like Yauco (a region well-known for its coffee], the Corsicans began to establish pulperias or small country stores in the southern regions of Puerto Rico, moving the region further away from subsistence farming and more into commercial agriculture (Bergad 1983:23]. These pulperiaswere successful in that they functioned through a credit system where pulperos would exchange seeds, food, or manufactured goods to small farmers with the promise of receiving payment in the form of harvests (Bergad 1983: 23; Cintron Aguilu 2014]. No money was exchanged with this system, yet it managed to influence commercialization in regions where access to certain goods would normally require reaching out to other principal towns (Bergad 1983:23]. The harvests which were collected were then sold to other towns, sugar plantations, or exported abroad (Bergad 1983: 23]. Eventually this system spread throughout from commercial houses to trading ports, despite its fragility (Bergad 1983:24; Cintron Cintron Aguilu 2014:2]. This system was based on informal agreements, and did not
21


account for error, including the inability to produce harvests at the time of payment, which eventually led many merchants to become landowners through foreclosures and agreements which made the debtor give away their land titles to these creditors, the latter promising to return the titles after their payments were made (Bergad 1983: 23]. The lands were not always returned to the owners, and thus the Corsican merchants would then convert their newly gained land into productive coffee farms (Bergad 1983:23].
The Mallorcans began to arrive in 1830, pushing out the elite criollo families and controlling similar credit systems to those of the Corisicans, dominating the coffee markets (Bergad 1983: 31]. They remained in their municipalities well into 1898 and established tiendas (stores] near the coastal commercial houses where they could form networks from the coastal region trading ports to the large coffee municipalities (Bergad 1983: 23]. The fact remains that whether it was the coastal south, or central regions, Puerto Rico's coffee economy was dominated by migrants and the elite hacendados were no longer in control of the economic boom the island was experiencing. Furthermore, if we consider the credit system that was implemented earlier on, there was a strong divide between agrarian and commercial wealth, with the merchants controlling most of the resources
22


(Bergad 1983: 49]. This division led to much social tension, and eventually a political rebellion, known as the Grito De Lares (GDL] by 1868 (Bergad 1983:31].
Grito de Lares:
In 1868, a group of coffee planters, laborers, and slaves in the Lares municipality conquered a mountain town and declared a free republic of Puerto Rico before they were attacked by the Spanish (Bergad 1980: 617; Cintron Aguilu 2014:2]. This revolt included the arresting of large coffee merchants and creditors on the island by the revolutionaries and was linked to the social inequalities and economic struggle between an elite population in Lares and the criollos which formed over many years (Bergad 1980: 617-618]. As aforementioned, criolloswere the first families of hacendados involved in the agrarian production, yet their presence began to dwindle because of an influx of immigrant Mallorcans. Throughout the 1850s and 1860s Puerto Rico was experiencing an increase in coffee production; landowners of even the smallest cuerdas (.97 acres or .393 hectare] were planting coffee (Bergad 1980: 621]. The credit system that allowed for the success of the immigrants in the island usually dealt only in coffee harvests and land (Bergad 1980: 621; Bergad 1983]. The way the system worked was that merchants exchanged goods or cash advances for coffee markets after an agreement was made of 1 quintal of coffee (100 kgs, or just a little over 200 pounds], or what was otherwise promised during the exchange (Bergad 1980: 621]. Another widely accepted form of trade between merchants and the farmers was the transferring of land titles, as aforementioned. This market exchange led to wealth and power for these immigrants, and when they made enough profit, many of the merchants returned back
23


to Mallorca, leaving their businesses to younger dependientes who would follow in the footsteps of their predecessors and pass on the torch after their own success (Bergad 1980: 623].
Before the Grito de Lares, several events began to occur which ignited the fire of the revolution. First, in 1849 the Governor Juan de la Pezuela passed the Ley General de Jornaleros, which classified all nonprofessional, non-propertied men as jornaleros, which forced these men to seek work on farms and to carry notebooks which carried all their misconduct, debts, and records ofworkorface imprisonment (Bergad 1980: 627; Cintron Aguilu 2014:2]. In addition, under the new regulations, a laborer was anyone aged 16 and older who had land or worked someone's else's land without producing enough subsistence (Cruz 2014:1]. This system was put in place because the colonial authorities feared that there was a lack of laborers and felt that this enforcement of free labor would help solve the issue (Bergad 1980: 627]. The second factor which led to GDL was the increase in the price of land, 1 cuerda increased in 1849 from 6.60 pesos to 12.39 pesos by 1855 (Bergad 1980: 627]. Lastly, increasing tensions between agrarian and commercial elites of Lares due to income and land tenure shifts precipitated the final break before the rebellion in 1868 (Bergad 1980: 631]. Grito de Lares is an important rebellion when we consider the imbalance of power and economic tension that was bubbling throughout Puerto Rico during the boom of coffee throughout this part of the 19th century. However, while GDL is an important historical event, which is still celebrated and acknowledged today, the social tensions that led to the rebellion are worth exploring further, specifically the social classes that existed prior to the event. In addition, it is important to also consider the systems like the pulperias or the Ley
24


General de Jornaleros which created more tension and separation between the class systems in Puerto Rico and the rise of stereotypes and negative perceptions towards agriculture which are prevalent today (Bergad 1983: 61].
Social Class and Identity
As coffee became the main staple production on the island many landless squatters became agregados, or sharecroppers (Bergad 1983: 60; Gonzalez 2014: 1]. These sharecroppers arose during a time when one third of the population was landless, and individuals were trying to survive day by day (Gonzalez 2014:1]. The rich landowners of Puerto Rico labeled these individuals as a social ill that would increase social problems throughout the island (Gonzalez 2014:1]. These individuals worked in exchange for plots of lands to work on themselves during their free time (Gonzalez 2014:1]. However, the government and the rich landowners of Puerto Rico saw these individuals as "the destructive worms of the farms and plantations" (Gonzalez 2014: 1] and sought to change them into workers of the system (Gonzalez 2014: 1]. Thus, the Ley General de Jornaleros emerged. Many individuals sought ways to change their classification after the law was put in place, including: purchasing land to change their jornalero title; renting land from the landowners under contract to become arrendatarios (lessees]; or lastly failing to do either and work as free laborers under the law or face imprisonment (Bergad 1983: 60-61; 1980: 633]. The arrendatarios1 contracts included cash, however it has been noted that oftentimes laborers were paid by days they would spend on the owner's estates (Bergad 1980:634]. In short, this
25


unequal access to the economy and access to land were fermenting for some time before the GDL rebellion.
These different classes are still important for contemporary evaluation. Today agregados carry a negative connotation all of which represent "misery, poverty, oppression, and even slavery" (Bergad 1983: 61]. An important social identity that emerges with this is the jibaro. The jibaro has historically been attributed to the emergence of agregados, or sharecroppers (Gonzalez 2014:1]. The jibaro is described as a "hill dweller" and today is viewed as a symbol of "a nostalgic relic of the past, characterized by simplicity, good nature, shyness, and above all as an uncontaminated symbol of Puerto Rican cultural heritage" (Bergad 1983: 60]. The contrast between the agregado and the jibaro is that the latter is often romanticized and associated with "noble" and "humble spirits" (Bergad 1983:61] instead of the negative connotations of slavery and poverty, jibaros are viewed in such a positive light because they were independent, even if their homes were humble and made out of wood, they still maintained an independent autonomy over their labor, and over their livelihoods. They chose to live their lives humbly, they were not forced into doing so (Bergad 1983:61] The jornaleros are often viewed as a victim of the Spanish colonial government (Bergad 1983: 61], no positive outlook emerges when Puerto Ricans think of jornaleros. However, identity and class are much more complicated than three categories; Bergad (1983] notes that many prominent scholars of Puerto Rico don't see these identity groupings as closed, but rather that they are mobile and fluid and they were always linked to the fluctuations of the economy (Bergad 1983: 62]. Due to the laws that
26


created these different social categories the number of laborers grew, as well as "the
proletarianization...of Puerto Rican rural society" (Bergad 1983: 67].
CHAPTER IV The Neo-Jibaro:
P: In school they used to tell me, study hard otherwise you're going to be working on las fincas like the jlbaros, but I didn't care. That was what my parents did. That was all I ever wanted to do. Ricardo, 4th Generation Coffee Farmer
As Bergad noted, the idea of being a jlbaro isn't strictly a term used to describe the humble and independent hill dwellers, but has maintained a mobile and fluid connotation in Puerto Rican society. Many of my participants spoke about a negative reputation that has remained over the years. One of my fourth-generation participants spoke about wanting to work in the coffee fields. As I interviewed him, I noted the passion in his voice, one that I started to recognize in all my participants. His eyes lit up, lost in his story, recounting how his teachers scoffed at the idea of anyone working in the fields. Working in the mountains was an idea linked to the past, one that was not necessarily separate from the treatment of Puerto Ricans in the past. I sought to understand if this perspective was changing. I heard of the negative connotations throughout my lifetime in the form of an insult, but understood that it was also attached to the very image of traditional culture as well. This farmer incorporated the traditional
27


image of the jibaro all throughout his hacienda. There was a wooden coffee shop in the hacienda, separated from the torrefaciones [roasting area], where images of the working farmer were plastered all over the walls. Throughout my time traveling between haciendas I often saw similar decor. Wooden coffee shops were built on all the haciendas I visited, each representing the casitas of the past where the mountain dwellers lived. However, as I noted, not all my participants believed that the jibaro image was accepted throughout the island, despite their pride and self-identity of being one.
P: If someone came up to me and told me that I was a jibaro, I would feel happy. Proud. Perhaps people think that being from the mountains is negative, but because I'm from here, it doesn't bother me. j: So that's what it means then...living in the mountains...I've heard that there's a stigma against jibaros...or rather about being one, well really...
P: That we're uneducated -laughs-
j: Well yes, I suppose...do you think that it has affected the way people think about agriculture?
P: Maybe to a young person, I'm not sure, maybe being a jibaro bothers
them. But I don't know, really.
j: Doyou think that the perspective is changing?
P: I don't think so. I think if I was a young kid and someone called me a jibaro I'd be bothered...because we haven't really changed the image, and they don't think about it in the way that I do. I think if you call an older
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person a jibaro, they're less likely to be bothered. Marco, 4th generation coffee farmer
Despite his belief that young people wouldn't want to be called a jibaro, the same participant noted that coffee farming was growing in popularity due to the growing industry, and many people were considering it as backup for their retirements. This coffee farmer worked for a large coffee company, which produced a number of different types of coffee including a primary blend and a specialty blend.
P: People see that the industry is growing and people like Edgar (company owner] are successful, building these massive torrefaciones and they get motivated. They say, 'Look at that marvelous industry he built' and the fear about losing coffee harvests goes away, it's not like other harvests where they can't find buyers. The coffee industry is solid, and not just here, but all over the island. Marco
I interviewed a first-generation coffee farmer and coffee company owner soon after this initial interview. He was younger, in his late 30's to early 40's, and his beliefs were the opposite of the last. He was perhaps the most involved in the specialty coffee industry which abided by the Specialty Coffee Association regulations. He built his hacienda from the ground up into a successful business which relied not only on his coffee, but had restaurants and a catering business. Most importantly, it was one of the most impressive torrefaciones that I had seen throughout my fieldwork.
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P: For me the stereotypes about jibaros come from the people who were waking up early, those who were working the land. Despite any stereotypes, I feel like a jibaro. At times, yes, it might have a negative factor, but I think now you have young people who are educated, who have degrees in things like engineering, and they're also working the land. I think it's changing, and I think its revolutionizing into something great because these young people are seeing the marketable possibilities, but also, they're falling back in love with the land. If you look at me, none of my friends are involved in this business, and my family wasn't either, I was born to be an agriculturalist. Mario, 1st generation coffee farmer and connoisseur
Of all my interviews, only 2 individuals felt that the perspective wasn't changing: the one noted earlier, and another participant who also happened to be a first-generation coffee farmer. I cannot speculate why their beliefs were different, but on the other hand they did feel like they were working towards changing any negative perspectives. In addition, one participant noted that you didn't necessarily need to be an agriculturalist to be considered a jibaro.
P: An agriculturist isn't necessarily a jibaro, people often associate them as being the same, but that's not true. The meanings can differ depending on where you are, but for me, it simply means that you're from the mountains. We learned that agriculture was negative because that was how the system
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taught it to us, people got in the habit of thinking that it doesn't require attention and that there's a lack of education and a lot of ignorance from agriculturalist. So, we have this perspective that formed and was passed down through generations of Puerto Ricans which will take some time and will take some work to change so that people can begin to view agriculture as something different That is what we are working on. Santiago, 1st generation coffee farmer
In The People of Puerto Rico, Erik Wolf describes a scene in the San Jose Municipality where men wearing pavas (straw hats] and women with their cotton dresses are easily recognizable by their diction and movements in contrast to those who regularly circle the town center (1956:176]. Wolf describes the scene and notes that "the town folk laugh as they pass, mock them as stupid, illiterate, backward, and unsophisticated, and attempt to overcharge them wherever and whenever they can" (1956:176]. While the word isn't used by Wolf, what he appears to be describing is the traditional image of a jibaro. The stigmatization of jibaro, and the labels associated with these agricultural workers created a negative image that hasn't entirely been eradicated, and this scene, I believe, describes the negative association of jibaros that my participant was referring to. However, as noted above, not all my participants believed that the negative past was still affecting the status of the coffee industry, instead they felt that a new class of people was emerging, one with the label of a neo-jibaro.
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In an interview with another participant, I asked her what it meant to be a jibaro, and she replied that there was a neo-jibaro This term struck me because throughout the other interviews when I asked this question many of them spoke of the negative perception towards the jibaro or the changed perspective about the jibaro. None were as in depth about the origins of the jibaro, yet the common theme remains that there's a level of pride behind their answers. Her answer embodied more than just pride, but an analytical understanding of the changing mindset throughout the island towards agriculture.
P: I believe that we are uplifting ourselves as a neo-jibaro. When I think of what a traditional perspective of a jibaro-jibaro is, I think someone who had a limited educational background; however, they had so many options regarding agriculture. They had an understanding about agriculture, which is a beautiful thing because the land definitely teaches us what's right and what's wrong. And well, that was what I thought about when I thought about a jibaro. I think we're now living in a time where lots of people who have studied, who have more of an educational background are seeking out the land. If we're going back to that jibaro-jibaro, I don't know, but I do know we are seeing more people who love the land. We can't compare ourselves to the past jibaros because we have a different world, more education all around, and really important is our communication systems where you can get any information from, and people didn't have that back then. I know people from the mountains, my neighbors who cultivate the
32


