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The mortuary offerings of Los Guachimontones

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Title:
The mortuary offerings of Los Guachimontones specialized goods for special contexts?
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Lefae, Jones Catherine ( author )
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Denver, Colo.
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University of Colorado Denver
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English
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Figurines, Ancient -- Mexico ( lcsh )
Indians of Mexico -- Funeral customs and rites ( lcsh )
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
non-fiction ( marcgt )

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Review:
Archaeological research over the past several decades has provided us with a richer understanding of the complexity of social organization in the region of West Mexico and the ways in which elites exhibited power and claims to the land. One of the ways in which elites accomplished this was by the conspicuous display of wealth in mortuary ritual. It was a way for elites to lay ancestral claims to the land by burying their wealth with the interred in special areas of the site that were associated with kin-based lineages, such as in shaft tombs located underneath the platforms of the guachimontón structures. The production of the items used for these displays of wealth and power, including the ceramic models that narrate these activities, has long been a side note in the overall discussion of social organization and the mechanisms of power in the region. Several recent studies have addressed the manufacture of items made from obsidian in the region, as well as studies about the meaning of the figurines, such as gender relations and the representation of social status. These studies are an important step in the direction of addressing the nature of production, trade, social organization, ideologies, and political strategies in the region, but ceramic production needs to be added to the list.
Review:
The assemblage from Los Guachimontones provides a glimpse into the activities, including craft production, that surround mortuary and other types of ritual in the region and is thus of vital importance for furthering the understanding of the ancient cultures that occupied the area. In this thesis, goods, ceramic goods in particular, from mortuary and other special contexts, are analyzed to assess the level of standardization and specialization, and whether they experienced a use-life prior to burial. Understanding these aspects of craft production provides insight into the nature of social organization and the beliefs and ideologies of the people who created ceramics and interred them with their dead. Results of this study suggest that there may have been craft specialists at the site of Los Guachimontones who created goods for use in mortuary ritual, but that many ceramic vessels were likely produced and used in domestic contexts before being placed in burials or offerings. Ceramics exhibited a range of forms and decorative treatments and most, with a few exceptions, were utilitarian in nature and experienced use prior to interment.
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Includes bibliographical references.
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Statement of Responsibility:
by Jones Catherine Lefae.

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University of Colorado Denver
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Auraria Library
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on10594 ( NOTIS )
1059465045 ( OCLC )
on1059465045

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Full Text
THE MORTUARY OFFERINGS OF EOS GUACHIMONTONES:
SPECIALIZED GOODS FOR SPECIAL CONTEXTS?
by
JONES CATHERINE LEFAE B.A., University of Colorado, 2012
A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of the Arts Anthropology
2017


This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by Jones Catherine LeFae has been approved for the Anthropology Program by
Christopher Beekman, Chair Tammy Stone Verenice Heredia Espinoza
Date: December 16, 2017


LeFae, Jones Catherine (MA Anthropology)
The Mortuary Offerings of Los Guachimontones: Specialized Goods for Special Contexts? Thesis directed by Associate Professor Christopher Beekman
ABSTRACT
Archaeological research over the past several decades has provided us with a richer understanding of the complexity of social organization in the region of West Mexico and the ways in which elites exhibited power and claims to the land. One of the ways in which elites accomplished this was by the conspicuous display of wealth in mortuary ritual. It was a way for elites to lay ancestral claims to the land by burying their wealth with the interred in special areas of the site that were associated with kin-based lineages, such as in shaft tombs located underneath the platforms of the guachimonton structures. The production of the items used for these displays of wealth and power, including the ceramic models that narrate these activities, has long been a side note in the overall discussion of social organization mid the mechanisms of power in the region. Several recent studies have addressed the manufacture of items made from obsidian in the region, as well as studies about the meaning of the figurines, such as gender relations and the representation of social status. These studies are an import ant step in the direction of addressing the nature of production, trade, social organization, ideologies, mid political strategies in the region, but ceramic production needs to be added to the list.
The assemblage from Los Guachimontones provides a glimpse into the activities, including craft production, that surround mortuary and other types of ritual in the region mid
mi


is thus of vital import ance for furthering the understanding of the ancient cultures that occupied the area. In this thesis, goods, ceramic goods in particular, from mortuary and other special contexts, are analyzed to assess the level of standardization and specialization, and whether they experienced a use-life prior to burial. Understanding these aspects of craft production provides insight into the nature of social organization mid the beliefs and ideologies of the people who created ceramics and interred them with their dead. Results of this study suggest that there may have been craft specialists at the site of Los Guachimontones who created goods for use in mortuary ritual, but that many ceramic vessels were likely produced and used in domestic contexts before being placed in burials or offerings. Ceramics exhibited a range of forms and decorative treatments mid most, with a few exceptions, were utilitarian in nature and experienced use prior to interment.
The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication.
Approved: Christopher Beekman
IV


DEDICATION
I dedicate this thesis to the memory of my father, Gilbert Rodriguez (1935-1981), who was the first in my family to receive a Masters degree. He was a Master Teacher mid accomplished musician. I know he would be very proud of me for all I have achieved.
v


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
An endeavor such as this thesis is never accomplished alone and I would like to acknowledge and thank all of those who have been of such help to me over the past three years. First and foremost are my children, Robin and Aidan, who have graciously endured my spending hours mid hours studying, writing, attending classes in Denver, and traveling to Mexico to conduct research, often at the expense of spending precious time with them. They have always been supportive of what I do and have never complained. I only hope that I have set a good example for them by continuing my education and pursuing it with hard work and dedication. In the end, it is all for them, so that I can ultimately support them in their education mid other efforts as well.
My life partner and best friend, Jack, has also provided unending support, love, and generosity, in situations where others might have left me high and dry. He has helped take care of the boys, pets, mid household while I am away, whether it is for hours, days, or weeks at a time and has provided much needed technical support when my computer skills (or lack thereof) have failed me. Tve said all along that he deserves mi honorary degree because I couldnt have done it without him. Also, his gracious manner always helps to diffuse me at the worst of times, such as when the dog ripped the down pillow to shreds in the bedroom when I was already stressed out writing a paper that was due the next day.
My parents, of course, have always been very supportive, and have been above and beyond kind in providing financial assistance over the years. It makes me so happy that they believe in me mid have supported my efforts to further my education, even so late in life. My stepfather, Lanny, has also been very kind in providing a keen editors eye. My work is so much the better for it and I am not sure if I could have trusted it to anyone else.
VI


Elise mid Jim Beechwood, my former in-laws and grandparents to my children have played an essential role in my education, by providing an extensive amount of help in caring for my boys. They have done this entirely out of love for them and have never asked for anything in return. They have told me time and again how proud they are of me for doing this, because they know it will benefit their grandsons in the end and because they believe in the power of education. They have treated me like a daughter, even when I wasnt anymore mid I seriously doubt I could have even gotten my B.A, much less an M.A., without their help.
I must, of course, mention those organizations who not only helped me pay for this expensive undertaking by providing generous scholarships, but also by providing much need moral support and encouragement. It is so wonderful to have people you hardly even know encouraging you, rewarding you, and cheering you on. The ladies from the Colorado Womens Education Foundation have been there right from the start and have not only provided generous financial support, but have also invited me to represent them at numerous, outstanding events and awarded me the Alice DeBoer Named Scholarship, which means that any woman in the future who is looking for educational support can go to their website and be encouraged by my story. Thats what its all about passing it on and paying it forward. I cant say enough about how fantastic these women are! The Boulder Community Foundation Collester Scholarship also provided necessary funds for paying for classes. I am so grateful to these organizations for believing in me and providing such assistance.
The Colorado Archaeology Society has also provided financial support with the Alice Hamilton Scholarship mid invitations to speak about my research at both state mid local chapter meetings. It is so great to be acknowledged by the archaeological community mid for
VII


people to be so excited about me and my work. My involvement with CAS has led to both volunteer and work opportunities and I have made some great friends along the way.
The University of Colorado Denver Graduate Department and Anthropology Department have also provided financial assistance for paying for my research in Mexico, mid for presenting my work at the 2016 Society for American Archaeology Meetings. This was a very exciting and important opportunity for presenting my work to the professional archaeology community and I am so grateful for the assistance. Also, I cannot forget all the wonderful professors that I have had while at UC Denver mid all the knowledge and experience that they have shared with me.
Conducting research in Jalisco, Mexico, was definitely the highlight of my graduate work and I made some very special friendships while there. Thanks to Catherine Johns, Nichole Abbott, Tony DeLuca, mid Patricia Alonzo-Cue 11 ar for showing me the ropes, both in the lab and around Jalisco. Naomi Ripp was a great friend, roommate, lab partner and classmate. Kong Cheong has proven to be a fantastic friend and a constant source of encouragement. He and Mads Jorgensen made quite a pair and kept me laughing mid inspired while in Mexico. Valerie Simard, Camilo Mireles, and Josh Englehardt were also great lab partners and housemates mid provided some very interesting tidbits of information that were useful to my analysis. Valerie also helped out a great deal by helping me enter data and create profile illustrations in the last days when I was rushing to get things done. Verenice Heredia Espinoza was also instrumental in providing work, financial assistance, and guidance navigating the lab inventory at the Guachimonton Interpretive Center, in addition to being part of my thesis committee. You all made the experience great and I hope we will stay in touch for many years to come, mid possibly even work on future projects together.
VIII


And last, but certainly not least, my advisor, Dr. Christopher Beekman, who provided the opportunity to work with him in Mexico, and provided so much direction for my thesis work. I only wish that some of what he had said to me early on had sunken in sooner because it may have made it a bit easier for me (maybe). When your advisor says youre trying to put in too much, believe them! It will make life so much easier! But, we must all learn from experience, mid that is most certainly true for me. I have learned so very much through this experience and I know that I will never forget it!
Extreme thanks to all those mentioned above as well as all the friends, family, and teachers who have been there over the years, cheering me on and providing words of encouragement when I needed them most. I could not have come this far without you.
Thank you!
IX


TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER
I. INTRODUCTION..................................................................... 1
II. THEORY...........................................................................8
Specialization and Standardization.................................................8
Contexts of Production and Producer/Consumer Relationships.......................9
Geographic or spatial concentration..............................................9
Modes of Production.............................................................11
Degree or Intensity of Production...............................................14
Specialization..............................................................15
Standardization.............................................................16
Mortuary Variability..............................................................18
Ceramic Analysis in Mortuary Contexts.............................................22
III. BACKGROUND TO THE REGION.......................................................28
The Culture History of West Mexico and the Tequila Valleys........................29
The Middle Formative (1000 B.C.-400 B.C.).......................................30
The Late Formative, Early Classic, and Classic Periods (300 B.C.-A.D. 500/600). 31
The Epiclassic period (A.D. 600-900)............................................34
The Postclassic period (A.D. 900-1522)......................................... 34
The Site of Los Guachimontones....................................................36
Previous Research.................................................................38
IV. METHODS OF ANALYSIS.............................................................46
The Dataset
47


Using Standardization to Assess Specialization.................................53
Metric evidence.................................................................56
Variables.......................................................................58
Paste........................................................................59
Ware.........................................................................60
Material.....................................................................60
Decorative type or style.....................................................60
Form.........................................................................61
Rim type and diameter........................................................62
Other measurements...........................................................62
Vessel Form..................................................................63
Use wear.....................................................................65
Sooting....................................................................65
Scratches, abrasions, mid chipping.........................................65
The Production Step Measure.....................................................66
V. ANALYSIS RESULTS..............................................................70
Ceramic Wares mid Types Found in Los Guachimontones Burial and Offering Contexts 73
Tabachines Ware (Ware 1)........................................................75
Tabachines Types................................................................78
Tabachines Black (Code 1)....................................................78
Polished Cream (Code 5)......................................................80
Red (Code 20)................................................................83
Colorines Ware (Wares 7, 4).....................................................83
ii


Fine Colorines Types............................................................87
Ahualulco Red-on-Cream/BufF(Code 35).........................................87
Fine Colorines Polished Red (Code 9).........................................88
Colorines Cream (Code 118)...................................................89
Fine Colorines Black (Code 123)..............................................91
Coarse Colorines Types..........................................................94
Colorines Red-on-White, Red-on Base (Code 350/355).......................... 94
Colorines Fugitive Red-on-Red (Code 350).................................... 95
Estolanos Ware (Ware 2).........................................................96
Teuchitlan Red-on-Cream (Code 22)............................................99
Estolanos Grey (Code 26).....................................................99
Estolanos Cream (Code 27)...................................................100
Coarse Pink (Ware 14)..........................................................101
Red (Code 42)...............................................................101
Nifty Pink (Ware 11)...........................................................103
Teuchitlan Polychrome Black-on-Red (Code 101)...............................103
Coarse Postclassic (Ware 15)...................................................106
Atemajac Red (Code 70)......................................................106
Huistla Polychrome (Code 65)................................................107
Pseudo-cloisonne (Code 124)....................................................109
Discussion.....................................................................Ill
The Production Step Measure....................................................114
Discussion.....................................................................120
iii


Vessel Form and Use-wear......................................................127
Discussion...................................................................133
Combining ceramics and other offerings.....................................149
Metric Analysis...............................................................150
Rim Diameters and Forms....................................................150
Discussion...................................................................152
VI. CONCLUSION.................................................................155
Evidence for Standardization..................................................156
Social Organization...........................................................163
Suggestions for Future Research...............................................167
REFERENCES.....................................................................169
APPENDIX
A. Excavated Contexts For Burials mid Offerings.................................176
Discussion of Circle 3........................................................190
Circle 4......................................................................192
Circle 6......................................................................195
Discussion of Circle 6........................................................213
La Joyita A...................................................................216
The Talleres Sector...........................................................222
Talleres 1....................................................................222
Talleres 2....................................................................223
Talleres 3....................................................................227
Discussion of Talleres........................................................244
IV


B. The Burial Goods mid Offerings of Los Guachimontones: A Visual inventory.245
C. Rim Measurements and Comparisons.........................................284
v


LIST OF TABLES
Table 1. Chronology of the Teuchitlan Region............................................35
Table 2. List of items not found in the locations stated in the PAT inventory...........51
Table 3. Items described in the reports that were not found in the inventory............51
Table 4. Vessel Function Chart from Rice (2015).........................................64
Table 5: Summary of contexts for burials and offering at LG used in this analysis.......71
Table 6. Ceramic Codes used.............................................................74
Table 7. Ware counts for whole vessels per architectural group or sector................75
Table 8. Ware percentages by count per structure or sector..............................75
Table 9. Tabachines types by context in the LG burial/offering assemblage...............77
Table 10. Colorines types by context in the LG burial/offering assemblage...............86
Table 11. Estolanos types by context in the LG burial/offering assemblage...............97
Table 12. Nifty Pink, Coarse Pink Red, and Pseudo-cloisonne vessels by context.........106
Table 13. Counts mid weights for all ceramic vessels mid sherds from burials mid offerings
for each Circle or Talleres sector....................................................113
Table 14. Step measure scores for ollas................................................117
Table 15. Step measure scores for bowls................................................117
Table 16: Overall and average step-measure scores for contexts that held two or more
vessels...............................................................................119
Table 17. Vessel functions by ware and type at LG......................................128
Table 18. Counts of ollas with use-wear................................................128
Table 19. Use wear found on ollas.....................................................129
Table 20. Use wear on bowls and plates
131


Table 21. Counts for bowls with use-wear...............................................133
Table 22: Mean, standard deviations, and variation for ollas...........................152
Table 23. Artifacts from Circle 1, Exterior Plaza, Amphitheatre, Platform A............179
Table 24. Artifacts from Circle 3, Exterior Plaza......................................185
Table 25. Artifact identified for Circle 4, Platform 4.................................192
Table 26. Concordance of burial/tomb designations in Circle 6 by Cach (2002, 2008) with
terms used in this thesis..............................................................197
Table 27. PAT inventory items for Circle 6, Tomb 1.....................................200
Table 28. PAT inventory items from Circle 6, Central Altar, Tomb 2.....................203
Table 29. Inventory items from Circle 6, Tomb 4..........................................205
Table 30. Inventory items from Circle 6, Central Altar, Tomb 5..........................208
Table 31. Circle 6 offerings...........................................................212
Table 32. Items from La Joyita A as they were labeled in the PAT inventory.............221
Table 33. PAT INV Artifacts from Talleres 2............................................224
Table 34. Burial offerings from Talleres 3, Burial 2...................................232
Table 35. Artifacts associated with Talleres 3, Burial 4.................................233
Table 36. Artifacts from Talleres 3, Burials 5, 5a, 5b, and Units 7617-7623..............236
Table 37. Artifacts from Talleres 3, Burial 6............................................238
Table 38. Inventory items from Talleres 3, Burial 7....................................240
Table 39. Artifacts associated with Talleres 3, Burial 12..............................243
Table 40. Ware, rim types, and body diameters for vessels with a rim diameter <8 cm....284
Table 41. Vessels with a diameter 8-9.5 cm.............................................286
Table 42. Vessels with rim diameter 10-11.5 cm.........................................288
ii


Table 43. Vessels with rim diameter 12-12.5 cm.....................................290
Table 44. Vessels with rim diameter 13-14 cm.......................................292
Table 45. Vessels with rim diameter 15-19.5 cm.....................................293
Table 46. Bowls with diameter 20-40 cm.............................................294
iii


LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1. Map of Tequila and Atemajac Valleys showing sites with public architecture,
shaft tombs, or cemeteries........................................................29
Figure 2. A replica of a ceramic figure from West Mexico depicting a guachimonton.38
Figure 3. Site map of the LG ceremonial core...................................47
Figure 4. INV 653 a, b Female and male figurine pair from Talleres 3, Burial 7.78
Figure 5. INV 20 Small Tabachines Black plate..................................79
Figure 6. INV 14 Tabachines Black miniature bowl with zoomorphic supports.80
Figure 7. INV 13 Tabachines Cream small plate..................................81
Figure 8. Examples of divergent, incurved, pointed rims. Rim 70 in the Rim Typology,
courtesy of Christopher Beekman...................................................82
Figure 9. INV 51 Oconahua Red-on-White bowl.......................................82
Figure 10. INV 190 Fine Colorines Red-on-Cream closed-neck olla................87
Figure 11. INV 132 Fine Colorines Ahualulco Red-on-Cream bowl..................88
Figure 12. INV 115 Fine Colorines Red bowl.....................................89
Figure 13. INV 52 Colorines Cream composite silhouette bowl.......................90
Figure 14. Rim #68 associated with tecomates and open bowls..................91
Figure 15. INV 133 Black squat olla from Circle 6, Offering 1..................92
Figure 16. INV133 Close-up showing "crazing" on the surface....................94
Figure 17. INV 005 Coarse Colorines Red-on-Base olla...........................95
Figure 18. INV 001 Fugitive Red-on-Red olla....................................96
Figure 19. INV 654 Possible Teuchitlan Red-on-Cream bowl......................98


Figure 20. INV 129 Estolanos Grey bowl on exhibit at the Los Gucahimontones
Interpretive Center..............................................................100
Figure 21. INV 660 Estolanos Cream wide-mouthed olla............................101
Figure 22. Coarse Pink Red composite silhouette olla.............................102
Figure 23. INV 347 Miniature copa with annular base from Burial 12..............104
Figure 24. INV 349 Miniature olla from Burial 12.................................104
Figure 25. Illustration of the motif found on miniature ollas and copas from Burial 12
.................................................................................105
Figure 26. INV 55 Atemajac Red olla..............................................107
Figure 27. INV 22 Polychrome Huistla with zoomorphic supports from Circle 6, Tomb 2.
.................................................................................109
Figure 28. Example of a West Mexico pseudo-cloisonne vessel......................Ill
Figure 29. Frequency distribution of rim diameters...............................116
Figure 30: Frequency Distribution of Maximum Body Diameters for Ollas.........116
Figure 31. Bowls with a fine paste and a similar Red-on-Cream decorative motif..123
Figure 32. INV 54 from La Joyita, Burial 2.......................................124
Figure 33. INV 654 from Talleres 3, Burial 5.....................................124
Figure 34. INV 132 from Circle 6, Tomb 5.........................................124
Figure 35. All vessels classified as ware/type 7/123 Fine Colorines Black or 2/26
Estolanos Grey...................................................................126
Figure 36. INV 12, example of a "bathtub ring"...................................135
Figure 37. Distribution of ceramic wares in burial or offering contexts..........137
Figure 38. Distribution of ceramic wares in the Talleres sector..................141
ii


Figure 39. Distribution of wares in Circles 1, 3, 4, and 6.........................143
Figure 40. Distribution of wares in La Joyita A....................................144
Figure 41. Distribution of jewelry and burial goods other than ceramics...145
Figure 42. Distribution of all burial goods including ceramics, jewelry, and other items
...................................................................................150
Figure 43. INV 005 Colorines Red-on-Base jar found in Circle 3, Exterior Plaza, Platform
1, Burial 2........................................................................186
Figure 44. Figure 23: INV 006 Colorines Red-on-Base jar found in Circle 3, Exterior
Plaza, Platform 1, Burial 2........................................................187
Figure 45. INV 94 Anthropomorphic pendant made of shell............................188
Figure 46. INV 001 Fugitive Red-on-Red vessel, with heavy scorching and use-wear. 189
Figure 47. INV 197 Black Colorines bowl from Circle 3, Exterior Plaza, Offering 2..189
Figure 48. INV 172 Red Colorines small plate.......................................193
Figure 49. Illustrated map of Circle 6 burials and offerings.......................194
Figure 50. The central altar of Circle 6...........................................195
Figure 51. Illustration of Circle 6, Burial 1......................................198
Figure 52. Illustration of Tomb 1, Circle 6........................................199
Figure 53. A sample of the PAT inventory items from Circle 6, Tomb 1....201
Figure 54. Illustration of Tomb 2, Circle 6........................................202
Figure 55. Vessels from Circle 6, Tomb 2...........................................203
Figure 56. Illustration of Tomb 4, Circle 6........................................204
Figure 57. INV 116 Olla from Tomb 4................................................206
Figure 58. INV 149 Green Obsidian pendant..........................................206
iii


Figure 59. Illustration of Tomb 5 "Tumba del Tiro" (shaft tomb), Circle 6......207
Figure 60. Vessels from Tomb 5, Circle 6.........................................209
Figure 61: INV 153 Anthropomorphic ceramic beads from Tomb 5, Circle 6...........210
Figure 62. San Juanito style female figure.......................................213
Figure 63. Map of Los Guachimontones with La Joyita depicted.....................216
Figure 64. INV 11 Fine Colorines Red-on-Cream olla from La Joyita A, Structure 3.218
Figure 65. Illustration of the La Joyita structures..............................219
Figure 66. INV 54 Fine Colorines Red-on-Cream bowl from La Joyita, Burial 2......222
Figure 67. Copper rings from Talleres 2, Offering 2..............................226
Figure 68. Map showing the location of Talleres 3 in relation to the ceremonial core. 227
Figure 69. Stratigraphic profile of Unit 7112....................................229
Figure 70. The Talleres sector during excavation.................................230
Figure 71. Talleres 3, Burial 2.................................................231
Figure 72. Talleres 3, Burial 4.................................................232
Figure 73. INV 249 Red-slipped olla with protuberances..........................233
Figure 74. Talleres 3, Burial 5.................................................234
Figure 75. INV 654 Red-on-Cream bowl from Talleres 3, Burial 5..................235
Figure 76. Ceramic zoomorphic beads from Talleres 3, Burial 5...................237
Figure 77. Talleres 3, Burial 6.................................................238
Figure 78. INV 253 Fine Colorines bowl with incurved rim from Talleres 3, Burial 6.. 239
Figure 79. INV 250 Composite silhouette olla from Talleres 3, Burial 8..........241
Figure 80. Illustration of Talleres 3, Burial 12.................................242
Figure 81. INV 354 Miniature olla..............................................243
IV


Figure 82. Vessels with both a rim and body diameter <8 cm
286
Figure 83. Vessels with rim diameter 8-9.5 cm, Rim #19, Colorines ware, Red-on-
Base/Cream..................................................................287
Figure 84. Vessels with diameter 10 cm, Colorines ware, Rims 35,19, 68.........289
Figure 85. Vessels with rim diameter 10.5-11.5 cm, ware 7 or 2, type 123 or 26.289
Figure 86. Illustration of INV 128 with rim profile............................290
Figure 87. Black/Grey vessels with rim diameter 12 cm..........................291
Figure 88. Vessels with diameter 12-12.5, Rim #19..............................291
Figure 89. Bowls with rim diameter 16.5-19 cm, Colorines Red-on-Cream/Base.....294
Figure 90. Bowls with rim diameter >20, Colorines Red-on-Cream.................295
v


CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
West Mexico was long viewed as a cultural backwater that had nothing much to contribute to Mesoamerican culture as a whole. Most cultural interpretations were constructed from the artistic and anecdotal figures that are housed in museums and private collections, mid come mostly from looted contexts lacking provenience. The presence of monumental architecture was not recognized until the 1970s when Phil Weigand began investigating the guachimontones and conducted a settlement survey. Even then, the structures were thought to have been built later than the shaft tombs sometimes found beneath them, but later, improved ceramic chronologies in conjunction with radiocarbon dating demonstrated that the tombs and the structures were contemporaneous. Archaeological research over the past several decades has provided us with a richer understanding of the complexity of social organization in the region and the ways in which elites exhibited power mid claims to the land. One of the ways in which elites accomplished this was by the conspicuous display of wealth in mortuary ritual. Figures (or figurines) from the region provide evidence for elaborate mortuary ritual that may have been more public, rather than restricted in nature. It was a way for elites to display their wealth and importance, and to lay ancestral claims to the land by burying their wealth with the interred in special areas of the site that were associated with kin-based lineages, such as in shaft tombs located underneath the platforms of the guachimonton structures.
The production of the items used for these displays of wealth mid power, including the figures that narrate these activities, has long been a side note in the overall discussion of social organization mid the mechanisms of power in the region. With the exception of
1


Aronson (1993), and Johns (2014), ceramic studies have focused mainly on creating typologies and using them for chronological reconstructions. Johns (2014) conducted an activity analysis using sherds collected from the surface of guachimonton structures at the site of Navajas. She found that the various wares probably served multiple functions mid were found in fairly even distributions in each platform. Several recent studies have focused on the production of items made from obsidian mid the social implications of their distribution (Hoedl 2013), as well as studies about the meaning of the figurines, such as gender relations and the representation of social status (Logan 2007; Wagner 2014). These studies are mi important step in the direction of addressing the nature of production, trade, social organization, ideologies, mid political strategies in the region, but ceramic production needs to be added to that list.
Ceramics play mi important role, not only in the everyday lives of the people that used them, but also as a symbolic mediator between the living and the dead, particularly when vessels used in life were also used for placement in tombs. Their use in ritual and placement with the dead demonstrates the cultural significance of items made from clay. These objects were used to prepare and serve food daily as well as for feasting and ritual purposes, and they were finally placed with the dead to provide sustenance for them on their journey to the underworld. Thus, their production was not only a necessary activity for cooking the products that the ancient peoples of West Mexico relied upon for sustenance, but was symbolically and politically important as well. Very little data on ceramics from mortuary contexts is available for the region because of widespread looting activities that focus on the highly prized figures and usually leave other objects behind, taken out of context, and often destroyed in the process. Agricultural activities and urban development are
2