land, have a beautiful home, and it may even be better than mine! -laughs-But with communication channels like television, the internet, phones, cellphones, I think it removes people from that past time. What I think I am seeing is not what we'd call a jibaro, traditionally because all it is now is that they live in the mountains. I think if we call it the neo-jibaro or the neo-campesino, that works because there's no comparison...it's a whole new level and communication has changed it all. It's marvelous, because I have my masters, I was going to be a pharmacist, and really all I love and all I want to do is to work and cultivate the land. That's why it's a different level, because I can go to a supermarket, talk to anyone and it doesn't matter because we've reached a new level of understanding. What is important here for us is empowerment. The perspectives are changing all around. If I consider my friends from school and when they see my sister, they're not saying "Look mija, what is she doing with her life?" On the contrary, people want to be closer to the land, when they feel nostalgia, they think about the coffee farms in Yauco, the mountains, and you know. They see that this is my reality, and it's not easy, and I tell them it's hard work, but it has something amazing that just convinces you. Now it is all an alternative, and there's lots of respect. This now has a place, and if you choose it, it's natural.- Ines, 1st gen. coffee farmer and connoisseur
No other participant spoke about how modern technology may play a huge role in how individuals gather information. During the times of early coffee production, the
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middle regions of Puerto Rico had limited communication with the coast, but now anyone can pick up the phone and call someone in another town, or even another country. In addition, with the internet, farmers can communicate with anyone. One of my participants who was a fourth-generation coffee farmer told me as a side note after my interview that websites like Facebook are very important to their business. In fact, this participant, his wife, and their son owned a small coffee company which has been widely recognized throughout the island and they told me social media was an important medium for them because they were able to advertise their coffee, and even take small orders that they were exporting into the United States. While they weren't exporting frequently, only by requests because export prices would be too high, they said it allowed for their coffee to reach a part of the world they may not otherwise have been able to.
The neo- jibaro thus is no longer confined to their municipality but now has communication access with individuals all over the world. While this may not feel like a great discovery, it does speak to the empowerment which social media and communication outlets may bring for these farmers. If the goal is to revitalize the coffee market and remove the stigma of the jibaro, these modes of communication are important to consider. When I was searching for interviewees, the first place I looked was a Facebook, and not only did the site give me suggestions for other haciendas or farms to communicate with, the farmers themselves responded to my messages, linked me to other individuals, and advertised through these social media platforms. Therefore, the neo-jibaro is not limited to their bubble of a world, but rather can share and learn from others in ways that would not have happened in the past. Of course, as
34


this type of technology did not exist during the time of the original jibaro, so it is difficult to compare them entirely as my participant mentioned. Rather the important piece is not linked to the technology but instead to the empowerment it provides for farmers. Another important piece about the neo-jibaro mentioned by my participant is the fact that people are now viewing farming as something to take seriously, and also as something natural or instinctual. The common theme linking all my participants was their love for their land and the fact that they all believed that they were destined to be agriculturalists.
The opinion of most of my interviewees is that the jibaro is someone who should be celebrated. It appears that Puerto Rican's perspectives have come a long way from Wolf s initial encounters with the individuals from the mountain region. Throughout my fieldwork on the island, I observed that many coffee farms and coffee shops resembled some form of a traditional wooden house, the very houses in which most of these individuals lived (Gonzalez 2014:1]. The very idea of the jibaro now seems to strike up a nostalgic feeling, and that of tradition.
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CHAPTER V
Destined for Growth:
A linking factor between my participants, and what should be an additional criteria for the neo- jibaro is the belief among the participants that they were destined to grow and produce coffee. Not a single one of my participants denied the importance of living the land, respecting the land, and how producing coffee felt like it was a part of their being.
P: I've been involved in coffee because of my dad, I continued working on la finca because I like it...it's something that is in your blood. Cesar, 4th generation coffee farmer
These kinds of statements regarding coffee production being part of the farmer's identity were common. In fact, every one of my participants spoke about feeling as if they were destined to work in agriculture, many specifically speaking of coffee only. Whether they were just recently beginning to get involved in the coffee industry or whether they were involved for multiple generations, everyone spoke about agriculture with a passion that is noteworthy. Below are their words:
P: It's all a process, but in reality, there is a grand emotional satisfaction when you harvest your crops and see them in your hands. It's indescribable,
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really. Why? Because it's a sign of all your hard efforts that you've put forth
throughout the year. Mario,1st generation coffee farmer
P: God has placed me here so that I can do this job, and I am doing God's work the way he wants me to, and I have let him take over our coffee. So principally that's it...with the coffee industry we believe we have a powerful message, a true message of truth and of actually...a transformative message and that is what keeps us going here. Santiago, 1st generation coffee farmer
P: "This is a natural thing ...when you give your all to the land and see the fruits of your labor...this is a natural thing. Natural is when you see the miracle of life, you plantyour coffee tree, you watch it grow, and you watch it grow its fruits. It's supernatural, spiritual, it's when God has used you as his instrument to spread his message. You can watch it succeed, watch it fall from the rain, or watch it fail under the sun or succeed under just enough sun, and that is spiritual. That is the experience that us agriculturalists experience." Santiago, 1st generation coffee farmer
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P: Seeing it all happen from watching it grown on the fine a, cultivating it, when it goes to the beneficiado [processing area; see appendix b] and smelling its aromas, its texture, and roasting it its smells...l love all ofit-Cesar, 4th generation coffee farmer
This perspective towards agriculture exemplifies what my participants said about the neo-jibaro, and how people are widely accepting this kind of work...it's now considered natural. When Ines spoke about nostalgia being associated with coffee farms, and how people are no longer judging the choice to get involved in this industry, it is because there is a new level of understanding of the work, and it ties to something that is inside you. Furthermore, these perspectives towards agriculture are empowering and normalizing for the neo-jibaros, so that even formally educated people from several different sectors are seeking out this type of work, or this sense of nostalgia. Reconnecting to the earth begins to feel like a destiny, and something that genuinely is just natural. If we consider loving or respecting the land as an additional criteria for the neo- jibaro, the participants' experiences all illuminate the fact that this was an important element to them, and thus what defined their very being. Furthermore, coffee-production is hard work and this commitment to production goes beyond economic gain, but rather something spiritual or as the destiny of these farmer.
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CHAPTER VI
The Decline of Coffee, and the Contemporaiy Revitalization
In Puerto Rico, coffee was not a competitor to sugar initially. With the favoritism towards the latter commodity, the coffee industry was stagnant during the course of agricultural commodification. However, from the late 1880s to the earlyl890s,
Puerto Rico was the third largest non-Brazilian exporter of Latin American coffee (Bergard 1983:147). Between 1886 and 1895 the price of coffee grew during every harvest, allowing for huge profits because of inflation and it required no more production than normal (Bergard 1983:150). Planters struck up contract loans with merchants with a promise for future crops in hopes to make a profit, and their land mortgages were required as legal collateral (Bergard 1983:150). Coffee is not always the most reliable crop. Just because you have a fully mature tree does not guarantee you'll get a full harvest on it; the temperament of coffee, in addition to environmental factors, led to many problems in meeting the demands for exports (Bergard 1983:151). An ideal situation for coffee growing is to have different plots of land that are producing while others aren't (Bergard 1985:151). This helps ensure that there is always production occurring, but because many of the coffee producers were poor small families, this wasn't likely. Furthermore, this would mean that the farmers who signed contract loans were unlikely to be able to uphold their part of the contract and would
39


lose any land that they had produced coffee in for failure to meet with the promised quantities (Bergard 1983:151]. Coffee farming did not decline just yet, however, and despite these obstacles, people continued to farm the commodity against warnings.
The producers of this fruit (coffee) should not bear too much trust in its future; the countries in which it is produced experience many years without surpassing the requirements for consumption and in addition its development will not happen with the current prices which are maintained" (Bergard 1983:172].
The warnings stated that farmers shouldn't invest their futures in the monoculture of coffee because while prices were good then, the success of it was not guaranteed to last, nor were the great prices they were getting for their coffee.
However, despite the warnings, people continued to grow coffee well into the 1890's all the while effecting the ecology of Puerto Rico (Bergard 1983:172]. The decline of the coffee industry is linked to various moments in history: the social categories and stigma that became associated with agriculture, a tropical storm in 1899 which destroyed much of the agricultural sector, and the invasion of the U.S. with their promotion for industrialization and new tariff system implemented (Bergard 1983: 205]. These new tariffs made the taxes too high to export coffee to Europe, who was their largest buyer, in addition to the increasing debts of planters making it hard to keep the market flowing.
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In 1917, a law called the Jones Act was passed that "requires everybody in Puerto Rico to buy goods from an American-made ship with an American crew," including shipping out domestically produced goods for future imports (Buiy 2015]. Thus, despite other countries possibly having cheaper goods, the import prices using American crews and ships forced the buyer to import only from the US, and buy at the more expensive level (Buiy 2015]. Exporting works similarly in that they must use American ships and an American crew instead of making direct trades, hiking up the costs. "The decline in prices, widespread agrarian debt, and the uncertainty resulting from new political order made availability almost nonexistent for most planters. There were no resources to rebuild the cafetales'' (Bergard 1983:209].
After the Spanish-American War, sugar was the leading commodity traded, favored by the United States. Coffee lost its importance, despite being a commodity that once instilled pride as being one of the best. However today, even with the decline of both sugar and coffee, production is encouraged. Recently, people's mindset began to shift from an industrialized one to one that encourages revitalization of the agricultural lifestyle. There are many efforts to attempt to utilize the island's resources and to begin to produce coffee, local fruits and vegetables, and even more recently, sugar. Many professionals adopt the farming lifestyle; for example, individuals may have a job in the medical field and may devote half their time to that steady income, and the remaining time to farming (PBS NewsHour 2015]. People are not seeing farming as a negative trabajo de jibaros anymore, and are beginning to see the importance of growing local foods, including coffee. My participants all spoke about these factors affecting the coffee
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industry, including the negative perceptions towards agriculture as an additional cause
for the failure.
J: Can you talk to me about coffee, and the history here in Puerto Rico?
P: Here in Puerto Rico we were producing enough coffee for our entire consumption on the island, and enough to export coffee outside of the island. The hurricanes killed us, after Hurricane George lots ofcuerdas were lost and lots of agriculturalists retired. So, coffee production declined to the point where we can't even produce for our consumption needs. Ricardo, 4th generation coffee farmer
J: Can you talk to me about coffee, and the history here in Puerto Rico?
P: ...We let it fail around the 1890s. We were the third biggest exporter of coffee in the world, 600,000 quintales...but without a doubt other countries advanced and became known for their coffee. However, there are many that when they speak about Puerto Rico, they speak about our coffee. We need to will ourselves so that that can return. We were one of the most recognized coffees world-wide, but there's still something here that it can return. -Mario, 1st generation coffee farmer
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J: Can you talk to me about coffee, and the history here in Puerto Rico? P: Americans [United States] did not know the coffee industry, they only knew the tea and sugar industry, and when they arrived in 1898 the industry begins to decline. Until today when you're beginning to see the industry revitalize under certain conditions. Eventually even the sugar industry failed because it was more economic to produce it in central America, so that's how it began to fail...some say it was also due to hurricanes at the end of the 19th century which added to the problem. -Santiago, 1st generation coffee farmer
J: Can you talk to me about coffee, and the history here in Puerto Rico?
P: Puerto Rico was the 4th biggest exporter of coffee in the old world. So, you can imagine how powerful and well established the economy was here. In 1998 Hurricane George in addition to the past dishonest practices in the market took the coffee industry out of the world market...though by 1898 we were already moving out of that coffee industry success. Mario, 1st generation coffee farmer
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J: Can you talk to me about coffee, and the history here in Puerto Rico?
P: We had a lot of workers but under conditions of slavery. With those unjust practices there was no peace, and those mistreatments caused a lot of social tensions, and even when slavery was abolished, the hacendados continued with conditions that were basically slavery too. People were mistreated; there wasn't any health, a lack of education, lack of food, lack of money and an economic system that only functioned within the haciendas to control the workers. They said they were trying to protect their workers but they weren't, and the workers didn't know the rest of the island and what was happening. But, Puerto Rico is so small that eventually things are exposed. Some historians also say that people forgot how to love the land, and those involved in the industry didn't teach their children how to love it either. Those who established the industry were all immigrants, and they were a class of people who were comfortable, and they controlled our economy. Then later the Americans arrived and finally the industry failed because sugar became more important. Santiago, 1st generation coffee farmer
Puerto Rico's coffee industry is always described with the fact that it was so successful, but the industry failed because of social, economic, and natural factors that eventually led the island to its current state. However, the hope is evident through the
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interviews. Farmers believe that they can revitalize this industry into something great. Not everyone spoke about the social tensions and the unstable credit system beyond a few farmers. The agrarian past is often viewed by my participants as a nostalgic time regarding the economic "stability that existed. Those that recognized the mistreatment of many laborers felt that it contributed to the decline and formed the negative stereotypes about agriculturists. In addition, a few noted that lafalta de obra was an important factor for the decline because with the industrialization of the island people moved to the larger metropolitan areas to find better paying jobs.
Industrialization, and Operation Bootstrap:
Decades after the US invasion of Puerto Rico, the island was going through a number of industrial changes, including becoming the main location for US-based apparel and textile firms (Caban 1989: 559]. Any profits which were earned on the island were free of taxation, and the Puerto Rican government saw these American firms as an opportunity for industrial advancement and a growing labor force (Caban 1989: 559]. After the second World-War the Partido Popular Democratico (PPD], one of the political parties in Puerto Rico, controlled the island's government from the 1940s until 1968, and promoted more industrialized programs on the island (Caban 1989: 560]. Thus, industrial programs were putin place, creating a division of labor where manufacturing jobs grew in favorability, and agricultural programs were replaced (Caban 1989: 560]. These industrial workers were a 'low-skilled, low paid industrial working class engaged in export commodity production (Caban 1989: 560]. In addition, throughout this time, human resource programs were developing which
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were meant to assist in administering social welfare programs (Caban 1989: 560]. This was something which one of my participants felt was linked to lafalta de obra, claiming that programs like welfare created a group of people unwilling to work the land anymore.
]: I've heard that the government has been trying to help revitalize agricultural programs, what has been your experience?
P: ...we have a problem with lafalta de obra here in Puerto Rico, and I think it's partly due to the social assistance programs we have here.Jt's a political question, but what it has created is a problem in that people no longer dedicate themselves to the land. We lost that hardworking tradition. I know there are people who have been dependent on that social system for four generations, and until that changes well...for me, l think that those programs should serve as incentive for people to work. You picked 500 dollars' worth of coffee? Well then you receive that money because you earned it and obviously if you don't pick anything, or don't work, then obviously,you won't earn anything. Ricardo, 4th generation coffee farmer
While this farmer felt that these social programs are the cause of the lack of laborers, it is also likely due to the increase in industrialization and the opportunities people felt it brought. In 1947, the U.S. policy Operation Bootstrap attempted to promote the "modernization of Puerto Rico by diversifying its monocrop economy; it
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saw the hundreds of sugar mills throughout the island as "promoting] a pattern of development which retarded urbanization and industrialization (Ayala 1996:9]. The U.S. implemented a series of incentives towards industrialization; a law was putin place which granted private firms a ten-year exemption from insular income and property taxes, excise taxes on machinery and raw materials, municipal taxes, and industrial licenses (Ayala 1996: 9]. These tax breaks encouraged the relocation of American factories producing various commodities: textiles, wearing apparel, footwear, electronics equipment, electric wiring, drafting tools, artist's brushes, fishing tackle, artificial flowers, and other plastic and metal articles were all assembled in Puerto Rico (Ayala 1996:9]. The program created factory jobs, which Puerto Rican laborers deemed superior to the sugar mill jobs that recalled the exploitative times of slavery. Puerto Rico's increasing urbanization and industrialization led to a decrease in agricultural jobs, and eventually to sugar companies crashing in the 1980's (Ayala 1996:19]. Much of this shift is also due to a change in the mentality of the citizens of Puerto Rico, stigmatizing agriculture as work of a jibaro, or peasant work and embracing a more industrialized Western lifestyle (PBS NewsHour 2015]. In 2000, the last few sugar mills were completely shut down (Grupo Editorial EPRL].
Puerto Rico was becoming more industrialized, and their identity was now beginning to be influenced by the globalized market. As Caudra writes: Since the mid-1950's, Puerto Ricans have come to know firsthand the blessings (or otherwise] of consumer capitalism, their lives ever more intertwined with automobiles, private residences, [and] television sets (Caudra 2013:199]. However, with this change in identity and what was the epitome of Western ideals, the island was becoming more
47


dependent on the U.S. World Systems Theory "explains linkages in the industrial era well. But we entered a post-industrial era after the 1970's and corporations began to relocate abroad for cheaper manual labor (Horton 2013:12]. Add migration into the mix during the 1950's and 60's of Puerto Ricans to the mainland, and to more industrialized cities on the island, and agricultural work only continues to decline (Ayala 1996:12]. In addition, the decline of the Puerto Rican agricultural industry and the reduction of its workforce affected access to local foods, and the culture of the island shifted to an industrialized one that depended on the import of goods to sustain the new lifestyles forming.
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CHAPTER VII
Revitalization Through Specialty Coffee
In 1978, "Erna Knutsen coined the term specialty coffee...she was describing coffees that that came from a specific geographic microclimate and had unique flavor profiles (Steiman 2013:102]. They were considered special coffees because their taste was unlike any other and was distinctively special (Steiman 2013:102]. However, since this initial claim of distinctiveness in the coffee profiles, the term has taken various definitions not solely linked to the taste, but also the regions it may come from, the quality of the coffee, its preparation, and other factors which may not only be directed by physical actions, but philosophical ones, too (Steiman 2013:103]. Specialty coffee thus has shifted into something great which is not easily defined in words but can be seen through the industry it has created (Steiman 2013:103]. One of the many defining aspects of specialty coffee is the quality. Through cupping methods, voters decide which coffee they like best through a ranking system; any coffee which scores above 80 is considered a specialty blend (Steiman 2013:103-104]. Yet it is not just the taste or the quality which makes this coffee special, specialty coffee has become an idea that needs to be embraced (Steiman 2013:104], but more importantly consuming specialty coffee needs to be an experience from the farm to the cup. "To farmers, it may give them greater income or personal pride (Steinman 2013:105].
J: When did the [specialty coffee] movement start in Puerto Rico?
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P: To give you a better idea, in Central America and in North America they've been at it since the 80s and 90s, but in Puerto Rico it just started in the 2000s, and there's still a long way to go. Everyone involved, whether a coffee picker, a roaster, or a beneficiador [the one who initially processes coffee] need to get educated. A lot of people still don't know the international regulations. We've got a proposal with SCAA [Specialty Coffee Association of America] here in Puerto Rico where we're trying to begin an association for specialty coffee to help assist with education for those involved in this industry. J: I've heard others talk about some sort of movement, can you talk to me about that?
P: I've seen it grow into a new era for coffee. I think people have seen that coffee is marketable, and I think people's pallets have also changed, they sit down and want to enjoy a great cup of coffee. People are so involved now, whether through latte art, or wanting to know where the source of their cup of coffee comes from. That's what will make this resurge, and what is helping the revolution. Mario, 1st generation coffee farmer
J: Do you think that specialty coffee is beneficial for Puerto Rico?
P: Of course! Right now, from what I understand many years back we were producing some of the best coffee in the world. We let ourselves go for a while, but if we get back to work, we can become some of the best in the world again. Not only just that, but also the zones here in Puerto Rico. People have come from other countries like Colombia or Costa Rica and
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they have told me that we have some of the most important zones for coffee production here in Puerto Rico. For example, when I went to Colombia we were in a colder region than here, same with Costa Rica. However, we have such a varied climate here in Puerto Rico...ifyou compare how heavy our harvests are to other trees in other countries it doesn't even compare... -Angel, 4th generation coffee farmer.
J: Why is specialty coffee beneficial for Puerto Rico?
P: Specialty coffee is the way to uplift the coffee industry in Puerto Rico. It is the only way that we will survive. We need to justify our prices, and we need to create something for our customers so that they will want to buy our coffee. We need to differentiate ourselves from the rest of the world. And how will we do that? We will create a quality coffee so different from the rest of the world that no other country can recreate. And how will we do that? We will take advantage of what Puerto Rico has to offer and take this to another level, as we have proven capable of doing in the past. Mario, 1st generation farmer
Puerto Rico's commercial coffee sells at around five dollars a pound. According to my participant, specialty coffee is not regulated in price like commercial coffee is, and thus specialty coffee sells on the island for fifteen dollars a pound and up in retail prices. He noted that the price was justified because of all the quality work it takes in creating the specialty blend, and that people did not complain because it was a great
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quality coffee. Furthermore, many of my participants sold commercial coffee in addition to specialty coffee. They all agreed that the benefits that specialty coffee offered the island of Puerto Rico were great, and they believed it was helping with the revitalization of the coffee industry. However, some felt that it was important to consider other consumers, too. Just because a new generation of people was interested in the origins of the coffee did not mean that everyone else was too. Specialty coffee in Puerto Rico was viewed often as the link to success, despite production of commercial coffee as well. Farmers were proud of what they were producing, and they were benefiting economically too. An interesting note is that when I spoke about specialty coffee, some farmers mentioned that what was produced on the island in the past was likely to be close to the specialty coffee regulations of today. One told me that it was likely to be considered "gourmet coffee, which is just a grade below specialty. However, considering the limitations in machinery and roasting techniques, it's impressive that coffee from the 1800s has maintained a reputation of such high standards.
The initial standards for categorizing specialty coffee include the microclimates; all my participants spoke about the weather variation, and the location of the island producing a zone that was optimal for coffee production. I asked a participant to clarify what he meant by optimal location and he said that in the center of the island, the rains and trade winds that passed through the island brought in nutrients and created a flavor profile that is unique to the island of Puerto Rico. Thus, seeing the specialty coffee market as means for revitalization makes sense, especially if they felt as if they have been producing quality coffee since the inception of the industry on the island. Puerto Rico's involvement in the specialty coffee industry is not at the level at which it could
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be, and all my participants mentioned that there was more they could all be doing. However, despite arriving late to the worldwide specialty coffee movement, the opportunity is still present. People are interested in understanding where their coffee comes from, and it is not only related to the taste profiles, but rather it is something you embrace and experience.
It is important to incorporate the fact that most the haciendas I visited were
covered in decor from the past. Whether it was a tour of the machinery used for processing coffee, a personal tour regarding how their hacienda worked, or a tour about the history. The quality coffee sold itself, but it was a different incidence of walking through history, as many of these farms have been working for generations. Visitors were embracing the experience and enjoying themselves.
Before one of my interviews I was greeted by an older woman, the wife of the coffee farmer, who showed me around the hacienda as we waited for his arrival. This farm had open tours and you needed to call in advance to be shown around. I arrived around the same time an American couple and their two young children did. We spoke for a while, I exchanged information, such as how we found out about the hacienda. The young couple was on vacation from Maine, and heard about the farm through Facebook. When
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the wife of the coffee farmer recognized that I spoke English and Spanish she looked relieved and elated. She asked me to assist her with the tour because she was not the best English-speaker, and her husband was running late. As she told us some of the history I translated for her, and the couple engaged in everything I was telling them. For them it did not matter that we were all communicating in a cluster of different languages and exchanges, they embraced the experience and the moment. We were treated like family at the hacienda, fed cake and given free samples without even a word about buying anything afterwards, although of course we all did. What the farmers wanted was for us to experience their everyday lives and appreciate the industry for what it was.
Puerto Rican specialty coffee is opening the doors for many farmers. Whether they solely sold specialty coffee or not, they all acknowledged the importance of this type of coffee and what it had to offer the island. In addition, they all embraced the idea of being jibaros, this romanticized symbol, though I would argue that these individuals were perhaps actually neo- jibaros. They were all involved in such a niche market, understood the regulations, and taught them to their visitors. Furthermore, they all communicated through technology, advertised through technology, and lived a different reality than the agrarian past. The specialty market has thus influenced the neo- jibaro, and opened doors for many farmers who may not have been as successful otherwise. The fact is that this industry is so great that just down a large hill in the center of the island a couple and two children from Maine, a young woman working on her thesis from a university in Denver, and four Puerto Ricans all embraced an experience which came together through this niche market.
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CHAPTER VIII
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION:
Puerto Rican migration to the United States began in the 1940s after the introduction of Operation Bootstrap (Duany 2010]. The industry which encouraged the modernization of the agricultural sector was limited in the amounts of low-skilled jobs it could offer people and it was around this time that migration to the United States began to rise (Duany 2010]. Between 1948-1970 the agricultural sector went from employing 44.9 percent of the island's laborers to only 9.9 (Duany 2010]. In attempts for further development on the island, The Farm Labor Program emerged recruiting close to 500,000 people from the island to work as migrant farm laborers in the United States (Duany 2010]. According to Duany (2010] this was the second largest attempt to gather temporary laborers right after the Mexican Bracero program. Many of these individuals were rural landless laborers on the island (Duany 2010], looking for an economic opportunity. As Puerto Ricans have been considered U.S. citizens since 1917, their status as migrant workers allowed them access to more money, and better work and living conditions than those who were undocumented (Duany 2010].
It has been noted through archival data that many farmers wrote to their families to talk about their living conditions, and some even filed lawsuits against their employers to seek out better wages, living and working conditions, and for their right to edible food (Duany 2010]. Nonetheless, their status as laborers through "government sponsored migration" led Puerto Rico to become a "transnational nation-state" (Duany 2010:246]. Thus, Duany believes that this Farm Labor Program defined Puerto Ricans
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as domestic laborers but also allowed them to maintain their culture and language outside of the island [2013]. What remains important, however, is the fact that programs like the Farm Labor Program led to a surplus of workers in the mainland after World War II (Duany 2010] and the transnational formation of cultural nationalism of Puerto Ricans.
Agriculture has thus historically served as an important aspect of Puerto Rican identity. Through its initial rise after Spanish Colonialism, the coffee export booms, and well into the invasion of the United States, farming has remained rooted in the formation of the Puerto Rican people's identity. Many of my participants noted that for a long time being a jibaro was a negative stereotype because it was linked to mistreatment and suffering of Puerto Rican laborers. Even after the waves of migration to the mainland, laborers wrote about the mistreatment they faced and the lack of access to stable living and working conditions. Since Puerto Ricans do have rights that American citizens have, it is not a surprise that many of them have favored working in the metropolitan areas or sought technical and industrialized jobs, a factor which many participants felt was linked to the lack of laborers today. Nonetheless, the migration of Puerto Rican laborers provides an interesting perspective regarding today's rise of the neo- jibaro. As Puerto Ricans have maintained this transnational cultural nation from the mainland to the island, it is no surprise that ideas flow constantly between Puerto Ricans living in either region.
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Puerto Rico's colonial status led to debates for pro-statehood, pro-independence, and pro-commonwealth around 1952; the latter's use of cultural identity symbols was used as a political tool to gain momentum (Davila 2010). The promotion of the island's cultural distinctiveness was used to "neutralize the...growing separatist sentiments on the island by promoting a cultural rather than a political basis for national identity" (Davila 2010: 73; Davila 1996). Thus, cultural symbols were used by government
installed offices, such as The Institute for Puerto Rican Culture, to sponsor and assign certifications for local artists or groups which promote their ideas about authenticity (Davila 20120). Puerto Rican culture was "treated not as ways of life and everyday culture, but as that which provides the 'content' of Puerto Rican-ness, and was 'objectified' as something that could be lost or possessed" (Davila 2010: 74). Puerto Rican-ness and national identity were objectified and controlled by the dominant class in order to promote their interests within the rule of the United States (Davila 2010). Puerto Rico was promoted as an all-inclusive island of Indian, Spanish, and African roots which promoted folklore and images of the agrarian society (Davila 2010). They endorsed the island as a utopian pre-capitalistic or non-capitalistic society as culturally authentic; this idea was thus validated by the United States' political control over the island (Davila 2010).
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Davila [2010] writes that images of the peasant are the core of Puerto Rican national identity and is used as a symbol to emphasize authenticity; in addition, "the prevalence of the idiom of culture [serves] as the primary medium for debating politics on the island" [76]. However, images of peasant and agrarian culture are not limited to political and government programs. Today, Davila [2010] notes that corporations such as Budweiser and PepsiCo are using nationalist symbols to promote and sell their products. By sponsoring cultural festivals, they are thus pushing for their products to become associated with Puerto Rican culture [Davila 2010]. The corporate sponsorship of festivals is therefore a marketing technique which promotes brand loyalty, all the while affecting local identities [Davila 2010]. Davila [2010] notes that the use of Puerto Rican symbols for endorsing these corporations has lead "to the promotion of popular representations of Puerto Rican identity and the propagation of public spaces for cultural debate and contestation" [73].
If we consider the Farm Labor Programs, the government issued symbols of authenticity, and the diaspora of Puerto Ricans between the island and the mainland, it would be no surprise if these played a factor in the specialty coffee movement on the island today. Puerto Rican culture is promoted by the local government through the images of the agrarian past, which for many of my participants is their contemporary reality. Images of the jibaro are not only limited to the island, but are also found in the United States as ways to define "Puerto Rican-ness," such as the use of the pava [straw hats] in public places or casitas [wooden houses] constructed in abandoned lots in New York City [Duany 2003: 7]. Thus, ideas about what it means to be Puerto Rican have
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spread throughout the island and the mainland and are rooted within this agrarian symbol.
It is clearly beneficial for Puerto coffee farmers to embody the use of the jibaro in the promotion of their coffee businesses. The casita shaped coffee shops, the old pre-capitalistic machinery as decor, and images of the peasant farmer throughout their haciendas, all serve not as just their agrarian reality but as a marketing tool which brands their coffee as authentically Puerto Rican. The neo- jibaro emerges as a member of Puerto Rican society which represents not only the farmer's ideals, but also a postcolonial reimagining of the jibaro that can be used to promote their authentic, and "ciento porciento Puerto Rican coffee. Furthermore, as the world continues to grow more globalized, so much so that corporations such as Budweiser are being used on the island as authentic representations of Puerto Rican-ness, the reshaping of these symbols for promotion seems likely to have spread to local businesses, including my participant's coffee businesses.
Furthermore, I argue that the exchanging of ideas could be an important factor in the emergence of the neo- jibaro. As my participant noted, the most important aspect of the neo- jibaro is the increased communication modes and access to technology. Through generations of exchange, Puerto Ricans traveling back and forth between the mainland were likely to have some American influence which was exchanged on the island, including the use of technology and American perspectives towards agriculture and what constitutes as reliable jobs. The increase of Puerto Ricans living in urban settings thus could have impacted and assigned a negative stereotype against agriculture which, as noted by the participants, impacted the agricultural sector for
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quite some time. Yet, if we consider contemporary movements in the United States, such as the rise of local foods, organic foods, and the rise of specialty coffee shops, it is not surprising to see these things emerge on the island, too. Some of the participants spoke about people wanting to get back to the land and viewing nature as something to preserve, a mindset that has grown in the United States, also. Thus, as the specialty coffee movement rises in Puerto Rico and assists with the revitalization of coffee production, it is possible that it may also be linked to the exchanging of American ideals occurring through the Puerto Rican diaspora.
To conclude, Puerto Rico's status as a colony has led to the promotion of agrarian symbols as authentic Puerto Rican-ness and has been influenced by governmental politics vis-a-vis its status within the United States; the promotion of these symbols, the erasure of the treatment of farm laborers, and the reimagining of the jibaro has spread for the endorsement of products not just limited to large corporations but within local economic markets. The history of agriculture of the island is no longer seen as just a negative past but instead as an opportunity to promote authenticity within local products and has been so successful that these images have led to the reimagining of the jibaro and construction of a neo- jibaro.
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References Cited
Ayala, Cesar J. 'The Decline of the Plantation Economy and the Puerto Rican
Migration of the 1950's. In Latino Studies Journal vol. 7, no. 1 [1996]: 61-90.
Bergad, Laird W. "Toward Puerto Rico's Grito de Lares: Coffee, Social Stratification, and Class Conflicts, 1828-1868." The Hispanic American Historical Review 60, no. 4 [1980]: 617-642.
Bergad, L.W., 1983. Coffee and the growth of agrarian capitalism in nineteenth-century Puerto Rico.
Bernard, H. Russell. Research methods in anthropology: Qualitative and quantitative approaches. Rowman Altamira, 2006.
Buiy, Chris, and PBS NewsHour.'ls This 1917 Law Suffocating Puerto Rico's Economy?" PBS. August 13, 2015. Accessed May 13, 2016.
http://www.pbs.org/newshour/making-sense/jones-act-holding-puerto-rico-
back-debt-crisis/.
Caban, Pedro A. "Industrial Transformation and Labour Relations in Puerto Rico:
From 'Operation Bootstrap'to the 1970s." Journal of Latin American Studies 21, no. 03 [1989]: 559-591.
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Caban, Pedro A. Constructing a Colonial People: Puerto Rico and the United State, 1898-1932 (Colorado: Westview Press, 1999), 1-15; 15-20; 67-79.
Cintron Aguilu, Amflcar. "The Decline of the Coffee Industry in Puerto Rico."
Encyclopedia of Puerto Rico, http://www.encvclopediapr.org (Accessed January 9, 2017).
Cintron Aguilu, Amflcar. "Puerto Rico's Economy under Spanish Rule."
Encyclopedia of Puerto Rico, http://www.encvclopediapr.org (Accessed January 9, 2017).
Cruz, Leo. "Puerto Rico coffee growing region." Arcgis.com. November 17, 2016. Accessed May 5, 2017.
https://www.arcgis.com/home/item.html?id=5ae2ab31b512400d99dcbae2d24
5d4fl
Davila, Arlene M. Sponsored identities: cultural politics in Puerto Rico. Vol. 13. Temple University Press, 1997.
Duany, Jorge. The Puerto Rican nation on the move: Identities on the island and in the United States. Univ of North Carolina Press, 2003.
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Duany, Jorge. "A Transnational Colonial Migration: Puerto Rico's Farm Labor Program" in New West Indian Guide vol.84, no. % (2010): 225-251.
Edwards, Chermelle "The hipster coffee revolution is going to save your morning and the planet. Are you ready to pay a little more to help?" in The Guardian August 26, 2014, Accessed May 1, 2016
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/aug/26/coffee-
revolution-pay-more-manifesto
Gonzalez, Manuel Tardi. "Sharecroppers in the 19th Century" Encyclopedia of
Puerto Rico, http://www.encyclopediapr.org (Accessed January 9, 2017).
Goodnough, Abby. "Puerto Rico Coffee Farms Look to Regain past Glory." In New York Times News Service. August 2, 2005. Accessed May 1, 2016.
Grupo Editorial EPRL. "Coffee Estates." Encyclopedia of Puerto Rico. http://www.encyclopediapr.org (Accessed January 9, 2017).
Horton, Sarah. "The Modern World System." Lecture, Anthropology 2012, Denver, May 10, 2016.
Nicholls, Walter "It's a Labor-Intensive Trip From the Slope to the Sip" in Washington Post. January 10, 2007.
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NPR "Puerto Rico is Sowing a New Generation of Small Farmers" May 16, 2015, Accessed May 01, 2016
http://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2015/05/06/4Q4649122/puerto-rico-is-
sowing-a-new-generation-of-small-farmers
PBS NewsHour. "Puerto Rico Seeks to Reclaim Island's Farming Industry." PBS.
August 22, 2015. Accessed May 1, 2016.
http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/dependent-imports-puerto-ricos-culinary-scene-eyes-local-rebirth/.
Steiman, Shawn, "What is Specialty Coffee" in Coffee: A comprehensive guide to the bean, the beverage, and the industry. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2013.
The Youth's Companion, "Coffee Raisin in Puerto Rico" in American Periodicals vol.
73, no 20 [1899]: 256.
Weis sm an, Michaele. God in a cup: The obsessive quest for the perfect coffee. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2011.
Wolf, Eric R. "San Jose: Subcultures of a traditional coffee municipality." The People of Puerto Rico [1956]: 171-264.
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APPENDIX A
Preguntas para Entrevista:
1. ^Me podrfa hablar sobre la historia del cafe puertorriqueno?
2. Cuenteme si le es posible, sobre la produccion del cafe especial en Puerto Rico.
3. ^Conoce mas personas que esten cultivando cafe especial como usted?
a. Son jovenes, profesionales, etcetera.
4. ^Que le influyo a sembrar el cafe?
a. ^Cuanto tiempo lleva cultivando el cafe?
5. ^Que es lo mas que le gusta del cultivo de cafe?
6. ^Cuanto tiempo dedica a la agricultura? ^que porciento de su ingreso, (si se puede conocer] proviene del cafe?
a. ^Crees que sembrar cafe especial es beneficioso?
b. ^Siembra algun otro tipo de cultivo?
7. Escuche que el gobierno esta tratando de ayudar y apoyar la agricultura ^cual ha sido su experiencia?
a. ^Puede contarme mas sobre lo que ellos estan haciendo para apoyar los caficultores?
8. Es cierto que hay mas gente tratando de cultivar el cafe especial en la isla, ^me puede hablar sobre eso?
9. ^Que quiere decir segun su opinion que alguien es un jibaro?
a. He escuchado que existe un estigma sobre los agricultores de que son jibaros, ^que quiere decir eso?
b. ^Crees que esta perspectiva esta cambiando?
10. ^Son sus antepasados de Puerto Rico?
a. Si no, ^Se identifica usted como puertorriqueno?
11. ^Que significa ser no solo un agricultor, pero un agricultor puertorriqueno?
a. Cuenteme sobre su experiencia.
12. ^Cree que el cafe puertorriqueno es un aspecto importante de la culturay de la identidad de Puerto Rico?
13. ^Que es distinto del cafe puertorriqueno comparado al de otras partes de mundo?
14. ^Cual es la diferencia entre un caficultor, un catador y un agricultor?
15. He escuchado a otros agricultores hablar sobre el resurgir del cafe, como un movimiento, ^cual es su sentir al respecto? de
a. ^Cree que los agricultores se estan beneficiando de la produccion de cafe especial?
16. Hay alguna otra cosa relacionada con el caficultor puertorriqueno que le pregunte y considera debo conocer?
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APPENDIX B:
A participant said that the beneficiado got its name because during harvesting time, everyone would bring their coffee to the town centers to sun dry in the town squares. The reason it this name caught on was because everyone benefitted from the area as they were then able to sell their coffee to companies or those who had the equipment to thoroughly process the coffee, including the machinery for cleaning, roasting, and grinding.
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Full Text