also highly detrimental to the archaeological record. The creation of a cultural heritage region based on tequila production showed promise for the protection of archaeological sites until the complete destruction of the import ant Huitzilapa site for agave farming in 2003 (Beekman 2010:52; Lopez and Ramos 2006). Ceramic vessels from undisturbed mortuary contexts are often whole vessels that may contain a wealth of information from trade activities to ideological beliefs and symbols displayed on the vessels, to residues that show what kinds of foods were being prepared. Therefore, it is of vital importance that we document, analyze, and share what information we have about the items that are found in these contexts in order to provide a richer understanding of this long-neglected culture before what remains is destroyed by urban development, agriculture, or looting activities. The assemblage from Los Guachimontones provides a rare glimpse into the activities, including craft production, that surround mortuary ritual in the region and is thus important for furthering the understanding of the ancient cultures that occupied the area.
The specific questions that are addressed in this thesis are:
1) Were there craft production specialists involved in creating goods that were ultimately interred in mortuary or offering contexts at the site of Los Guachimontones? If so, were they working in an independent, or attached context of production?
2) Were these goods made specifically for mortuary ritual or other rituals involving buried offerings such as the dedication of a structure or a claim to land?
3) What areas of the site were import ant in terms of where mortuary ritual and other offerings took place?
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4) Can these offerings be used to assess the social status of the individuals interred or aggrandizing behavior?
In addition, the data from this thesis adds to the limited corpus of knowledge about craft production, social organization, and mortuary behavior in the region of the Tequila Valleys and the Teuchitlan core.
The research hypothesis proposed for this analysis maintains that the specialization of vessels or other items for burial is evidenced in standardized production methods for unique types or forms that may provide insight in regards to the social status of the individuals buried there, as well as the relative importance of the locations chosen for mortuary ritual at the site. For instance, are the more standardized vessels only found in burials within the ceremonial core of the site, or are they found only in residentiaf burials? Standardization has been shown in some cases to be in direct association with specialization of a certain form that is produced in large quantities. Vessels that exhibit similar paste composition, measurements, and decoration may be the result of the repeated actions and traditional knowledge of an individual artisan or members of a workshop. High degrees of variation in these categories may be indicative of an independent or specialized context involving either 1) a number of artisans dispersed throughout the community, 2) trade with neighboring or distant communities, or 3) an extended period of time over which multiple production events occurred. The evidence for specialized forms placed in burial, and where the burials have been placed at the site can give insight into social organization and how elites may or may not have controlled the production of mortuary goods. The mortuary practices of a culture can inform us as to the ideologies of that culture as well as social organization related to
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production of goods for burial and trade networks indicating elite interaction and attempts to aggrandize or display wealth in both public mid private contexts.
An additional goal of this thesis is to help better define the ceramic assemblages of Los Guachimontones, and to suggest whether certain types were being made by specialists at the site, specifically for burial or otherwise. The presence of specialists at the site may be an indicator of an attached context of production, in which production is overseen by elite administrators. This study is an important contribution to the archaeology of Los Guachimontones and the wider region. It helps to build better chronologies mid allows for comparisons between sites in order to better assess trade networks and political alliances or other organizational strategies in the Tequila Valleys of Jalisco, Mexico.
The Chapters
In Chapter II, Theory, I discuss the theory behind the standardization and specialization of ceramic goods and how these processes are used to assess social configurations. Parameters involved in the production of ceramics and other craft goods are discussed. These parameters include the social context of production (independent vs. attached), geographic or spatial concentration, modes of production, composition of units (kin groups vs. recruited specialists), mid degree or intensity of production. Variables used for assessing the specialization of goods through evidence for standardization are outlined. Because many of the goods in the assemblage under study are from mortuary contexts, this chapter also addresses theory of mortuary variability, as well as the analysis of ceramics from mortuary contexts.
In Chapter III, Background to the Region, I discuss previous research on craft production and mortuary practices that include the use of ceramics mid other crafted goods in
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the region. I also offer an introduction to the site in the context of a cultural history chronology of the region and discuss the monumental architecture that defines the site of Los Guachimontones. Many of the burial and offering contexts occur in mid around these structures, indicating that these contexts were important sites of elite activities.
Chapter IV, Methods of Analysis, I discuss the methods used to address questions about the standardization and specialization of ceramics and other crafted goods used in burial or offering contexts at Los Guachimontones, and the types of social organization indicated by this type of craft production. The dataset mid how it was compiled is presented, as well as issues with the current dataset and how I addressed them. The variables used in the analysis of standardization and specialization and the reasoning behind them are introduced. Variables important to this analysis include ware, decorative type or style, form, rim type and diameter, and other measurements. An analysis of use-wear aids in assessing whether goods were made specifically for burial or whether they were used prior to interment.
In Chapter V, Analysis Results, I present the wares and types found in burial and offering context at the Los Guachimontones site. Percentages of wares per context, histograms showing the distributions of ceramic wares mid other goods by context, a production step measure used to analyze labor inputs for ceramic vessels, metric analysis mid visual representations of ceramic groupings according to rim diameter in order to assess standardization, and the presence of use-wear are presented and discussed.
Chapter VI, Conclusion, reviews the research questions and summarize conclusions derived from the analysis results. Findings from the analysis suggest that there were standardized items created by specialists involved in production of ceramics used in special contexts at Los Guachimontones, although there is no hard evidence that they were produced
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on site. The data does not indicate a strictly attached context of production, but does suggest that some specialists had relationships with elite members of society that allowed for the placement of their products in elite burial contexts.
Elites used specialized items in mortuary ritual to show their status, make claims to the land and establish networks of trade with other elites. Although it is important to know how crafts are used in status-building activities, trade networks, and ideologies, it is equally important to know who is making these products, how they are doing it, and the nature of relations between crafters, elites, mid the general population. It is also important to understand the economic strategies employed by commoners who relied on agriculture as well as the production and trade activities they engaged in. To understand a society fully, we must look at the society as a whole, not just through the lens of elite activities. I conclude by making suggestions for further research in these areas.
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CHAPTER II
THEORY
The following chapter discusses the theory used in this analysis. Theories of specialization and standardization of crafted goods such as ceramics are covered. Because the assemblage used in this analysis is largely from mortuary contexts, I include a discussion of theories of mortuary variability and of the analysis of ceramics used in mortuary contexts. Specialization and Standardization
A great number of studies have employed various methods of assessing the level of specialization and standardization for ceramic production in ancient societies. These studies have examined social organization through production activities, levels of production, specialization of specific forms, levels of expertise, symbolic information represented on pottery, mid whether production activities are conducted on a full-time or part-time basis (Aronson 1993, 1999; Bernier 2010; Blackman et al. 1993; Brumfiel mid Earle 1987; Costin mid Hagstrum 1995; Hagstrum 1985; Hirth 2009; Rice 1991; Sullivan 2006). Methods used to address issues of specialization, standardization, and their relation to social organization include statistical analyses of vessel measurements (Arnold 1991; Costin and Hagstrum 1995; Sullivan 2006), production technology such as paste quality (Blackman et al. 1993), surface treatments such as design elements that may contain social or cultural symbolic information (Hagstrum 1985), mid spatial distribution of both ceramic wares and production workshops or spaces within the site of Los Guachimonotones (Aronson 1993, 1999; Sullivan 2006).
Many prominent researchers have defined and discussed the parameters involved in the production of ceramics and other craft goods in ancient societies (Brumfiel mid Earle 1987; Costin 1986; Rice 1991). These parameters include social context (independent vs.
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attached), geographic or spatial concentration, composition of units (kin groups or recruited specialists), degree or intensity of production (Brumfiel and Earle 1987; Costin 1986; Cost in mid Hagstrum 1985), and modes of production (Hirth 2009; Joyce, Hendon, and Lopiparo 2014).
Contexts of Production and Producer/Consumer Relationships. The first parameter, that of social context, has been dichotomized into two modes independent and attached. Independent production implies production activities taking place at the individual household or community level, suggesting a lack of direct elite control. Elites could obtain luxury goods either through exchange, enforced tribute, or by consignment with independent artisans, but this type of production is more often associated with domestic use or a more community based economy. Attached production involves elites as sponsors with production activities usually taking place within elite households. This facilitates direct control over the production, accumulation, and exchange of luxury goods (Hirth 2009:16). The model of elite control is most often based on the accumulation of wealth and the control of both utilitarian mid luxury goods. Elites develop relationships with elites from other societies through exchange systems where commodities such as food or other resources may be exchanged for luxury items. Elites then use these items to create and maintain social hierarchies, not only through accumulation of exotic or finely crafted goods, but through the manipulation of the symbolic meaning they may possess and their use in ritual activity. Elites must obtain luxury goods for exchange through the mobilization of labor for craft production (Hirth 1996:214).
Geographic or spatial concentration. This refers to the type of organization of production within a community and can be broken down into eight types (Costin 1995;
Costin and Hagstrum 1995; Rice 1991):
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1) Individual in this configuration, individual producer or households produce for
local consumption. They are dispersed uniformly throughout the community and are not restricted by any type of administration.
2) Dispersed workshop industry goods are still produced for unrestricted local consumption, however, producers work in larger workshops dispersed throughout the community.
3) Community this involves an aggregated community of household-based production units or individuals who produce for unrestricted regional consumption.
4) Nucleated workshop industry involves large workshops within a single community that produce for unrestricted local consumption.
5) Dispersed corvee individuals and workshops working part-time are dispersed throughout the community, producing for an elite or government institution.
6) Nucleated corvee part-time labor produces for elites or government institutions in an administered workshop setting.
7) Individual retainer refers to individual artisans, usually producing full-time under an elite or government administered setting.
8) Retainer workshops a segregated or specialized workshop setting producing fulltime on a large scale under elite or governmental administration.
The first four of these types would be associated with independent production, with the latter four indicating attached production. The composition of units may have a direct relationship to the geographic concentration and organization of production. Independent production that takes place within a household unit may employ kin group members, while an attached context may favor the recruitment of community members who have an aptitude
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for, or who specialize in a particular type of production (Sullivan 2006:43). However,
Inomata (2001) points out that ethnohistorical examples have indicated that independent and attached contexts are not mutually exclusive at the level of the individual producer. In other words, because this model is based on social relationships, not the individual, an individual may produce in both of these contexts throughout their lifetime (Inomata 2001:322-323).
Modes of Production. Another dichotomy that has dominated studies of craft production is that of part-time vs. full-time craft specialists. Full-time producers have been imagined as specialists, capable of producing crafts at a high level of skill and production capacity and representing a more developed economic system. In contrast, part-time producers are viewed as unspecialized, less skillful, organized at the domestic level, lacking economies of scale, and found in less developed economies, (Hirth 2009:14). Hirth argues that part-time producers are not only capable of producing at both a high level of skill at a high capacity, but it is more likely that most independent producers were, in fact, part-time. By producing on a part-time basis or by diversifying forms of production at different times of the year, producers were able to minimize economic risk and ensure the survival of the family. In addition, the model of part-time production fits the organizational structure and needs of the household economy better than the model of full-time production, particularly for economic systems in ancient Mesoamerica (Hirth 2009:14-15). Hirth discusses the importance of production for the household economy, and outlines the ways in which domestic production strategies allow for creating surplus goods that can then be exchanged for other resources in order to maintain a household. Mobilizing labor within large households with many adult members engaged in production activities and diversifying production systems to minimize risk throughout yearly agricultural and ceremonial cycles
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were two of the principal ways in which households could achieve self-sufficiency and engage in the wider political and economic spheres without direct elite control (Hirth 2009:18-19).
Joyce, Hendon, and Lopiparo (2014) follow Hirth (2009) in his assertions that working with clay also supported a range of other crafts on which production of ceramic objects depended, (Joyce, Hendon, and Lopiparo 2014:411). In this line of reasoning, the working of clay into an item acceptable for use within the household or for exchange among households or in a larger market, requires the acquisition of the skills and knowledge needed to craft that item. Gaining these skills and knowledge may involve learning or observing a range of activities including the acquisition of materials, creating a mold, shaping, firing, mid decorating the vessel. Even the simplest of objects require some level of expertise. The passing on of knowledge from one artisan to the next creates a community of practice, which is a network of relations among people and objects that continues (is reproduced) over time (Joyce, Hendon, and Lopiparo 2014:411). Furthermore, Hendon (2010) has argued that crafting at home (in a household setting) creates communities of practice that cross generations mid shape social relations among at least some members of the household, through a shared focus on the particular craft. Because lemming is part of each individual life, skill is constantly recreated in a community of practice (Joyce, Hendon, and Lopiparo 2014:411).
DeMarrais (2013) takes a similar view on the concepts of part-time and intermittent household production and participation in multi-crafting. However, she expands Hirths arguments in order to investigate heterarchical vs. hierarchical contexts for craft production, emphasizing the social mid ritual aspects of production, including issues of agency mid what
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she calls social projects, as well as acquisition and use of raw materials and technologies (DeMarrais 2013:347). DeMarrais argues that most craft production in heterarchies will be non-specialized and oriented around the aims of expediency (DeMarrais 2013:348). By this she means that without elite administered control of access to raw materials, artisans will obtain locally available materials either directly or through informal exchange networks. When certain materials are not available, they will substitute another material, such as the use of bone instead of stone for making projectile points. Additionally, designs and motifs may transfer from one medium to another, as in the case of the same motifs found on both pottery mid textiles (DeMarrais 2013:348).
DeMarrais discussion of social projects includes a greater emphasis on agency, in that goods are not exchanged for specific commodities, but instead are traded or given away in order to build mid maintain social ties. These goods are likely to exhibit elements, such as decorative patterns, that reflect individual identity or social position (DeMarrais 2013:348). Production of items for ritual use may also be individualized, but are expected to exhibit a high level of skill, more regulated decorative elements, and a high aesthetic value. Additionally, the type of ritual performed may have an influence on the form of the item produced for use in ritual context. In one example, she argues that in the Calchaqui Valley of northwest Argentina, a variety of finely made, elaborately decorated items that were produced there were probably used for localized ritual that may be linked to shamanic practices. The small, fine decoration found on items such as pipes used for the smoking of psychoactive plants, would not be visible to a larger audience, suggesting that these items were part of small-scale ritual activity that would take place in a more private setting (DeMarrais 2013:355). Other items, such as decorated funerary urns for infants and children,
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would be visible to a much larger audience (DeMarrais 2013:356). The range of expression found among items that exhibit similar form, motifs, and decorative elements fits well with the expectation that craft production in heterarchical settings should generate diverse local expressions within a wider tradition (DeMarrais 2013:356). DeMarrais concludes her article by suggesting that artisans in heterarchies produce goods for different reasons, mid for different audiences than did their counterparts in hierarchies (DeMarrais 2013:358). DeMarrais defines hierarchies as centralized, stratified polities in which specialized craft goods serve as items of prestige that play a role in political economy, ideology, wealth accumulation, and conspicuous consumption controlled by elites. Heterarchies are viewed as having a different kind of organizational structure in which more attention was given to social projects and operated as more decentralized networks with varying power relationships (DeMarrais 2013:345).
Joyce, Hendon, and Lopiparo (2014) suggest that multi-crafting is another type of
mechanism that would result in a wide range of expressions within a somewhat ubiquitous
tradition such as is found throughout the region of West Mexico. They state that,
The concept of constellations of practice describes the articulation of separate communities of practice that share common historical roots, have members in common, share certain things, or engage in overlapping styles or related discourses ... In moving from one community of practice to another in a constellation of practices, gifted objects like figurines could have changed their significance while remaining evidence of the skilled work of members of the multi-crafting households, communities of practice, that produced them [Joyce, Hendon, and Lopiparo 2014:417],
Aronson (1993) refers to this shared body of knowledge that takes diverse forms among local traditions as the symbolic reservoir (Aronson 1993).
Degree or Intensity of Production. This also relates to, mid is dependent upon the type of organization that exists which in turn is dependent upon the needs of the community or the
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demands of elites. Rice (1991) discusses the difference between specialization and intensification, stating that specialization refers to the producers skill or some aspect of focus or concentratedness of production activity, while intensification refers to greater investment of labor and resources.. .and where ratio effects of scale, efficiency, and mass production play a role (265). In addition, while household production may be specialized, it is not necessarily intensive (Rice 1991:265-266).
Specialization
In addition to varying modes of production, different scales of specialization may exist. These may include site specialization, in which a community or region specializes in a specific type of good that may be linked to access to a particular resource. Resource specialization implies control over access to a particular resource such as certain types of clay, lithic materials, or other commodities such as salt or shells, or mineral ore. Rice (1991) states that, although provenience studies cannot identify production organization (or even specify locations), they may give an idea of relative degrees of restricted or focused resource use in the production of particular wares (Rice 1991:262). A third type of specialization that may be linked to resource specialization is that of functional or product specialization. Rice states, This would include the well-known examples of individuals, workshops, or communities concentrating on the production of one or a small number of vessel types... (Rice 1991:262). This type of specialization may be identified through the standardization of dimensional measurements or clay-temper composition (Sullivan 2006; Rice 1991). And finally, we have producer specialization, which is what most people refer to when they speak of craft specialization (Rice 1991:263). Producer specialization implies a restricted
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number of producers with a high level of skill due to the repetition and routinization of manufacturing tasks (Costin 1995:623; Rice 1991; Sullivan 2006).
Standardization
The concept of standardization in archaeological ceramic studies refers to a relative degree of homogeneity or reduction in variability in the characteristics of the pottery or the process of achieving that relative homogeneity (Blackman et al. 1993:61; Rice 1991:268), mid is closely related to specialization in that specialized production of a particular form will exhibit a level of standardization through repetition and routinization (Blackman et al. 1993:61; Costin 1995:623; Sullivan 2006:26). Standardized ceramics forms or other crafted goods are viewed as the result of the intensification of production that may be caused by increased population, extensive trade, or other economic activities that may be the result of increased political consolidation or degree of regulation and control by elites (Rice 1991:260). In addition, standardization of ceramic forms reflects economic and social constraints within the production system and that, to study standardization, we must distinguish between attributes reflecting vessel function and those reflecting the organization of production (Costin 1995:622). The parameters of specialization context (independent vs. attached), geographic concentration, modes of production, composition of units (kin groups or recruited specialists), and degree or intensity of production (Brumfiel and Earle 1987; Costin and Hagstrum 1985; Costin 1986) as well as the eight contexts of production: 1) Individual, 2) Dispersed workshop industry, 3) Community, 4) Nucleated workshop industry, 5) Dispersed corvee, 6) Individual retainer, 7) Nucleated corvee, mid 8) Retainer workshops, as discussed above, also apply to standardization (Costin 1995:621). Labor investment must also be taken into consideration, as this may be an indicator of the type of
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organization of production. Items that exhibit a considerable amount of labor investment may be associated with attached, full-time production because the amount of time, as well as skills required to produce these items would likely require elite sponsorship, whereas minimal labor investment may reflect efficiency in production, which likely indicates an independent context (Costin 1995:621).
Measuring standardization and variability of ceramic forms is useful for assessing the context of production, as discussed above, as well as estimating the number of hands involved in pottery production at a particular site (Costin 1995:622). Costin (1995) outlines some of the attributes that can be taken into consideration when analyzing the level of standardization of a particular form. The two major attributes are defined as intentional mid mechanical. Intentional refers to those attributes that are controlled by the producer mid include technological (paste quality and firing techniques), morphological (size and shape of the vessel), and stylistic (including decorative motifs that may communicate information) properties. Unintentional refers to the level of skill, motor habits, and degree of training or supervision. Costin (1991) states that, Measures of standardization aim to gauge the relative number of hands or work units responsible for producing a particular assemblage, on the assumption that the amount of variability in these mechanical attributes correlates directly with the number of independent potters or work groups (Costin 1991:622).
Other considerations to take into account when analyzing variability are the total amount of pottery consumed, the amount of labor invested in a particular form, labor intensity (part-time or full-time production), mid the length of time represented by the collection. The longer the period of time represented, the more variability will be observed (Costin 1991:623). Blackman et al. (1993) state that Two to three centuries of non-
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centralized ceramic production would create variability not only in vessel dimensions, but in chemical composition as weir (Blackman et al. 1993:76). The assemblage from Los Guachimontones (LG) represent a time span of about 1900 years, and therefore can be expected to demonstrate a great deal of variability. Beekmans (2015) assessment of this assemblage identifies most vessels as corresponding to the Tequila II-IV (300 B.C.-A.D.500) and into the El Grillo phase (A.D. 600-900). The two Talleres 2 offerings are associated with the Atemajac Phase (A.D. 1400-1600) (Beekman et al. 2015). It is my hypothesis that through visual analysis of vessel forms, paste composition, and vessel decoration, combined with statistical measures and analysis, we may be able to further define temporal, as well as social and spatial relationships between burials.
Mortuary Variability
Because the assemblage under analysis for this thesis is drawn from mortuary contexts, a discussion of theory in mortuary variability becomes relevant. The analysis of mortuary assemblages from complex societies can inform researchers as to certain aspects of the social structure of those societies. Through these assemblages, we are able to make inferences about the status of an individual, or a group of individuals from a given society. This is because the social persona of the individual in life is likely to be reflected in the treatment of the body in death and in the objects included with the deceased in interment (Binford 1972:225-226; OShea 1984:4). Societal norms, ideological beliefs, mid the social relations between the deceased and the living further condition the nature of the mortuary assemblage mid method of burial, as well as the ritual or ceremonial aspects that may have occurred at the time of interment. But the status of the deceased is not simply a matter of how much wealth is represented by grave goods, but is a reflection of ascribed (inherited) and
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achieved status, vertical differentiation (reflecting hierarchical organization), horizontal differentiation (such as membership in a sodality or moiety), subordinate aspects of the persona such as age, biological sex, and gender, mid superordinate aspects that are indicative of inequality. In addition, grave goods reflect actions on the part of the mourners, who are the ones placing these goods in burial, in order to portray the persona of the deceased mid their relationship to them (Pearson 2000:74,84). In the following section I review the theoretical basis for analyzing mortuary variability, and how it applies to this study.
John M. OShea (1984) provides a comprehensive resource for the study of mortuary variability and many researchers of mortuary assemblages have cited his work (Aronson 1993; Pickering and Cabrero 1998; Pollard and Cahue 1999). OShea identifies Binford as one of the first archaeologists to define the variables for analyzing mortuary variability. Binfords (1971) study of mortuary practices sought to define the relationships between the organization of living societies, their associated social complexity, mid how this manifests itself in the mortuary treatments practiced by those societies (Binford 1971; OShea 1984:4). Binford postulated three nominal categories through which mortuary differentiation may be defined. These categories are: treatment of the corpse, preparation of the tomb or grave, and the inclusion of burial furniture or grave goods (Binford 1971 as cited in OShea 1984:7). Binfords tests on ethnographic data concerning mortuary practices suggested that although there is not a one to one correspondence between the status of the living and their treatment at death, that mortuary differentiation does not vary independently of the organization of the society that produced it, but rather that the former is conditioned by the latter (Binford 1971 as cited in OShea 1984:8).
According to OShea, Peebles (1971) was the first to note that,
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.. .the reason social organization is accessible to archaeologists is because they view a cumulative record. Since each individual is assumed to have been buried in accordance with his or her social standing in life, by observing the range and frequency of different disposal treatments, the archaeologist can infer the principles governing that differentiation [Peebles 1971:69 as cited in OShea 1984:13].
OShea identifies four principles of regularity in mortuary variability. They are as follows:
Principle 1: All societies employ some regular procedure or set of procedures for the disposal of the dead (OShea 1984:33). Aspects of this principal include the implied social rupture when a person dies, the need to dispose of the physical remains, the differential treatment for different members of the group, mid shifts in practice due to disruption such as plague or warfare.
Principle 2: A mortuary population will exhibit demographic and physiological characteristics reflecting those of the living population (OShea 1984:34). This principle addresses population regularities that, given demographic knowledge of fertility, mortality, and growth rates, have shown to demonstrate fundamental patterns in mortality among certain age groups.
Principle 3: Within a mortuary occurrence, each interment represents the systematic application of a series of prescriptive and proscriptive directives relevant to that individual (OShea 1984:35). Two additional corollaries based on ethnographic studies are offered:
Corollary 3 a: The nature of the society will pattern and circumscribe the practices for the disposal of the dead and
Corollary 3b: The specific treatment accorded an individual in death will be consistent with that individuals social position in life (OShea 1984:36).
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OShea also points out here that not all differences in mortuary treatment are consistent with social positions in life for a few reasons. The first is that not all social differences in life are given symbolic treatment in death, or at least, they may not be visible archaeologically, and that in some societies, the circumstances of death may override social position. This is especially relevant in Mesoamerica, particularly in the Aztec tradition, where rules of interment, as well as where the dead go in the afterlife, is largely determined by the type of death that occurred (Aronson 1993; Baquedano 2011; Sahagun 1950). For instance, women who died in childbirth were treated as warriors who accompanied the sun on its journey to Mixtlan, the place of the dead, and back (Aronson 1993:51; Baquedano 2011:209; Lopez Austin 1988:339). Those whose deaths were associated with Tlaloc, the rain god, such as those who had drowned or were hit by lightning, would find themselves in Tlalocan, an earthly paradise filled with riches of maize, gourds, tomatoes, mid green chilis, where there would be no suffering (Baquedano 2011: 206-207).
Principle 4\ Elements combined within a burial context will have been contemporary in the living society at the time of interment (Worsaaes law) (OShea 1984:37). This is based on the assumptions that burial is a single and brief event, that a burial represents a closed context, mid that regardless of time or location of manufacture, the item remained available for inclusion until the time of its deposition (OShea 1984:37). This principle becomes particularly relevant in this study because many of the skeletal remains represent secondary burials. If the human remains have been set aside for a period of time, either because of seasonal considerations such as rain or because of specific cultural practices, then it is possible
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that the artifacts interred with them also may have been specifically set aside for inclusion in the burial.
In a study conducted by OShea of Arikara, Pawnee, mid Omaha burial practices, he observed that vertical, or hierarchical social position was expressed by elaborate grave construction and use of non-perishable items as grave offerings. Horizontal differentiation, such as membership in a moiety or clan was expressed with perishable material culture such as clothing, hairstyles, andtotemic artifacts (Pearson 2000:78).
Ceramic Analysis in Mortuary Contexts
One goal of this paper is to seek to understand the socio-organizational principles around craft production that governed the site of Los Guachimontones, and by possible extension, other sites in the Tequila valleys region. The occupation of the Los Guachimontones site spans for a period of over one-thousand years. Recent work on ceramic chronologies by Beekman (Beekman et al. 2015), suggest that the majority ofthe burials found at the site are from early phases that correspond to construction of monumental architecture and the expansion of the site. According to Peebles above assertions, the differential placement of burials both within mid outside these monumental/ceremonial structures over this span of time, should provide clues about the nature of the social structure at the site, and how it may have changed over time. Other studies, such as Aronsons (1993) dissertation on mortuary ceramics from a cemetery at Tabachines demonstrate that technological, ideological, mid economical aspects of the manufacture of the goods placed in these burials can also tell us a great deal about social structure in addition to the nature of production activities, political economy, and ideology of the region.
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Aronsons (1993) work focuses on technology in context, using mortuary ceramics from Tabachines, a site associated with the Teuchitlan Culture in Jalisco, Mexico. Because of the proximity and cultural affiliation of Tabachines to Los Guachimontones (LG), the nature of the assemblage that I am studying (largely mortuary goods), mid my questions regarding specialists at the LG site, I use Aronsons study to guide my own. Aronson emphasizes that past archaeological studies of mortuary behaviors have placed too much emphasis on the phenomenal order. Following David (1992) and Goodenough (1964), the phenomenal order (PO), and the ideational order (IO), are two components of the cultural domain. The PO is reflected in artifacts that have been affected by human action, and are the result of activities that can be divided into social, ideological (or better, ideational), mid technical aspects (Aronson 1993:27), whereas the IO,
has more to do with ideas mid representations, views of reality, or the hard wiring of the human mind. David (1992b: 135) argues that the PO cannot be reconstructed from cultural events without reference to the IO. That is, behaviors within the phenomenal realm have reference to a much less well-defined set of beliefs in the ideational realm [Aronson 1993:27].
Aronson also utilizes the idea of the symbolic reservoir proposed by Sterner (1992) mid David (1992b) as a shared set of ideas which is manifest in a number of ethnically diverse individuals or groups. In this sense, it provides a structure around which technical, social, and ideological activities (i.e. the phenomenal order) vary (Aronson 1993:27). Binford discussed a similar concept in that he believed that symbols used within a given region could convey information about group identity in either inclusive or antagonistic ways. In order to discern the difference, members of differing groups within a region would have to be able to recognize these symbols in order for them to work as identifiers (Binford 1972:15).
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With these ideas in hand, Aronson tackles the social and technological aspects of
what is essentially a social, yet ideological activity that of the disposal of the dead in a
ritualized way with the placement of certain symbolic references (i.e. ceramic pots, figurines,
etc...) that are widespread throughout the region but that also change to some degree over
time and distance. Binford (1972) expressed a similar idea when he stated,
In mortuary ritual, we observe a class of phenomena consisting of both technical mid ritual acts.. .Technically, burial customs provide for the disposal of the potentially unpleasant body of the deceased. Ritually, mortuary rites consist of the execution of a number of symbolic acts that may vary in two ways: in the form of the symbols employed, and in the number mid kinds of referents given symbolic recognition [Binford 1972:16],
However, the difference between Aronsons technological aspects and Binfords technical aspects is that Aronson is referring specifically to the techniques and organization involved in crafting goods destined for burial, while Binford is speaking more of the reality of having to dispose of the body. Binford might attribute a purely symbolic function to the placement of ceramics in burial, but Aronson sought to integrate the technological aspects of the ceramics with the symbolic (the PO with the IO) instead of separating them.
Aronson also points out that in mainstream discussions of structured social behavior, such as the production of ceramics for mortuary goods, the role of the individual is largely ignored. However, individuals are an important factor to take into account because they represent human action, ideas, creativity, knowledge, adaptation, and free will that is manifest in the objects placed in burial with other individuals who are on the journey to the next world (Aronson 1993:29-30). Furthermore, Binford asserts that the facets of the social persona symbolically recognized in the mortuary ritual would shift with the levels of corporate participation in the ritual, and hence vary directly with the relative rank of the social position which the deceased occupied in life (Binford 1972:17). This concept may
24


also be applied to the producers of the ceramics placed, for instance, in a high-status burial. According to theories of ceramic specialization, the producer or producers, may or may not be attached, to an elite entity, or may even be a member of the elite when they are producing for an elite context (Brumfiel and Earle 1987). Hence, the type of pottery they produce is also linked to social position mid access to certain materials and knowledge. Therefore, the pottery found throughout the site may vary according to who is producing it mid for whom.
Another influence on Aronsons work is that of Giddens (1990) and his theory of structuration in order to assess technology as a series of mediated actions that occur in a particular space-time, mid collectively play out social practices (Aronson 1993:32). In this view, variability in mortuary contexts stems from both variations in social practice that are directly tied to the prevailing social structure and the actions of the individual within or contrary to that social framework. It is a complex interplay between the social structure and individual action and these actions are expressed materially in the objects placed in burial mid in the treatment of the deceased. This complements Binfords argument that differentiation in mortuary ritual is linked to status differences as well as the group affiliations of the deceased, and that the more complex the organization of a society is, the more variability we would expect to see within a single socio-cultural unit (Binford 1972:14-15). Aronson states,
Collectively, the ceramic artifacts tell a story of a societys mortuary behaviors, from the burial to the materially-expressed aspects of burial itself. Inferences are derived from patterned variability in particular aspects of objects: material selection, aesthetics, distribution, associations, etc.. .when this information is considered in conjunction with prior regional knowledge concerning settlement patterns, agricultural development, ceramic production, distribution, mid use, and historical documentation of myths, a much richer view of a technological system is reached [Aronson 1993:33].
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In Aronsons (1993) study of mortuary ceramic technology in the Valley of Atemajac mid the site of Tabachines, she discusses many of the variables mid modes of production, including the difference between specialized production and special production of vessels used for mortuary ritual (Aronson 1993:39-43). She outlines several ethnographic studies that exhibit elements discussed above such as specialized and secret knowledge shared within families who produce grave sculptures, and men from specific castes in India who are responsible for producing pottery for mortuary contexts, in contrast to utilitarian vessels that are made by nearly all women. In Puebla, Mexico, Blackware pottery intended for Day of the Dead festivities is produced differently from ordinary pottery, mid miniature offerings for children and infants who have died is further specialized and created by itinerant potters (Aronson 1993:40). Aronson also discusses how the meaning of the pot is dependent on the context of use as well as the person using it, or with whom it was placed in burial (Aronson 1993:43).
The results of her study suggest that some items included in interment at both the Tabachines site and the Teuchitlan core, were ordinary utilitarian vessels exhibiting signs of use-wear. These vessels were often mixed with finer vessels and other types of prestige goods that appear to have been made exclusively for burial. It also appears that certain clusters of ceramic wares and decorative types were produced at the same time by the same artisans for use in a specific burial. This suggests that different families may have produced pottery for the interment of their own dead, mid that this pottery was specialized in that it was produced specifically for burial.
Like Aronsons study, this thesis uses artifacts (material objects) from mortuary and offering contexts to assess the social and ideological aspects of craft production, as well as
26


teasing out the individual in the archaeological record whether it be the individual in their final resting place, or the individual (or group of individuals) who crafted the goods that would join them on their way to the afterlife. In order to achieve this, I examine these artifacts through technological aspects (paste, forming, decorating), evidence for standardization mid specialization of certain forms, their placement in the context of a burial or offering, the locations of burials mid offerings throughout the site, and finally, what this might indicate in terms of social organization as well as ideology at the site and the broader region.
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CHAPTER III
BACKGROUND TO THE REGION
The assemblage of mortuary goods from the Los Guachimontones site in Jalisco, Mexico, is the focus of this study. The site is of great importance in the region because it is the largest ceremonial site in the Tequila Valleys and surrounding area that was the core of the Teuchitlan culture during the Late Formative (300 B.C.-A.D. 200) and Early Classic (A.D. 200-500) periods. The site remained inhabited through the Epiclassic period (A.D. 500-900) and into the Postclassic period (A.D. 900-1600). This region, like others in western mid central Mexico, appear to have experienced some considerable cultural changes beginning in the Epiclassic period when the construction of elaborate tombs for elite individuals and families and monumental architecture began to wane.
The burials within and around the ceremonial core of the site contain a great number of goods that speak not only about the status of the individuals they were buried with, but also about the ideologies, trade networks and political strategies of those people, and of the activities surrounding mortuary events, including the production of goods ultimately destined for burial. This assemblage is ideal for answering questions regarding the nature of craft production, particularly for use in mortuary ritual and the aggrandizing behavior associated with it, as well as the type of social organization specialized crafts might indicate. Also, the distribution of certain types of goods mid the number of them in each burial can inform us as to the ritual mid social importance of certain areas of the site, as well as the individuals interred there. Finally, the relative paucity of data for craft production as well as mortuary data from un-looted contexts in the region makes this study an important contribution to the
28


understanding of activities that took place at Los Guachimontones and other sites in the surrounding Tequila Valleys (Figure 1).
Figure 1. Map of Tequila and Atemajac Valleys showing sites with public architecture, shaft to mbs, or cemeteries. From Beekman (2006).
The Culture History of West Mexico and the Tequila Valleys
The state of Jalisco is located in West Mexico with neighboring states including Nayarit to the north, Colima to the south, Michoacan to the southeast and Guanajuato to the east. Some of the archaeological sites in all of these states form what was formerly called die Teuchitlan Tradition (Beekman and Weigand 1998; Beekman 2010), but is now referred to as the Teuchitlan Culture (Johns 2014:24). The definition of this culture includes the use of
29


shaft-tombs for burials of elite citizens mid the building of a specific form of monumental architecture during the Late Formative mid Classic periods. Architectural remains consist of circular structures surrounded by as few as four or as many as sixteen rectangular platforms (Beekman 2008:420). These platforms once held houselike wattle and daub structures (Weigand and Beekman 1998). Recent studies demonstrate that a range of activities took place inside and outside of these structures, including rituals, feasting, and domestic activities (Beekman 2000; Butterwick 1998; Johns 2014). The circular structures with their related platforms are known in West Mexican research as guachimontones and are found throughout the aforementioned states, particularly in the Tequila valley basin that surrounds the Volcan de Tequila (Beekman 2008:416; Beekman 2010:42; Weigand 1996; Weigand and Beekman 1998). The largest complex consisting of these structures is found in the hills just above the modem town of Teuchitlan, from which the name of the Teuchitlan Culture originates. The site is known as Los Guachimontones (Weigand and Beekman 1998) and is the area of focus in this thesis.
The Middle Formative (1000 B.C.-400 B.C.). The Tequila I phase falls within the Middle Formative period during which the first shaft tombs were created to contain the remains of multiple generations. The dead were accompanied by offerings of pottery, hollow ceramic figures, and figurines representing both animals, and people wearing clothing related to the ballgame that is so ubiquitous throughout Mesoamerica mid into the U.S. Southwest. They also had a range of imported goods that demonstrated a high level of wealth. Goods such as turquoise, jade, marine shell, iron pyrite mirrors, and green obsidian came from trade networks that reached from Guatemala to northern Mexico and New Mexico (Beekman 2010:58).
30