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REIMAGINING THE JIBARO: POST COLONIAL IDENTITY IN PUERTO RICO AND THE SPECIALITY COFFEE MARKET by JASMIN VELEZ B.A., Bloomsburg University of Pennsylvania, 2015 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Anthropology, College of Liberal Arts

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ii This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by Jasmin Velez has been approved for the Anthropology Program by John Brett Sarah Horton Marty Otaez Date: July 21, 2017

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iii Velez, Jasmin B.A., Anthropology Reevaluating the Jibaro: Post Colonial Identity in Puerto Rico and the Specialty Coffee Revitalization Thesis directed by Associate Professor John Brett ABSTRACT In the 19 th century coffee dominated the economic markets of Puerto Rico. Favored by Europe an consumers some claim that even the Vatican savored its unique flavor and the island held a reputation for producing high quality coffee that has long since outlasted the mark et itself. After ownership of the island passed from Spain to the United States, a shift to sugar economies,natural causes, and social stratification issues, caused the coffee markets of Puerto Rico to plummet. Despite its reputation for producing high qua lity coffee, the island has failed to match the production level it once had In the last decade, there ha ve been attempt s to revitalize the stagnant coffee market by focusing its production on specialt y coffee. This thesis uses anthropological theory and qualitative methodologies to explore linkages of postcolonial identity of Puerto Rican specialty coffee farmers, and their attempts to succeed in the third wave coffee market. The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publicatio n. Approved: John Brett

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iv DEDICATION This work is dedicated to all the coffee farmers who trustingly opened their haciendas, fincas, and hearts to me. It was their willingness to speak with me and their teachings that made this research study possible. Secondly, I would like to than k my parents. T heir love for me and support for my passions has given me the opportunity to do what I love most, and I am forever grateful. Lastly, I would like to dedicate this thesis work to Puerto Rico itself, the small island that has shaped my culture, my identity, and which during this horrific economic crisis has somehow managed to remind me that we can be strong and powerful, no matter our size.

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v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This research study would not have been possible without the following: Dr. John Brett, my committee chair and advisor who supported me and guided my every step of the research path. I feel lucky to be one of the last few students to have been advised by you during your tenure and I look forward to working with you in the anthropological world further. Thank you for being open, excited, and suppo rtive of my research, which I am immensely humbled to have been able to do. Dr. Sarah B. Horton, your work with migrant farm worker s is truly inspirational, and I hope to one day be a strong advocate for the people I work with, as you have been with your participants. Thank you for your support, your enthusiasm for my research, and for making me a better writer. Dr. Marty Otaez, I thank you for your support the last few years, your enthusiasm for my research, your flexibility, and your technological advice. I am grateful for your willingness to be a part of my thesis committee team and for all your help. Connie Turner for all your help and support the last few years. I would not have been able to get through graduate school without your advice and your advocacy over the years. The University of Colorado Denver and the Anthropology Department are lucky to have you, as is any student who passes through in the next few years Meredith Wilson Elizabeth Sweitzer and Ray McPherson for their peer review. The Department of Anthropology at University of Colorado Denver for their support and their funding for my thesis travels. This res earch would not have run as smoothly if not for their support. The Colorado Multiple Institutional Review Board for the review and exempt approval for protocol 16 2060. The University of Colorado Denver, and the College of Liberal Arts for granting me the ability to conduct this research.

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vi TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................... 8 INTRODUCTION: ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 8 CHAPTER II ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................ 13 METHODS: ................................ ................................ ................................ .............................. 13 CHAPTER III ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................... 18 BACKGROUND ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 18 The History of Puerto Rican Coffee: ................................ ................................ ..................... 18 Grito de Lares: ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ 23 Social Class and Identity ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 25 CHAPTER IV ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................... 27 The Neo Jbaro: ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 27 CHAPTER V ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................ 36 Destined for Growth: ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 36 CHAPTER VI ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................... 39 The Decline of Coffee, and the Contemporary Revitalization ................................ ............ 39 Industrialization, and Operation Bootstrap: ................................ ................................ ................. 45 CHAPTER VII ................................ ................................ ................................ .......................... 49 Revitalization Through Specialty Coffee ................................ ................................ ............. 49 CHAPTER VIII ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................ 55 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION: ................................ ................................ ......................... 55 References Cited ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 61 APPENDIX ................................ ................................ ................................ .............................. 65

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vii LIST OF TABLES 1. Participant background and demographics

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8 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION: observing how the forests on both sides of the road were overflowing with green, and looming over the cars ahead of us. It made my eyes widen trying to take in all the contrasting colors that we quickly drove pas t sometimes greeted by a bright flor de ma ga growing in the wild. rainy season in Puerto Rico, and it was now mid t help but think about the farmers that I was meant to interview soon and their affected harvests, a thought that would later be confirmed by many of them. The coffee A F i eldnotes In popular culture, the coffee industry has gone through two waves and has been shifting into its newest one. emergence in the homes of consumers (Weissman 2011); the second wave is d efined as the rise of the the increase in shops like Peets C offee or Starbucks (Weissman 2011) The foundation s of the third wave coffee market are

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9 based on the origins of the coffee plant, the processing of the beans, and lastly the methods by which it is brewed (Edwards 2014). During my time in Puerto Rico, many of the farmers I spoke to emphasized the importance of brewing coffee a specific way, so me adhering specifically to regulations from the Specialty Coffee Association, others unaffiliated, but maintaining methods that have been passed down for generations relations hip with coffee is complex, associated with a dark past, but it also maintains a position of hope for many people. The hope of i sland producers is to revitalize the agricultural markets on the island and produce harvests that they can identify with and pro udly claim as their own. This thesis will explore the relationship between national cultural symbols of identity and the rise of the specialty coffee movement on the island, and how it may be linked to the resurgence of coffee production on the island. Pu erto Rican coffee has been out of the international market since its initial decline after hurricanes, lack of laborers, and the invasion of the United States in 1898, when sugar took precedence over coffee in the commodity market economy, and with the int roduction of new tariffs (Nicholls 2007; Caban 1999: 70 78). Despite a claim in industry in Puerto Rico, and will certainly introduce the product for consumption in the United Vienna, Pa ris and Madrid served Puerto Rican coffee in the 19th century, as did

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10 was exporting more than 60 million pounds of coffee a year T oday only 2 million pounds of coffee are p roduced yearly, which make s up a supply that barely meets the demands of the island, and any export from the past is now a distant dream often requires imports from neighboring islands like the Dominican Republic (Nicholls 2007), and as a few of my participants noted Mexico. In recent years, there has been a resurgence of agriculture on the island, a 25 percent increase that has created 6,500 jobs (PBS NewsHour 2015). This increase resulted from the government pushing to revitalize the agricultural sector by providing subsidies and equipment for farmers (PBS NewsHour 2015). Today through domestic efforts the island seeks to revitalize i ts agricultural markets, including making their mark in the specialty coffee industry (Nicholls 2007; NPR 2015; PBS 2015). As the island imports about 80 percent of its goods (PBS 2015), this movement to revitalize the agricultural sector can serve not jus t as means for attempts to identify with a period in history where they believed they were one of the best producers worldwide, but was lost when coffee production on the island declined. J: about that? P : Definitely. Puerto Rico was once recognized world wide as some of the best producers. The resurgence is coming because things stopped being done the wa y they were supposed to be done. The quality of coffee in the last

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11 forty years and more because coffee companies, in addition to the government is bad, someone was bound to notice and so here we are starting Pablo, 1 st generation coffee farmer In this thesis, I propose that coffee had an impact on the larger cultural identity of Puerto Ricans, and the recent attempts at revitalization may be linked to the reimaging of a negativ e past agrarian history into a symbol which promotes Puerto Rican ness and authenticity. To identify this possible link, three important factors must be addressed. The first is to understand how sugar and coffee have had a historical impact on Puerto Rican perceptions of agriculture; the second is to identify specialty coffee farmers on the island and their relationship with coffee; and third is to explore how they view the market in terms of their own cultural identity. In chapter two I will discuss the methods I used for recruitment, interviewing, transcribing, and analyzing. T he third chapter cover s the two most important commodities that have shaped the agricultural sector of Puerto Rico: sugar and coffee. It will evaluate not only the impacts the crop s had on the island, but also the colonial influences which could be impacting the culture currently The fourth chapter will cover the emergence of coffee on the island and its rise to prominence including the social problems that arose as result of its production and the influence it may have had towards the decline and stagnation of coffee markets over the course of decades. Furthermore, the jbaro translated as a peasant or mountain dwelling individual by my participants, will also be considered,

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12 incl uding the emergence of the neo jbaro and the reformation of its original meaning. The fifth they were destined to be producing coffee. The sixth chapter will review the hegem onic domination of the United States and its influences on the industrial revolution of the island, including its impact on coffee production. The sixth chapter will also focus on the revitalization of the coffee market and how the specialty coffee movement empowers farmers to get involved in the industry. Finally, I will analyze how these recent attempts to revitalize the market are linked to a national i dentity of the neo jbaro and the rebranding of the jbaro as a symbol of empowerment for this movement. I will consider how the revitalization of the coffee industry is linked to the specialty coffee movement and how the neo jbaro has emerged as part of a national cultural identity which seeks to reconstruct the symbols of the agrarian past as means to empower the current coffee traditional agrarian past with is customs and f olklore; and a romanticized and harmonious integration of the indigenous Taino, Spanish, and African components of neo jbaro arising as a symbol for s sentimental attachment to the jbaro and all aspects surrounding him. I will develop this idea further in my discussion portion of this thesis. All interviews were conducted and translated by the author, and all the quotations are the opinions of the Pu erto Rican coffee farmers and connoisseurs who are working to shift the market into the new era lead by the neo jbaro

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13 CHAPTER II METHODS : This research relied on traditional anthropological methods, including ethnographic fieldwork, semi structured interviews, and participant observation. Coffee production has traditionally been found in the center of the island of Puerto Rico, including regions like, Jayuya, Adjuntas, Las Marias, Lares, Ciales, and Utuado. Most of my interviews were conducted on sit e in these regions, also including one in San Lorenzo, an atypical region for coffee production. The author conducted twelve semi structured interviews, and all but three interviews were recorded and later transcribed. All interviews were hand coded deduct ively for themes regarding identity; however, room was left for inductive coding as well Interviews were transcribed with the Google online application called Transcribe which allowed me to listen to my interviews and write at the same time without havin g two different programs open. In addition, the application has a function to dictate speech in various languages including Spanish. However, as a native Spanish speaker and with my dialect I found the dictation function to work poorly and transcribed all interviews in the traditional methods. After my interviews were transcribed, I color coded emerging themes related to: identity, history, government assistance, and the specialty coffee movement. I sub coded for additional themes such as negative perceptio ns about identity and positive perceptions about identity for each code. At the completion of coding, all codes which shared a color were then combined into a document together and further split by the subcategories I

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14 initially coded for to find emerging t from one side of the island to the other in a span of a few hours. All the participants were in the municipalities at the center of the island, except for San Lorenzo which is further southeast. Recruitment: For my research study, I used purposive/judgement sampling. Th i s recruitment tool is useful for intensive case studies, or when you are attempting to do describe a cultu ra l phenomenon (Bernard 2006 ). I was aware of the target population that I wanted my study to focus on, and as the specialty coffee industry is niche in Puerto Rico, I found my participants through google searches and then through Facebook before directly contacting them or messaging them through social media In addition, through chain referral sampling, on my first interview with a green coffee buyer I was given a list of additional individuals involved in the industry which I supplemented by finding the ir Facebook pages or their phone numbers for contact. This kind of sampling is useful when specific populations are difficult to find, or when there are not many members of that population over a large area (Bernard 2006). While the island of Puerto Rico is not as large as many states in the U.S. my time was limited to 5 weeks, and having quick and direct access to the participants allow ed me to conduct more interviews. I consider the green coffee buyer a key informant because he was heavily involved in the industry and knew the people who were selling the best specialty coffee on the island. After my interviews with him I was able to find

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15 other participants who also referred me through others. Facebook was an incredible tool for finding participants ; however, I often called prior to messaging companies, shops, or haciendas, and used the messaging tool as a second step for recruitment after calling. Furthermore, I was in Puerto Rico during the months of December and January which are often very busy months during the holidays including Christmas, New Years made scheduling difficult at times; having access to the population I needed for my study prior to conducting f ieldwork allowed me to not make any unnecessary travel plans. In addition, Facebook and Google have business hours posted for many shops, and this was particularly useful for contact and recruitment and planning trips around the island. On average I spen t five hours a day traveling between sites and my home during my time on the island. Interviews: Bernard (2006) notes that there are three different ways to administer surveys: face to face interviews, self administered questionnaires, and telephone inter views. I conducted twelve semi structured interviews, ten of which were face to face interviews, and two were conducted by telephone due to scheduling conflicts. There are two advantages to conducting face to face interviews; the first is that I was able t o speak to a target population who may not otherwise be able to provide information (Bernard 2006). Prior to fieldwork I anticipated the possibility that some of the participants may not be able to read or write on their own, and while I did not directly a sk if they could this eliminated that obstacle. Furthermore, Bernard (2006) notes that

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16 face to face interviews allow researchers the ability to fill in questions the interviewees may have or clarify any questions that may not be understood at the time of the interview. Furthermore, the advantage to face to face interviewing is that participants are more likely to agree to sit for a 1 2 hour period more so than they would be likely to complete a self administered questionnaire. In addition, I completed two phone interviews, and while Bernard (2006) notes that it is difficult to conduct an interview by phone that lasts beyond 20 minutes, this is not the case when participants are personally interested in the topic. All of my interviews were conducted in Span ish and lasted anywhere from 20 minutes to an hour due to the busy schedule of the participants. Three interviewees declined to be recorded ; however, the remaining 9 interviewees were recorded and their interviews were later transcribed; the unrecorded int erviews were supplemented with my fieldnotes. After each interview, I assigned a pseudonym to each participant, and an age range as I did not directly inquire for their age demographics. Most the participants were 4 th generation coffee farmers and could tr ace back their involvement as far back as the 1800s (see table 1 for full participant backgrounds below ).

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17

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18 CHAPTER III BACKGROUND The History of Puerto Rican Coffee : After the Spanish conquest of Puerto Rico, the conquistadores exhausted the little gold to be found on the island and eradicated the Tano indigenous people through war and diseases, result ing in a small population by the early sixteenth century (Bergad 1983: 3) Of the few Spanish settlers that remained, all relied on subsistence crops s casabe [cassava], and sweet potat o (Bergad 1983:3). In addition to these subsistence crops, the Spanish also introduced sugar cane from the Canary Islands to Puerto Rico (Bergad 1983:3). Yet while Puerto fertile very few colonizers came to the island resulting in a population total of around 44,883 people of which 5,037 were slaves in 1765 (Bergad 1983: 3). However, a spike between 1768 and 1800 due to immigration tripled the population of Puerto Rico to 155,426, an increase which would impact the demographics of the island significantly, and most importantly their economic and the Puerto Rican hac endado class was formed

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19 (Bergad 1983: 4). This new class controlled much of the land production and influenced the expansion of exportation on the island (Bergad 1983:4). The hacendado class has been described as a criollo the island, and participated in illegally exporting and importing agricultural goods for manufacture with a variety of European merchants (Bergad 1983: 4). This led to an increase of trading between European merchants and Puerto hacendado class with the latter focusing its efforts on the export of sugar to the former (Bergad 1983:5). Yet while sugar was growing in its importance to Puerto Rico, the pr oduction on the island was not large enough to meet the demands from Europe, a market which was 80 percent controlled by the French and the English (Bergad 1983: 5). It was not until Puerto Rico began to increase sugar plan t ing and rely on the use of slave s (Bergad 1983: 5) that the island was fully integrated into the overall world economy. Thus, as sugar became dominant, other crops such as coffee and tobacco were introduced (Bergad 1983: 6). As production on the island continued to expand, so did the use of slaves which were now in high demand and brought over duty free with hopes from Spain to gain control over the increasing foreign trade demands (Bergad 1983: 8). C onsumption of sugar and coffee rose in the United States and Europe and offered Puerto 1790 (Bergad 1983: 8). However, the Haitian revolution in 1791 dramatically altered the entire world market for sugar and coffee (Bergad 1983:8). Haiti was the largest exporter of bot h co mmodities, and with their presence in the market gone, islands like Puerto Rico experienced a growth in both their production and exports (Bergad 1983:

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20 8). Furthermore, with the massive increase in production, an influx of immigrants began to arrive with t he desire to invest their capital and make their mark in the international market (Bergad 1983:9). As the Haitian revolution led to an increase in prices for sugar and coffee, individuals fled from areas like St. Dominguez to Puerto Rico which increased t he production of sugar and coffee (Bergad 1983:9). Coffee production in Puerto Rico grew because of the initial exports from the hacendados and because of the low capital and labor demands that coffee offered in contrast to sugar (Bergad 1983: 6, 10). It is important to note that not everyone was involved in this massive increase in production and economic vitality (Bergad 1983: 10). Much of the production of these export crops was happening along the coastal regions, and not within the central areas of the island (Bergad 1983: 10), which would later become the center for coffee production. Production was booming on the coastal regions because the resources needed, such as timber, were plentiful and there was no need to seek resources elsewhere (Bergad 1983: 10). This lack of communication between the central and coastal regions would become a very important aspect of the social and economic factor s on the island as commercial agriculture beg a n to expand (Bergad 1983: 10). Between 1815 and the Spanish starting in 1820) grew, and soon their goods could be found in trading ports in countries like Africa, Europe, North America, and even remote areas on the island itself (Bergad 1983: 13). Coffee, while important, still did not maintain the presence that sugar did, and around the 1830s it stagnated for a while in its production; in 182 4 there were 10,911,427 coffee trees planted, and that number only increased in

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21 a decade to 12,832,522 (Bergad 1983: 14). The coffee industry, while still present on the island, would not see a true market boom for another two decades (Bergad 1983:19). Dur ing this time, Corsican migrants were beginning to monopolize credit and trade in several municipalities in the coastal regions, while Mallorcans began to establish control of coffee in the towns in the middle of the island, pushing out the criollo elite f amilies who initially established haciendas (Bergad 1983: 14). In municipalities like Yauco (a region well known for its coffee), the Corsicans began to establish pulperias or small country stores in the southern regions of Puerto Rico, moving the region f urther away from subsistence farming and more into commercial agriculture (Bergad 1983:23). These pulperias were successful in that they functioned through a credit system where pulperos would exchange seeds, food, or manufactured goods to small farmers with the promise of receiving payment in the form of harvests (Bergad 1983: 23; Cintron Aguil 2014). No money was exchanged with this system, yet it managed to influence commercialization in regions where access to certain goods would normally require reaching out to other principal towns (Bergad 1983:23). The harvests which were collected were then sold to other towns, sugar plantations, or exported abroad (Bergad 1983: 23). Eventually th is system spread throughout from commercial houses to trading ports, despite its fragility (Bergad 1983:24; Cintron Cintron Aguil 2014:2). This system was based on informal agreements, and did not