The first tombs found in a cemetery located in El Openo, Michoacan, dated to around 1400 B.C. (Oliveros 2009), consisted of a stairway mid subterranean chamber thought to relate to Mesoamerican themes of the underworld. Beekman argues that these early tombs were used to lay claims to the land (Beekman 2010:57-58). It is possible that there were once structures atop the tombs, but there has been no affirmative evidence for this. Other cemeteries from this period have been excavated in the region. They are termed Capacha because of the type of pottery found there that is deeply engraved and comes in unusual forms such as the stirrup spout (Kelley 1974; Kelley 1980). Offerings in these cemeteries includes grinding stones (metates) that are associated with an increasing dependence on maize, and ceramic anthropomorphic figures. Jade from the Motagua Valley in Guatemala mid iron pyrite jewelry were also included in some of the offerings (Beekman 2010:58). In the region of the Tequila Valleys, bottle-shaped tombs were located beneath circular constructions, or the dead were interred in large circular or oval mounds at San Felipe and other sites in the Magdalena Basin. Some of these burials provide evidence that people were curating remains and placing them in cysts that may have been used to make ancestral claims to the land by corporate groups (Beekman 2010:59). This behavior in combination with the evidence for long-distance trade suggests that membership in a corporate group with access to exotic goods mid ties to land was the primary way of building wealth and status during the Middle Formative Period.
The Late Formative, Early Classic, and Classic Periods (300 B.C.-A.D. 500/600). Population growth and expansion into new areas characterized the Fate Formative period in West Mexico, which corresponds to the Tequila II and III phases of the Tequila Valleys region (Heredia 2017). Ideology related to mortuary ritual and symbolism spread along with
31


this growth, but was generally centered in the lake basins of the Tequila Valleys in central Jalisco. Tens of thousands of people occupied the region, likely growing maize and living in dispersed settlements. Corporate groups appear to have continued to exhibit their power through the use of shaft-and-chamber tombs like those at El Openo. Tombs containing the richest number of goods were found in the ceremonial centers, associated with public architecture, while rural families placed their dead in modest tombs in cemeteries such as the one at Tabachines (Beekman 2010:62; Galvan 1991).
Public architecture became increasingly important with ball courts that may have served as a mechanism for channeling social competition between groups into a safer and less conflictive fomT (Beekman 2008; Beekman 2010:62), and the circular guachimonton structures that represent Mesoamerican beliefs of a multi-layered universe. The platforms around the central altar of the guachimontones have been interpreted as representing different lineages that form a corporate group in which power was shared (Beekman 2008). However, excavations, particularly those at Navajas, have demonstrated that these structures were not identical in size or method of construction and therefore likely represent differentiation in status and competition among the lineages. Goods found in the tombs are very similar to those found in the early El Openo tombs indicating continuing trade relations among corporate groups (Beekman 2010:63). Recent excavations at some of the larger sites, including Los Guachimontones and Navajas, have provided radiocarbon dates and a better-defined chronology. The earliest occupation of these sites may be as early as 1500 B.C. (Beekman, under review), but the Guachimontones were not constructed until around 100 B.C. Los Guachimontones is the largest of these sites and may have been the political center of the Tequila Valley region. Fortified, strategically placed sites at entrances to the Tequila
32


Valleys suggest a centralized, corporate authority presence and artifacts suggesting elite status, such as obsidian jewelry and hollow ceramic figures, continued to be placed in burials at the guachimontones, but were not used in the rural cemeteries (Beekman 2010:63; Galvan 1991). In fact, long-distance trade during this time period seems to be centered around mortuary ritual and the deposit of exotic goods in burials (Beekman 2010:63-64).
The Tequila IV phase from A.D. 200-500, is the major period of population expansion mid a shift away from the use of shaft-tombs toward the construction of guachimonton complexes. Beekman (2008) argued that the society that built the Guachimontones practiced a corporate political strategy in which no one group maintains long-term dominance over the others (Beekman 2008:415). Beekman goes on to say that Nonetheless, stratification existed and elite lineages held privileged locations and competed with one another in the ceremonial core of the city (Beekman 2008:415). By the end of the Late Formative, newly constructed sites were much smaller and construction at sites like Los Guachimontones were modifications of the existing circles. The shaft tombs at sites like Tabachines became smaller in size, with fewer offerings and fewer occupants. Meanwhile, small guachimontones were being constructed at sites outside of the Tequila Valleys in areas as distant as Guanajuato and Michoacan, and sites along the Pacific Coast. Sites such as La Pintada in the Tomatlan Valley (Mountjoy 1982), and Play a del Tesoro on the northern coast of Colima (Beltran Medina 2001), have evidence for extensive shell workshops that may have supplied elites with shell jewelry or other items used in mortuary ritual (Beekman 2010:68). Overall, the Late Formative was a time of increasing political complexity with changes in population expansion, construction activities, mid mortuary practices. This is followed by a period of retraction or decline in the Early Classic period.
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The Epiclassic period (A.D. 600-900). This time period saw great changes across western Mexico and other parts of Mesoamerica. This includes changes in architecture such as the use of enclosed patios and stone-lined pit tombs used as rural cemeteries or as crypts that contained large numbers of individuals, as well as changes in ceramic complexes. The guachimontones were no longer being constructed and were replaced by new political and ceremonial centers such as those at Alta Vista, La Quemada, and Ixtepete (Beekman 2010:70). Resource exploitation was intensified at this time, mid an increased demand for exotic items and iconography were probably the result of unstable polities trying to legitimate their authority. This period also marks the appearance of metallurgy resulting in the introduction of items such as copper bells, tweezers, needles, mid jewelry around 650 A.D. (Hosier and MacFarlane 1996). Turquoise was also intensively processed at Alta Vista, indicating the importation of this exotic good from as far away as the American Southwest (Beekman 2010:71; Weigand and Harbottle 1992). Chert and other minerals were mined for use in jewelry production mid possibly as pigments for the pseudo-cloisonne vessels that were more widely produced than previously. New ceramic decorative types, mortuary treatments, and iconography support the interpretation of the appearance of a new widespread religion based on the feathered serpent (Beekman 2010:71).
The Postclassic period (A.D. 900-1522). Increasing aridity characterized both the Epiclassic and Postclassic periods, leading to the abandonment of many sites in the north-central part of Mesoamerica (Beekman 2010; Metcalf et al. 2007). The area remained occupied, but radiocarbon dates indicate that populations were not as widespread and some settlements eventually disappeared. While populations dwindled in the interior, coastal settlements appear to have thrived, taking advantage of disruptions in highland trade routes
34


mid instead emphasizing coastal trade. Settlements along major river drainages also thrived mid exhibited public architecture such as pyramids mid ball courts, as well as a reappearance of cemeteries. Craft production also seems to have intensified in these areas, with evidence for copper smelting, shell jewelry production mid even ceramic kilns a rare and understudied find throughout Mesoamerica (Beekman 2010:74-75). In central Jalisco, the Late Postclassic is a period of major population growth, and Los Guachimontones held the largest occupation of its entire history. Yet despite the large population, no public architecture was built during this time (Heredia et al. 2017). Table 1 illustrates the current
chronology of the region.
Table 1. Chronology of the Teuchitlan Region (adapted from Beekman 2010; Aronson 1993; Johns 2014).
Chronology of the Teuchitlan Region
Date Major Period Regional Phase
A.D. 1400-1600 Late Postclassic Atemajac II
A.D.1200 Early Postclassic Atemajac I
A.D. 1100
A.D.1000
A.D. 900
A.D. 800 Epi-Classic El Grillo
A.D. 700
A.D. 600
A.D. 500
A.D. 400 Middle Classic/Classic Tequila IV
A.D. 300
A.D. 200
A.D. 100 Late Formative/Early Classic Tequila III
0
100 B.C.
200 B.C. Tequila II
300 B.C.
400 B.C. Middle Formative Tequila I
500 B.C.
600 B.C.
700 B.C.
800 B.C.
900 B.C.
1000 B.C.
1100 B.C. Early Formative
1200 B.C.
1300 B.C.
1400 B.C.
1500 B.C.
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The Site of Los Guachimontones
The guachimonton structures are particularly relevant to this study because it is in and around these structures that some of the most elaborate burials are found. Los Guachimontones (LG) has the most of this type of architecture in the region, leading to the interpretation that it was the center of political activity involving corporate groups. Beekman (2003) has speculated that the guachimontones themselves represent ideological beliefs surrounding maize production mid fertility rites and were a place where corporate groups participated in ritual feasting and mortuary activities. Differential construction of the platforms surrounding the central altar as well as size differences between circles suggest a level of hierarchy or competition among lineages within and among the circles. As many as 90 percent of the known guachimonton structures are found within the lake basins of the Tequila Valleys (Beekman 2003:6). Although all the sites in the Tequila Valley region appear to conform to the same architectural plan, combining circular architecture, ball courts mid elite residences, the LG site is considered to be the largest of all based on a total volume of architecture, dividing the sites into four hierarchical levels labeled A-D (Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996). The LG site is the only level A site, with as many as twenty circles, two ballcourts, and residential areas both within the ceremonial core and the surrounding hills.
The site of Loma Alta, which sits at a higher elevation above LG, is considered to be a sector of the LG site and adds yet another seven circles, two ballcourts and a large residential group to the total architectural volume of the site (Heredia 2017).
The concentric circular structures are thought to represent Mesoamerican beliefs about the cosmos, such as the division of the world into four quadrants with the world tree holding up the heavens at the center, a pattern also echoed in pottery decoration (Heredia and
36


Englehart 2015). The division of the world into multiple layers is another common theme that is possibly represented by the guachimontdn. The vertical structure of the central altar that may have had a pole in the center, corresponds to the upper world the sky and mountains the middle world is represented by the patio where dancing, feasting, and other activities occurred, mid the shaft tombs represent the underworld (Beekman 2003:10-12; Butterwick 1998; Cach 2008). Many ceramic figures found in mortuary contexts, as well as un-provenienced contexts provide anecdotal evidence as to the activities that occurred at the guachimontones (Figure 2), including a pole ritual that has possible links to the volador ceremonies still performed throughout Mexico and the Aztec wind deity, Ehecatl (Kelley 1974; Weigand 1992). The volador ceremony itself may be a reference to the Mesoamerican calendrical system and the timing of agricultural and fertility rites (Beekman 2003:8-12). Recent studies by Johns (2014) mid Wagner (2014), explored the nature of activities that occurred at the guachimontones through distributional analyses of ceramics and obsidian, respectively, among the platforms of Circle 5 at the site of Navajas. Johns analysis demonstrated that both ritual and domestic activities occurred there, but that some lineages may have had differential access to wealth in the form of decorative ceramics (Johns 2014).
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Figure 2. A replica of a ceramic figure from West Mexico depicting music and dancing around a guachimonton, commissioned by the Casa de Cultura. Photo by LeFae taken at the Casa de Cultura, Teuchitlan 2014.
Previous Research
The core of the Teuchitlan Culture lies within the Tequila Valleys, including the Magdalena Basin and adjacent Atemajac Valley. This is where the largest guachimonton sites and shaft tombs are found, and has received the most attention in terms of research of the mortuary practices of this culture (Aronson 1993; Lopez and Ramos 1998). Meredith Aronson (1993) conducted a study of the mortuary practices from two different sites associated with the Teuchitlan culture. One was a cemetery containing 43 tombs at the site of Tabachines that included shaft tombs corresponding to the Late Formative and Early Classic periods, as well as box tombs from the following El Grillo phase, excavated by Javier Galvan in the 1970s. Another was the site of Ixtepete that held a single box tomb associated with the El Grillo phase that was eroded out of the side of a mound (Aronson 1993; Aronson 1996). Her study focused on the melding of the social, ideational, and technical aspects of
38


mortuary behavior, arguing that previous research of mortuary behavior had focused heavily on the social aspects. She interprets technology as action on things within a system of shared knowledge, skill, and experience (Aronson 1996:163). Being a materials scientist, Aronson conducted petrographic analyses of the ceramics from these tombs in conjunction with visual and metric attributes that not only helped to further define types initially outlined by Galvan (1984, 1991), but also provided evidence for specialized items created specifically for mortuary use and associated with certain family tombs. Her typological descriptions are an important contribution mid have formed the basis for later ceramic studies in the region. This thesis owes a great deal to her work and her theoretical basis mid methodologies have been discussed in chapter 2.
Beekmans (1996) dissertation further developed a typology by attempting to combine Galvans types with those defined by Weigand that had never been published. Beekman not only synthesized this data, but added another ware called Estolanos, which is a fine ware closely related to the Tabachines ware. Beekman mid Weigand later published a book defining the wares and decorative types of the Teuchitlan Tradition (Beekman and Weigand 2000), however, this book does not contain descriptions for at least one of the types that is prominent in the LG assemblage, which is a black type that may be a Colorines ware, but that I will argue may actually be Estolanos. Also, one of the fine wares (Arroyo Seco) found at Tabachines, Navajas, Llano Grande, and even Los Guachimonontes, is not present in the LG mortuary assemblage at all. Johns (2014) thesis helped to further refine the wares.
The excavation of mi un-looted shaft tomb at Huitzilapa in 1993 (Lopez and Ramos 1998) laid the foundation for another important study of mortuary practices in the Teuchitlan core. The Huitzilapa site is less than 80 km distance from the site of LG, which makes it an
39


excellent basis for comparison of mortuary activities mid the associated goods that can be expected to be found at the LG site. This tomb represents the apex of monumental shaft tomb construction in the region (Beekman and Weigand 1998:39; Lopez and Ramos 1998:54-57). The tomb, located underneath the south structure of the West Plaza, consisted of a 7.6 m deep shaft leading to two chambers oriented along a north-south axis. The north chamber held the remains of three individuals, two men and one woman. Osteological evidence estimated one males age to be around 45 years of age and because of the great number of offerings and adornments, was believed to have been the most important personage in the tomb. Shell bracelets and other jewelry, greenstone beads, cloth adorned with thousands of shell beads, and decorated conch shells accompanied him. The other male was around age 30-40 and was found with shell and greenstone jewelry and an atlatl, while the female was around 50 years of age mid had a lesser quantity of shell jewelry (Ramos and Lopez 2006:275). As many as seventy-seven ceramic vessels, mainly of the fine red-on-ere am types mid containing food offerings, as well as six large, hollow ceramic figures, were found along the north and west sides of the chamber (Ramos mid Lopez 2006:275). The south chamber also held a man around 40 years of age, and two women between 16-20 and 20-40 years of age. This man also had shell jewelry, an atlatl, and a conch shell between his legs. One of the women was lying on two large metates, while the younger one was wrapped in a mat. This chamber also had a number of ceramic vessels and two hollow figures a standing male and a seated woman (Ramos and Lopez 2006:275-276).
The genetic data from the shaft tomb at Huitzilapa show that at least 5 of the 6 individuals interred were related. In addition, although the interment appears to have been a single event, some of the individuals had perished some time previous, and their remains kept
40


in order to include them in the shaft tomb burial. This evidence, along with the quantity and quality of items placed in the burial, and the fact that no other platforms at Huitzilapa contained shaft tombs underneath them suggests that these individuals may have been members of a very important lineage and is certainly a material representation of the existence of social stratification (Lopez mid Ramos 1998: 58-59; Pickering and Cabrero 1998). In contrast, the tombs of LG appear to be mostly single occupant burials that are frequently of the secondary type, containing only long bones and skull fragments rather than complete skeletal remains.
Lorenza Lopez Mestas wrote an article for a 2005 publication that focused on the recent studies of the Mesoamerican cultures of West Mexico, including Los Guachimontones mid the Teuchitlan tradition (Lopez 2005). In this article, Lopez analyzed vessels from excavated contexts in the region, including Oconahua and Ahualulco vessels from Huitzilapa, in order to assess whether these vessels were standardized and/or specialized in a way that would suggest that they were made specifically for burial, as the majority of these vessels came from burial contexts. Lopez study showed that many of the vessels from the Huitzilapa tomb, such as the Oconahua Red-on-White, Oconahua Polychrome, mid Ahualulco Red-on-Cream demonstrated little variation in their metric attributes and argued that these vessels were specialized items produced specifically for burial in high-status tombs (Lopez 2005:238). As will be discussed in Chapter V, these red-on-cream types are also found at the LG site, and I have used similar techniques to analyze their level of standardization, including height, diameter, and their range of variability, among other techniques (to be discussed in the following Methods of Analysis chapter). While Lopez found that these vessels showed little to no use-wear other than evidence that they had
41


contained food or liquids as part of the mortuary ritual (Lopez 2005:240), I will demonstrate that many of the vessels buried with the dead at LG had experienced a previous use-life. Lopez also analyzed the iconographic content of the vessels and described decorative elements such as triangles, diamonds, dots, zig-zags, wavy lines, crosses, and concentric circles, as well as zoomorphic elements such as snakes and frogs (Lopez 2005:241).
Beekman and Weigand (2000) also discuss these same elements. Although the latter two elements are not found on vessels from LG, the former elements, particularly the triangles, are found in this collection.
Lopez concluded that the Oconahua and Ahualulco vessels were made by specialists due to the evidence of skill gained through repetition that manifests itself in highly standardized metric attributes and execution of decorative elements, and that, due to not only the fineness of manufacture, but also the lack of use-wear, that these vessels were made specifically for use in mortuary ritual. Lopez further proposes that the association of these vessels with restricted, luxury goods such as jade and shell implies that they functioned as prestige goods indicating a high level of social status (Lopez 2005:243). In regards to the iconographic decorative elements, she concludes that this ideology was internalized by the group of craftsmen mid by others in the community, fulfilling an integrative role in achieving a shared identity (Lopez 2005:243).
Eric Orlando Cach, who was primarily responsible for the excavations of Circle 6, wrote a paper in 2008, that included a discussion of Circle 6 of the Los Guachimontones site. The individuals interred in the Central Altar of Circle 6, were all secondary interments. Cach suggests that this implies a cult to the ancestors and a level of prestige mid respect granted to the living relatives of these ancestors. In addition, Cach states,
42


the possibility that a kinship group that deifies their ancestors and is legitimized in that way, reinforces the notion that it is a dynastic group that establishes its prestige based on its divine lineage, its ritual knowledge and its high specialization. The high specialization of the Altar Six group is represented by the knowledge of the myth of creation, interpretation of it and its translation in a material culture (handling of offerings in a special architecture) [translated by LeFae] [Cach 2008:62].
Extensive looting in this area has been a significant barrier to fully understanding the
mortuary practices of the region. Weigand noted in the 1970s that the sale of figurines from
looted tombs had become an important economic resource for people in the area and that this
destructive activity had become very systematic. He estimated that as many as 10,000
figurines had been sold on the antiquities market (Weigand 1974:120). The tomb at
Huitzilapa is the only complete and un-looted shaft tombs to be found and excavated in the
Teuchitlan core (Lopez and Ramos 1998; Pickering mid Cabrero 1998), with the Tabachines
cemetery and Estanzuela shaft tombs in the nearby Atemajac Valley (Aronson 1993; Galvan
1991). This is why studies such as this thesis, concerning craft production and mortuary
practices at LG are an important addition to the data for this area.
A series of excavations were conducted at Los Guachimontones under the direction of
Phil Weigand and Rodrigo Esparza Lopez from 1999-2010. These excavations included
several of the larger circles, two residential groups located near the ceremonial core, a
habitational and possible workshop area located a short distance downhill from the core and
known as Talleres, and the Loma Alta sector, which is a short distance uphill from the core.
An interpretive center was later built on top of what was the Talleres sector of the site
(Herrejon mid Smith 2002). A series of reports (informes) were written by several
researchers, and for this thesis I have focused on those that are related to buried offerings
found in the Proyecto Arqueologico Teuchitlan (PAT) inventory. These reports include
43


Weigand and Esparza (2006), Esparza (2008), Herrejon and Smith (2002), Cach Avendano (2002), Griffin (2010), and Beekman et al. (2014, 2015).
A study by Blanco et al. (2010), focused on determining the function of vessels from LG and including the Loma Alta sector. This was the only ceramic analysis published by the prior PAT personnel. They relied heavily upon Rices vessel function chart (Table 4) to sort sherds and vessels into type categories. However, while using this method, they created a new typology, using the same type names of Ahualulco, Oconahua, and Tabachines, but categorizing vessels within these types differently than previous studies (Beekman mid Weigand 2000). Not surprisingly, this has led to some confusion for later researchers. A study by Johns (2014) that relied on a determination of vessel form for conducting an analysis of activities within Circle 5 at Navajas, did not follow this typology. Instead, she used ware and type names and descriptions established by previous researchers in the area (Aronson 1993; Beekman 1996; Beekman and Weigand 2000; Galvan 1991). Vessel function is not the main focus of this thesis, but the use of these vessels in life and the use-wear that is produced by it lends clues to whether they were specialized forms made specifically for burial, or if they were used for ordinary tasks in daily life. As such, I used the more established typologies and not the one created by Blanco et al. (2010) in this analysis.
At the site of LG, as well as other sites in the Tequila valleys region, several types of ceramic wares have been identified, with different proposed uses for each (Aronson 1993; Johns 2014). Although pastes used for wares such as Tabachines, Estolanos, and Arroyo Seco all associated with both feasting and ritual activities (Aronson 1993; Butterwick 1998; Johns 2014). are quite consistent, the Colorines Ware, which is identified as more of a domestic ware, varies greatly in temper and consistency as well as decoration, ranging from
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a relatively fine paste with fine decoration, to a very rough paste with no decoration, or minimal decoration that may be poorly executed. This ware has accordingly been divided into Fine and Coarse wares. This suggests that the finer feasting wares are specialized products, which may include aspects of resource and/or site specialization, as well as producer specialization, with the Colorines ware being less specialized and utilizing local resources and more diverse local expressions of decorative motifs.
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CHAPTER IV
METHODS OF ANALYSIS
This study addresses questions about the standardization mid specialization of ceramics used in burial or offering contexts at Los Guachimontones (LG) (Figure 3), and the types of social organization indicated by this type of craft production. Is there evidence at the site of artisans that specialized in certain ceramic forms? Were specialized goods made specifically for use in burial? Are these goods standardized in a way that indicates organized production at a scale above the individual artisan, or is standardization a result of producer mid consumer conservatism and expectations of what a vessel should look like (Arnold 1991:364)? Analysis of ceramic vessels used in burials and other offering contexts will aid in the evaluation of local production as well as possible trade relations within the region and may provide indicators of status of the interred individuals. In this chapter, I present the methods I employ in order to attempt to address these questions. These methods are used for mi analysis of paste composition, vessel form, surface treatment (decoration), use-wear, evidence for standardized or specialized forms, and distribution of vessels in conjunction with other artifacts found in burial or offering contexts throughout the site.
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Figure 3. Site map of the LG ceremonial core. Courtesy of PAT.
The Dataset
Many of the data used for this analysis were compiled by previous researchers who conducted excavations or analyses at the site from 1999-2008 under the direction of Phil Weigand and Rodrigo Esparza. I have compiled these data into a new database titled OfferingsDBJL2015, as well as synthesizing them in this thesis. Reports on the excavations were consulted, as well as digital databases created in Excel. Most relevant were reports on Circles 1, 3, 4, 6, La Joyita (a habitational area) and the Talleres sector because these were the areas that contained burials with associated artifacts, although I must stress that these were not the only burials found at the site. The reports include information on excavation techniques and brief descriptions of artifacts recovered from each context. .Artifacts were set
47