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22 account for error, including the inability to produce har vests at the time of payment which eventually led many merchants to become landowners through foreclosures and agreements which made the debtor give away their land titles to these creditors, the latter promising to return the titles after their payments were made (Bergad 1983: 23). The lands were not always returned to the owners, and thus the Corsican merchants would then convert their newly gained land in to productive coffee farms (Bergad 1983:23). The Mallorcans began to arrive in 1830, push ing out th e elite criollo families and controll ing similar credit systems to those of the Corisican s dominat ing the coffee market s (Bergad 1983: 31). The y remained in their municipalities well into 1898 and established tiendas (stores) near the coastal commercial houses where they could form networks from the coastal region trading ports to the large coffee municipalities (Bergad 1983: 23). The s coffee economy was dominated by migrants and the elite hacendados were no longer in control of the economic boom the island was experiencing. Furthermore, if we consider the credit system that was implemented earlier on, there was a strong divide between agrarian and commercial wealth, with the merchants controlling most of the resources

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23 (Bergad 1983: 49). This division led to much social tension, and eventually a political rebellion, known as the Grito De Lares (GDL) by 1868 (Bergad 1983:31). Grito de Lares : In 1868, a group of coffee planters, laborers, and slaves in the Lares municipality conquered a mountain town and declared a free republic of Puerto Rico before they were attacked by the Spanish (Bergad 1980: 617; Cintron Aguil 2014:2). This revol t included the arresting of large coffee merchants and creditors on the island by the revolutionaries and was linked to the social inequalities and economic struggle between an elite population in Lares and the criollos which formed over many years (Bergad 1980: 617 618). As aforementioned criollos were the first families of hacendados involved in the agrarian production, yet their presence began to dwindle because of an influx of immigrant Mallorcans. Throughout the 1850s and 1860s Puerto Rico was experie ncing an increase in coffee production; landowners of even the smallest cuerdas ( 97 acres or .393 hectare) w ere planting coffee (Bergad 198 0 : 621). The credit system that allowed for the success of the immigrants in the island usually dealt only in coffee harvests and land (Bergad 1980: 621; Bergad 1983). The way the system worked was that merchants exchanged goods or cash advances for coffee markets after an agreement was made of 1 quintal of coffee ( 100 kgs, or just a little over 200 pounds ), or what was otherwise promised during the exchange (Bergad 1980 : 621). Another widely accepted form of trade between merchants and the farmers was the transferring of land titles, as aforementioned. This market exchange led to wealth and power for these immigrants, a nd when they made enough profit many of the merchants returned back

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24 to Mallorca, leaving their businesses to younger dependientes who would follow in the footsteps of their predecessors and pass on the torch after their own success (Bergad 1980: 623). Bef ore the Grito de Lares, several events began to occur which ignited the fire of the revolution. First, in 1849 the Govern o r Juan de la Pezuela passed the Ley General de Jornaleros which classified all nonprofessional, non propertied men as jornaleros whi ch forced these men to seek work on farms and to carry notebooks which carried all their misconduct debts, and records of work or face imprisonment (Bergad 1980: 627; Cintron Aguil 2014:2). In addition, under the new regulations, a laborer was anyone enough subsistence (Cruz 2014:1). This system was put in place because the colonial authorities fe ared that there was a lack of laborers and felt that this enforcement of free labor would help solve the issue (Bergad 1980: 627). The second factor which led to GDL was the increase in the price of land, 1 cuerda increased in 1849 from 6.60 pesos to 12.39 pesos by 1855 (Bergad 1980: 627). Lastly, increasing tensions between agrarian and commercial elites of Lares due to income and land tenure shifts precipitated the final break before the rebellion in 1868 (Bergad 1980: 631). Grito de Lares is an important rebellion when we consider the imbalance of power and economic tension that was bubbling throughout Puerto Rico during the boom of coffee throughout this part of the 19 th century. However, while GDL is an important historical event, which is still celebra ted a n d acknowledged today, the social tensions that led to the rebellion are worth exploring further, specifically the social classes that existed prior to the event. In addition, it is important to also consider the systems like the pulperias or the Ley

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25 General de Jornaleros which created more tension and separation between the class systems in Puerto Rico and the rise of stereotypes and negative perceptions towards agriculture which are prevalent today (Bergad 1983: 61). Social Class and Identity As coffee became the main staple production on the island many landless squatters became agregados, or sharecroppers (Bergad 1983: 60; Gonzalez 2014: 1). These sharecroppers arose during a time when one third of the population was landless, and individuals we re trying to survive day by day (Gonzalez 2014:1). The rich landowners of Puerto Rico labeled these individuals as a social ill that would increase social problems throughout the island (Gonzalez 2014:1). These individuals worked in exchange for plots of l ands to work on themselves during their free time (Gonzalez 2014: 1). However, the government and the rich landowners of Puerto Rico saw these and sought to change them into workers of the system (Gonzalez 2014: 1). Thus, the Ley General de Jornaleros emerged. Many individuals sought ways to change their classification after the law was put in place, including: purchasing land to change their jornalero title; renting land from the landowners under contract to become arrendatarios (lessees); or lastly failing to do either and work as free laborers under the law or face imprisonment (Bergad 1983: 60 61; 1980 : 633). The arrendatarios contracts included cash, however it has been noted that oftentimes laborers were paid by days they woul In short, this

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26 unequal access to the economy and access to land were fermenting for some time before the GDL rebellion. These different class es are still important for contemporary evaluation. Today agregados emerges with this is the jbaro. Th e jbaro has historically been attributed to the emergence of agregados or sharecroppers (Gonzalez 2014:1). The jbaro is described as characterized by simplicity, good na ture, shyness, and above all as an uncontaminated agregado and the jbaro is that the latter is often romanticized and associated with d 1983:61) instead of the negative connotations of slavery and poverty. Jbaros are viewed in such a positive light because they were independent, even if their homes were humble and made out of wood, they still maintained an independent autonomy over thei r labor and over their livelihoods T hey chose to live their lives humbly, they were not forced into doing so (Bergad 1983:61) The jornaleros are often viewed as a victim of the Spanish colonial government (Bergad 1983: 61), no positive outlook emerges when Puerto Ricans think of jornaleros. However, identity and class are much more complicated than three categories; Bergad (1983) notes that ma ny prominent scholars of groupings as closed, but rather that they are mobile and fluid and they were always linked to the fluctuations of the economy (Bergad 1983: 62). Due to the laws that

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27 created these different soci al categories CHAPTER IV The Neo Jbaro : parents did. That was all I ever wanted to do. Ricardo, 4th Generation Coffee Farmer As Bergad noted, the idea of being a jbaro the humble and independent hill dwellers, but has maintained a mobile and fluid connotation in Puerto Rican society Many of my participants spoke about a negative reputation that has remai ned over the years. One of my fourth generation participants spoke about wanting to work in the coffee fields. As I interviewed him, I noted the passion in his voice, one that I started to recognize in all my participants. His eyes lit up, lost in his stor y, recounting how his teachers scoffed at the idea of anyone working i n the fields. Working in the mountains was an idea linked to the past, one that was not necessarily separate from the treatment of Puerto Ricans in the past. I sought to understand if this perspective was changing. I heard of the negative connotations throughout my lifetime in the form of an insult, but understood that it was also attached to the very image of traditional culture a s well This farmer incorporated the traditional

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28 image o f the jbaro all throughout his hacienda. There was a wooden coffee shop in the hacienda, separated from the torrefaciones [roasting area] where images of the working farmer were plastered all over the walls. Throughout my time traveling between haciendas I often saw similar dcor. Wooden coffee shops were built on all the haciendas I visited each representing the casitas of the past where the mountain dwellers lived. However, as I noted, not all my participants believed that the jbaro image was accepted throughout the island, despite their pride and self identity of being one. P: If someone came up to me and told me that I was a jbaro, I would feel happy. Proud. Perhaps people think that being from the mountains is laughs ected the way people think about agriculture? J: Do you think that the perspective is changing?

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29 ely to be bothered. Marco, 4th generation coffee farmer jbaro the same participant noted that coffee farming was growing in popularity due to the growing industry, and many people were considering it as backup for their retirements. This coffee farmer worked for a large coffee company, which produced a number of di fferent types of coffee including a primary blend and a specialty blend. P: People see that the industry is growing and people like Edgar (company owner) are successful, building these massive torrefaciones and they get motivated. They say, and the but all over the island. Marco I interviewed a first generatio n coffee farmer and coffee company owner soon were the opposite of the last. He was perhaps the most involved in the specialty coffee industry which abided by the Specialty Coffee Association regulations. He built his hacienda from the ground up into a successful business which relied not only on his coffee, but had restaurants and a catering business M ost importantly, it was one of the most impressive torrefacion es that I had seen throughout my fieldwork.

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30 P: For me the stereotypes about jbaro s come from the people who were waking up early, those who were working the land. Despite any stereotypes, I feel like a jbaro. At times, yes, it might have a negative fac tor, but I think now you have young people who are educated, who have degrees in things and I think its revolutionizing into something great because these young people are seeing t in love with the land. If you look at me, none of my friends are involved in agriculturalist. Mario, 1st generation coffee farmer and connoisseur : t he one noted earlier, and another participant who also happened to be a first generation coffee farmer. I cannot speculate why their beliefs were differe nt, but on the other hand they did feel like they were working towards changing any negative an agriculturalist to be considered a jbaro. ecessarily a jbaro, people often associate them as We learned that agriculture was negative because that w as how the system

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31 agriculturalist. So, we have this perspective that formed and was passed down through generations of Puerto Ricans which will take some time and will take some work to change so that people can begin to view agriculture as something different. That is what we are working on. Santiago, 1 st generation coffee farmer In T he People of Puerto Rico Erik Wolf describes a scene in the San Jose Municipality where men wearing pavas (straw hats) and women with their cotton dresses are easily recognizable by their diction and movements in contrast to those who regularly circle the town center (1956: 176). Wolf describes the scene and notes hat he appears to be describing is the traditional image of a jbaro The stigmatization of jbaro and the labels associated with eradicated, and this scene, I believe, describe s the negative association of jbaros that my participant was referring to. However, as noted above, not all my participants believed that the negative past was still affecting the status of the coffee industry, instead they felt that a new class of people was emerging, one with the label of a neo jbaro.

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32 In an interview with another participant, I asked her what it meant to be a jbaro neo jbaro the other interviews when I aske d this question many of them spoke of the negative perception towards the jbaro or the changed perspective about the jbaro None were as in depth about the origins of the jbaro level of pride behind their ans wers. Her answer embodied more than just pride, but an analytical understanding of the changing mindset throughout the island towards agriculture. P: I believe that we are uplifting ourselves as a neo jbaro. When I think of what a traditional perspecti ve of a jbaro jbaro is, I think someone who had a limited educational background ; however, they had so many options regarding agriculture. They had an understanding about agriculture, which is a beautiful thing because the land definitely teaches us what have studied, who have more of an educational background are seeking out back to that jbaro ourselves to the past jbaros because we have a different world, more education all around, and really important is our communication syst ems then. I know people from the mountains, my neighbors who cultivate the

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33 land, have a beautiful home, and it may even be better than mine! laughs But with communication channels l ike television, the internet, phones, cellphones, I think it removes people from that past time. What I think I am that they live in the mountains. I think if we call it the neo jbaro or the neo campesino my masters, I was going to be a pharmacist, and really all I love and all I want to do is to w here for us is empowerment. The perspectives are ch anging all around. If I want to be closer to the land, when they feel nostalgia, they think about the coff ee farms in Yauco, the mountains, and you know. They see that this is something amazing that just convinces you. Now it is all an alternative, and natural. Ines, 1st gen. coffee farmer and connoisseur No other participant spoke about how modern technology may play a huge role in how individuals gather information. During the times of early coffee production, the

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34 middle regions of Puerto Rico had limited communication with the coast, but now anyone can p ick up the phone and call someone in another town, or even another country. In addition, with the internet, farmers can communicate with anyone. One of my participants who was a fourth generation coffee farmer told me as a side note after my interview that websites like Facebook are very important to their business. In fact, this participant, his wife, and their son owned a small coffee company which has been widely recognized throughout the island and they told me social media was an important medium for t hem because they were able to advertise their coffee, and even exporting frequently, only by requests because export prices would be too high, they said it allowed for th eir coffee to reach a part of the world they may not otherwise have been able to. The neo jbaro thus is no longer confined to their municipality but now has communication access with individuals all over the world. While this may not feel like a great discovery, it does speak to the empowerment which social media and communication outlets may bring for these farmers. If the go al is to revitalize the coffee market and remove the stigma of the jbaro these modes of communication are important to consider. When I was searching for interviewees the first place I looked was a Facebook, and not only did the site give me suggestions for other haciendas or farms to communicate with, the farmers themselves responded to my messages, linked me to other individuals and advertised through these social media platforms. Therefore, the neo jbaro is not limited to their bubble of a world, b ut rather can share and learn from others in ways that would not have happened in the past. Of course, as

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35 this type of technology did not exist during the time of the original jbaro so it is difficult to compare them entirely as my participant mentioned R ather the important piece is not linked to the technology but instead to the empowerment it provides for farmers. Another important piece about the neo jbaro mentioned by my participant is the fact that people are now viewing farming as something to tak e seriously, and also as something natural or instinctual The common theme linking all my participants was their love for their land and the fact that they all believed that they were destined to be agriculturalist s T he opinion of most of my interviewee s is that the jbaro is someone who should fieldwork on the island, I observed that many coffee farms and coffee shops resembled some form of a traditional wooden house, the very houses in which most of these individuals lived (Gonzlez 2014:1). The very idea of the jbaro now seems to strike up a nostalgic feeling, and that of tradition

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36 CHAPTER V Destined for Growth : A linking factor between my participants, and what should be an addition al criteria for the neo jbaro is the belief among the participants that they were destined to grow and produce coffee. Not a single one of my participants denied the importance of living the land, respecting the land, and how producing coffee felt like it was a part of their being. P: Cesar, 4 th generation coffee farmer These kinds of statements regarding coffee production being part of the farmer identity were common. In fact, every one of my participants spoke about feeling as if they were destined to work in agriculture, many specifically speaking of coffee only. Whether they were just recently beginning to get involved in the coffee industry or whether they were involved for multiple generations, everyone spoke about agriculture with a passion that is noteworthy. Below are their words: but in reality, there is a grand emotional satisfaction

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37 throughout the year. Mario, 1 st generation coffee farmer P: God has placed me here so that I can do this job, and I am doing Gods work the way he wants me to, and I have let him take over our coffee. So message, a true message of truth and that is what keeps us going here. Santiago, 1 st generation coffee farmer when you see the miracle of life, you plant your coffee tree, you watch it grow, and you watch his instrument to spread his message. You can watch it succeed, watch it fall fr om the rain, or watch it fail under the sun or succeed under just enough sun, and that is spiritual. That is the experience that us agriculturalist s Santiago, 1 st generation coffee farmer

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38 P: Seeing it all happen from watching it grown on the finca, cultivating it, when it goes to the beneficiado [processing area ; see appendix b ] and Cesar, 4 th generation coffee farmer This perspective towards agriculture exemplifies what my participant s said about the neo jbaro considered natural. When Ines spoke about nostalgia being associated with coffee farms, and how people are no longer judging the choi ce to get involved in this industry it is because there i s a new level of understanding of the work, and it ties to something that is inside you. Furthermore, these perspectives towards agriculture are empowering and normalizing for the neo jbaro s so th at even formally educated people from several different sectors are seeking out this type of work, or this sense of nostalgia. Reconnecting to the earth begins to feel like a destiny, and something that genuinely is just natural. If we consider loving or r especting the land as an additional criteria for the neo jbaro the participants experiences all illuminate the fact that this was an important element to them, and thus what defined their very being. Furthermore, coffee production is hard work and this commitment to production goes beyond economic gain, but rather something spiritual or as the destiny of these farmer.