aside, labeled with an inventory number and context, and added to the PAT inventory. These items are stored in the laboratory at the Phil Weigand/ Guachimontones Interpretive Center mid use of them was facilitated by Verenice Heredia, who has been the director since 2012. The databases used for this thesis are:
1) The Vessel_TequilaphaseDBNA2014 and the Figurine DBNA, assembled by Nichole Abbott, Catherine Johns, and Christopher Beekman to replace the Proyecto Arqueologico Tecuchitlan (PAT) Inventory. DBNA2014 is an inventory with measurements and descriptions of whole vessels from the Tequila phases at the site, while the other only addresses figurines. Most, but not all, of the vessels from burials or offerings were included in DBNA2014.
2) A database of Talleres vessels mid burial goods created by Patricia Alonzo-Cuellar in 2012 includes most of the objects found in burial contexts with brief analyses for Talleres 2 and 3.
3) The master CeramicCodesPAX2014, created in 2003, and updated by Johns in 2011 mid 2014, which will likely continue to be updated as long as new excavations and analyses reveal different types. It is a comprehensive list categorizing all of the wares mid associated types for the LG and Navajas sites, with code numbers assigned to each ware and type.
4) An inventory of rim types found at LG and Navajas have been assembled into a Powerpoint document titled RimTypology (2013) and used to identify rim types. All illustrations of rim types are derived from that document.
5) Illustrations of vessels in digital form were also provided by Verenice Heredia, director of the PAT, of which I have made further contributions to in the course of
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this study. As I created the new OfferingsDBJL2015 database, I noted which items had illustrations and which did not. Valerie Simard helped me to illustrate as many of those that did not have one as time would allow, including jewelry in addition to ceramics. This included inventory (INV) #s 009, 022, 094, 112, 113, 115, 121, 128, 134, 230, 231, 232, and 252.
6) Photographs taken by Kong Cheong and Mads Jorgensen in 2014. As with the illustrations, I noted in the new database which items had already been photographed and took my own photos of any items that had not been photographed.
7) The PAT inventory (inventario) is a complete listing of all of the artifacts housed at the PAT lab located in the Guachimontones Interpretive Center. This inventory was created by PAT personnel under the direction of Phil Weigand and continues to be added to. It includes some information on context, but the data are very incomplete and some are incorrect. The inventory also provides artifact location in the lab, but some items either were not found, or the information on the artifact tag did not completely match the inventory description. It was sometimes difficult to reconcile what was in the inventory with what was in the reports. At least nine items that were mentioned in the reports were never found in the inventory (Tables 2-3).
I began by reviewing the current databases and pulling those items associated with burials or offerings from the storage cupboards to verify measurements, paste composition, mid decorative treatments. I then did a thorough review of the inventory to find any additional items that may have been missed when the databases were created. I did identify
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as many as thirty-four items and added them to the database. These items consisted mostly of sherds. Of these sherds, seven were from Talleres 3, Burial 8 and were found with the skulls that were being analyzed by Naomi Ripp.
I also read through the reports and made lists of the items mentioned as found in burials or offerings and compared them to those inventory items that were recorded as being from that excavation. An excavation for a particular context, such as Circle 6, may have had an entry in the inventory indicating that the item was from the patio or a platform that matched an item from the report, but did not specify if it was an offering or burial context. Some items specifically stated that they were from an ofrenda or entierro, including the specific number, such as Entierro 3. Other items may have had an entry indicating it was from a specific offering, but there was no mention of it in the report. I included these items in the database, but I do not know of another way to verify their context. Several items described in the reports were never located in the inventory and have been noted in Tables 2-3 as well as in the Analysis chapter (pg.51). If an inventory item did not have an entry specifically indicating that it was from a burial or offering, I used excavation unit (cuctdro) numbers, if they were noted in the inventory or on the Talleres map created by Esparza (2008), to try to identify the items from the burial reported for that unit. For example, the map shows that burials 5, 5a, and 5b were all located in units 7617-7623, but not all of the items from these units were labeled as from a burial. By examining the report descriptions mid finding the items in the inventory from these units, I was able to piece together which items were from the burials. Other items that had been analyzed and included in the databases were not located in the artifact storage areas or in the interpretive exhibits (Tables 2, 3).
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Table 2. List of items not found in the locations stated in the PAT inventory.
INV# PAT inventory stated location Actual location
006 Red-on-cream olla Mueble 3b Lab window exhibit
865 Piece of green stone Gaveta 3 c Not found
114 Anthropomorphic figure Mueble 3b Lab window exhibit
130 Red-on-cream bowl Mueble 3a Possibly in interpretive exhibit
150, 151 beads (2) on exhibit Not found
175 (18) conch beads (12) on exhibit Not found
177 conch bead Exhibit Not found
Table 3. Items described in the reports that were not found in the inventory.
Context Item description
Talleres 2, Offering 3 Red obsidian knife Copper bell 8 copper rings reported, only 6 found
Talleres 3, Burial 4 Red-on-Cream bowl
Circle 3, Exterior Plaza, Tomb 1 2 vessels Several shell beads
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Reports (informesj are:
1) Herrejon and Smith (2002) reported on the Talleres 1 and 2 excavations.
2) Cach Avendano (2002) reported on the excavations of Circle 6.
3) Weigand and Esparza (2006), is a report on excavations of Circles 1, 2, 3, 4,
7, 8, La Joyita A and B, and the Grand Plaza between 2003 mid 2006.
4) Esparza (2008), reported on the Talleres 3 and 4 excavations.
5) Maps of Talleres III and Burial 12 were created by Rodrigo Esparza in 2008.
There is no informe available for Burial 12, but an article is forthcoming
(Esparza, personal communication 2017).
6) Griffin (2010) published a report on the excavations of Circle 3.
7) Beekman et al. (2014) and (2015), which are general reports of work
accomplished in those lab seasons as well as current chronological data provided
by Beekman and my initial description of the data presented here.
Objects associated with burials and other offerings (buried caches) were identified from the PAT inventory and reports, then located in the repository or the interpretive center exhibit, and examined by this researcher. This involved searching the inventory for items that were labeled as having a burial (entierro) or offering (ofrenda) context. Unit (pozo) numbers that corresponded to known burials were used to identify additional items. In the latter cases, they were included in the analysis only if they could be reconciled with objects identified in the reports. Most data from the inventory and reports were cross-referenced with the databases created by Abbott (2014), Alonzo (2012), and Beekman (2014). In the case of objects already entered into the Vessel TequilaphaseDBNA database (2014) or the Talleres 3 Vessel database (Alonzo 2012), measurements and descriptions were verified and copied into
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the OfferingsDBJL2015 (LeFae 2015). Additional observations and comments were added to descriptions of form, decoration, and use-wear. Also included were sherds from burial or offering contexts that had not been recorded. Photos were taken of all objects that had not been photographed in 2014 by Cheong and Jorgensen. Items that had not been illustrated were identified and illustrations were created of as many objects as time would allow.
Using Standardization to Assess Specialization
Several methods have been employed by researchers in order to assess levels of standardization for ceramic production (Arnold 1991; Costin 1986; Hagstrum 1985; Sinopoli 1991; Sullivan 2006). These include quantitative analysis based on metric attributes, visual, chemical, mid x-ray analysis to determine paste composition, mid a step measure to assess labor input. Each of these methods has its strengths and weaknesses and not all methods can be used in all cases. As discussed, standardization refers to a higher level of homogeneity within an assemblage that is often viewed as the result of increased production and a high degree of repetition (Blackman et al. 1993). However, there have been debates as to whether this is always the case (Arnold 1991:364; Costin 1991; Rice 2015). Arnold (1991) and Costin (1991) have argued that both producer and consumer expectations about what a vessel should look like, as well as the skill mid conservatism of the potter, may contribute to what could be considered a standardized form rather than standardization achieved through intensification of production (Arnold 1991:364). Rice (2015) suggested that links between standardization mid administered production must be made with caution in the absence of controlled ethnographic research (Rice 2015:204). The standardization hypothesis, originally put forward by Blackman et al. (1993), has frequently been used in studies investigating standardization of ceramic products. In this paper, the authors suggest three areas of
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examination for assessing standardization in archaeological assemblages, based on a study of stacked wasters from Tell Leilan, Syria. These are:
1) Methods of manufacture An analysis of manufacturing steps included clay sourcing, providing evidence of clay processing, production (forming mid finishing) steps, firing processes, mid decoration.
2) Compositional analysis Chemical analysis and coefficents of variation (CVs) were used to test a stack of wasters for homogeneity.
3) Form and dimensions -Measurements were made on intact bowls including rim diameter, wall thickness, height, base diameter, and maximum basal thickness, Blackman et al. (1993) concluded, ... rim diameter was the only measurement that could be consistently made.,
Rice argues that numerous studies have used this method with inconsistent results. She asks these questions,
Are these attributes the best measures of the property they purport to measure?
Are standardness or standardization valid indicators of developing productive specialization? Do cross-cultural comparative studies of attribute variability mean anything useful with respect to production organization? [Rice 2015:366].
These are valid questions. However, Rice points out that an ethnographic study conducted by
Longacre (1999) in the Phillipines used CVs for the dimensions of vessels to explore the
relationship between the skill of the potters and metric uniformity. Rices study supported the
hypothesis that greater experience and skill of the potters in this community result in more
standard products (Rice 2015:366). A cross-cultural study (Roux 2003), found that a greater
level of standardization was associated with higher rates of production (Rice 2015:366-367).
Many of these studies involve large collections of sherds and wasters associated with production contexts (Blackman et al. 1993; Sullivan 2006). As discussed above, Blackman et
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al. (1993) were working with a rare type of assemblage in archaeological contexts that consisted of stacks of fused vessels or wasters from a production context. These stacks held as many as 50-65 intact vessels each (Blackman et al. 1993:63). Sullivan (2006), who also used the standardization hypothesis, was working with sherds numbering in the hundreds of thousands, as well as wasters and tools from production contexts (Sullivan 2006:29). The mortuary and offering assemblage from the LG site contains mostly complete or semi-complete vessels, so it is easy to determine and compare rim measurements and some aspects concerning production techniques. However, it is not so easy to conduct chemical or petrographic analyses to determine paste composition, because it would require destroying the vessel. The assemblage also is relatively small in comparison to those from production contexts and mortuary contexts are vastly different from production contexts in that they represent only finished products selected specifically for burial. No definitive evidence of production has been identified at the LG site. The assemblage from LG represents a time span of about 1900 years, mid therefore can be expected to demonstrate a great deal of variability. Beekmans (2015) assessment of this assemblage identifies most vessels as corresponding to the Tequila II-IV (300 B.C.- A.D.500) and into the El Grillo phase (A.D. 500-900). The two Talleres 2 offerings are associated with the Atemajac II Phase (A.D. 1400-1600) (Beekman et al. 2015). Blackman et al. (1993) discuss cumulative blurring that occurs because different production events carried out by different workshops in both space and time, but using essentially the same clay sources and paste recipes, will show more variation than a single workshop or production event. We have radio-carbon dates for the LG assemblage that indicate the general chronological sequence of construction
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associated with the burials (Beekman et al. 2015), but the likelihood of cumulative blurring in this assemblage is fairly high.
Standardization can be represented as a continuum between individual artisans following their own practices to controlled and standardized production resulting from high demand and an intensified scale of production. I will employ a production step measure to assess labor input for each vessel type in the LG assemblage along this continuum in addition to an analysis of paste composition, metric analysis and descriptive statistics (mean, median, standard deviation) to assess standardization. A consideration of context within the site is used to determine the relationship of vessels between burials, and whether certain vessels were specialized products used for mortuary purposes.
Metric evidence
One index for assessing standardization outlined in Blackman et al. (1995) is the measurement of vessel dimensions. This includes measurements of rim diameters, rim thickness, wall thickness, body diameter, weight, and height. These measurements are common in ceramic analysis and I have employed them here. Similar measurements between vessels may suggest a level of standardization that is achieved through repetition of movements and/or standardized ways of forming the vessel. In studies that have only sherds to work with, rim sherds are one of the most diagnostic elements available.
Due to their shape and finished edge, they are easily differentiated from other sherds, mid a large enough sherd can be measured to determine the diameter, which can then be used to determine the type of vessel it is. Sullivans (2006) study used rim sherds with an arc length greater than 5 cm. She then created histograms of the rim diameters to divide three different vessel forms into size categories, which I have also attempted to do. However,
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because there are several burials found in different contexts that may represent different time periods and not a single production event, it is difficult to compare them by rim diameters alone. For example, one olla from La Joyita A has a rim diameter of 9 cm, but a body diameter of 36.5 cm, making it a much larger vessel than all of the others, even though it has an average rim diameter. Although Aronson (1993) analyzed diameter/height ratios, this does not account for vessels that may vary greatly in body proportions, but have similar orifice or rim diameters. In fact, Aronson also had reservations about the usefulness of these ratios and other statistical measures. She states,
Metric ratios of diameters, base diameters, minimum diameters, height, and height to maximum diameter were collected, and a general clustering analysis run to detect constant patterns in metric aesthetic. This proved to be of limited utility...This is not surprising, given the small sample and the fact that these are such gross categories to reflect something far more subtle... Variables which seemed to be far more important include the general shape of the vessel wall, the treatment of the rim, forming techniques and smoothness, and regularity of the surface, to name a few [Aronson 1993:311],
The Production Step Measure developed by Feinman etal. (1981) is one way of addressing some of the variables recommended by Aronson, such as smoothness mid surface regularity, represented by actions such as wiping, scraping, mid burnishing. In addition to the step measure, I provide a visual comparison (i.e. photos) of vessels grouped by type and rim measurements to demonstrate similarities mid differences within each grouping. Because my background research indicates that complicated analyses are not that effective, particularly for small assemblages such as this one, the variables I have used are only for more general assessments of homogeneity. However, I have provided some descriptive statistics in order to compare variable frequencies for three main wares/types in the assemblage Colorines, Estolanos Grey, and Nifty Pink.
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Variables
I used several variables in order to analyze variability between assemblages and factors that might indicate the specialization of certain forms used in burials at the site. Ceramic artifacts received the most attention in this study because they are the most abundant artifact found at most sites in Mesoamerica. Ceramic vessels were used in everyday activities such as cooking, serving, and storage but also could be used to create and maintain social ties through trade. The use of ceramics could be highly ritualized such as in funerary rites and placement in burial. Ceramics could be used to convey information about group identity, and in some cases, a vessel may represent beliefs or ideologies that go well beyond utilitarian use. A great number of studies have utilized ceramics mid processes such as the acquisition mid processing of clays, firing techniques, and methods mid styles of decoration (Arnold 2015; Hagstrum 1985; Rice 2015). In addition, vessel functions are fairly well-defined.
Rices (2015) Vessel Function chart (Table 4) provides a general overview of these functions, but this should be viewed only as a general guide or starting point, not a strict set of rules. The relative abundance of ceramics in the LG burial assemblage provides the best opportunity for assessing standardization and specialization. Ceramics were not the only type of artifact found in these contexts. Other items included in burials were figurines, jewelry, lithics, and ground stone, which deserve some discussion as well. These are touched upon in the analysis chapter where I briefly discuss the objects in the context of their social value, use in burial contexts and their distribution throughout the site. Because of the time limitations for my research, as well as the limited samples, I did not analyze these objects for standardization or specialization. However, many of the same variables as used for ceramics (discussed below) were collected and are provided in Table 13. Appendices A and B may be
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consulted for more details regarding the context mid physical appearance of these items.
These objects, like ceramics, are crafted goods used in both life and death and may give clues to the social status of an individual or the customs of a culture.
In order to address questions regarding the presence of craft production specialists at the site, I have analyzed the level of standardization for all of the vessel wares and types. Variables for this analysis include form, ware, rim diameters, heights, weights, decorative motifs and other decorative elements, mid labor inputs. In order to assess whether any specialized goods were created specifically for burial, I have analyzed the presence of use-wear, as well as the identification of certain types that appear to be used only for ritual purposes. In order to examine important areas of the site in regards to ritual activity that include burial or offerings, I have analyzed the contexts of the burials and number of offerings. The variables of context, quantity, and quality of goods were also used to evaluate the relative status of individuals interred within the site.
Paste. In regards to paste composition, an important element in this and any ceramic analysis, I have had to rely heavily on these previous type descriptions and analyses. Aronson (1993) was able to use petrographic analysis, Johns (2014) relied heavily on the use of a loupe to define the wares at Navajas. Johns mid Beekman have also analyzed a great number of sherds at the LG site, and in 2014, they trained me to identify the different paste types from that site, again with heavy reliance on a lOx loupe. However, as mentioned previously, the assemblage used in this study is mostly whole vessels mid often the paste is not visible. In this case it becomes necessary to identify the types by decoration and finish alone. Because of this, I have identified several vessels that may be a different ware than previously categorized. I present my arguments for this in Chapter V, Analysis Results (pp. 106-108).
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Ware. The variable of ware is used to define the category of paste composition for ceramic vessels and figurines, and in some case, jewelry. The wares for LG are fairly well-defined and each ware and its corresponding types has a code in the CeramicCodePAX2014 described above. The ceramic wares relevant to this study are discussed in detail in the analysis chapter. They include Colorines, Tabachines, Estolanos, and the El Grillo wares of Nifty Pink and Rough Pink, which range from Fine to Coarse. These wares are usually associated with specific activities such as the use of the Tabachines ware as serving vessels for ritual feasting, or Coarse Colorines ware for cooking mid storage. These vessels were used in daily life and ceramic sherds and vessels are found in domestic contexts. But they were also used in death and are found in burial contexts at the LG site and others throughout the region.
Material. The variable of material is used for lithics, jewelry, and ground stone and may include black, green, or mahogany (mottled black and brown) obsidian, ceramic, slate, basalt, shell, or tooth.
Decorative type or style. Decorative type is in reference to the exterior treatment of vessels and figurines. Ceramic types are also fairly well-defined for the region and are discussed in detail in the analysis chapter. Most types fall into categories of Red, Red-on-Cream, Cream, Black/Grey, or Black-on-Red. Because I used data for which the types had already been defined, I did not use a Munsell chart to describe paint colors. Instead, I visually verified the descriptions and types that had been entered in the database. However, in retrospect, I believe that this method would have been useful to my analysis and I will employ this procedure in future studies.
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The term style is in specific reference to figures/figurines which have been previously defined for the region. This variable refers to those figure/figurine styles that were identifiable in the LG assemblage, such as the San Juanito style. Larger figures are usually hollow, while the smaller figurines are typically solid in form. An in-between type may have a hollow body with solid limbs.
Form. The forms of ceramic vessels help define their use categories. OUas (jars) are a form of closed-neck vessel common throughout Mesoamerica that come in a range of sizes with varying orifice measurements. OUas with extremely narrow openings were likely used for storing or serving liquids, while those with wider openings may have been used for cooking, serving, or storage of dried goods (Rice 2015:420). OUas can be plainly or elaborately decorated on the exterior, but were usually undecorated, or even unfinished on the interior because the restricted openings typically are not large enough to accommodate a human hand reaching inside to scrape the interior of the vessel. In addition, it is not necessary to decorate the interior of a vessel that no-one will see, although this does not mean that it never happens. Bowls are another common form in the LG assemblage and throughout Mesoamerica. Bowls can be the most elaborately decorated because both the interior and exterior are visible to the user and readily available for finishing and decoration. Bowls generally were used as serving vessels, although they may also be used for ritual purposes. They are sometimes found covering the face of the deceased in the burials at LG (Esparza 2008). Tecomates, or seed jars, commonly were used as storage vessels, although they may have been used for serving as well. These vessels are somewhere between a bowl and a jar with no neck and inward-curving rims, sometimes very wide openings depending on the size of the jar, mid are commonly known as neckless jars. Small plates, referred to as ceniceros
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(ashtrays) in this region, are also fairly common in this assemblage. They are generally about 11 cm in diameter, much like a modem ashtray. The fine paste in conjunction with a lack of use-wear indicates they may have served a more ritual, rather than utilitarian purpose. There are no large plates in the assemblage.
Rim type and diameter. Rim types were identified by comparing actual rims to the Rim Typology. If this were an examination of sherds, this would be helpful for identifying the type of vessel a rim sherd belongs to. Because this study involves mostly whole vessels, we already know what the vessel form is. In this case, an assessment of standardization of forms, the variables of rim types and rim diameters, becomes a way to divide a large category such as ollas into smaller, more discrete units of analysis. Similar rim types or measurements may be an indicator of the standardization of certain vessels, which may indicate specialized production of these types. In addition, rim diameter measurements have been used in past studies to assess standardization in ceramic production, as discussed in Chapter 2.
Other measurements. Measuring the thickness of the vessels body, the diameter of the vessel, height, and weight, are all useful for assessing the standardization of forms. Vessels made by the same artisan or workshop may have similar measurements due to the repetition of movements, or the use of tools such as pieces of wood cut to a certain length, or the span of the potters hand for measuring during manufacture (Arnold 1991:364). Basic measurements such as height, length, width, and weight were also taken for jewelry, lithics, mid ground stone items. The logic here is similar to the use of measurements for ceramic vessels, in that repetitive actions involved in producing large quantities of goods may result in the standardization of physical measurements or indicate an acceptable social aesthetic.
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Vessel Form. Although this is not an activity analysis, the specific forms and their uses come into play when considering their final use in a mortuary context. The use of the vessel, which may be multi-purpose, dictates certain aspects of its manufacture such as differences in the composition of the paste, the thickness of various parts of the vessel, the shape of both the body of the vessel mid the rim, and sometimes surface treatments that help to reduce permeability and add strength to the vessel (Rice 2015:418). The mouth of the vessel plays an important role in defining what a pot or jar may have been used for. This variable would include both the diameter of the orifice and the shape of the rim. A restricted opening is ideal for liquids and storage because the opening prevents contents from spilling mid it is easily capped. A wider orifice is important when it is necessary to reach into the vessel, as when cooking, stirring, and serving. A modified rim may serve to hold a lid, perhaps by attaching a piece of cloth or leather that is tied below the rim. Handles provide a way to lift, carry or suspend a vessel, and the shape of the vessel may determine how it is used. Rounded or pointed bottoms are better for more efficient heating when placed over a fire, whereas a vessel with a flatter, more stable bottom might be used for storage (Rice 2015:419-421). Rices Vessel Function Chart (Table 4) provides a framework for what the various types of vessels might have been used for. It is a generalized chart because ceramics from different areas may have been used for different purposes, or a given vessel form may have had multiple uses. Johns (2014) also used this chart in order to analyze vessel function of sherds from Navajas. Table 17 in the Analysis chapter shows the relationships between the wares mid vessel forms in the LG assemblage.
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Table 4. Vessel Function Chart from Rice (2015): Table 25.1.
Functional Category Shape Material Surface Treatment and Decoration Depositional Context Frequency Clues
Storage Vessels Restricted forms, orifice modified for pouring or closure; appendages for suspension or movement (tipping) Variable (possible concern for low porosity) Variable for display or messages; slip or glaze to reduce permeability Dwellings (sometimes set into ground); trash middens Low (low replacement): may be reuse of broken or old vessels Residues of stored goods in pores
Cooking pots Rounded, conical, globular, unrestricted ; generally lacking angles Coarse and porous, thin walls, thermal shock resistant Little to none; surface roughening for handling ease Dwellings, trash middens; rarely in special deposits (e.g. burials) High (frequent replacement) Patterns of exterior sooting or blackening g; burned contents
Food preparation (without heat) Unrestricted forms, simple shapes Emphasis on mechanical strength; relatively coarse, dense Variable; generally low Dwellings, trash middens Moderate? Internal wear; abrasion or pitting
Serving Unrestricted for easy access; often with handles; flat bases or supports for stability May be fine Generally high, for display or symbolic roles Dwellings, trash middens, special deposits (burials, caches) High (frequent use and replacement) Sizes correspond to individual servings or group size
Transport Convenient for stacking; handles; lightweight ; restricted orifice Emphasis on mechanical strength; dense, hard Variable, generally low, slip or glaze to reduce permeability Trash middens, non- domestics (market) areas Variable Uniform size or multiple units of size; residues of contents
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Use wear. The presence of use-wear can be used to determine how the vessel or other artifact may have been used. Vessels that are highly scorched were likely used for cooking, while abrasions on the bottom of a bowl may indicate frequent use as a serving vessel. The presence or absence of use-wear becomes even more useful for determining whether items were made specifically for a burial context. If vessels have use-wear, they would have served other functions before being placed with the deceased. If they do not exhibit use-wear, it is likely that they were made specifically for burial and may therefore represent a specialized type.
Sooting. This indicator of use refers to blackening on the outside of the vessel caused by carbon and organic tars mid resins that are the result of placement in or over a fire. Archaeologists must take care when cleaning vessels as sooting can be washed away when cleaning the vessel. Sooting can also be confused with fire-clouding, which is a result of the firing process in manufacture. Indications of sooting up the sides of a vessel, with an oxidized or non-sooted area at the base suggests that the vessel was placed directly in a fire, whereas soot deposits on both the base mid the sides would suggest that it was suspended over the fire (Rice 2015:429). Sooting should not be confused with fire-clouding, which occurs as part of the firing process and may be due to a highly carbonaceous clay (Rice 2015:289t)
Scratches, abrasions, mid chipping. There are several factors involved in how much use-wear will be present on a vessel, including paste composition, relative hardness, how it was fired, and how the surface was treated. Both the interior and exterior bases are most likely to exhibit chipping, abrasions, or pitting due to actions such as stirring, grinding, and pounding. Interiors may exhibit pitting as a chemical reaction to certain foods or processes
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such as fermentation. Abrasions on the exterior base may result from frequent actions such as setting it down or scraping it on a hard or uneven surface. Surfaces may also become abraded as a result of scouring them with sand in order to clean them. Rims also frequently have chipping from actions of stirring and serving, or simple carelessness (Rice 2015:430-431).
The presence or absence of use-wear becomes even more useful for determining if items were made specifically for a burial context. If vessels have use-wear, they would have served other functions before being placed with the deceased. If they do not exhibit use-wear, it is likely that they were made specifically for burial and may therefore represent a specialized type.
The Production Step Measure
The Production Step Measure developed by Feinman etal. (1981)isa useful way to visually analyze the level of labor mid skill involved in the production of vessels from the LG mortuary assemblage. Feinman et al. (1981) used this method of analysis to measure
.. .the relative amount of labor involved in producing fine, highly decorated ceramics as opposed to coarse, utilitarian ceramics.. .to be used to index the relative social costs mid amount of labor input involved in the manufacture of various categories of pottery. Once quantified such differences enable us to provide empirical justification for the subjective distinction between fine mid coarse, as well as for possible intervening categories of ceramics. Hence, we find that the production step measure aids analysis of distributional patterns which may reflect both social status differentiations mid exchange configurations [Feinman et al. 1981:872].
The step measure was based upon ethnographic studies of tasks involved in nonwheel made pottery and provides an ordinal index of the steps involved in production. Each task, such as forming, firing, finishing, and decorating, is assigned one or more points, depending on the relative amount of time or difficulty required for each step. Costin and Hagstrum (1995) used this method in their study of Wanka and Inka ceramic vessels from highland Peru.
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Because Hagstrum is a potter, she modified the production step index to reflect the labor invested in the manufacture of the vessels from this particular assemblage mid added points based on her knowledge of the required labor. Therefore, steps that may have only received one point by Feinman et al. (1981) might receive more points from Hagstrum because she has further divided the steps to reflect actual labor input. For instance, she added the categories of coiled and rotated to that of the primary formation of the vessel mid assigned an appropriate number of points to each (Costin and Hagstrum 1993:630).
Feinman et al. (1981) included variables such as fine paste because this type of paste takes more time to process. They did not, however, include procurement of raw materials, because this step can only be assessed if the material (clay) source is known. Also, the steps do not take absolute time for each step into account; instead, each step is ranked equally. There is a relative correspondence between the number of steps and the absolute time required to make a vessel (Feinman et al. 1981:873). Although ethnographic studies (DeBoer mid Lathrap 1979) also demonstrate that larger vessels require more time to create, the Feinman et al. (1981) study controlled for size by only analyzing ceramic bowls, because they were working with sherds, which can be more difficult for reconstructing size (Feinman et al. 1981:873). The LG assemblage is different from that of Feinman et al.s (1981) study in that it consists of mostly complete or semi-complete vessels, and we therefore know the exact dimensions of the vessels. Following Sullivan (2006), I have divided the vessels into size categories by examining a histogram of rim diameters in order to assign more points for larger vessels (Sullivan 2006:38) (Figure 30). The histogram initially helped to define three general categories: miniature (< 8 cm), standard (8-19 cm), and large (20-40 cm). However, this does not take into account the actual body size of the vessel. A histogram of body
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diameters allowed me to divide them more appropriately (Figure 31). The new categories based on maximum body diameters is miniature (< 8 cm), small (8-12.5 cm), medium (13-19 cm), large (20-26 cm), and extra-large (> 26 cm). A further advantage of the step measure is that it allows for the empirical quantification of effort without requiring the reconstruction of specific labor investments through experimental archaeology or ethnoarchaeology.
Because the LG collection is different from the Southwestern collection analyzed by Feinman et al. (1981), I deleted some of the variables offered and added a few new variables that were more representative of the LG collection. The variable of forming techniques, as suggested by Aronson (discussed below), is addressed by new categories such as well-formed or standardized, meaning that the form appears to be the work of an experienced hand, and that measurements and appearance suggest that more than one vessel of the same type were made by the same artisan or workshop. To illustrate, several vessels from three separate tombs or offerings in Circle 6 were extremely similar in form, size, mid color; enough to suggest from a simple visual analysis that they were made by the same artisan or workshop, and possibly made specifically for placement in these contexts. The descriptive statistics for these vessels also demonstrate a level of standardization, and their provenience within the site supports this postulation because it suggests that many of them were placed in a burial context at roughly the same time, possibly representing a single event in some cases.
Feinman et al. (1981) argue that it is also possible to infer socioeconomic differentiation through the labor costs involved in producing ceramic objects, combined with provenience distribution. In the article they state,
Miller's (1980) study, along with other recent research ..., supports the contention that costly ceramics tend to be associated with locations that exhibit the greatest economic and/or political importance. In other words, the distribution of ceramics which require a high input of energy for their production is similar to the distribution
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of other rare, exotic, or costly items that are usually defined as status related [Miller 1980 as cited in Feinman et al. 1981].
One goal of this thesis is to assess the status of individuals associated with mortuary ceramics at the LG site. Because the step measure is useful for determining the quality of ceramics that may be associated with status, I use it in this analysis to achieve that goal.
In this chapter I have outlined the methods that I use to answer questions about the specialization and standardization of vessel types found in burial or offering contexts at LG, the status of the people they were being buried with, and what all this implies for social organization at the site. To achieve this objective, I use these methods to analyze data on composition, form, surface treatment (decoration), use-wear, and distribution throughout the site. I also use some of the variables recorded to develop a modified step measure for vessels from the burials and offerings.
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CHAPTER V
ANALYSIS RESULTS
As discussed in the methods section, I provide an analysis that demonstrates the relationships between wares, types, and their distribution among burials and offerings in certain areas of the site, mid what this suggests about the value and meaning of the vessels. I then attempt to discern whether the vessels of this assemblage are standardized in a way that might indicate specialization of these forms, or if they may have been made specifically for burial, and what this might suggest for social organization at the site. This assemblage represents goods that were buried in the context of either a human interment or what has been termed as an offering (buried goods that have little or no associated human remains), so I begin by summarizing the excavation results and contexts for the buried goods that were found within them. As an added note, this discrimination between burials mid offerings comes directly from the translated reports previously discussed in the Methods chapter, and not from my own analysis of the burial contexts. A brief summary of these contexts is presented in Table 5, mid a more detailed translation and discussion can be found in Appendix A. A summary of the ceramic wares and types found within these contexts, a production step measure analysis, and various visual mid metric analyses are presented in this chapter as well.
My goal is to help better define the ceramic assemblages of Los Guachimontones, and to suggest whether certain types were being made by specialists at the site, specifically for burial or otherwise. The evidence that I expect to find supporting specialization of vessels or other items for burial includes unique types or forms that may show patterning in where they
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are placed at the site and very little or no signs of use-wear. Standardization is often in direct
association with specialization of a certain form that is produced in large quantities,
therefore, vessels that exhibit similar paste composition, measurements, and decoration may
be the result of the repeated actions and traditional knowledge of an individual artisan or
members of a workshop. A great deal of variation in these categories may be indicative of an
independent context of production involving either 1) a number of artisans dispersed
throughout the community, 2) trade with neighboring or distant communities, or 3) an
extended period of time over which multiple production events occurred. The evidence for
specialized forms placed in burial, and where the burials have been placed at the site can
provide insight into social organization and how elites may have controlled the production of
mortuary goods. We also gain some understanding of the mortuary practices of a culture,
which in turn informs us about both social and spiritual ideologies how people of the past
thought about the afterlife and how they prepared their dead for their final journey.
Table 5: Summary of contexts for burials and offering at LG used in this analysis. These descriptions are translated from the reports mentioned in Chapter V, Methods of Analysis chapter. Refer to appendix A for more detailed descriptions.
Context Type built (box) tomb, shaft tomb, simple or pit burial, offering) Number of individuals Biological Sex (if known) Associated goods
Circle 1, Exterior Plaza, Amphitheatre, Platform A, Offering 1 Offering, Simple burial 1 infant skull ? 3 vessels
Circle 3, Exterior Plaza Offering 2 (no offering 1 found) 0 N/A 1 vessel
Circle 3, Exterior Plaza, Platform 1 T omb 1 pit burial 1 child ? 2 vessels, beads -none found in inventory.
T omb 2 pit burial 2 scatter of bones ? 2 vessels, 3 slate pendants
T omb 3 pit burial 2-1 adult, 1 child ? 2 vessels, 9 beads
Circle 4 Offering N/A N/A 1 plate
Circle 6, Central Altar Burial 1 simple MNI=7 ? 0
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Table 5 continued
Context Type built (box) tomb, shaft tomb, simple or pit burial, offering) Number of individuals Biological Sex (if known) Associated goods
Circle 6, Central Altar (continued) T omb 1 built tomb 1 long bones only ? 3 vessels, mano and metate, 20 pendants
T omb 2 built 1 long bones only ? 7 vessels, sherds, 1 figure, 2 shell bracelets
T omb 3 built ? misc. bones ? 0
T omb 4 built 1 skull and long bones ? 1 vessel, 1 pendant
T omb 5 shaft tomb 2 infant skulls + bird and reptile bones ? 4 vessels, 3 pendants, 82 beads, shell fragments
Context Type built (box) tomb, shaft tomb, simple or pit burial, offering) Number of individuals Biological Sex (if known) Associated goods
Tomb 6 -unreported ? ? 1 vessel
Offering 1 N/A N/A 1 plate
Offering 2 N/A N/A 1 vessel
Offering 4 N/A N/A 1 Figure
Offering 10 N/A N/A 2 vessels
Offering 11/12 N/A N/A 3 vessels, sherds
Circle 6, Patio Offering 7 N/A N/A 1 vessel, sherds, basalt disc, shell
La Joyita A, Structure 3 Offering N/A N/A 1 vessel
La Joyita A, Structure 4, Tomb 2/Offering 1 Offering or simple burial ? ? 1 obsidian biface
La Joyita A, Structure 4 Offering 1 N/A N/A 2 vessels
La Joyita A, Structure 3 Offering N/A N/A 1 vessel
La Joyita A, Unspecified structure Offering 1 N/A N/A 2 vessels, 2 plates, 1 basalt disc
Talleres 2 Offering 2 N/A N/A 8 copper rings
Offering 3 N/A N/A 1 vessel
Talleres 3 Burial 2 simple 1 skull and long bones Female? 1 figurine fragment, 1 biface
Burial 4 simple 1 vessel, 24 beads
Burial 5/5a/5b -simple 2 skulls and long bones Female? 10 vessels, 2 plates, sherds, 1 figure, 1 scraper, mano and metate, 72 beads
Burial 6 simple 1 skull and long bones Female? 2 vessels
Burial 7 simple 2-2 skulls, 1 full skeleton Male, and female? 3 vessels, 1 plate, 2 figurines, 66 beads
Burial 12 simple 5 skulls, femurs and long bones ? 15 vessels
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Ceramic Wares and Types Found in Los Guachimontones Burial and Offering Contexts
A great number of ceramic wares and decorative types associated with the Teuchitlan culture have been identified in previous studies (Table 6), however, four main wares correspond to the Tequila II-IV phases (300 B.C.-A.D.500), that have been described by various researchers (Aronson 1993; Beekman and Weigand 2000; Galvan 1984; Johns 2014). These wares are Colorines, Tabachines, Estolanos, mid Arroyo Seco, which all correspond to the Tequila II-IV phases of the Tequila Valleys region. Ceramics found in mortuary contexts at Los Guachimontones (LG) fall mainly into three of these four types. Arroyo Seco, although present in other contexts at the site, is uncommon, and does not form any part of the burials or offerings in this study. Other wares, however, appear within at least one of these contexts, and may aid in defining changes in social organization, ideation, mid mortuary practices at the site. Two other wares appear in burial contexts at the LG site, and are associated with the El Grillo phase. One of these wares is Nifty Pink (Code 101), a paste that is limited exclusively to miniature vessels in what may be a high status burial. The other is Coarse Pink Red (Code 14), which is represented by only one vessel in the assemblage that corresponds to the El Grillo phase. Other wares, representing an Atemajac I or II phase occupation at the site are present, but are not directly associated with any burial or offering context. A few ceramic vessels identified in the inventory (inventario), such as a Huistla Polychrome vessel with zoomorphic supports from this later period appear to have been intrusive to the original interment or offering, but may represent an offering from the later phase. The following section on ceramic wares includes photographs of a sample of vessels that represent either atypical or unusual type or form. Tables 7 and 8 describe the
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distributions of the types by both number and percentage, per burial context. As described above, these contexts include direct burials (placed in the ground without a built structure of any kind), box tombs, one shaft tomb, and several offerings,, that are usually associated with surface architecture and may or may not include bones. I have relied on the written reports of excavations to determine whether these contexts are considered a burial or other offering. Appendix A provides more details on the contexts and associated goods, and Appendix B may be consulted for a complete photographic inventory of the goods from each burial or offering context.
Table 6. Ceramic Codes used.
1 Tabachines: Black
5 Tabachines: Cream
17 Tabachines: Oconahua Red-on-White
9 Fine Colorines: Red
35 Fine Colorines: Ahualulco Red-on-Cream/Buff
118 Fine Colorines: Cream
123 Fine Colorines: Black
350/355 Coarse Colorines: Red-on-Base
350 Coarse Colorines: Fugitive Red-on-Red
22 Estolanos: Teuchitlan Red-on-Cream
26 Estolanos: Grey
27 Estolanos: Cream
220 Estolanos: Red slip on cream base
42 Coarse Pink: Red
101 Nifty Pink: Teuchitlan Polychrome, Black-on-Red
PC Pseudo-Cloisonne
15 Coarse Postclassic
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Table 7. Ware counts for whole vessels per architectural group or sector. These counts are for whole or mostly whole vessels. Other sherds that could not be reconstructed into at least a partial vessel are not included as they may have been part of the fill.
Architectural group or Talleres sector Tabachines Fine Colorines Coarse Colorines Estolanos Nifty Pink Coarse Pink Coarse Atemajac Coarse Postclassic
Talleres 2 1
Talleres 3 10 5 2 12 2
Circle 1 2 1
Circle 3, EP 1 3 1
Circle 4 1
Circle 6 12 4 7 1 1
La Joyita A 3 5 1
TOTAL for All LG Burials/Offering 5 29 13 11 12 2 1 1
Total # of Vessels 74
Table 8. Ware percentages by count per structure or sector. These counts are for whole or mostly whole vessels. Other sherds that could not be reconstructed into at least a partial vessel are not included as they may have been part of the fill.
Structure or Talleres sector Tabachines Fine Colorines Coarse Colorines Estolanos Nifty Pink Coarse Pink Coarse Atemaj ac Coarse Postclassic
Talleres 2 100%
Talleres 3 32% 16% 6% 39% 6%
Circle 1 67% 33%
Circle 3, EP 20% 60% 20%
Circle 4 100%
Circle 6 50% 17% 29% 4% 4%
La Joyita A 33% 56% 11%
TOTAL % for ALL LG Burials/Offerings 7% 39% 12% 15% 16% 3% 1% 1%
Tabachines Ware (Ware 1)
The Tabachines ware is considered to be the finest ware within the Teuchitlan culture mid is primarily associated with high status, ritual, and feasting activity. Excavations of a shaft tomb at Huitzilapa contained numerous examples of Tabachines ware open vessels such as bowls surrounding the interred individuals. These vessels were highly decorated and contained food and drink for the dead (Lopez and Ramos 2006:275). In that case, the vessels
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were not used for cooking or storage, but were instead used as serving vessels in a ritualized context (Lopez 2005). Butterwick (1998), in her study of shaft-tomb figures, observed that many of the figures held single-serving vessels, many of which were highly decorated. These may be representative of the Tabachines serving vessels, and also associates them with ritual mid feasting activities (Butterwick 1998:91). Johns (2014) found that the Tabachines ware vessels from the late Tequila III phase Circle 5 at Navajas had, on average, the smallest rim diameters for both open and closed vessels, with open vessels being the dominant form at 89.04 percent of all Tabachines ware vessels (Johns 2014:63). In addition, her study demonstrated that both Tabachines mid Arroyo Seco vessels were found in association with all of the platforms of Circle 5, linking both wares to ritual and feasting activities. The fine decoration mid smaller size of the Tabachines wares suggests that these were probably linked to higher status individuals engaged in ritual or ritual feasting, while the larger, sturdier, and plainly decorated Arroyo Seco ware may have been for lower status individuals or used in more communal-style feasting contexts (Johns 2014:64-65).
The Tabachines paste is also known to have been used for small figurines and miniature vessels (Johns 2014:57-58). The average rim diameter for the LG Tabachines vessels is 10.2 cm. Tabachines vessels are actually somewhat rare in the LG mortuary assemblage. The few examples include at least one large, finely decorated serving bowl, several small plates (ceniceros) with little or no decoration, a few figurines, and a miniature black zoomorphic bowl. Tabachines ware is primarily associated with the Tequila III phase (300 B.C.-A.D. 200) and whole Tabachines vessels make up approximately 7 percent of the LG mortuary assemblage. Table 9 provides the burial or buried offering context in which each Tabachines type was found at the LG site.
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Table 9. Tabachines types by context in the LG burial/offering assemblage.
Tabachines Black (Code 1) Tabachines Cream (Code 5) Tabachines Oconahua Redon-White (Code 17) Tabachines Red (Code 20)
Circle 1, Exterior Plaza, Amphitheatre, Offering or Burial 1 8 large sherds forming the base of a bowl. 1 bowl
La Joyita A, Structure 4, Offering 1 1 miniature bowl 1 small plate
La Joyita, Offering 1 1 small plate
Circle 6, Tomb 2 1 sherd 11 sherds from multiple vessels
Total 10 1 2 11 sherds
As discussed, Tabachines ware is the finest ware found at LG and throughout the region. It is usually identified by its delicate, rounded, organic form made from a fine, creamy-colored paste that frequently exhibits a black or dark grey core. Tabachines paste comes by its fine quality through thorough cleaning mid sifting which leaves a dense paste with few or no air pockets. Inclusions mid temper are usually pin-prick size and sub-rounded pieces of red hematite, obsidian, and white sand, and the paste has been described as silty and prone to dissolving when washed. In addition, the decoration may sometimes be of a fugitive nature and highly prone to being washed away with water (Beekman 1996:455; Johns 2014:55). Decoration on most vessels is applied before polishing, however, fugitive paint is applied after polishing and firing the vessel, so it is more prone to coming off. This technique is uncommon in the region, but is occasionally found. Tabachines vessels have been shown to have been formed with fine coils that are highly scraped and polished as to render the coils invisible and to create a smooth, glossy surface on a fairly thin vessel (Aronson 1993:180;
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Johns 2014:56). They are so thin and hard fired that the sherds will make a dinging sound when dropped (Beekman 1996:476). A great number of these vessels are elaborately decorated in what is known as the Oconahua Red-on-White type. Some vessels in the region exhibit smearing or blurring of the design created as a result of burnishing or polishing with a stone or a stick while the paint is still somewhat damp (Beekman 1996:455; Johns 2014:61). Tabachines paste is used primarily for shallow bowls, occasionally for closed vessels, and also for figurines and miniatures (Figure 4), as discussed above.
Figure 4. INV 653 a, b Female and male figurine pair from Talleres 3, Burial 7 formed from Tabachines paste. Photo by LeFae 2015.
Tabachines Types
Tabachines Black (Code 1). The Tabachines Black type does not appear to be common at the LG site or any other. Although there are three examples of this type observed in this study, they are both very small pieces without additional decoration. The first is a cenicero, a small plate (Figure 5), that is not as finely made as most Tabachines vessels. Another is a large bowl sherd, and the last is a very finely made miniature bowl with
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Full Text

PAGE 1

! THE MORTUARY OFFERINGS OF LOS GUACHIMONTONES: SPECIALIZED GOODS FOR SPECIAL CONTEXTS ? by JONES CATHERINE LEFAE B.A., University of Colorado, 2012 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial f ulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of the Arts Anthropology 2017

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! "" This thesis for the Master of Arts degree by Jones Catherine LeFae h as been approved for the Anthropology Program by Christopher Beekman, Chair Tammy Ston e Verenice Heredia Espinoza Date : December 16 2017

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! """ LeFae, Jones Catherine ( MA Anthropology) The Mortuary Offerings of Los Guachimontones: Specialized Goods for Special Contexts ? Thesis directed by Associate Professor Christopher Beekman ABSTRACT Archaeological research over the past several decades has provided us with a richer understanding of the complexity of social organization in the region of West Mexico and the ways in which elites exhibited power and claims to the land. One of the ways in which elites accomplished this was by the conspicuous display of wealth in mortuary ritual. It was a way for elites to lay ancestral claims to the land by burying their wealth with the interred in special areas of the site that were associated with kin bas ed lineages, such as in shaft tombs located underneath the platforms of the guachimont— n structures. The production of the items used for these displays of wealth and power, including the ceramic models that narrate these activities, has long been a side n ote in the overall discussion of social organization and the mechanisms of power in the region. Several recent studies have addressed the manufacture of items made from obsidian in the region, as well as studies about the meaning of the figurines, such as gender relations and the representation of social status. These studies are an important step in the direction of addressing the nature of production, trade, social organization, ideologies, and political strategies in the region, but ceramic prod uction ne eds to be added to the list. The assemblage from Los Guachimontones provides a glimpse into the activities, including craft production, that surround mortuary and other types of ritual in the region and

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! "# is thus of vital importance for furthering the unde rstanding of the ancient cultures that occupied the area. In this thesis, good s, ceramic goods in particular from mortuary and other special contexts, are analyzed to assess the level of standardization and specialization and whether they experienced a u se life prior to burial. Understanding these aspects of craft production provides insight into the nature of social organization and the beliefs and ideologies of the people who created ceramics and interred them with their dead. Results of this study sugg est that there may have bee n craft specialists at the site of Los Guachimontones who created goods for use in mortuary ritual, but that many ceramic vessels were likely produced and used in domestic contexts before being placed in burials or offerings Cer amic s exhibited a range of forms an d decorative treatments and most, with a few exceptions, were utilitarian in nature and experienced use prior to interment. The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication. Approved: Chr istopher Beekman

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! # DEDICATION I dedicate this thesis to the memory of my father, Gilbert Rodriguez (1935 1981), who was the first in my family to receive a Master's degree. He was a Master Teacher and accomplished musician. I know he would be very prou d of me for all I have achieved.

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! #" ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS An endeavor such as this thesis is never accomplished alone and I would like to acknowledge and thank all of those who have been of such help to me over the past three years. First and foremost are my children, Robin and Aidan, who have graciously endured my spending hours and hours studying, writing, attending classes in Denver, and traveling to Mexico to conduct research, often at the expense of spending precious time with them. They have always been supportive of what I do and have never complained. I only hope that I have set a good example for them by continuing my education and pursuing it with hard work and dedication. In the end, it is all for them, so that I can ultimately support them in their education and other efforts as well. My life partner and best friend, Jack, has also provided unending support, love, and generosity, in situations where others might have left me high and dry. He has helped take care of the boys, pets, and household wh ile I am away, whether it is for hours, days, or weeks at a time and has provided much needed technical support when my computer skills (or lack thereof) have failed me. I've said all along that he deserves an honorary degree because I couldn' t have done i t without him. Also, h is gracious manner always helps to diffuse me at the worst of times, such as when the dog ripped the down pillow to shreds in the bedroom when I was already stressed out writing a paper that was due the next day. My parents, of cour se, have always been very supportive, and have been above and beyond kind in providing financial assistance over the years. It makes me so happy that they believe in me and have supported my efforts to further my education, even so late in life. My stepfat her, Lanny, has also been very kind in providing a keen editor's eye. My work is so much the better for it and I am not sure if I could have trusted it to anyone else.

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! #"" Elise and Jim Beechwood, my former in laws and grandparents to my children have played an essential role in my education, by providing an extensive amount of help in caring for my boys. They have done this entirely out of love for them and have never asked for anything in return. They have told me time and again how proud they are of me for doing this, because they know it will benefit their grandsons in the end and because they believe in the power of education. They have treated me like a daughter, even when I wasn't anymore and I seriously doubt I could have even gotten my B.A, much less an M.A., without their help. I must, of course, mention those organizations who not only helped me pay for this expensive undertaking by providing generous scholarships, but also by providing much need moral support and encouragement. It is so wonderful to have people you hardly even know encouraging you, rewarding you, and cheering you on. The ladies from the Colorado Women's Education Foundation have been there right from the start and have not only provided generous financial support, but have also inv ited me to represent them at numerous, outstanding events and awarded me the Alice DeBoer Named Scholarship, which means that any woman in the future who is looking for educational support can go to their website and be encouraged by my story. That's what it's all about passing it on and paying it forward. I can't say enough about how fantastic these women are! The Boulder Community Foundation Collester Scholarship also provided necessary funds for paying for classes. I am so grateful to these organizatio ns for believing in me and providing such assistance. The Colorado Archaeology Society has also provided financial support with the Alice H amilton Scholarship and invitations to spe ak about my research at both state and local chapter meetings. It is so g reat to be acknowledged by the archaeological community and for

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! #""" people to be so excited about me and my work. My involvement with CAS has led to both volunteer and work opportunities and I have made some great friends along the way. The University of Colo rado Denver Graduate Department and Anthropology Department have also provided financial assistance for paying for my research in Mexico, and for presenting my work at the 2016 Society for American Archaeology Meetings. This was a very exciting and importa nt opportunity for presenting my work to the professional archaeology community and I am so grateful for the assistance. Also, I cannot forg et all the wonderful professors that I have had while at UC Denver and all the knowledge and experience that they ha ve shared with me. Conducting research in Jalisco, Mexico, was definitely the highlight of my graduate work and I made some very special friendships while there. Thanks to Catherine Johns, Nichole Abbott, Tony DeLuca, and Patricia Alonzo Cuellar for show ing me the ropes, both in the lab and around Jalisco. Naomi Ripp was a great friend, roommate, lab partner and classmate. Kong Cheong has proven to be a fantastic friend and a constant source of encouragement. He and Mads Jorgensen made quite a pair and ke pt me laughing and inspired whil e in Mexico. Valerie Simard, Camilo Mireles and Josh Englehardt were also great lab partn ers and housemates and provided some very interesting tidbits of information that were useful to my analysis. Valerie also helped out a great deal by helping me enter data and create profile illustrations in the last days when I was rushing to get things done. Verenice Heredia Espinoza was also instrumental in providing work, financial assistance, and guidance navigating the lab inventor y at the Guachimont—n Interpretive Center, in addition to being part of my thesis committee. You all made the experience great and I hope we will stay in touch for many years to come, and possibly even work on future projects together.

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! "$ And last, but certa inly not least, my advisor, Dr. Chris topher Beekman, who provided the opportunity to work with him in Mexico, and provided so much direction for my thesis work. I only wish that some of what he had said to me early on had sunken in sooner because it may ha ve made it a bit easier for me (maybe). When your advisor says you're tryi ng to put in too much, believe them! It will make life so much easier! But, we must all learn from experience, and that is most certainly true for me. I have learned so very much thr ough this experience and I know that I will never forget it! Extreme thanks to all those mentioned above as well as all the friends, family, and teachers who have been there over the years, cheering me on and providing words of encouragement when I needed them most. I could not have come this far without you. Thank you!

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TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 1 II. THEORY ................................ ................................ ................................ .............................. 8 Specialization and Standardization ................................ ................................ ....................... 8 Contexts of Production and Producer/Consumer Relationships ................................ ....... 9 Geographic or spatial concentration. ................................ ................................ ................ 9 Modes of Production ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 11 Degree or Intensity of Production ................................ ................................ ................... 14 Specialization ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 15 Standardization ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 16 Mortuary Variability ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 18 Ceramic Analysis in Mortuary Contexts ................................ ................................ ............. 22 I II. BACKGROUND TO THE REGION ................................ ................................ ............... 28 The Culture History of West Mexico and the Tequila Valleys ................................ .......... 29 The Middle Formative (1000 B.C. 400 B.C.) ................................ ................................ 30 The Late Formative, Early C lassic, and Classic Periods (300 B.C. A.D. 500/600) ....... 31 The Epiclassic period (A.D. 600 900). ................................ ................................ ........... 34 The Postclassic period (A.D. 900 1522). ................................ ................................ ........ 34 The Site of Los Guachimonto nes ................................ ................................ ........................ 36 Previous Research ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 38 IV. METHODS OF ANALYSIS ................................ ................................ ............................ 46 The Dataset ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 47

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! "" Using Standardization to Assess Specialization ................................ ................................ 53 Metric evidence ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 56 Variables ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................. 58 Paste. ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................... 59 Ware ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ 60 Material. ................................ ................................ ................................ .......................... 60 Decorative type or style ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 60 Form. ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................... 61 Rim type and diameter. ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 62 Other measurements. ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 62 Vessel Form ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 63 Use wear ................................ ................................ ................................ .......................... 65 Sooting ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................ 65 Scratches, abrasions, and chipping ................................ ................................ ............. 65 The Production Step Measure ................................ ................................ ............................. 66 V. ANALYSIS RESULTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 70 Ceramic Wares and Types F ound in Los Guachimontones Burial and Offering Contexts 73 Tabachines Ware (Ware 1) ................................ ................................ ................................ 75 Tabachines Types ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 78 Tabachines Black (Code 1) ................................ ................................ ............................. 78 Polished Cream (Code 5). ................................ ................................ ............................... 80 Red (Code 20). ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 83 Colorines Ware (Wares 7, 4) ................................ ................................ .............................. 83

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! """ Fine Colorines Types ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 87 Ahualulco Red on Cream/Buff (Code 3 5) ................................ ................................ ...... 87 Fine Colorines Polished Red (Code 9). ................................ ................................ ........... 88 Colorines Cream (Code 118). ................................ ................................ ......................... 89 Fine Colorines Black (Code 123). ................................ ................................ .................. 91 Coarse Colorines Types ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 94 Colorines Red on White, Red on Base (Code 350/355). ................................ ............... 94 Colorines Fugitive Red on Red (Code 350). ................................ ................................ .. 95 Estolanos Ware (Ware 2) ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 96 Teuch itl‡n Red on Cream (Code 22). ................................ ................................ ............. 99 Estolanos Grey (Code 26). ................................ ................................ .............................. 99 Estolanos Cream (Code 27). ................................ ................................ ......................... 100 Coarse Pink (Ware 14) ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 101 Red (Code 42). ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 101 Nifty Pink (Ware 11) ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 103 Teuchitl‡n Polychrome Black on Red (Code 101). ................................ ...................... 103 Coarse Postclassic (Ware 15) ................................ ................................ ............................ 106 Atemajac Red (Code 70). ................................ ................................ .............................. 106 Huistla Polychrome (Code 65). ................................ ................................ ..................... 107 Pseudo cloisonnŽ (Code 124) ................................ ................................ ........................... 109 Discussion ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 111 The Production Step Measure ................................ ................................ ........................... 114 Discussion ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 120

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! "# Vessel Form and Use wear ................................ ................................ ............................... 127 Discussion ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 133 Combining ceramics and other offerings. ................................ ................................ ..... 149 Metric Analysis ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 150 Rim Diameters and Forms ................................ ................................ ............................ 1 50 Discussion ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 152 VI. CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 155 Evidence for Standardization ................................ ................................ ............................ 156 Social Organiz ation ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 163 Suggestions for Future Research ................................ ................................ ...................... 167 REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 169 APPENDIX A. E xcavated Co ntexts For Burials and Offerings ................................ ................................ 176 Discussion of Circle 3 ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 190 Circle 4 ................................ ................................ ................................ .............................. 192 Circle 6 ................................ ................................ ................................ .............................. 195 Discussion of Circle 6 ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 213 La Joyita A ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................ 216 The Talleres Sector ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 222 Talleres 1 ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................... 222 Talleres 2 ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................... 223 Talleres 3 ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................... 227 Discussion of Talleres ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 244

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! # B. The Bu rial Goods and Offerings of Los Guachimontones: A Visual inventory .............. 245 C. Rim Measurements and Comparisons ................................ ................................ .............. 284

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LIST OF TABLES Table 1. Chronology of the Teuchitl‡n Region ................................ ................................ ...... 35 Table 2. List of items not found in the locati ons stated in the PAT inventory ....................... 51 Table 3. Items described in the reports that were not found in the inventory. ........................ 51 Table 4. Vessel Function Chart from Rice (2015). ................................ ................................ 64 Table 5: Summary of contexts for burials and offering at LG used in this analysis ............... 71 Table 6. Ceramic Codes used ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 74 Tabl e 7. Ware counts for whole vessels per architectural group or sector. ............................ 75 Table 8. Ware percentages by count per structure or sector ................................ ................... 75 Table 9. Tabachines types by context in th e LG burial/offerin g assemblage ......................... 77 Table 10. Colorines types by context in the LG burial/offering assemblage .......................... 86 Table 11. Estolanos types by context in the LG burial/offering assemblage .......................... 97 Table 12. Nifty Pink, Coarse Pink Red, and Pseu do cloisonnŽ vessels by context .............. 106 Table 13. Counts and weights for all ceramic vessels and sherds from burials and offerings for each Circle or Talleres sector ................................ ................................ .......................... 113 Table 14. Step measure scores for ollas. ................................ ................................ ............... 117 Table 15 Step measure scores for bowls ................................ ................................ .............. 117 Table 16: Overall and average step measure scores for contexts that held two or more v essels. ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 119 Table 17. Vessel functions by ware and type at LG ................................ ............................. 128 Table 18 Counts of ollas with use wear ................................ ................................ ............... 128 Ta ble 19. Use wear found on ollas ................................ ................................ ........................ 129 Table 20. Use wear on bowls and plates. ................................ ................................ .............. 131

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! "" Table 21. Counts for bowls with use wear ................................ ................................ ........... 133 Table 22: Mean, standard deviations, and v ariation for ollas ................................ ............... 152 Table 23. Artifacts from Circle 1, Exterior Plaza, Amphitheatre, Platform A. .................... 179 Table 24. Artifact s from Circle 3, Exterior Plaza ................................ ................................ 185 Table 25. Artifact iden tified for Circle 4, Platform 4 ................................ ........................... 192 Table 26. Concordance of burial/tomb designations in Circle 6 by Cach (2002, 2008) with terms used in this thesis ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 197 Table 27. PAT inventory items for Circle 6, Tomb 1. ................................ .......................... 200 Table 28. PAT inventory items from Circle 6, Central Altar, Tomb 2. ............................... 203 Table 29. Invent ory items from Circle 6, Tomb 4 ................................ ................................ 205 Table 30. Inventory items from Circle 6, Central Altar, Tomb 5 ................................ ......... 208 Table 31. Circle 6 offerings ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 212 Table 32. Items from La Joyita A as they were labeled in the PAT inventory ..................... 221 Table 33. PA T INV Artifacts from Talleres 2 ................................ ................................ ...... 224 Table 34. Burial offerings from Talleres 3, Burial 2 ................................ ............................ 232 Table 35. Artifacts assoc iated with Talleres 3, Burial 4 ................................ ....................... 233 Table 36. Artifacts from Talleres 3, Burials 5, 5a, 5b, and Units 7617 7623 ....................... 236 Table 37. Arti facts from Talleres 3, Burial 6 ................................ ................................ ........ 238 Table 38. Inventory items from Talleres 3, Burial 7 ................................ ............................. 240 Table 39. Artifacts associ ated w ith Talleres 3, Burial 12 ................................ ..................... 243 Table 40. Ware, rim types, and body diameters for vessels with a rim diameter <8 cm ...... 284 Table 41. V essels with a diameter 8 9.5 cm ................................ ................................ ......... 286 T able 42. Vesse ls with rim diameter 10 11.5 cm ................................ ................................ 288

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! """ Table 43. Vesse ls with rim diameter 12 12.5 cm ................................ ................................ 290 Table 44. Vessels with rim diameter 13 14 cm ................................ ................................ .... 292 Table 45. Vesse l s with rim diameter 15 19.5 cm ................................ ................................ 293 Table 4 6. Bowls with diameter 20 40 cm ................................ ................................ ............. 294

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LIST OF FIGURES "#$%&'!()!*+,!-.!/'0%#1+!+23!45'6+7+8!9+11':;!;<-=#2$!;#5';!=#51#8!+&8<#5 '85%&'?! ;<+.5!5-6>;?!-&!8'6'5'&#'; )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) ))))))))))))))))))))))))) @A "#$%&'!@)!4!&',1#8+!-.!+!8'&+6#8!.#$%&'!.&-6!B';5!*'C#8-!3',#85#2$! +!$%+8<#6-25D2 ))))) EF "#$%&'!E)!G#5'!6+,!-.!5<'!HI!8'&'6-2#+1!8-&' )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) ))))))))))))))))))))) JK "#$%&'!J)!LM9!NOE!+?!>!"' 6+1'!+23!6+1'!.#$%'!,+#&!.&-6!/+11'&';!E?!P%&#+1!K ))))))))))))))))) KF "#$%&'!O)!LM9!@Q!G6+11!/+>+8<#2';!P1+8R!,1+5' )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))) KA "#$%&'!N)!LM9!(J!/+>+8<#2';!P1+8R!6#2#+5%&'!>-=1!=#5+8<#2';!T&'+6!;6+11!,1+5' )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))) F( "#$%&'!F)!UC+6,1';!-.!3#V'&$'25?!#28%&V'3?!,-#25'3!)!W#6!KQ!#2!5<'!W#6!/:,-1-$:?! 8-%&5';:!-.!T<&#;5-,<'&!P''R6+2 )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) ))))))))))) F@ "#$%&'!A)! LM9!O(!X8-2+<%+!W'3 Y -2 Y B<#5'!>-=1 )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) ))))))))))))))) F@ "#$%&'!(Q)!LM9!(AQ!"#2'!T-1-';!W'3 Y -2 Y T&'+6!81-;'3 Y 2'8R!-11+ )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) ))))))))) FK "#$%&'!(()!LM9!(E@!"#2'!T-1-';!4<%+1%18-!W'3 Y -2 Y T&'+6!>-=1 )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))) FF "#$%&'!(@)!LM9!((O!"#2'!T-1-';!W'3!>-=1 )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))) FA "#$%&'!(E)!LM9!O@!T-1-';!T&'+6!8-6,-;#5'!;#1<-%'55'!>-=1 )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) ))))))))))))))))) AQ "#$%&'!(J)!W#6!ZNF! [ +;;-8#+5'3!=#5-=1; )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) ))))))))))) A( "#$%&'!(O)!!LM9!(EE!P1+8R!;0%+5!-11+!.&-6!T#&81'!N?!X..'$!( )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))) A@ "#$%&'!(N)!LM9(EE!T1-;' Y %,!;<-=#2$!\8&+S#2$\!-2!5<'!;%&.+8' )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))) AJ "#$%&'!(K)!LM9!QQO!T-+&;'!T-1-';!W'3 Y -2 Y P+;'!-11+ )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) ) AO "#$%&'!(F)!LM9!QQ(!"%$#5#V'!W'3 Y -2 Y W'3!-11+ )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) ))))))))))))))))))))) AN "#$%&'!(A)!LM9!NOJ!]-;;#>1'!/'%8<#51^2!W'3 Y -2 Y T&'+6!>-=1 )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) ))))))))))))))))))))) AF