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39 CHAPTER VI The Decline of Coffee, and the Contemporary Revitalization In Puerto Rico, coffee was not a competitor to sugar initially With the favoritism towards the lat t er commodity, the coffee industry was stagnan t during the course of agricultural commodification However, f rom the late 1880s to the early1890s, Puerto Rico was the third largest non Brazilian exporter of Latin American coffee (Bergard 1983:147). Between 1886 and 1895 the price of coffee grew during every harvest, allowing for huge profits because of inflation and it required no more production than normal (Bergard 1983:150). Planters struck up contract loans with merchants with a promise for future crops in hopes to make a profit, and their land mor tgages were required as legal collateral (Bergard 1983:150). Coffee is not always the most reliable crop J ust because you have a fully mature tree does not guarantee factors, led to many problems in meeting the demands for exports (Bergard 1983:151). An ideal situation for coffee growing is to have different plots of land that are producing production occurring, but because many of the coffee producers were poor small contract loans were unlikely to be able to uphold their part of the contract and would

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40 los e any land that they had produced coffee in for failure to meet with the promised quantities (Bergard 1983:151). Coffee farming did not decline just yet, however, and despite these obstacles, people continued to farm the commodity against warnings. The pr oducers of this fruit (coffee) should not bear too much trust in its future; the countries in which it is produced experience many years without surpassing the requirements for consumption and in addition its development will not happen with the current pr (Bergard 1983: 172). monoculture of coffee because while prices were good then, the success of it was not guaranteed to last nor were the great prices they were getting for their coffee. the while e ffecting the ecology of Puerto Rico (Bergard 1983:172). The decline of the coffee industry is linked to various moments in history : the social categories and stigma that became associated with agriculture, a tropical storm in 1899 which destroyed much of the agricultural sector, and the invasion of the U.S. with their promotion for industrialization and new tariff system implemented (Bergard 1983: 205). These new tariffs made the taxes too high to export coffee to Europe, wh o was their largest buyer, in addition to the increasing debts of planters making it hard to keep the market flowing.

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41 Puerto Rico to buy goods from an American made ship with an American crew including shipping out domestically produced goods for future imports (Bury 2015). Thus, despite other countries possibly having cheaper goods, the import prices using American crews and ships forced the buyer to import only from the US, and buy at the more expensive level (Bury 2015). Exporting works similarly in that they must u se American ships and an American crew instead of making direct trades, hiking up the costs. from new political order made availability almost nonexistent for most planters. T here After the Spanish American War, sugar was the leading commodity traded, favored by the United States. Coffee lost its importance, despite being a commodity that once instilled pride as b eing one of the best. However today even with the decline of shift from an industrialized one to one that encourages revitalization of the agricultural lifestyle. There a to produce coffee, local fruits and vegetables, and even more recently, sugar. Many professionals adopt the farming lifestyle; for example, individuals may have a job in the medical field and may devote half their time to that steady income, and the remaining time to farming (PBS NewsHour 2015). People are not seeing farming as a negative trabajo de jbaros anymore, and are beginning to see the importance of growing local foods, including coffee. My participants all spoke about these factors affecting the coffee

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42 industry, including the negative perceptions towards agriculture as an additional cause for the f ailure. J: Can you talk to me about coffee, and the history here in Puerto Rico? P: Here in Puerto Rico we were producing enough coffee for our entire consumption on the island, and enough to export coffee outside of the island. The hurricanes killed us, after Hurricane George lots of cuerdas were lost and lots of agriculturalist s retired. So, coffee production declined to the Ricardo, 4 th generation coffee farmer J: Can you talk to me abo ut coffee, and t he history here in Puerto Rico? P: advanced and became known for their coffee. However, there are many that when they speak about Puerto Rico, they speak about our coffee. We need to will ourselves so that that can return. We were one of the most recognized coffees world at it can return. Mario, 1 st gener ation coffee farmer

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43 J: Can you talk to me about coffee, and the history here in Puerto Rico? P: Americans [United States] did not know the coffee industry, they only knew the tea and sugar industry, and when they arrived in 1898 the industry begins to industry revitalize under certain conditions. Eventually even the sugar industry failed because it was more economic to produce it in central due to hurricanes at the end of the 19 th cent ury which added to the problem. Santiago, 1 st generation coffee farmer J: Can you talk to me about coffee, and the history here in Puerto Rico? P: Puerto Rico was the 4 th biggest exporter of coffee in the old world. So, you can imagine how powerful and well established the economy was here. In 1998 Hurricane George in addition to the past dishonest practices in the we were already moving out of that coffee industry success. Mario, 1 st generation coffee farmer

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44 J: Can you talk to me about coffee, and the history here in Puerto Rico? P: We had a lot of workers but under conditions of slavery. With those unjust practices there was no peace, and those mistreatments caused a lot of social tensions, and even when slavery was abolished, the hacendados continued with conditions that were basically slavery too. People were mistreated ; d, lack of money and an economic system that only functioned within the haciendas to control the workers. They said they were trying to protect their workers what was happening. But, Puerto Rico is so small that eventually things are exposed. Some historians also say that people forgot how to love the land, either. Those who established the industry were all immigrants, and they were a class of people who were comfortable, and they controlled our economy. Then later the Americans arrived and finally the industry failed because sugar became more important. Santiago, 1 st generation coffee farmer Puerto Rico successful, but the industry failed because of social, economic, and natural factors that eventually led the island to its current state. However, the hope is evident through the

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45 interview s. Farmers believe that they can revitalize this industry into something great. Not everyone spoke about the social tensions and the unstable credit system beyond a few farmers. The agrarian past is often viewed by my participants as a nostalgic time regar of many laborers felt that it contributed to the decline and formed the negative stereotypes about agriculturist s In addition, a few noted that la falta de obra was an impo rtant factor for the decline because with the industrialization of the island people moved to the larger metropolitan areas to find better paying jobs. Industrialization, and Operation Bootstrap: Decades after the US invasion of Puerto Rico, the island was going through a number of industrial changes, including becoming the main location for US based apparel and textile firms (Caban 1989: 559). Any profits which were earned on the island were free of taxation, and the Puerto Rican government saw these Am erican firms as an opportunity for industrial advancement and a growing labor force (Caban 1989: 559). After the s econd World W ar the Partido Popular Democrtico (PPD), one 1940s until 1968, and promoted more industrialized programs on the island (Caban 1989: 560). Thus, industrial programs were p ut in place, creating a division of labor where manufacturing jobs grew in favorability and agricultural programs were skilled, low paid industrial working class engaged in export commodity In addition, throughout this time, human resource programs were developing which

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46 were meant to assist in administering social welfare programs (Caban 1989: 560). This was something which one of my participants felt was linked to la falta de obra claiming that programs like welfare created a group of people unwilling to work the land anymore. agricultural programs, what has been your experience? P: e a problem with la falta de obra here in Puerto Rico, and I think ce political question, but what it has created is a problem in that people no longer dedicate themselves to the land. We l ost that hardworking tradition. I know there are people who have been dependent on that social system for programs should serve as incentive for people to work. You picked 500 dollars obvio Ricardo, 4 th generation coffee farmer While this farmer felt that these social programs are the cause of the lack of laborers, it is also likely due to the increase in industrialization and the opportunities people felt it brought. In 1947, the U.S. policy Operation Bootstrap attempted to diversifying its monocrop economy; it

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47 development which retarded urbanization and Ayala 1996:9). The U.S. implemented a series of incentives towards industrialization; a law was put in place year exemption from insular income and property taxes, excise taxes on machinery and raw materials, municipal ta xes, and industrial factories producing various commodities: textiles, wearing apparel, footwear, shing tackle, artificial flowers, and other plastic and metal articles were all assembled in Puerto Rico (Ayala 1996:9). The program created factory jobs, which Puerto Rican laborers deemed superior to the sugar mill jobs that recalled the exploitative tim es of slavery. Puerto of this shift is also due to a change in the mentality of the citizens of Puerto Rico, stigmatizing agriculture as work of a jbaro or peasant work and embracing a more industrialized Western lifestyle (PBS NewsHour 2015). In 2000, the last few sugar mills were completely shut down (Grupo Editorial EPRL). Puerto R ico was becoming more industrialized, and their identity was now consumer capitalism, th eir lives ever more intertwined with automobiles, private identity and what was the epitome of Western ideals, the island was becoming more

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48 dependent on the U.S. World Syst well. But we entered a post relocate abroad for cheaper manual labor (Horton 2013: 12). Add migration into the Puerto Ricans to the mainland, and to more industrialized cities on the island, and agricultural work only continues to decline (Ayala 1996:12). In addition, the decline of the Puerto Rican agricultural industry and the reduction of its workforce affected access to local foods, and the culture of the island shifted to an industrialized one that depended on the import of goods to sustain the new lifestyles forming.

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49 CHAPTER VII Revitalization Through Specialty Coffee coffees that that came from a specific geographic microclimate and had unique flavor was unlike any other and was di stinctively special (Steiman 2013: 102). However, since this initial claim of distinctiveness in the coffee profiles, the term has taken various definitions no t solely linked to the taste, but also the regions it may come from, the quality of the coffee, its preparation, and other factors which may not only be directed by physical actions, but philosophical ones, too (Steiman 2013: 103). Specialty coffee thus has shifted into something great which i s not easily defined in words but can be seen through the industry it has created (Steiman 2013: 103). One of the many defining aspects of specialty coffee is the quality T hrough cupping methods voters decide which coffee they like best through a rankin g system ; any coffee which scores above 80 is considered a specialty blend (Steiman 2013: 103 104). Yet it is not just the taste or the quality which makes this coffee special, specialty coffee has become an idea that needs to be embraced (Steiman 2013: 10 4), but more importantly consuming specialty coffee needs to be an experience from the farm to the cup. J: When did the [specialty coffee] movement start in Puerto Ri co?

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50 P: To give you a better idea, in Central America and in North America t ed in whether a coffee picker, a roaster, or a beneficiador [the one who initially processes coffee] to begin an association for specialty coffee to help assist with education for those involved in this industry. J: movement, can you talk to me about that? P: down and want to enjoy a great cup of coffee. People are so involved now, whether through latte art, o r wanting to know where the source of their helping the revolution. Mario, 1 st generation coffee farmer J: Do you think that specialty coffee is beneficial for Puerto Rico? P: O f course! Right now from what I understand many years back we were producing some of t he best coffee in the world. We let ourselves go for a while, but if we get back to work, we can become some of the best in the world again. Not only just that, but also the zones here in Puerto Rico. People have come from other countries like Colombia or Costa Rica and

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51 they have told me that we have some of the most important zones for coffee production here in Puerto Rico. For example, when I went to Colombia we were in a colder region than here, same with Costa Rica. However, we have Angel, 4 th generation coffee farmer. J: Why is specialty coffee beneficial for Puerto Rico? P: Specialty coffee is the way to uplift the coffee industry in Puerto Rico. It is the only way that we will survive. We need to justify our prices, and we need to create something for our customers so th at they will want to buy our coffee. We need to differentiate ourselves from the rest of the world. And how will we do that? We will create a quality coffee so different from the rest of the world that no other country can recreate. And how will we do that ? We will take advantage of what Puerto Rico has to offer and take this to another level, as we have proven capable of doing in the past. Mario, 1 st generation farmer five dollars a pound. According to m y participant, specialty coffee is not regulated in price like commercial coffee is, and thus specialty coffee sells on the island for fifteen dollars a pound and up in retail prices He noted that the price was justified because of all the quality work it takes in creating the specialty blend, and that people did not complain because it was a great

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52 quality coffee. Furthermore, many of my participants sold commercial coffee in addition to specialty coffee. They all agreed that the benefits that specialty co ffee offered the island of Puerto Rico were great and they believed it was helping with the revitalization of the coffee industry. However, some felt that it was important to consider other consumers, too. Just because a new generation of people was inter ested in the origins of the coffee did no t mean that everyone else was too. Specialty coffee in Puerto Rico was viewed often as the link to success, despite production of commercial coffee as well. Farmers were proud of what they were producing, and they were benefiting economic ally too. An interesting note is that when I spoke about specialty coffee, some farmers mentioned that what was produced on the island in the past was likely to be close to the specialty coffee regulations of today. One told me that it was likely to be coffee from the 1800s has maintained a reputation of such high standard s. The initial standards for categorizing specialty coffee include the microclimates; all my participants spoke about the weather variation, and the location of the island producing a zone that was optimal for coffee production. I asked a participant to clarify what he meant by optimal location and he said that in the center of the island the rains and trade winds that passed through the island brought in nutrients and created a flavor profile that is unique to the island of Puerto Rico. Thus, seeing the specialty coffee market as means for revitalization makes sense, especially if they felt as if they have been producing quality coffee since the inception of the industry on the island. Puerto the level at which it could