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! "" "#$%&'!@Q)!LM9!(@A!U;5-1+2-;!I&':!>-=1!-2!'C<#>#5!+5!5<'!H;!I%8+<#6-25-2';! L25'&,&'5#V'!T'25'& )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) ))))) (QQ "#$%&'!@()!LM9!NNQ!U;5-1+2-;!T&'+6!=#3' Y 6-%5<'3!-11+ )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))) (Q( "#$%&'!@@)!T-+&;'!]#2R!W'3!8-6,-;#5'!;#1<-%'55'!-11+ )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) (Q@ "#$%&'!@E)! LM9!EJK!*#2#+5%&'! !"#$ =#5+;'!.&-6!P%&#+1!(@ )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) (QJ "#$%&'!@J)!LM9!EJA!*#2#+5%&'! "%%$ .&-6!P%&#+1!(@ )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) ))))))))) (QJ "#$%&'!@O)!L11%;5&+5#-2!-.!5<'!6-5#.!.-%23!-2!6#2#+5%&'! "%%$& +23! !"#$& .&-6!P%&#+1 (@ )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))) (QO "#$%&'!@N)!LM9!OO!45'6+7+8!W'3!-11+ )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) ))) (QK "#$%&'!@K)!LM9!@@!]-1:8<&-6'!_%#;51+!=#5!@) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))) (QA "#$%&'!@F)!UC+6,1'!-.!+!B';5! *'C#8-!,;'%3Y 81-#;-22`!V';;'1 )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))) ((( "#$%&'!@A)!"&'0%'28:!3#;5&#>%5#-2!-.!!3#+6'5'&;) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) ))) ((N "#$%&'!EQa!"&'0%'28:!b#;5&#>%5#-2!-.!*+C#6%6!P-3:!b#+6'5'&;!.-&!X11+; ))))))))))))))))))))))) ((N #$%&'!E()!P-=1;!=#5!O )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))) (@J "#$%&'!EO)!411!V';;'1;!81+;;#.#'3!+;!=+&'d5:,'!Kd(@E!"#2'!T-1-';!P1+8R!-&!@d@N! U;5-1+2-;!I&':) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) ))))))))))))) (@N "#$%&'!EN)!LM9!(@?!'C+6,1'!-.!+!\>+5< 5%>!$\ )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))) (EO "#$%&'!EK)!b#;5&#>%5#-2!-.!8'&+6#8!=+&';!#2!>%&#+1!-&!-..'$!8-25'C5; ))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) (EK "#$%&'!EF)!b#;5&#>%5#-2!-.!8'&+6 #8!=+&';!#2!5<'!/+11'&';!;'85-& )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) ))))))))))))) (J(

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! """ "#$%&'!E A)!b#;5&#>%5#-2!-.! =+&';!#2!T#&81';!(?!E?!J?!+23!N )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))) (JE "#$%&'!JQ)!b#;5& #>%5#-2!-.!=+&';!#2!H+!c-:#5+!4 )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) ))))))))))))))) (JJ "#$%&'!J()!b#;5&#>%5#-2!-.!7'='1&:!+23!> %&#+1!$--3;!-5<'&!5<+2!8'&+6#8; )))))))))))))))))))))))))) (JO "#$%&'!J@)!b#;5&#>%5#-2!-.!+11!>%&#+1!$--3;!#281%3#2$!8'& +6#8;?!7'='1&:?!+23!-5<'&!#5'6; )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))) (OQ "#$%&'!JE)!LM9!QQO!T-1-';!W'3 Y -2 Y P+;'!7+&!.-%23!#2!T#&81'!E?!UC5'&#-&!]1+S+?!]1+5.-&6! (?!P%&#+1!@ )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))) (FN "#$%&'!JJ)!"#$%&'!@Ea!LM9!QQN!T-1-';!W'3 [ -2 Y P+;'!7+&!.-%23!#2!T#&81'!E?!UC5'&#-&! ]1+S+?!]1+5.-&6!(?!P%&#+1!@ )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))) (FK "#$%&'!JO)!LM9!AJ!425<&-,-6-&,<#8!,'23+25!6+3'!-.!;<'11 )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))) (FF #$%&'!JN)!LM9!QQ(!"%$#5#V'!W'3 Y -2 Y W'3!V';;'1?!=#5-=1!.&-6!T#&81'!E?!UC5'&#-&!] 1+S+?!X..'$!@ ))))))) (FA "#$%&'!JF)!LM9!(K@!W'3!T-1 -';!;6+11!,1+5') )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))) (AE "#$%&'!JA)!L11%;5&+5'3!6+,!-.!T#&81'!N!>%&#+1;!+23!-..'$; )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) ))))))))))))))))))))) (AJ "#$%&'!OQ)!/<'!8'25&+1!+15+&!.!T#&81'!N )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) ))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) (AO "#$%&'!O()!L11%;5&+5#-2!-.!T#&81 '!N?!P%&#+1!( )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))) (AF "#$%&'!O@)!L11%;5&+5#-2!-.!/-6>!(!?!T#&81'!N )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) ))))))))))))))))))))))) (AA "#$%&'!OE)!4!;+6,1'!-.!5<'!]4/!#2V'25-&:!#5'6;!.&-6!T#&81'!N?!/-6>!( )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) @Q( "#$%&'!OJ)!L11%;5&+5#-2!-. /-6>!@?!T#&81'!N )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))) @Q@ "#$%&'!OO)!9';;'1;!.&-6!T#&81'!N?!/-6>!@ )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))) @QE "#$%&'!ON)!L11%;5&+5#-2!-.!/-6>!J?!T#&81'!N )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))) @QJ "#$% &'!OK)!LM9!((N!X11+!.&-6!/-6>!J )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) ) @QN "#$%&'!OF)!LM9!(JA!I&''2!X>;#3#+2!,'23+25 )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) ))))))))))))))))))) @QN

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! "# "#$%&'!OA)!!L11%;5&+5#-2!-.!/-6>!O!\/%6>+!3'1!/#&-\!e;<+.5!5-6>f?!T#&81'!N ))))))))))))))))))))))) @QK "#$%&'!NQ )!9';;'1;!.&-6!/-6>!O?!T#&81'!N )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))) @QA Figure 61: INV 153 Anthropomorphic ceramic beads from Tomb 5, Circle 6 ))))))))))))))))))))))))) @(Q "#$%&'!N@)!G+2!c%+2#5-!;5:1'!.'6+1'!.#$%&' )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) ))))))))))))))))))))))))) @(E "#$%&'!NE)!*+,!-.!H-;!I%+8<#6-25-2';!=#5-=1!.&-6!H+!c-:#5+?!P%&#+1!@) )))))))))))))) @@@ "#$%&'!NK)!T-,,'&!&# 2$;!.&-6!/+11'&';!@?!X..'$!@ )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) ))))) @@N "#$%&'!NF)!*+,!;<-=#2$!5<'!1-8+5#-2!-.!/+11'&';!E!#2!&'1+5#-2!5-!5<'!8 '&'6-2#+1!8-&') @@K "#$%&'!NA)!G5&+5#$&+,<#8!,&-.#1'!-.!g2#5!K((@ )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))) @@A "#$%&'!KQ)!!/<'!/+11'&';!;'85-&!3%$!'C8+V+5#-2 )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))) @EQ "#$%&'!K()!/+11'&';!E?!P%&#+1!@ )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))) @E( "#$%&'!K@)!/+11'&';!E?!P%&#+1!J )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))) @E@ "#$%&'!KE)!LM9!@JA!W'3 Y ;1#,,'3!-11+!=#5'&+28'; )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))) @EE "#$%&'!KJ)!/+11'&';!E?!P%&#+1!O )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))) @EJ "#$%&'!KO)! LM9!NOJ!W'3 Y -2 Y T&'+6!>-=1!.&-6!/+11'&';!E?!P%&#+1!O )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))) @EO "#$%&'!KN)!T'&+6#8!S--6-&,<#8!>'+3;!.&-6!/+11'&';!E?!P%&#+1!O )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))) @EK "#$%&'!KK)!/+11'&';!E?!P%&#+1!N )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))) @EF "#$%&'!K F)!LM9!@OE!"#2'!T-1-';!>-=1!=#5
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! # "#$%&'!F@)!9';;'1;!=#5-5-3:!3#+6'5'&!hF!86) )))))))))))))))))))))))))))))))) )))))))))))))))) @FN "#$%&'!FE)!9';;'1;!=#5
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! % CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION West Mexico was long view ed as a cultural backwater that had nothing much to contribute to Mesoamerican culture as a whole. Most cultural interpretations were constructed from the artistic and anecdotal figures that are housed in museums and private collections, and come mostly from looted contexts lacking provenience The presence of monumental architecture was not recognized until the 1970's when Phil Weigand began investigating the g uachimontones and conducted a settlement survey. Even the n, the structures were thought to have been built later than the shaft tombs sometimes found beneath them, but later improved ceramic chronologies in conjunction with radiocarbon dating demonstrated that the tombs and the structures were contemporaneous. Archaeological research over the past several decades has provided us with a richer understanding of the complexity of social organization in the region and the ways in which elites exhibited power and claims to the land. One of the ways in which elites ac complished this was by the conspicuous display of wealth in mortuary ritual. Figures (or figurines) from the region provide evidence for el aborate mortuary ritual that may have been more public, rather than restricted in nature. It was a way for elites to display their wealth and importance, and to lay ancestral claims to the land by burying their wealth with the interred in special areas of the site that were associated with kin based lineages such as in shaft tombs located underneath the platforms of the guachimont—n structures. The production of the items used for these displays of wealth and power, including the figures that narrate these activities, has long been a side note in the overall discussion of social organization and the mechanisms of power in the region. With the exception of

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! & Aronson (1993), and Johns (2014), ceramic studies have focused mainly on creating typologies and using them for chronological reconstructions. Johns (2014) conducted an activity analysis using sherds collected from the surface of guachimont—n structures at the site of Navajas. She found that the various wares probably served multiple functions and were found in fairly even distributions in each platform. Several recent studies have focused on the production of items made from obsidian and the social implications of their distribution (Hoedl 2013 ), as well as studies about the meaning of the figurines, such as gender relations and the representation of social status (Logan 2007 ; Wagner 2014 ). These studies are an important step in the direction of addressing the nature of production, trade, social organization, ideologies, and political strategies in the region, but ceramic production needs to be added to that list. Ceramics play an important role, not only in the everyda y lives of the people that used them, but also as a symbolic mediator between the living and the dead, particular l y when vessels used in life were also used for placement in tomb s Their use in ritual and placement with the dead demonstrates the cultural s ignificance of items made from clay. These objects were used to prepare and serve food dai ly as well as for feasting and ritual purposes and they were finally placed with the dead to provide sustenance for them on their journey to the underworld. Thus, th e ir production was not only a necessary activity for cook ing the products that the ancient peoples of West Mexico relied upon for sustenance, but was symbolically and politically important as well. Very little data on ceramics from mortuary contexts is ava ilable for the region because of widespread looting activities that focus on the highly prized figures and usually leave other objects behind, taken out of context, and often destroyed in the process. Agricultural activities and urban development are

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! also highly detrimental to the archaeological record. The creation of a cultural heritage region based on tequila production showed promise for the protection of archaeological sites until the complete destruction of the important Huitzilapa site for agave farm ing in 2003 ( Beekman 2010 :52 ; L—pez and Ramos 2006 ). Ceramic vessels from undisturbed mortuary contexts are often whole vessels that may contain a wealth of information from trade activities to ideological beliefs and symbols displayed on the vessels, to r esidues that show what kinds of foods were being prepared. Therefore, it is of vital importance that we document, analyze, and share what information we have about the items that are found in these contexts in order to provide a richer understanding of thi s long neglected culture before what remains is destroyed by urban development, agriculture, or looting activities. The assemblage from Los Guachimontones provides a rare glimpse into the activities, including craft production, that surround mortuary ritua l in the region and is thus important for furthering the understanding of the ancient cultures that occupied the area. The specific questions that are addressed in this thesis are: 1) Were there craft production specialists involved in creating goods that wer e ultimately interred in mortuary or offering contexts at the site of Los Guachimontones? If so, were they working in an independent, or attached context of production? 2) Were these goods made specifically for mortuary ritual or other rituals involving buri ed offerings such as the dedication of a structure or a claim to land ? 3) What areas of the site we re important in terms of where mortuary ritual and other offerings took place?

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! ( 4) Can these offerings be used to assess the social sta tus of the individuals inter red or aggrandizing behavior? In addition, the data from this thesis add s to the limited corpus of knowledge about craft production, social organization, and mortuary behavior in the region of the Tequila Valleys and the Teuchitl‡n core. The research hypo thesis proposed for this analysis maintains that the specialization of vessels or other items for burial is evidenced in standardized production methods for unique types or forms that may provide insight in regards to the social status of the individuals b uried there, as well as the relative importance of the locations chosen for mortuary ritual at the site. For instance, are the more standardized vessels only found in burials within the ceremonial core of the site, or are they found only in "residential" b urials? Standardization has been shown in some cases to be in direct association with specialization of a certain form that is produced in large quantities Vessels that exhibit similar paste composition, measurements, and decoration may be the result of t he repeated actions and traditional knowledge of an individual artisan or members of a workshop. High degrees of variation in these categories may be indicative of an independent or specialized context involving either 1) a number of artisans dispersed thr oughout the community, 2) trade with neighboring or distant communities, or 3) an extended period of time over which multiple production events occurred. The evidence for specialized forms placed in burial, and where the burials have been placed at the sit e can give insight into social organization and how elites may or may not have controlled the production of mortuary goods. The mortuary practices of a culture can inform us as to the ideologies of that culture as well as social organization related to

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! ) pro duction of goods for burial and trade networks indicating elite interaction and attempts to aggrandize or display wealth in both public and private contexts. An additional goal of this thesis is to help better define the ceramic assemblages of Los Guachim ontones, and to suggest whether certain types were being made by specialists at the site, specifically for burial or otherwise. The presence of specialists at the site may be an indicator of an attached context of production, in which production is oversee n by elite administrators. This study is an important contribution to the archaeolog y of Los Guachimonton es and the wider region. It help s to build better chronologies and allows for comparisons between sites in order to better assess trade networks and po litical alliances or other organizational strategies in the Tequila Valleys of Jalisco, Mexico. The Chapters In Chapter II Theory, I discuss the theory behind the standardization and specialization of ceramic goods and how these processes are used to ass ess social configurations. Parameter s involved in the production of ceramics and other craft goods are discussed. These parameters include the social c ontext of production (independent vs. attached), geographic or spatial concentration, modes of production composition of units (kin groups vs. recruited specialists), and degree or intensity of production. Variables used for assessing the specialization of goods through evidence for standardization are outlined. Because many of the goods in the assemblage un der study are from mortu ary contexts, this chapter also address es theory of mortuary variability, as well as the analysis of ceramics from mortuary contexts. In Chapter III Background to the Region, I discuss previous research on craft production and mo rtuary practices that include the use of ceramics and other crafted goods in

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! the region. I also offer an introduction to the site in the context of a cultural history chronology of the region and discuss the monumental architecture that defines the site of Los Guachimontones. Many of the burial and offering contexts occur in and around these structures, indicating that these contexts were important sites of elite activities. Chapter IV Methods of Analysis, I discuss the methods used to address questions a bout the standardization and specialization of ceramics and other crafted goods used in burial or offering contexts at Los Guachimontones, and the types of social organization indicated by this type of craft production. The dataset and how it was compiled is presented, as well as issues with the current dataset and how I addressed them. The variables used in the analysis of standardization and specialization and the reasoning behind them are introduced. Variables important to this analysis include ware, dec orative type or style, form, rim type and diameter, and other measurements. An analysis of use wear aid s in assessing whether g oods were made specifically for burial or whether they were used prior to interment. In Chapter V, Analysis Results, I present the wares and types found in burial and offering context at the Los Guachimontones site. Percentages of wares per context histograms showing the distributions of ceramic wares and other goods by context, a production step measure used to analyze labor inp uts for ceramic vessels, metric analysis and visual representations of ceramic groupings according to rim diameter in order to assess standardization, and the presence of use wear are presented and discussed. Chapter VI Conclusion, review s the research questions and summarize conclusions derived from the analysis results. Findings from the analysis suggest that there were standardized items created by specialists involved in production of ceramics used in special contexts at Los Guachimontones, although there is no hard evidence that they were produced

PAGE 29

! + on site. The data does not indicate a strictly attached context of production, but does suggest that some specialists had relationship s with elite members of society that allowed for the placement of their products in elite burial contexts. Elites used specialized items in mortuary ritual to show their status, make claims to the land and establish networks of trade with other elites. Although i t is important to know how crafts are used in status building a ctivities, t rade networks, and ideologies, it is equally important to know who is making these products, how they are doing it, and the nature of relations between crafters, elites, and the general population. It is also important to understand the economi c strategies employed by commoners who relied on agriculture as well as the production and trade activities they engaged in. To understand a society fully, we must look at the society as a whole, not just through the l ens of elite activities. I conclude by making suggestions for further research in these areas.

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! CHAPTER II THEORY The following chapter discusses the theory used in this analysis. Theories of specialization and standardization of crafted goods such as ceramics are covered. Because the assem blage used in this analysis is largely from mortuary contexts, I include a discuss ion of theories of mortuary variability and of the analysis of ceramics used in mortuary contexts. Specialization and Standardization A great number of studies have employe d various methods of assessing the level of specialization and standardization for ceramic production in ancient societies. These studies have examined social organization through production activities, levels of production, specialization of specific form s, levels of expertise, symbolic information represented on pottery, and whether production activities are conducted on a full time or part time basis (Aronson 1993, 1999; Bernier 2010; Blackman et al. 1993; Brumfiel and Earle 1987; Costin and Hagstrum 199 5; Hagstrum 1985; Hirth 2009; Rice 1991; Sullivan 2006). Methods used to address issues of specialization, standardization, and their relation to social organization include statistical analyses of vessel measurements (Arnold 1991; Costin and Hagstrum 1995 ; Sullivan 2006 ), production technology such as paste quality (Blackman et al. 1993), surface treatments such as design elements that may contain social or cultural symbolic information (Hagstrum 1985), and spatial distribution of both ceramic wares and pr oduction workshops or spaces within the site of Los Guachimonotones (Aronson 1993, 1999; Sullivan 2006 ). Many prominent researchers have defined and discussed the parameters involved in the production of ceramics and other craft goods in ancient societie s (Brumfiel and Earle 1987; Costin 1986 ; Rice 1991 ). These parameters include social context (independent vs.

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! attached), geographic or spatial concentration, composition of units (kin groups or recruited specialists), degree or intensity of production ( Bru mfiel and Earle 1987; Costin 1986; Costin and Hagstrum 1985), and modes of production (Hirth 2009; Joyce, Hendon, and Lopiparo 2014). Contexts of Production and Producer/Consumer Relationships The first parameter, that of social context, has been dichoto mized into two modes independent and attached. Independent production implies production activities taking place at the individual household or community level, suggesting a lack of direct elite control. Elites could obtain luxury goods either through ex change, enforced tribute, or by consignment with independent artisans, but this type of production is more often associated with domestic use or a more community based economy. Attached production involves elites as sponsors with production activities usua lly taking place within elite households. This facilitates direct control over the production, accumulation and exchange of luxury goods (Hirth 2009:16). The model of elite control is most often based on the accumulation of wealth and the control of both utilitarian and luxury goods. Elites develop relationships with elites from other societies through exchange systems where commodities such as food or other resources may be exchanged for luxury items. Elites then use these items to create and maintain soc ial hierarchies, not only through accumulation of exotic or finely crafted goods, but through the manipulation of the symbolic meaning they may possess and their use in ritual activity. Elites must obtain luxury goods for exchange through the mobilization of labor for craft production (Hirth 1996:214). Geographic or spatial concentration This refers to the type of organization of production within a community and can be broken down into eight types ( Costin 1995 ; Costin and Hagstrum 1995; Rice 1991 ):

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! %. 1) Individual in this configuration individual producer or households produce for local consumption. They are dispersed uniformly throughout the community and are not restricted by any type of administration. 2) Dispersed workshop industry goods are still produced for unrestricted local consumption, however, producers work in larger workshops dispersed throughout the community. 3 ) Community this involves an aggregated community of household based production units or individuals who produce for unr estricted regional consumption. 4) Nucleated workshop industry involves large workshops within a single community that produce for unrestricted local consumption. 5) Dispersed corvÂŽe individuals and workshops working part time are dispersed through out the community, producing for an elite or government institution. 6) Nucleated corvÂŽe part time labor produces for elites or government institutions in an administered workshop setting. 7) Individual retainer refers to individual artisans, usuall y producing full time under an elite or government administered setting. 8) Retainer workshops a segregated or specialized workshop setting producing full time on a large scale under elite or governmental administration. The first four of these types would be associated with independent production, with the latter four indicating attached production The composition of units may have a direct relationship to the geographic concentration and organization of production. Independent production that takes place within a household unit may employ kin group members, while an attached context may favor the recruitment of community members who have an aptitude

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! %% for, or who specialize in a particular type of production (Sullivan 2006:43). However, Inomata (2001) points out that ethnohistorical examples have indicated that independent and attached contexts are not mutually exclusive at the level of the individual producer. In other words, because this model is based on social relationships, not the individual, an i ndividual may produce in both of these contexts throughout their lifetime (Inomata 2001:322 323). Modes of Production Another dichotomy that has dominated studies of craft production is that of part time vs. full time craft specialists. Full time produce rs have been imagined as specialists, capable of producing crafts at a high level of skill and production capacity and representing a more developed economic system In contrast, part time producers are viewed as "unspecialized, less skillful, organized at the domestic level, lacking economies of scale, and found in less developed economies" (Hirth 2009:14). Hirth argues that part time producers are not only capable of producing at both a high level of skill at a high capacity, but it is more likely that mo st independent producers were, in fact, part time. By producing on a part time basis or by diversifying forms of production at different times of the year, producers were able to minimize economic risk and ensure the survival of the family. In addition, th e model of part time production fits the organizational structure and needs of the household economy better than the model of full time production, particularly for economic systems in ancient Mesoamerica (Hirth 2009:14 15). Hirth discusses the importance of production for the household economy, and outlines the ways in which domestic production strategies allow for creating surplus goods that can then be exchanged for other resources in order to maintain a household. Mobilizing labor within large household s with many adult members engaged in production activities and diversifying production systems to minimize risk throughout yearly agricultural and ceremonial cycles

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! %& were two of the principal ways in which households could achieve self sufficiency and engag e in the wider political and economic spheres without direct elite control (Hirth 2009:18 19). Joyce, Hendon, and Lopiparo (2014) follow Hirth (2009) in his assertions that "working with clay also supported a range of other crafts on which production of ce ramic objects depended" (Joyce, Hendon, and Lopiparo 2014:411). In this line of reasoning, the working of clay into an item acceptable for use within the household or for exchange among households or in a larger market, requires the acquisition of the skil ls and knowledge needed to craft that item. Gaining these skills and knowledge may involve learning or observing a range of activities including the acquisition of materials, creating a mold, shaping, firing, and decorating the vessel. Even the simplest of objects require some level of expertise. The passing on of knowledge from one artisan to the next creates "a community of practice, which is a network of relations among people and objects that continues (is reproduced) over time" (Joyce, Hendon, and Lopi paro 2014:411). Furthermore, Hendon (2010) has argued that crafting at home (in a household setting) creates communities of practice that cross generations and shape social relations among at least some members of the household, through a shared focus on t he particular craft. Because learning is part of each individual life, skill is constantly recreated in a community of practice" (Joyce, Hendon, and Lopiparo 2014:411). DeMarrais (2013) takes a similar view on the concepts of part time and intermittent hou sehold production and participation in multi crafting. However, she expands Hirth's arguments in order to investigate heterarchical vs. hierarchical contexts for craft production, emphasizing the social and ritual aspects of production, including issues of agency and what

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! %' she calls social projects', as well as acquisition and use of raw materials and technologies (DeMarrais 2013:347). DeMarrais argues that "most craft production in heterarchies will be non specialized and oriented around the aims of expedi ency" (DeMarrais 2013:348). By this she means that without elite administered control of access to raw materials, artisans will obtain locally available materials either directly or through informal exchange networks. When certain materials are not availab le, they will substitute another material, such as the use of bone instead of stone for making projectile points. Additionally, designs and motifs may transfer from one medium to another, as in the case of the same motifs found on both pottery and textiles (DeMarrais 2013:348). DeMarrais' discussion of social projects includes a greater emphasis on agency, in that goods are not exchanged for specific commodities, but instead are traded or given away in order to build and maintain social ties These goods a re likely to exhibit elements, such as decorative patterns, that reflect individual identity or social position (DeMarrais 2013:348). Production of items for ritual use may also be individualized, but are expected to exhibit a high level of skill, more reg ulated decorative elements, and a high aesthetic value. Additionally, the type of ritual performed may have an influence on the form of the item produced for use in ritual context. In one example, she argue s that in the Calchaqui Valley of northwest Argent ina, a variety of finely made, elaborately decorated items that were produced there were probably used for localized ritual that may be linked to shamanic practices. The small, fine decoration found on items such as pipes used for the smoking of psychoacti ve plants, would not be visible to a larger audience, suggesting that these items were part of small scale ritual activity that would take place in a more private setting (DeMarrais 2013:355). Other items, such as decorated funerary urns for infants and ch ildren,

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! %( would be visible to a much larger audience (DeMarrais 2013:356). The range of expression found among items that exhibit similar form, motifs, and decorative elements "fits well with the expectation that craft production in heterarchical settings s hould generate diverse local expressions within a wider tradition" (DeMarrais 2013:356). DeMarrais concludes her article by suggesting that "artisans in heterarchies produce goods for different reasons, and for different audiences than did their counterpar ts in hierarchies" (DeMarrais 2013:358). DeMarrais defines h ierarchies as centralized, stratified polities in which specialized craft goods serve as items of prestige that play a role in political economy, ideology, wealth accumulation, and conspicuous con sumption controlled by elites. Heterarchies are viewed as having a different kind of organizational structure in which more attention was given to social projects' and operated as more decentralized networks with varying power relationships (DeMarrais 201 3:345). Joyce, Hendon, and Lopiparo (2014) suggest that multi crafting is another type of mechanism that would result in a wide range of expressions within a somewhat ubiquitous tradition such as is found throughout the region of West Mexico. They state th at, The concept of constellations of practice' describes the articulation of separate communities of practice that share common historical roots, have members in common, share certain things, or engage in overlapping styles or related discourses In mov ing from one community of practice to another in a constellation of practices, gifted objects like figurines could have changed their significance while remaining evidence of the skilled work of members of the multi crafting households, communities of prac tice, that produced them [Joyce, Hendon, and Lopiparo 2014:417]. Aronson (1993) refers to this shared body of knowledge that takes diverse forms among local traditions as the "symbolic reservoir" (Aronson 1993). Degree or Intensity of P roduction This al so relates to, and is dependent upon the type of organization that exists which in turn is dependent upon the needs of the community or the

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! %) demands of elites. Rice (1991) discusses the difference between specialization and intensification, stating that spe cialization "refers to the "producers' skill or some aspect of focus or concentratedness' of production activity", while intensification refers to "greater investment of labor and resourcesand where ratio effects of scale, efficiency, and mass production play a role" (265). In addition, while household production may be specialized, it is not necessarily intensive (Rice 1991:265 266). Specialization In addition to varying modes of production, different scales of specialization may exist. These may inclu de site specialization, in which a community or region specializes in a specific type of good that may be linked to access to a particular resource. Resource specialization implies control over access to a particular resource such as certain types of clay, lithic materials, or other commodities such as salt or shells, or mineral ore. Rice (1991) states that, "although provenience studies cannot identify production organization (or even specify locations), they may give an idea of relative degrees of restric ted or focused resource use in the production of particular wares" (Rice 1991:262). A third type of specialization that may be linked to resource specialization is that of functional or product specialization. Rice states, "This would include the well know n examples of individuals, workshops, or communities concentrating on the production of one or a small num ber of vessel types" (Rice 1991 :262). This type of s pecialization may be identified through the standardization of dimensional measurements or clay t emper composition (Sullivan 2006; Rice 1991). And finally, we have producer specialization, which is "what most people refer to when they s peak of craft specialization'" (Rice 1991:263). Producer specialization implies a restricted

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! %* number of producers wit h a high level of skill due to the repetition and routinization of manufacturing tasks ( Costin 1995:623; Rice 1991 ; Sullivan 2006). Standardization The concept of standardization in archaeological ceramic studies refers to "a relative degree of homogenei ty or reduction in variability in the characteristics of the pottery or the process of achieving that relative homogeneity" (Blackman et al. 1993:61; Rice 1991:268 ), and is closely related to specialization in that specialized production of a particular fo rm will exhibit a level of standardization through repetition and routinization ( Blackman et al. 1993:61; Costin 1995:623; Sullivan 2006:26). Standardized ceramics forms or other crafted goods are viewed as the result of the intensification of production t hat may be caused by increased population, extensive trade, or other economic activities that may be the result of increased political consolidation or degree of regulation and control by elites (Rice 1991:260). In addition, standardization of ceramic form s "reflects economic and social constraints within the production system" and that, "to study standardization, we must distinguish between attributes reflecting vessel function and those reflecting the organization of production" (Costin 1995:622). The par ameters of specialization context (independent vs. attached), geographic concentration, modes of production, composition of units (kin groups or recruited specialists), and degree or intensity of production (Brumfiel and Earle 1987 ; Costin and Hagstrum 1 985; Costin 1986 ) as well as the eight contexts of production: 1) Individual, 2) Dispersed workshop industry, 3) Community, 4) Nucleated workshop industry, 5) Dispersed corvÂŽe, 6) Individual retainer, 7) Nucleated corvÂŽe, and 8) Retainer workshops, as di scussed above, also apply to standardization (Costin 1995:621). Labor investment must also be taken into consideration, as this may be an indicator of the type of

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! %+ organization of production. Items that exhibit a considerable amount of labor investment may be associated with attached, full time production because the amount of time, as well as skills required to produce these items would likely require elite sponsorship, whereas minimal labor investment may reflect efficiency in production, which likely indi cates an independent context (Costin 1995:621). Measuring standardization and variability of ceramic forms is useful for assessing the context of production, as discussed above, as well as estimating the number of hands involved in pottery production at a particular site (Costin 1995:622). Costin (1995) outlines some of the attributes that can be taken into consideration when analyzing the level of standardization of a particular form. The two major attributes are defined as intentional and mechanical. Int entional refers to those attributes that are controlled by the producer and include technological (paste quality and firing techniques), morphological (size and shape of the vessel), and stylistic (including decorative motifs that may communicate informati on) properties. Unintentional refers to the level of skill, motor habits, and degree of training or supervision. Costin (1991) states that, "Measures of standardization aim to gauge the relative number of hands or work units responsible for producing a par ticular assemblage, on the assumption that the amount of variability in these mechanical attributes correlates directly with the number of independent potters o r work groups" (Costin 1991:622) Other considerations to take into account when analyzing vari ability are the total amount of pottery consumed, the amount of labor invested in a particular form, labor intensity (part time or full time production), and the length of time represented by the collection. The longer the period of time represented, the m ore variability will be observed (Costin 1991:623). Blackman et al. (1993) state that "Two to three centuries of non

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! %, centralized ceramic production would create variability not only in vessel dimensions, but in chemical composition as well" ( Blackman et al 1993:76). The assemblage from Los Guachimontones (LG) represent a time span of about 1900 years, and therefore can be expected to demonstrate a great deal of variability. Beekman's (2015) assessment of this assemblage identifies most vessels as correspon ding to the Tequila II IV (300 B.C. A.D.500) and into the El Grillo phase (A.D. 600 900). The two Talleres 2 offerings are associated with the Atemajac Phase (A.D. 1400 1600) ( Beekman et al. 2015). It is my hypothesis that through visual analysis of vesse l forms, paste composition, and vessel decoration, combined with statistical measures and analysis, we may be able to further define temporal, as well as social and spatial relationships between burials. Mortuary Variability Because the assemblage under analysis for this thesis is drawn from mortuary contexts, a discussion of theory in mortuary variability becomes relevant. The analysis of mortuary assemblages from complex societies can inform researchers as to certain aspects of the social structure of t hose societies. Through these assemblages, we are able to make inferences about the status of an individual, or a group of individuals from a given society. This is because the social persona of the individual in life is likely to be reflected in the treat ment of the body in death and in the objects included with the deceased in interment (Binford 1972:225 226; O'Shea 1984:4). Societal norms, ideological beliefs, and the social relations between the deceased and the living further condition the nature of th e mortuary assemblage and method of burial, as well as the ritual or ceremonial aspects that may have occurred at the time of interment. But the status of the deceased is not simply a matter of how much wealth is represented by grave goods, but is a reflec tion of ascribed (inherited) and

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! %! achieved status vertical differentiation ( reflecting hierarchical organization), horizontal differentiation (such as membership in a sodality or moiety), subordinate aspects of the persona such as age, biological sex, and gender, and superordinate aspects that are indicative of inequality. In addition, grave goods reflect actions on the part of the mourners, who are the ones placing these goods in burial, in order to portray the persona of the deceased and their relationshi p to them (Pearson 2000:74,84) In the following section I review the theoretical basis for analyzing mortuary variability, and how it applies to this study. John M. O'Shea (1984) provides a comprehensive resource for the study of mortuary variability an d many researchers of mortuary assemblages have cited his work (Aronson 1993; Pickering and Cabrero 1998; Pollard and Cahue 1999). O'Shea identifies Binford as one of the first archaeologists to define the variables for analyzing mortuary variability. Binf ord's (1971) study of mortuary practices sought to define the relationships between the organization of living societies, their associated social complexity, and how this manifests itself in the mortuary treatments practiced by those societies (Binford 197 1; O'Shea 1984:4). Binford postulated three nominal categories through which mortuary differentiation may be defined. These categori es are: treatment of the corpse, p reparation of the tomb or grave, and the inclusion of burial furniture or grave goods ( Bin ford 1971 as cited in O'Shea 1984:7). Binford's tests on ethnographic data concerning mortuary practices suggested that although there is not a one to one correspondence between the status of the living and their treatment at death, that "mortuary differen tiation does not vary independently of the organization of the society that produced it, but rather that the former is conditioned by the latter" ( Binford 1971 as cited in O'Shea 1984:8). According to O'Shea, Peebles (1971) was the first to note that,

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! &. t he reason social organization is accessible to archaeologists is because they view a cumulative record. Since each individual is assumed to have been buried in accordance with his or her social standing in life, by observing the range and frequency of diff erent disposal treatments, the archaeologist can infer the principles governing that differentiation [ Peebles 1971:69 as cited in O'Shea 1984:13] O'Shea identifies four principles of regularity in mortuary variability. They are as follows: Principle 1 : "All societies employ some regular procedure or set of procedures for the disposal of the dead" (O'Shea 1984:33). Aspects of this principal include the implied social rupture when a person dies, the need to dispose of the physical remains, the differential treatment for different members of the group, and shifts in practice due to disruption such as plague or warfare. Principle 2 : "A mortuary population will exhibit demographic and physiological characteristics reflecting those of the living population" (O' Shea 1984:34). This principle addresses population regularities that, given demographic knowledge of fertility, mortality, and growth rates, have shown to demonstrate fundamental patterns in mortality among certain age groups. Principle 3 : "Within a mortu ary occurrence, each interment represents the systematic application of a series of prescriptive and proscriptive directives relevant to that individual" (O'Shea 1984:35). Two additional corollaries based on ethnographic studies are offered: Corollary 3a : "The nature of the society will pattern and circumscribe the practices for the disposal of the dead" and Corollary 3b : "The specific treatment accorded an individual in death will be consistent with that individual's social position in life" (O'Shea 198 4:36).

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! &% O'Shea also points out here that not all differen ces in mortuary treatment are consistent with social positions in life for a few reasons. The first is that not all social differences in life are given symbolic treatment in death, or at least, the y may not be visible archaeologically, and that in some societies, the circumstances of death may override social position. This is especially relevant in Mesoamerica, particularly in the Aztec tradition, where rules of interment as well as where the dead go in the afterlife, is largely determined by the type of death that occurred (Aronson 1993; Baquedano 2011; Sahagun 1950). For instance, women who died in childbirth were treated as warriors who accompanied the sun on its journey to Mixtlan the place of the dead, and back (Aronson 1993:51 ; Baquedano 2011 :209 ; Lopez Austin 1988:339 ). Those whose deaths were associated with Tlaloc, the rain god, such as those who had drowned or were hit by lightning, would find themselves in Tlalocan, an earthly paradise f illed with riches of maize, gourds, tomatoes, and green chilis, where there would be no suffering ( Baquedano 2011: 206 207). Principle 4 : "Elements combined within a burial context will have been contemporary in the living society at the time of interment (Worsaae's law)" (O'Shea 1984:37). This is based on the assumptions that burial is a single and brief event, that a burial represents a closed context, and that "regardless of time or location of manufacture, the item remained available for inclusion until the time of its deposition" (O'Shea 1984:37). This principle becomes particularly relevant in this study because many of the skeletal remains represent secondary burials. If the human remains have been set aside for a period of time, either because of sea sonal considerations such as rain or because of specific cultural practices, then it is possible

PAGE 44

! && that the artifacts interred with them also may have been specifically set aside for inclusion in the burial. In a study conducted by O'Shea of Arikara Pawne e, and Omaha burial practices, he observed that vertical, or hierarchical social position was expressed by elaborate grave construction and use of non perishable items as grave offerings. Horizontal differentiation, such as membership in a moiety or clan w as expressed with perishable material culture such as clothing, hairstyles, and totemic artifacts (Pearson 2000:78). Ceramic Analysis in Mortuary Contexts One goal of this paper is to seek to understand the socio organizational principles around craft pro duction that governed the site of Los Guachimontones and by possible extension, other sites in the Tequila valleys region The occupation of the Los Guachimontones site spans for a period of over one thousand years. Recent work on ceramic chronologies by Beekman ( Beekman et al. 2015 ), suggest that the majority of the burials found at the site are from early phases that correspond to construction of monumental architecture and the expansion of the site. According to Peebles' above assertions, the different ial placement of burials both within and outside these monumental/ceremonial structures over this span of time, should provide clues about the nature of the social structure at the site, and how it may have changed over time. Other studies, such as Aronson 's (1993 ) dissertation on mortuary ceramics from a cemetery at Tabachines demonstrate that technological, ideological, and economical aspects of the manufacture of the goods placed in these burials can also tell us a great deal about social structure in ad dition to the nature of production activities, political economy, and ideology of the region.

PAGE 45

! &' Aronson's (1993) work focuses on technology in context, using mortuary ceramics from Tabachines, a site associated with the Teuchitl‡n Culture in Jalisco, Mexico Because of the proximity and cultural affiliation of Tabachines to Los Guachimontones (LG) the nature of the assemblage that I am studying (largely mortuary goods), and my questions regarding specialists at the LG site, I use Aronson's study to guide my own. Aronson emphasizes that past archaeological studies of mortuary behaviors have placed too much emphasis on the phenomenal order. Following David (1992) and Goodenough (1964), the phenomenal order (PO), and the ideational order (IO), are two component s of the cultural domain. The PO "is reflected in artifacts that have been affected by human action, and are the result of activities that can be divided into social, ideological (or better, ideational), and technical aspects" (Aronson 1993:27), whereas th e IO, has more to do with ideas and representations, views of reality, or the hard wiring' of the human mind. David ( 1992b:1 35) argues that the PO cannot be reconstructed from cultural events without reference to the IO. That is, behaviors within the phen omenal realm have reference to a much less well defined set of beliefs in the ideational realm" [Aronson 1993:27]. Aronson also utilizes the idea of the "symbolic reservoir" proposed by Sterner (1992) and David (1992b) as "a shared set of ideas which is manifest in a number of ethnically diverse individuals or groups. In this sense, it provides a structure around which technical, social, and ideological activities (i.e. the phenomenal order) vary" (Aronson 1993:27). Binford discussed a similar concept in that he believed that symbols used within a given region could convey information about group identity in either inclusive or antagonistic ways. In order to discern the difference, members of differing groups within a region would have to be able to recogn ize these symbols in order for them to work as identifiers (Binford 1972:15).

PAGE 46

! &( With these ideas in hand, Aronson tackles the social and technological aspects of what is essentially a social, yet ideological activity that of the disposal of the dead in a ritualized way with the placement of certain symbolic references (i.e. ceramic pots, figurines, etc) that are widespread throughout the region but that also change to some degree over time and distance. Binford (1972) expressed a similar idea when he sta ted, In mortuary ritual, we observe a class of phenomena consisting of both technical and ritual actsTechnically, burial customs provide for the disposal of the potentially unpleasant body of the deceased. Ritually, mortuary rites consist of the execution of a number of symbolic acts that may vary in two ways: in the form of the symbols employed, and in the number and kinds of referents given symbolic recognition [Binford 1972:16]. However, the difference between Aronson's technological aspects and Binfor d's technical aspects is that Aronson is referring specifically to the techniques and organization involved in crafting goods destined for burial, while Binford is speaking more of the reality of having to dispose of the body. Binford might attribute a pur ely symbolic function to the placement of ceramics in burial, but Aronson sought to integrate the technological aspects of the ceramics with the symbolic (the PO with the IO) instead of separating them. Aronson also points out that in mainstream discussio ns of structured social behavior, such as the production of ceramics for mortuary goods, the role of the individual is largely ignored However, individual s are an important factor to take into account because they represent human action, ideas, creativity knowledge, adaptation, and free will that is manifest in the objects placed in burial with other individuals who are on the journey to the next world (Aronson 1993:29 30). Furthermore, Binford asserts that "the facets of the social persona symbolically r ecognized in the mortuary ritual would shift with the levels of corporate participation in the ritual, and hence vary directly with the relative rank of the social position which the deceased occupied in life" (Binford 1972:17). This concept may

PAGE 47

! &) also be ap plied to the producers of the ceramics placed, for instance, in a high status burial. According to theories of ceramic specialization, the producer or producers, may or may not be "attached" to an elite entity, or may even be a member of the elite when the y are producing for an elite context ( Brumfiel and Earle 1987 ). Hence, the type of pottery they produce is also linked to social position and access to certain materials and knowledge. Therefore, the pottery found throughout the site may vary according to who is producing it and for whom. Another influence on Aronson's work is that of Giddens (1990) and his theory of structuration in order to assess "technology as a series of mediated actions" that "occur in a particular space time, and collectively play out social practices" (Aronson 1993:32). In this view, variability in mortuary contexts stems from both variations in social practice that are directly tied to the prevailing social structure and the actions of the individual within or contrary to that soc ial framework. It is a complex interplay between the social structure and individual action and these actions are expressed materially in the objects placed in burial and in the treatment of the deceased. This complements Binford's argument that differenti ation in mortuary ritual is linked to status differences as well as the group affiliations of the deceased, and that the more complex the organization of a society is, the more variability we would expect to see within a single socio cultural unit (Binford 1972:14 15). Aronson states, Collectively, the ceramic artifacts tell a story of a society's mortuary behaviors, from the burial to the materially expressed aspects of burial itself. Inferences are derived from patterned variability in particular aspects of objects: material selection, aesthetics, distribution, associations, etcwhen this information is considered in conjunction with prior regional knowledge concerning settlement patterns, agricultural development, ceramic production, distribution, and use and historical documentation of myths, a much richer view of a technological system is reached [Aronson 1993:33].

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! &* In Aronson's (1993) study of mortuary ceramic technology in the Valley of Atemajac and the site of Tabachines, she discusses many of the v ariables and modes of production, including the difference between specialized production and special production of vessels used for mortuary ritual (Aronson 1993:39 43). She outlines several ethnographic studies that exhibit elements discussed above such as specialized and secret knowledge shared within families who produce grave sculptures, and men from specific castes in India who are responsible for producing pottery for mortuary contexts, in contrast to utilitarian vessels that are made by nearly all w omen. In Puebla, Mexico, Blackware pottery intended for Day of the Dead festivities is produced differently from ordinary pottery, and miniature offerings for children and infants who have died is further specialized and created by itinerant potters (Arons on 1993:40). Aronson also discusses how the meaning of the pot is dependent on the context of use as well as the person using it, or with whom it was placed in burial (Aronson 1993:43). The results of her study suggest that some items included in interme nt at both the Tabachines site and the Teuchitl‡n core, were ordinary utilitarian vessels exhibiting signs of use wear. These vessels were often mixed with finer vessels and other types of prestige goods that appear to have been made exclusively for burial It also appears that certain clusters of ceramic wares and decorative types were produced at the same time by the same artisans for use in a specific burial. This suggests that different families may have produced pottery for the interment of their own d ead, and that this pottery was specialized in that it was produced specifically for burial. Like Aronson's study, this thesis uses artifacts (material objects) from mortuary and offering contexts to assess the social and ideological aspects of craft produ ction, as well as

PAGE 49

! &+ teasing out the individual in the archaeological record whether it be the individual in their final resting place, or the individual (or group of individuals) who crafted the goods that would join them on their way to the afterlife. In order to achieve this, I examine these artifacts through technological aspects (paste, forming, decorating), evidence for standardization and specialization of certain forms, their placement in the context of a burial or offering, the locations of burials and offerings throughout the site, and finally, what this might indicate in terms of social organization as well as ideology at the site and the broader region.

PAGE 50

! &, CHAPTER III BACKGROUND TO THE REGION The assemblage of mortuary goods from the Los Guachi montones site in Jalisco, Mexico, is the focus of this study. The site is of great importance in the region because it is the largest ceremonial site in the Tequila Valleys and surrounding area that was the core of the Teuchitl‡n culture duri ng the Late Fo rmative (300 B.C. A.D. 200 ) and Early Classic (A.D. 200 500) periods. The site remained inhabited through the Epiclassic per iod (A.D. 500 900) and into the Postclassic period (A.D. 900 1600 ). This region, like others in west ern and central Mexico, appear t o have experienced some considerable cultural changes beginning in the Epiclassic period when the construction of elaborate tombs for elite individuals and families and monumental architecture began to wane. The burials within and around the cerem onial c ore of the site contain a great number of goods that speak not only about the status of the individuals they were buried with, but also about the ideologies, trade networks and political strategies of those people, and of the activities surrounding mortuar y events, including the production of goods ultimately destined for burial. This assemblage is ideal for answering questions regarding the nature of craft production, particularly for use in mortuary ritual and the aggrandizing behavior associated with it, as well as the type of social organization specialized crafts might indicate. Also, the distribution of certain types of goods and the number of them in each burial can inform us as to the ritual and social importance of certain areas of the site, as well as the individuals interred there. Finally, the relative paucity of data for craft production as well as mortuary data from un looted contexts in the region makes this study an important contribution to the

PAGE 51

! &! understanding of activities that took place at L os Guachimontones and other sites in the surrounding Tequila Valleys (Figure 1) "#$%&'! ( )!*+,!.!/'0%#1+!+23!45'6+7+8!9+11':;!;<-=#2$!;#5';!=#51#8!+&8<#5'85%&'?!;<+.5!5-6>;?!-&! 8'6'5'&#';)!"&-6!P''R6+2!e@QQNf) The Culture History of West Mexico and the Tequila Valleys The state of Jalisco is located in West Mexico with neighboring states including Nayarit to the north, Colima to the south, Michoac‡n to the southea st and Guanajuato to the east. Some of the a rchaeological sit es in all of these states form what was formerly called the Teuchitl‡n Tradition ( Beekman and Weigand 1998; Beekman 2010 ), but is now referred to as the Teuchitl‡n Culture (Johns 2014:24). The definition of this culture includes the use of

PAGE 52

! '. shaft tombs for burials of elite citizens and the building of a specific form of monumental architecture during the Late Formative and Classic periods Architectural remains consist of circular structures surrounded by as few as four or as many as sixteen rectangular plat forms (Beekman 2008:420). These platforms once held houselike wattle and daub structures ( Weigand and Beekman 1998). R ecent studies demonstrate that a range of activities took place inside and outside of these structures, including rituals, feasting, and d omestic activities (Beekman 2000; Butterwick 1998; Johns 2014). The circular structures with their related platforms are known in West Mexican research as guachimontones and are found throughout the aforementioned states, particularly in the Tequila valley basin that surrounds the Volc‡n de Tequila (Beekman 2008:416; Beekman 2010 :42 ; Weigand 1996; Weigand and Beekman 1998 ). The largest complex consisting of these structures is found in the hills just above the modern town of Teuchitl‡n, from which the name of the Teuchitl‡n Culture originates. The site is known as Los Guachimontones ( Weigand and Beekman 1998) and is the area of focus in this thesis. The Middle Formative (1000 B.C. 400 B.C.) The Tequila I phase falls within the Middle Formative period durin g which the first shaft tombs were created to contain the remains of multiple generations. The dead were accompanied by offerings of pottery, hollow ceramic figures, and figurines representing both animals, and people wearing clothing related to the ballga me that is so ubiquitous throughout Mesoamerica and into the U.S. Southwest. They also had a range of imported goods that demonstrated a high level of wealth. Goods such as turquoise, jade, marine shell, iron pyrite mirrors, and green obsidian came from tr ade networks that reached from Guatemala to northern Mexico and New Mexico ( Beekman 2010 :5 8).

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! '% The first tombs found in a cemetery located in El Ope–o, Michoacan, dated to around 1400 B.C. (Oliveros 2009) consisted of a stairway and subterranean chamber thought to relate to Mesoamerican themes of the underworld. Beekman argues that these early tombs were used to lay claims to the land ( Beekman 2010 :57 58 ). It is possible that there were once structures atop the tombs, but there has been no affirmative ev idence for this. Other cemeteries from this period have been excavated in the region. They are termed Capacha because of the type of pottery found there that is deeply engraved and comes in unusual forms such as the stirrup spout (Kelley 1974 ; Kelley 1980 ) Offerings in these cemeteries includes grinding stones (metates) that are associated with an increasing dependence on maize, and ceramic anthropomorphic figures. Jade from the Motagua Valley in Guatemala and iron pyrite jewelry were also included in some of the offerings ( Beekman 2010 :58). In the region of the Tequila Valleys, bottle shaped tombs were located beneath circular constructions, or the dead were interred in large circular or oval mounds at San Felipe and other sites in the Magdalena Basin. Som e of these burials provide evidence that people were curating remains and placing them in cysts that may have been used to make ancestral claims to the land by corporate groups ( Beekman 2010 :59). This behavior in combination with the evidence for long dist ance trade suggests that membership in a corporate group with access to exotic goods and ties to land was the primary way of building wealth and status during the Middle Formative Period. The Late Formative, Early Classic, and Classic Periods (300 B.C. A. D. 500/600) Population growth and expansion into new areas characterized the Late Formative period in West Mexic o, which corresponds to the Tequ ila II and III phases of the Tequila Valleys region (Heredia 2017 ). Ideology related to mortuary ritual and sym bolism spread along with

PAGE 54

! '& this growth, but was generally centered in the lake basins of the Tequila Valleys in central Jalisco. Tens of thousands of people occupied the region, likely growing maize and living in dispersed settlements. Corporate groups appea r to have continued to exhibit their power through the use of shaft and chamber tombs like those at El Ope–o. Tombs containing the richest number of goods were found in the ceremonial centers, associated with public architecture, while rural families place d their dead in modest tombs in cemeteries such as the one at Tabachines ( Beekman 2010 :62 ; Galvan 1991 ). Public architecture became increasingly important with ball courts that may have served as "a mechanism for channeling social competition between grou ps into a safer and less conflictive form" ( Beekman 2008; Beekman 2010 :62), and the circular guachimont—n structures that represent Mesoamerican beliefs of a multi layered universe. The platforms around the central altar of the guachimontones have been int erpreted as representing different lineages that form a corporate group in which power was shared (Beekman 2008) However, excavations, particularly those at Navajas, have demonstrated that these structures were not identical in size or method of construct ion and therefore likely represent differentiation in status and competition among the lineages. Goods found in the tombs are very similar to those found in the early El Ope–o tombs indicating continuing trade relations among corporate groups ( Beekman 2010 :63). Recent excavations at some of the larger sites, including Los Guachimontones and Navajas, have provided radiocarbon dates and a better defined chronology. The earliest occupation of these sites may be as early as 1500 B.C. ( Beekman under review ) bu t the Guachimontones were not constructed until around 100 B.C. Los Guachimontones is the largest of these sites and may have been the political center of the Tequila Valley region. Fortified, strategically placed sites at entrances to the Tequila

PAGE 55

! '' Valleys suggest a centralized, corporate authority presence and artifacts suggesting elite status, such as obsidian jewelry and hollow ceramic figures, continued to be placed in burials at the guachimontones, but were not used in the rural cemeteries ( Beekman 2010 :63; Galvan 1991) In fact, long distance trade during this time period seems to be centered around mortuary ritual and the deposit of exotic goods in burials ( Beekman 2010 :63 64). The Tequila IV phase from A.D. 200 500, is the major period of population expansion and a shift away from the use of shaft to mbs toward the construction of g uachimonton complexes Beekman (2008) argued that the society that built the Guachimontones practiced a corporate political strategy in which "no one group maintains long te rm dominance over the others" (Beekman 2008:415). Beekman goes on to say that "Nonetheless, stratification existed and elite lineages held privileged locations and competed with one another in the ceremonial core of the city" (Beekman 2008:415). By the end of the Late Formative, newly constructed sites were much smaller and construction at sites like Los Guachimontones were modifications of the existing circles. The shaft tombs at sites like Tabachines became smaller in size, with fewer offerings and fewer occupants. Meanwhile, small guachimontones were being constructed at sites outside of the Tequila Valleys in areas as distant as Guanajuato and Michoacan, and sites along the Pacific Coast. Sites such as La Pintada in the Tomatlan Valley (Mountjoy 1982 ) a nd Playa del Tesoro on the northern coast of Colima ( Beltr‡n Medina 2001) have evidence for extensive shell workshops that may have supplied elites with shell jewelry or other items used in mortuary ritual ( Beekman 2010 :68). Overall, the Late Formative wa s a time of increasing political complexity with changes in population expansion, construction activities, and mortuary practices. This is followed by a period of retraction or decline in the Early Classic period.

PAGE 56

! '( T he Epiclassic period (A.D. 600 9 00). Thi s time period saw great changes across western Mexico and other parts of Mesoamerica. This includes changes in architecture such as the use of enclosed patios and stone lined pit tombs used as rural cemeteries or as crypts that contained large numbers of i ndividuals, as well as changes in ceramic complexes. The guachimontones were no longer being constructed and were replaced by new political and ceremonial centers such as those at Alta Vista, La Quemada, and Ixtepete ( Beekman 2010 :70). Resource exploitatio n was intensified at this time, and an increased demand for exotic items and iconography were probably the result of unstable polities trying to legitimate their authority. This period also marks the appearance of metallurgy resulting in the introduction of items such as copper bells, tweezers, needles, and jewelry around 650 A.D. (Hosler and MacFarlane 1996) Turquoise was also intensively processed at Alta Vista, indicating the importation of this exotic good from as far away as the American Southwest (B eekman 2010:71; Weigand and Harbottle 1992). C hert and other minerals were mined for use in jewelry production and possibly as pigments for the pseudo cloisonnÂŽ vessels that were more widely produced than previously. New ceramic decorative types, mortuary treatments, and iconography support the interpretation of the appearance of a new widespread religion based on the feathered serpent ( Beekman 2010 :71). The Postclassic period (A.D. 900 1522). Increasing aridity characterized both the Epiclassic and Postc lassic periods, leading to the abandonment of many sites in the north central part of Mesoamerica (Beekman 2010; Metcalf et al. 2007) The area remained occupied, but radiocarbon dates indicate that populations were not as widespread and some settlements e ventually disappeared. While populations dwindled in the interior, coastal settlements appear to have thrived, taking advantage of disruptions in highland trade routes

PAGE 57

! ') and instead emphasizing coastal trade. Settlements along major river drainages also thri ved and exhibited public architecture such as pyramids and ball courts, as well as a reappearance of cemeteries. Craft production also seems to have intensified in these areas, with evidence for copper smelting, shell jewelry production and even ceramic ki lns -a rare and understudied find throughout Mesoamerica ( Beekman 2010 :74 75). In central Jalisco, the L ate Postclassic is a period of major population growth, and Los Guachimontones held the largest occupation of its entire history. Yet d espite the larg e population, no public architecture was built during this time ( Heredia et al 2017 ) Table 1 illustrates the current chronology of the region. /+>1'! ( )!T<&-2-1-$:!-.!5<'!/'%8<#51^2!W'$#-2!e+3+,5'3!.&-6!P''R6+2!@Q(Qj!4&-2;-2!(AAEj! c-<2;!@Q(Jf) Chronology of the Teuchitl‡n Region Date Major Period Regional Phase A.D. 1400 1600 Late Postclassic Atemajac II A.D. 1200 Early Postclassic Atemajac I A.D. 1100 A.D. 1000 A.D. 900 A.D. 800 Epi Classic El Grillo A.D. 700 A.D. 600 A.D. 500 A.D. 400 Middle Classic/Classic Tequila IV A.D. 300 A.D. 200 A.D. 100 Late Formative /Early Classic Tequila III 0 100 B.C. 200 B.C. Tequila II 300 B.C. 400 B.C. Middle Formative Tequila I 500 B.C. 600 B.C. 700 B.C. 800 B.C. 900 B.C. 1000 B.C. 1100 B.C. Early Formative 1200 B.C. 1300 B.C. 1400 B.C. 1500 B.C.

PAGE 58

! '* The Site of Los Guachimontones The guachimont—n structures are particularly relevant to this study because it is in and aroun d these structures that some of the most elaborate burials are found. Los Guachimontones (LG) has the most of this type of architecture in the region, leading to the interpretation that it was the center of political activity involving c orporate groups. Be ekman (2003) has speculated that the guachimontones themselves represent ideological beliefs surrounding maize production and fertility rites and were a place where corporate groups participated in ritual feasting and mortuary activities. Differential cons truction of the platforms surrounding the central altar as well as size differences between circles suggest a level of hierarchy or competition among lineages within and a mong the circles. As many as 90 percent of the known guachimont—n structures are foun d within the lake basins of the Tequila Valleys (Beekman 2003:6). Although all the sites in the Tequila Valley region appear to conform to the same architectural plan, combining circular architecture, ball courts and elite residences, the LG site is consid ered to be the largest of all based on a total volume of architecture, dividing the sites into four hierarchical levels labeled A D (Ohnersorgen and Varien 1996). The LG site is the only l evel A site, with as many as twenty circles, two ballcourts, and res idential areas both within the ceremonial core and the surrounding hills. The site of Loma Alta, which sits at a higher elevation above LG is considered to be a sector of the LG site and adds yet another seven circles, two ballcourts and a large residenti al group to the total architectural volume of the site ( Heredia 2017 ) The concentric circular structures are thought to represent Mesoamerican beliefs about the cosmos, such as the division of the world into four quadrants with the world tree holding up the heavens at the center, a pattern also echoed in pottery decoration (Heredia and

PAGE 59

! '+ Englehart 2015) The division of the world into multiple layers is another common theme that is possibly represented by the guachimont—n The vertical structure of the cent ral altar that may have had a pole in the center, corresponds to the upper world the sky and mountains the middle world is represented by the patio where dancing, feasting, and other activities occurred, and the shaft tombs represent the underworld (Be ekman 2003:10 12 ; Butterwick 1998 ; Cach 2008 ). Many ceramic figures found in mortuary contexts, as well as un provenienced contexts provide anecdotal evidence as to the activities that occurred at the guachimontones (Figure 2) including a pole ritual that has possible links to the volador ceremonies still performed throughout Mexico and the Aztec wind deity, Ehecatl (Kelley 1974; Weigand 1992). The volador ceremony itself may be a reference to the Mesoamerican calendrical system and the timing of agricultu ral and fertility rites (Beekman 2003:8 12). Recent studies by Johns (2014) and Wagner (2014), explored the nature of activities that occurred at the guachimontones through distributional analyses of ceramics and obsidian, respectively, among the platforms of Circle 5 at the site of Navajas. Johns' analysis demonstrated that both ritual and domestic activities occurred there, but that some lineages may have had differential access to wealth in the form of decorative ceramics (Johns 2014).