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53 be, and all my participants mentioned that there was more they could all be doing. However, despite arriving late to the worldwide specialty coffee movement, the opportunity is still present. People are interested in understandi ng where their coffee comes from, and it i s not only related to the taste profiles, but rather it is something you embrace and experience. It is important to incorporate the fact that most the haciendas I visited were covered in dcor from the past. Whe ther it was a tour of the machinery used for processing coffee, a personal tour regarding how their hacienda worked, or a tour about the history. The quality coffee sold itself, but it was a different incidence of walking through history, as many of these farms have been working for generations. Visitors were embracing the experience and enjoying themselves. Before one of my interviews I was greeted by an older woman, the wife of the coffee farmer, who showed me around the hacienda as we waited for his arrival. This farm had open tours and you needed to call in advance to be shown around. I arrived around the same time an American couple and their two young children did. We spoke for a while, I exchanged information, such as how we found out about the ha cienda. The young couple was on vacation from Maine, and heard about the farm through Facebook. When

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54 the wife of the coffee farmer recognized that I spoke English and Spanish she looked relieved and elated. She asked me to assist her with the tour because she was not the best English speaker, and her husband was running late. As she told us some of the history I translated for her, and the couple engaged in everything I was telling them. For them it did not matter that we were all communicating in a cluster of different languages and exchanges, they embraced the experience and the moment. We were treated like family at the hacienda, fed cake and given free samples without even a word about buying anything after wards al though of course we all did. What the f armers wanted was for us to experience their everyday lives and appreciate the industry for what it was. Puerto Rican specialty coffee is opening the doors for many farmers. Whether they solely sold specialty coffee or not, they all acknowledged the importance of this type of coffee and what it had to offer the island. In addition, they all embraced the idea of being jbaros this romanticized symbol, though I woul d argue that these individuals were perhaps actually neo jbaros. They were all involved in such a niche market, understood the regulations, and taught them to their visitors. Furthermore, they all communicated through technology, advertised through technology, and lived a different reality than the agrarian past. The specialty market has thus influenced the neo jbaro and opened doors for many farmers who may not have been as successful otherwise. The fact is that this industry is so great that just down a large hill in the center of the island a couple and two children from Maine, a young woman working on her thesis from a u niversity in Denver and four Puerto Ricans all embraced an experience whi ch came together through this niche market.

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55 CHAPTER VIII DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION: Puerto Rican migration to the United States began in the 1940s after the introduction of Operation Bootstrap (Duany 2010). The industry which encouraged the modernization of the agricultural sector was limited in the amounts of low skilled jobs it could offer people and it was around this time that migration to the United States began to rise (Duany 2010). Between 1948 1970 the agricultural sector went from em for further development on the island The Farm Labor Program emerged recruiting close to 500,000 people from the island to work as migrant farm laborers in the United Stat es (Duany 2010). According to Duany (2010) this was the second largest attempt to gather temporary laborers right after the Mexican Bracero program. Many of these individuals were rural landless laborers on the island (Duany 2010), looking for an economic opportunity. As Puerto Ricans have been considered U.S. citizens since 1917, their status as migrant workers allowed them access to more money, and better work and living conditions than those who were undocumented (Duany 2010). It has been noted through archival data that many farmers wrote to their families to talk about their living conditions, and some even filed lawsuits against their employers to seek out better wages, living and working conditions, and for their right to edible food (Duany 2010). No 2010:246). Thus, Duany believes that this Farm Labor Program defined Puerto Ricans

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56 as domestic laborers but also al lowed them to maintain their culture and language outside of the island (2013). What remains important, however, is the fact that programs like the Farm Labor Program led to a surplus of workers in the mainland after World War II (Duany 2010) and the trans national formation of cultural nationalism of Puerto Ricans. Agriculture has thus historically served as an important aspect of Puerto Rican identity. Through its initial rise after Spanish Colonialism, the coffee export booms, and well into the invasion of the United States, farming has remained rooted in the a long time being a jbaro was a negative stereotype because it was linked to mistreatment and suffering of Pue rto Rican laborers. Even after the waves of migration to the mainland, laborers wrote about the mistreatment they faced and the lack of access to stable living and working conditions. Since Puerto Ricans do have rights that American citizens have, it is no t a surprise that many of them have favored working in the metropolitan areas or sought technical and industrialized jobs, a factor which many participants felt was linked to the lack of laborers today. Nonetheless, the migration of Puerto Rican laborers p neo jbaro. As Puerto Ricans have maintained this transnational cultural nation from the mainland to the island, it is no surprise that ideas flow constantly between Puerto Ricans living in either region.

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57 statehood, pro independence, and pro used as a political tool to gain momentum (Davila 2010). The promotion of (Davila 2010: 73; Davila 1996). Thus, cultural symbols w ere used by government installed offices such as The Institute for Puerto Rican Culture, to sponsor and assign certifications for local artists or groups which promote their ideas about authenticity (Davila 20120). Puerto wa ys of life and everyday culture, ness and national identity w ere objectified and controlled b y the dominant class in order to promote their interests within the rule of the United States (Davila 2010). Puerto Rico was promoted as an all inclusive island of Indian, Spanish, and African roots which promoted folklore and images of the agrarian societ y (Davila 2010). They endorsed the island as a utopian pre capitalistic or non capitalistic society as culturally authentic; (Davila 2010).

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58 Davila (2010) writes that imag es of the peasant are the core of Puerto Rican national identity and is used as a symbol to emphasize authenticity ; prevalence of the idiom of culture [serves] as the primary medium for debating politics es of peasant and agrarian culture are not limited to political and government programs. Today, Davila (2010) notes that corporations such as Budweiser and Pepsi C o are using nationalist symbols to promote and sell their products. By sponsoring cultural fes tivals, they are thus pushing for their products to become associated with Puerto Rican culture (Davila 2010). The corporate sponsorship of festivals is therefore a marketing technique which promotes brand loyalty all the while affecting local identities (Davila 2010). Davila (2010) notes that the use of Puerto representations of Puerto Rican identity and the propagation of public spaces for cultural debate and contestatio If we consider the Farm Labor Programs, the government issued symbols of authenticity, and the diaspora of Puerto Ricans between the island and the mainland, it would be no surprise if these played a factor in the specialty coffee movement on the island today. Puerto Rican culture is promoted by the local government through the images of the agrarian past which for many of my participants is their contemporary reality. Images of the jbaro are not only limited to the island, but are also found in the pava (straw hats) in public places or casitas (wooden houses) constructed in abandoned lots in New York City (Duany 2003: 7). Thus, ideas about what it means to be Puerto Rica n ha ve

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59 spread throughout the island and the mainland and are rooted within this agrarian symbol. It is clearly beneficial for Puerto coffee farmers to embody the use of the jbaro in the promotion of their coffee businesses. The casita shaped coffee shops the old pre capitalistic machinery as dcor, and images of the peasant farmer throughout their haciendas, all serve not as just their agrarian reality but as a marketing tool which brands their coffee as authentically Puerto Rican. The neo jbaro emerge s as a member also a postcolonial reimagining of the jbaro that can be used to promote their authentic, and Puerto Rican coffee. Furthermore, as the world conti nues to grow more globalized, so much so that corporations such as Budweiser are being used on the island as authentic representations of Puerto Rican ness, the reshaping of these symbols for promotion seems likely to have spread to local businesses, incl uding my Furthermore I argue that the exchanging of ideas could be an important factor in the emergence of the neo jbaro. As my participant noted, the most important aspect of the neo jbaro is the increased communicat ion modes and access to technology. Through generations of exchange, Puerto Ricans traveling back and forth between the mainland were likely to have some American influence which was exchanged on the island, including the use of technology and American per spectives towards agriculture and what constitutes as reliable jobs. The increase of Puerto Ricans living in urban settings thus could have impacted and assigned a negative stereotype against agriculture which, as noted by the participants, impacted the ag ricultural sector for

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60 quite some time. Yet if we consider contemporary movements in the United States, such as the rise of local foods, organic foods, and the rise of specialty coffee shops, it is not surprising to see these things emerge on the island, t oo. Some of the participants spoke about people wanting to get back to the land and viewing nature as something to preserve, a mindset that has grown in the United States, also. Thus, as the specialty coffee movement rises in Puerto Rico and assists with t he revitalization of coffee production, it is possible that it may also be linked to the exchanging of American ideals occurring through the Puerto Rican diaspora. agrarian symbols as authentic Puerto Rican ness and has been influenced by governmental politics vis vis its status within the United States; the promotion of these symbols, the erasure of the treatment of farm laborers and the reimagining of the jbaro has spread for t he endorsement of products not just limited to large corporations but within local economic markets. The history of agriculture of the island is no longer seen as just a negative past but instead as an opportunity to promote authenticity within local produ cts and has been so successful that these images have led to the reimagining of the jbaro and construction of a neo jbaro.

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61 References Cited 90. Bergad, Laird W. "Toward Puerto Rico's Grito de Lares: Coffee, Social Stratification, and Class Conflicts, 1828 1868." The Hispanic American Historical Review 60, no. 4 (1980): 617 642. Bergad, L.W., 1983. Coffee and the growth of agrarian capitalism in nineteenth century Puerto Rico. Bernard, H. Russell. Research methods in anthropology: Qualitative and quantitative approaches. Rowman Altamira, 2006 Bury, Chris, an PBS. August 13, 2015. Accessed May 13, 2016. http://www.pbs.org/newshour/making sense/jones act holding puerto rico back debt crisis/. Caban, Pedro A. "Industrial Transformation and Labour Relations in Puerto Rico: From no. 03 (1989): 559 591.

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62 Cabn, Pedro A. Constructing a Colonial People: Puerto Rico and the Uni ted State, 1898 1932 (Colorado: Westview Press, 1999), 1 15; 15 20; 67 79. Encyclopedia of Puerto Rico. http://www.encyclopediapr.org (Accessed January 9, 2017). Encyclopedia of Puerto Rico. http://www.encyclopediapr.org (Accessed January 9 2017). Cruz, Leo. "Puerto Rico coffee growing region." Arcgis.com. November 17, 2016. Accessed May 5, 2017. https://www.arcgis.com/home/item.html?id=5ae2ab31b512400d99dcbae2d24 5d4f1 Dvila, Arlene M. Sponsored identities: cultural politics i n Puerto Rico. Vol. 13. Temple University Press, 1997. Duany, Jorge. The Puerto Rican nation on the move: Ident ities on the island and in the United States. Univ of North Carolina Press, 2003.

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63 251. August 26, 2014, Accessed May 1, 2016 https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/aug/26/coffee revolution pay more manifesto Sharecroppers in the 19 th Puerto Rico. http://www.encyclopediapr.org (Accessed January 9, 2017). Goodnough, Abby. "Puerto Rico Coffee Farms Look to Regain past Glory." In New York Times News Service. August 2, 2005. Accessed May 1, 2016. http://www.encyclopediapr.org (Accessed January 9, 2017). Horton, Sarah. "The Modern World System." Lecture, Anthropolo gy 2012, Denver, May 10, 2016. Post. January 10, 2007.

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64 Accessed May 01, 2016 http://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2015/05/06/404649122/puerto rico is sowing a new generation of small farmers August 22, 2015. Acces sed May 1, 2016. http://www.pbs.org/newsho ur/bb/dependent imports puerto ricos culinary scene eyes local rebirth/ Steiman Coffee: A comprehensive guide to the bean, the beverage, and the industry. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2013. 73, no 20 (1899): 256. Weissman, Michaele. God in a cup: The obsessive quest for the perfect coffee Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2011. Wolf, Eric R. "San Jos: Subcultures of a traditional coffee municipality." The People of Puerto Rico (1956): 171 264.

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65 APPENDIX A Preguntas para Entrevista: 1. Me podra hablar sobre la historia del caf puertorriqueo? 2. Cunteme si le es posible, sobre la produccin del caf especial en Puerto Rico. 3. Conoce ms personas que estn cultivando caf especial como usted? a. Son jvenes, profesionales, etctera. 4. Qu le influyo a sembrar el caf? a. Cunto tiempo lleva cultivando el caf? 5. Qu es lo ms que le gusta del cultivo de caf? 6. Cunto tiempo dedica a la agricultura? que porciento de su ingreso, (si se puede conocer) proviene del caf? a. Crees que sembrar caf especial es beneficioso? b. Siembra algn otro tipo de cultivo ? 7. Escuche que el gobierno est tratando de ayudar y apoyar la agricultura cul ha sido su experiencia? a. Puede contarme ms sobre lo que ellos estn haciendo para apoyar los caficultores? 8. Es cierto que hay ms gente tratando de cultivar el caf especi al en la isla, me puede hablar sobre eso? 9. Qu quiere decir segn su opinin que alguien es un jibaro? a. He escuchado que existe un estigma sobre los agricultores de que son jibaros, qu quiere decir eso? b. Crees que esta perspectiva est cambiando? 10. Son sus antepasados de Puerto Rico? a. Si no, Se identifica usted como puertorriqueo? 11. Qu significa ser no solo un agricultor, pero un agricultor puertorriqueo? a. Cunteme sobre su experiencia. 12. Cree que el caf puertorriqueo es un aspecto importante de la cultura y de la identidad de Puerto Rico? 13. Qu es distinto del caf puertorriqueo comparado al de otras partes de mundo? 14. Cul es la diferencia entre un caficultor, un catador y un agricultor? 15. He escuchado a otros agricultores hablar sobre el resurgir del caf, como un movimiento, cul es su sentir al respecto? de a. Cree que los agricultores se estn beneficiando de la produccin de caf especial? 16. Hay alguna otra cosa relacionada con el caficultor puertorriqueo que le pregunte y considera debo conocer?

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66 APPENDIX B: A participant said that the beneficiado got its name because during harvesting time, everyone would bring their coffee to the town centers to sun dry in the town squares. The reason it this name caught on was because everyone benefitted from the area as they were then able to sell their coffee t o companies or those who had the equipment to thoroughly process the coffee, including the machinery for cleaning, roasting, and grinding.