PAGE 60

! ', "#$%&'! @ )!4!&',1#8+!-.!+!8'&+6#8!.#$%&'!.&-6!B';5!*'C#8-!3',#85#2$!6%;#8!+23!3+28#2$!+&-%23!+! $%+8<#6-25D2 ?!8-66#;;#-2'3!>:!5<'!T+;+!3'!T%15%&+)!]<-5-!>:!H'"+'!5+R'2!+5!5<'!T+;+!3'!T%15%&+?! /'%8<#51^2!@Q(J) Previous Research The core of the Te uchitl‡n Culture lies within the Tequila Valleys, including the Magdalena Basin and adjacent Atemajac Valley. This is where the largest g uachimont—n sites and shaft tombs are found, and has received the most attention in terms of research of the mortuary p ractices of this culture (Aronson 1993; L—pez and Ramos 1998). Meredith Aronson (1993) conducted a study of the mortuary practices from two different sites associated with the Teuchitl‡n culture. One was a cemetery containing 43 tombs at the site of Tabach ines that included shaft tombs corresponding to the Late Formative and Early Classic periods, as well as box tombs from the following El Grillo phase, excavated by Javier Galvan in the 1970's. Another was the site of Ixtepete that held a single box tomb a ssociated with the El Grillo phase that was eroded out of the side of a mound (Aronson 1993; Aronson 1996). Her study focused on the melding of the social, ideational, and technical aspects of

PAGE 61

! '! mortuary behavior, arguing that previous r esearch of mortuary b ehavior had focused heavily on the social aspects. She interprets technology as "action on things' within a system of shared knowledge, skill, and experience" (Aronson 1996:163). Being a materials scientist, Aronson conducted petrographic analyses of the ceramics from these tombs in conjunction with visual and metric attributes that not only helped to further define types initially outlined by Galvan (1984, 1991), but also provided evidence for specialized items created specifically for mortuary use and as sociated with certain family tombs. Her typological descriptions are an important contribution and have formed the basis for later ceramic studies in the region. This thesis owes a great deal to her work and her theoretical basis and methodologies have bee n discussed in chapter 2. Beekman's (1996) dissertation further developed a typology by attempting to combine Galvan's types with those defined by Weigand that had never been published. Beekman not only synthesized this data, but added another ware call ed Estolanos, which is a fine ware closely related to the Tabachines ware. Beekman and Weigand later published a book defining the wares and decorative types of the Teuchitl‡n Tradition (Beekman and Weigand 2000), however, this book does not contain descri ptions for at least one of the types that is prominent in the LG assemblage, which is a black type that may be a Colorines ware, but that I will argue may actually be Estolan os. Also, one of the fine wares (Arroyo Seco) found at Tabachines, Navajas, Llano Grande, and even Los Guachimonontes, is not present in the LG mortuary assemblage at all. Johns' (2014) thesis helped to further refine the wares. The excavation of an un looted shaft tomb at Huitzilapa in 1993 ( L—pez and Ramos 1998) laid the foundation f or another important study of mortuary practices in the Teuchitl‡n core. The Huitzilapa site is less than 80 km distance from the site of LG which makes it an

PAGE 62

! (. excellent basis for comparison of mortuary activities and the associated goods that can be expec ted to be found at the LG site. This tomb represents the apex of monumental shaft t omb construction in the region ( Beekman and Weigand 1998:39 ; L—pez and Ramos 1998:54 57). The tomb, located underneath the south structure of the West Plaza, consisted of a 7.6 m deep shaft leading to two chambers oriented along a north south axis. The north chamber held the remains of three individuals, two men and one woman. Osteological evidence estimated one male's age to be around 45 years of age and because of the great number of offerings and adornments, was believed to have been the most important personage in the tomb. Shell bracelets and other jewelry, greenstone beads, cloth adorned with thousands of shell beads, and decorated conch shells accompanied him. The other male was around age 30 40 and was found with shell and greenstone jewelry and an atlatl, while the female was around 50 years of age and had a lesser quantity of shell jewelry (Ramos and L—pez 2006:275). As many as seventy seven ceramic vessels, mainly of the fine red on cream types and containing food offerings, as well as six large, hollow ceramic figures, were found along the north and west sides of the chamber (Ramos and L—pez 2006:275) The south chamber also held a man around 40 years of age, and two women between 16 20 and 20 40 years of age. This man also had shell jewelry, an atlatl, and a conch shell between his legs. One of the women was lying on two large metates, while the younger one was wrapped in a mat. This chamber also had a number of cera mic vessels and two hollow figures a standing male and a se ated woman (Ramos and L—pez 2006 :275 276). The genetic data from the shaft tomb at Huitzilapa show that at least 5 of the 6 individuals interred were related. In addition, although the interment appears to have been a single event, some of the individuals had perished some time previous, and their remains kept

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! (% in order to include them in the shaft tomb burial. This evidence, along with the quantity and quality of items placed in the burial, and t he fact that no other platforms at Huitzilapa contained shaft tombs underneath them suggests that these individuals may have been members of a very important lineage and is certainly a material representation of the existence of social stratification ( L—pe z and Ramos 1998: 58 59 ; Pickering and Cabrero 1998 ). In contrast, t he tombs of LG appear to be mostly single occupant burials that are frequently of the secondary type, containing only long bones and skull fragments rather than complete skeletal remains. Lorenza L—pez Mestas wrote an article for a 2005 publication that focused on the recent studies of the Mesoamerican cultures of West Mexico, including Los Guachimontones and the Teuchitlan tradition ( L—pez 2005). In this article, L—pez analyzed vessels fr om excavated contexts in the region, including Oconahua and Ahualulco vessels from Huitzilapa, in order to assess whether these vessels were standardized and/or specialized in a way that would suggest that they were made specifically for burial, as the maj ority of these vessels came from burial contexts. L—pez study showed that many of the vessels from the Huitzilapa tomb such as the Oconahua Red on White, Oconahua Polychrome, and Ahualulco Red on Cream demonstrated little variation in their metric attri butes and argued that these vessels were specialized items produced specifically for burial in high status tombs ( L—pez 2005:238) As will be discussed in C hapter V these red on cream types are also found at the LG site, and I have used similar techniques to analyze their level of standardization, including height, diameter, and their range of variability, among other techniques (to be discussed in the following Methods of Analysis chapter). While L—pez found that these vessels showed little to no use wear other than evidence that they had

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! (& contained food or liquids as part of the mortuary ritual ( L—pez 2005:240) I will demonstrate that many of the vessels buried with the dead at LG had experienced a previous use life. L—pez also analyzed the iconographic c ontent of the vessels and described decorative elements such as triangles, diamonds, dots, zig zags, wavy lines, crosses, and concentric circles, as well as zoomorphic elements such as snakes and frogs ( L—pez 2005:241) Beekman and Weigand (2000) also disc uss these same elements. Although the latter two elements are not found on vessels from LG the former elements, particularly the triangles are found in this collection L—pez concluded that the Oconahua and Ahualulco vessels were made by specialists due to the evidence of skill gained through repetition that manifests itself in highly standardized metric attributes and execution of decorative elements, and that, due to not only the fineness of manufacture, but also the lack of use wear, that these vessel s were made specifically for use in mortuary ritual. L—pez further proposes that the association of these vessels with restricted, luxury goods such as jade and shell implies that they functioned as prestige goods indicating a high level of social status ( L—pez 2005:243). In regards to the iconographic decorative elements, she concludes that "this ideology was internalized by the group of craftsmen and by others in the community, fulfilling an integrative role in achieving a shared identity" ( L—pez 2005:243 ). Eric Orlando Cach, who was primarily responsible for the excavations of Circle 6, wrote a paper in 2008, that included a discussion of Circle 6 of the Los Guachimontones site. The individuals interred in the Central Altar of Circle 6, were all secondar y interments. Cach suggests that this implies a "cult to the ancestors" and a level of prestige and respect granted to the living relatives of these ancestors. In addition, Cach states,

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! (' the possibility that a kinship group that deifies their ancestors and is legitimized in that way, reinforces the notion that it is a dynastic group that establishes its prestige based on its divine lineage, its ritual knowledge and its high specialization. The high specialization of the Altar Six group is represented by the knowledge of the myth of creation, interpretation of it and its translation in a material culture (handling of offerings in a special architecture) [translated by LeFae ] [ Cach 2008:62]. Extensive looting in this area has been a significant barrier to full y understanding the mortuary practices of the region. Weigand noted in the 1970's that the sale of figurines from looted tombs had become an important economic resource for people in the area and that this destructive activity had become very systematic. H e estimated that as many as 10,000 figurines had been sold on the antiquities market (Weigand 1974:12 0). The tomb at Huitzilapa is the only complete and un looted shaft tombs to be found and e xcavated in the Teuchitl‡n core ( L—pez and Ramos 1998; Pickering and Cabrero 1998) with the Tabachines cemetery and Estanzuela shaft tombs in the nearby Atemajac Valley (Aronson 1993; Galvan 1991) This is why studies such as this thesis, concerning craft production and mortuary practice s at LG are an important additi on to the data for this area. A series of excavations were conducted at Los Guachimontones under the direction of Phil Weigand and Rodrigo Esparza L—pez from 1999 2010 These excavations included several of the larger circles, two residential groups loca ted near the ceremonial core, a habitational and possible workshop area located a short distance downhill from the core and known as Talleres and the Loma Alta sector which is a short distance uphill from the core. An interpretive center was later built on top of what was the Talleres sector of the site (Herrejon and Smith 2002) A series of reports (informes) were written by several researchers, and for th is thesis I have focused on those that are related to buried offerings found in the Proyecto Arqueol ogico Teuchitl‡n (PAT) inventory. These reports include

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! (( Weigand and Esparza (2006), Esparza (2008), Herrejon and Smith (2002), Cach Avenda–o (2002), Griffin (2010), and Beekman et al. (2014, 2015). A study by Blanco et al. (2010), focused on determining t he function of vessels from LG and including the Loma Alta sector. This was the only ceramic analysis published by the prior PAT personnel. T hey relied heavily upon Rice's vessel function chart ( Table 4 ) to sort sherds and vessels into type categories. How ever, while using this method, they created a new typology, using the same type names of Ahualulco, Oconahua, and Tabachines, but categorizing vessels within these types differently than previous studies (Beekman and Weigand 2000). Not surprisingly, this h as led to some confusion for later researchers. A study by Johns (2014) that relied on a determination of vessel form for conducting an analysis of activities within Circle 5 at Navajas, did not follow this typology. Instead, she used ware and type names a nd descriptions established by previous researchers in the area (Aronson 1993; Beekman 1996; Beekman and Weigand 2000; Galvan 1991). Vessel function is not the main focus of this thesis, but the use of these vessels in life and the use wear that is produce d by it lends clues to whether they were specialized forms made specifically for burial, or if they were used for ordinary tasks in daily life. As such, I used the more established typologies and not the one created by Blanco et al. (2010) in this analysis At the site of LG as well as other sites in the Tequila valleys region, several types of ceramic wares have been identified, with different proposed uses fo r each (Aronson 1993; Johns 2014 ). Although pastes used for wares such as Tabachi nes, Estola nos, and Arroyo Seco -all associated with both feasting and ritual activities (Aronson 1993; Butterwick 1998; Johns 2014). -are quite consistent, the Colorines Ware, which is identified as more of a domestic ware, varies greatly in temper and consistency a s well as decoration, ranging from

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! () a relatively fine paste with fine decoration, to a very rough paste with no decoration, or minimal decoration that may be poorly executed. This ware has accordingly been divided into Fine and Coarse wares. This suggests t hat the finer feasting wares are specialized products, which may include aspects of resource and/or site specialization, as well as producer specialization, with the Colorines ware being less specialized and utilizing local resources and more diverse local expressions of decorative motifs. !

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! (* CHAPTER IV METHODS OF ANALYSIS This study a ddresses questions about the standardization and specialization of ceramics used in burial or offering contexts at Los Guachimontones (LG) (Figure 3) and the types of so cial organization indicated by this type of craft production. Is there evidence at the site of artisans that specialized in certain ceramic forms? Were specialized goods made specifically for use in burial? Are these goods standardized in a way that indica tes organized production at a scale above the individual artisan, or is standardizati on a result of producer and consumer conservatism and expectations of what a vessel should look like (Arnold 1991:364)? Analysis of ceramic vessels used in burials and oth er offering contexts will aid in the evaluation of local production as well as possible trade relations within the region and may provide indicators of status of the interred individuals. In this chap ter, I present the methods I employ in order to attempt to address these questions. These methods are used for an analysis of paste composition, vessel form, surface treatment (decoration), use wear, evidence for standardized or specialized forms, and distribution of vessels in conjunction with other artifacts found in burial or offering contexts throughout the site.

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! (+ "#$%&'! E )!G#5'!6+,!-.!5<'! HI 8'&'6-2#+1!8-&')!T-%&5';:!-.!]4/) The Dataset M any of the data used for this analysis were compiled by previous researchers who conducted exca vations or analy ses at the site from 1999 2008 under the direction of Phil Weigand and Rodrigo Esparza. I have compiled these data into a new database titled OfferingsDBJL2015, as well as synthesizing them in this thesis. Reports on the excavations were co nsulted, as well as dig ital databases created in Excel. Most relevant were reports on Circles 1, 3, 4, 6, La Joyita (a habitational area) and the Talleres sector because these were the areas that contained burials with associated artifacts, although I mus t stress that these were not the only burials found at the site. The reports include information on excavation techniques and brief descriptions of artifa cts recovered from each context. Artifacts were set !"#$%&'$()*(+,(+%-#$'./('$%&+-0#,+1(!"#$%&!"#$%&'$()*(+,(+%-#$'./('$%&+-0#,+1(!"#$%&!"#$%&'$()*(+,(+%-#$'./('$%&+-0#,+1(!"#$%&!"#$%&'$()*(+,(+%-#$'./('$%&+-0#,+1(!"#$%&

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! (, aside, labeled with an inventory number and contex t, and added to the PAT inventory. These items are stored in the la boratory at the Phil Weigand/ Guachimontones Interpretive Center and use of them was facilitated by Verenice Heredia, who has been the director since 2012 The databases used for this thes is are : 1) The Vessel_TequilaphaseDBNA2014 and the Figurine DBNA, assembled by Nichole Abbott, Catherine Johns, and Christopher Beekman to replace the Proyecto Arqueologico Tecuchitlan ( PAT ) Inventory. DBNA2014 is an inventory with measurements and descript ions of whole vessels from the Tequila phases at the site, while the other only addresses figurines. Most, but not all, of the vessels from burials or offerings were included in DBNA2014 2) A database of Talleres vessels and burial goods created by Pat ricia Alonzo Cuellar in 2012 includes most of the objects found in burial contexts with brief analyses for Talleres 2 and 3. 3) The master CeramicCodesPAX2014, created in 2003, and updated by Johns in 2011 and 2014, which will likely continue to be updated as lon g as new excavations and analyses reveal different types. It is a comprehensive list categorizing all of the wares and associated types for the LG and Navajas sites, with code numbers assigned to each ware and type. 4) An inv entory of rim types found at LG an d Navajas have been assembled into a Powerpoint doc ument titled RimTypology (2013) and used to identify rim types All illustrations of rim types are derived from that document. 5) Illustrations of vessels in digital form were also provided by Verenice Hered ia, director of the PAT, of which I have made further contributions to in the course of

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! (! this study. As I created the new OfferingsDBJL2015 database, I noted which items had illustrations and which did not. Valerie Simard helped me to illustrate as many of those that did n ot have one as time would allow, including jewelry in addition to ceramics. This included inventory ( INV ) #'s 009, 022, 094, 112, 113, 115, 121, 128, 134, 230, 231, 232, and 252. 6) Photographs taken by Kong Cheong and Mads Jorgensen in 2014. As with the illustrations, I noted in the new database which items had already been photographed and took my own photos of any items that had not been photographed. 7) The PAT inventory (inventario) is a complete listing of all of the artifacts housed at the PAT lab lo cated in the Guachimontones Interpretive Center. This invent ory was created by PAT personnel under the direction of Phil Weigand and continues to be added to. It includes some informa tion on context, but the data are very incomplete and some are incorrect. The inventory also provides artifact location in the lab, but some items either were not found or the information on the artifact tag did not completely match the inventory description. It was sometimes difficult to reconcile what was in the i nventory wi th what was in the reports. At least nine items that were mentioned in the reports were never found in the inventory ( Table s 2 3 ). I began by reviewing the current databases and pulling those items associated with burials or offerings from the storage cupboards to verify measurements, paste composition, and decorative treatments. I then did a thorough review of the inventory to find any additional items that may have been missed when the databases were created. I did identify

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! ). as many as thirty four items and added them to the database. These items consisted mostly of sherds. Of these sherds, seven were from Talleres 3, Burial 8 and were found with the skulls that were being analyzed by Naomi Ripp. I also read through the reports and made lists of the items mentioned as found in burials or offerings and compared them to those inventory items that were recorded as being from that excavation. An excavation for a p articular context, such as Circle 6, may have had an entry in the inventory indicating that the item was from the patio or a platform that matched an item from the report, but did not specify if it was an offering or burial context. Some items specifically stated that they were from an ofrenda or entierro including the specific number, such as Entierro 3. Other items may have had an entry indicating it was from a specific offering, but there was no mention of it in the report. I included these items in the database, but I do not know of another way to verify their context. Several items described in the reports were never located in the inventory and have been noted in Tables 2 3 as well as in the Analysis chapter (pg.51). If an inventory item did not have an entry specifically indicating that it was from a burial or offering, I used excavation unit ( cuadro) numbers, if they were noted in the inventory or on the Talleres map created by Esparza (2008), to try to identify the items from the burial reported for that unit. For example, the map shows that burials 5, 5a, and 5b were all located in units 7617 7623, but not all of the items from these units were labeled as from a burial. By examining the report descriptions and finding the items in the inventory from these units, I was able to piece together which items were from the burials. Other items that had been analyzed and included in the databases were not located in the artifact storage areas or in the interpretive exhibits (Tables 2, 3)

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! )% /+>1'! @ )!H#;5!-.!#5'6;!2-5!.-%23!#2!5<'!1-8+5#-2;!;5+5'3!#2!5<'!]4/!#2V'25-&:) INV # PAT inventory stated location Actual location 006 Red on cream olla Mueble 3b Lab window exhibit 865 Piece of green stone Gaveta 3c Not found 114 Anthropomorphic f igure Mueble 3b Lab window exhibit 130 Red on cream bowl Mueble 3a Possibly in interpretive exhibit 150, 151 beads (2) on exhibit Not found 175 (18) conch beads (12) on e xhibit Not found 177 conch bead Exhibit Not found /+>1'! E )!L5'6;!3';8&#>'3!#2!5<'!&',-&5;!5<+5!='&'!2-5!.-%23!#2!5<'!#2V'25-&:) Context Item description Talleres 2, Offering 3 Red obsidian knife Copper bell 8 copper rings reported, only 6 found Talleres 3, Burial 4 Red on Cream bowl Circle 3, Exterior Plaza, Tomb 1 2 vessels Several shell beads

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! )& Reports (informes) are : 1) Herrej—n and Smith (2002) reported on the Talleres 1 and 2 excavations. 2) Cach Avenda–o (2002) reported on the excavations of Circle 6. 3) Weigand and Esparza (2006), is a report on excavations o f Circles 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 8, La Joyita A and B, and the Grand Plaza between 2003 and 2006. 4) Esparza (2008), reported on the Talleres 3 and 4 excavations. 5) Maps of Talleres III and Burial 12 were created by Rodrigo Esparza in 2008. There is no informe availabl e for Burial 12, but an article is forthcoming (Esparza, personal communication 2017). 6) Griffin (2010) published a report on the excavations of Circle 3. 7) Beekman et al. (2014) and (2015), which are general reports of work accomplished in those lab seasons as well as current chronological data provided by Beekman and my initial description of the data presented here. Objects associated with burials and other offerings (buried caches) were identified from the PAT inventory and reports, then located in the re pository or the interpretive center exhibit, and examined by this researcher. This involved searching the inventory for items that were labeled as having a burial (entierro) or offering (ofrenda) context. Unit (pozo) numbers that corresponded to known buri als were used to identify additional items. In the latter cases, they were included in the analysis only if they could be reconciled with objects identified in the reports. Most data from the inventory and reports were cross referenced with the databases c reated by Abbott (2014), Alonzo (2012), and Beekman (2014). In the case of objects already entered into the Vessel T equilaphaseDBNA database (2014) or the Talleres 3 Vessel database (Alonzo 2012), measurements and descriptions were verified and copied into

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! )' the OfferingsDBJL2015 (LeFae 2015). Additional observations and comments were added to descriptions of form, decoration, and use wear. Also included were sherds from burial or offering contexts that had not been recorded. Photos were taken of all objects that had not been photographe d in 2014 by Cheong and Jorgense n. Items that had not been illustrated were identified and illustrations were created of as many objects as time would allow. Using Standardization to Assess Specialization Several methods have been employed by researchers in order to assess levels of standardization for ceramic production (Arnold 1991; Costin 1986 ; Hagstrum 1985; Sinopoli 1991 ; Sullivan 2006 ). These include quantitative analysis based on metric attributes, visual, chemical, and x ray analysis to determine paste composition, and a step measure to assess labor input. Each of these methods has its strengths and weaknesses and not all methods can be used in all cases. As discussed, standardization refers to a higher level of homogene ity within an assemblage that is often viewed as the result of increased production and a high degree of repetition ( Blackman et al. 1993). However, there have been debates as to whether this is always the case ( Arnold 1991:364 ; Costin 1991 ; Rice 2015 ). Ar nold (1991) and Costin (1991) have argued that both producer and consumer expectations about what a vessel should look like, as well as the skill and conservatism of the potter, may contribute to what could be considered a standardized form rather than sta ndardization achieved through intensification of production (Arnold 1991:364). Rice (2015) suggested that links between standardization and administered production must be made with caution "in the absence of controlled ethnographic research" (Rice 2015:20 4). The "standardization hypothesis", originally put forward by Blackman et al. (1993), has frequently been used in studies investigating standardization of ceramic products. In this paper, the authors suggest three areas of

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! )( examination for assessing stan dardization in archaeological assemblages, based on a study of stacked wasters from Tell Leilan, Syria. These are: 1) Methods of manufacture An analysis of manufacturing steps included clay sourcing, providing evidence of clay processing, production (formi ng and finishing) steps, firing processes, and decoration. 2) Compositional analysis -Chemical analysis and coefficents of variation (CVs) were used to test a stack of wasters for homogeneity. 3) Form and dimensions Measurements were made on intact bowls inc luding rim diameter, wall thickness, height, base diameter, and maximum basal thickness, Blackman et al. (1993) concluded, rim diameter was the only measurement that could be consistently made." Rice argues that numerous studies have used this method wi th inconsistent results. She asks these questions, Are these attributes the best measures of the property they purport to measure? Are standardness or standardization valid indicators of developing productive specialization? Do cross cultural comparative studies of attribute variability mean anything useful with respect to production organization? [Rice 2015:366]. These are valid questions. H owever, Rice points out that an ethnographic study conducted by Longacre (1999) in the Phillipines used CVs for the dimensions of vessels to explore the relationship between the skill of the potters and metric uniformity. Rice's study supported the hypothesis that "greater experience and skill of the potters in this community result in more standard products" (Rice 201 5:366). A cross cultural study (Roux 2003), found that a greater level of standardization was associated with higher rates of production (Rice 2015:366 367). Many of these studies involve large collections of sherds and wasters associated with production c ontexts ( Blackman et al. 1993; Sullivan 2006). As discussed above, Blackman et

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! )) al. (1993) were working with a rare type of assemblage in archaeological contexts that consisted of stacks of fused vessels or "wasters" from a production context. These stacks held as many as 50 65 intact vessels each ( Blackman et al. 1993:63). Sullivan (2006), who also used the standardization hypothesis, was working with sherds numbering in the hundreds of thousands, as well as wasters and tools from production contexts (Sulli van 2006:29). The mortuary and offering assemblage from the LG site contains mostly complete or semi complete vessels, so it is easy to determine and compare rim measurements and some aspects concerning production techniques. However, it is not so easy to conduct chemical or petrographic analyses to determine paste composition, because it would require destroying the vessel. The assemblage also is relatively small in comparison to those from production contexts and mortuary contexts are vastly different fr om production contexts in that they represent only finished products selected specifically for burial. No definitive evidence of production has been identified at the LG site. The assemblage from LG represent s a time span of about 1900 years, and therefore can be expected to demonstrate a great deal of variability. Beekman's (2015) assessment of this assemblage identifies most vessels as corresponding to the Tequila II IV (300 B.C. A.D.500) and into the El Grillo phase (A.D. 500 900). The two Talleres 2 of ferings are associated with the Atemajac II Phase (A.D. 1400 1600) ( Beekman et al. 2015). Blackman et al. (1993) discuss "cumulative blurring" that occurs because different production events carried out by different workshops in both space and time, but us ing essentially the same clay sources and paste recipes, will show more variation than a single wor kshop or production event. W e have radio carbon dates for the LG assemblage that indicate the general chronological sequence of construction

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! )* associated with the burials (Beekman et al. 2015), but the likelihood of cumulative blurring in this assemblage is fairly high. Standardization can be represented as a continuum between individual artisans following their own practices to controlled and standardized produ ction resulting from high demand and an intensified scale of pro duction. I will employ a production step measure to assess labor input for each vessel type in the LG assemblage along this continuum in addition to an analysis of paste composition, metric an alysis and descriptive statistics (mean, median, standard deviation) to assess standardization. A consideration of context within the site is used to determine the relationship of vessels between burials, and whether certain vessels were specialized produc ts used for mortuary purposes. Metric evidence One index for assessing standardization outlined in Blackman et al. (1995) is the measurement of vessel dimensions. This includes measurements of rim diameters, rim thickness, wall thickness, body diameter, w eight, and height. These measurements are common in ceramic analysis and I have employed them here. Similar measurements between vessels may suggest a level of standardization that is achieved through repetition of movements and/or standardized ways of for ming the vessel. In studies that have only sherds to work with, rim sherds are one of the most diagnostic elements available. Due to their shape and finished edge, they are easily differentiated from other sherds, and a large enough sherd can be measured to determine the diameter, which can then be used to determine the type of vessel it is. Sullivan's (2006) study used rim sherds with an arc length greater than 5 cm. She then created histograms of the rim diameters to divide three different vessel forms into size categories, which I have also attempted to do. However,

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! )+ because there are several burials found in different contexts that may represent different time periods and not a single production event, it is difficult to compare them by rim diameters al one. For example, one olla from La Joyita A has a rim diameter of 9 cm, but a body diameter of 36.5 cm, making it a much larger vessel than all of the others, even though it has an average rim diameter. Although Aronson (1993) analyzed diameter/height rati os, this does not account for vessels that may vary greatly in body proportions, but have similar orifice or rim diameters. In fact, Aronson also had reservations about the usefulness of these ratios and other statistical measures. She states, Metric rat ios of diameters, base diameters, minimum diameters, height, and height to maximum diameter were collected, and a general clustering analysis run to detect constant patterns in metric aesthetic. This proved to be of limited utility...This is not surprising given the small sample and the fact that these are such gross categories to reflect something far more subtle Variables which seemed to be far more important include the general shape of the vessel wall, the treatment of the rim, forming techniques and smoothness, and regularity of the surface, to name a few [Aronson 1993:311]. The Production Step Measure developed by Feinman et al. (1981) is one way of addressing some of the variables recommended by Aronson, such as smoothness and surface regularity, r epresented by actions such as wiping, scraping, and burnishing. In addition to the step mea sure, I provide a visual comparison (i.e. photos) of vessels grouped by type and rim measurements to demonstrate similarities and differences within each grouping. B ecause my background research indicates that complicated analyses are not that effective, particularly for small assemblages such as this one, the variables I have used are only for more general assessments of homogeneity. However, I have provided some des criptive statistics in order to compare variable frequencies for three main wares/types in the assemblage Colorines, Estolanos Grey, and Nifty Pink.

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! ), Variables I used several variables in order to analyze variability between assemblages and factors that m ight indicate the specialization of certain forms used in burials at the site. Ceramic artifacts received the most attention in this study because they are the most abundant artifact found at most sites in Mesoamerica. Ceramic vessels were used in everyday activities such as cooking, serving, and storage but also could be used to create and maintain social ties through trade. The use of ceramics could be highly ritualized such as in funerary rites and pl acement in burial. Ceramics could be used to convey in formation about group identity, and in some cases, a vessel may represent beliefs or ideologies that go well beyond utilitarian use. A great number of studies have utilized ceramics and processes such as the acquisition and processing of clays, firing tech niques, and methods and styles of decoration (Arnold 2015; Hagstrum 1985; Rice 2015). In addition, vessel functions are fairly well defined. Rice's (2015) Vessel Function chart ( Table 4 ) provides a general overview of these functions, but this should be vi ewed only as a general guide or starting point not a strict set of rules. The relative abundance of ceram ics in the LG burial assemblage provide s the best opportunity for assessing standardization and specialization. Ceramics were not the only type of art ifact found in these contexts. Other items included in burials were figurines, jewelry, lithics, and ground stone, which deserve some discussion as well. These are touched upon in th e analysis chapter where I briefly discuss the objects in the co ntext of t heir social value, use in burial contexts and their distribution throughout the site Because of the time limitations for my research, as well as the limited samples, I did not analyze these objects for standardization or specialization. However, many of t he same variables as used for ceramics (discussed below) were collected and are provided in Table 13 Appendices A and B may be

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! )! consulted for more details regarding the context and physical appearance of these items. These objects, like ceramics, are craft ed goods used in both life and death and may give clues to the social status of an individual or the customs of a culture In order to address questions regarding the presence of craft production specialists at the site, I have analyzed the level of stand a rdization for all of the vessel wares and types. Vari ables for this analysis include form, ware, rim diameters, heights, weights, decorative motifs and other decorative elements, and labor inputs. In order to assess whether any specialized goods were crea ted specifically for burial, I have ana lyzed the presence of use wear, as well as the identification of certain types that appear to be used only for ritual purposes. In order to examine important areas of the site in regards to ritual activity that includ e burial or offerings, I have analyzed the contexts of the burials and number of offerings. The variables of context, quantity, and quality of goods were also used to evaluate the relative status of individuals interred within the site. Paste. In regards to paste composition, an important element in this and any ceramic analysis, I have had to rely heavily on these previous type descriptions and analyses. Aronson (1993) was able to use petrographic analysis, Johns (2014) relied heavily on the use of a loup e to define the wares at Navajas. Johns and Beekman have also analyzed a great number of sherds at the LG site, and in 2014, they trained me to identify the different paste types from that site, again with heavy reliance on a 10x loupe. However, as mention ed previously, the assemblage used in this study is mostly whole vessels and often the paste is not visible. In this case it becomes necessary to identify the types by decoration and finish alone. Because of this, I have identified several vessels that may be a different ware than previously categorized. I present my arguments for this in Chapter V, Analysis Results (pp 106 108).

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! *. Ware The variable of ware is used to define the category of paste composition for ceramic vessels and figurines, and in some ca se, jewelry. The wares for LG are fairly well defined and each ware and its corresponding types has a code in the CeramicCodePAX2014 described above. The ceramic wares relevant to this study are discussed in detail in the analysis chapter. They include Col orines, Tabachines, Estolanos, and the El Grillo wares of Ni fty Pink and Rough Pink which range from Fine to C oarse These wares are usually associated with specific activities such as the use of the Tabachines ware as serving vessels for ritual feasting, or Coarse Colorines ware for cooking and storage. These vessels were used in daily life and ceramic sherds and vessels are found in domestic contexts. But they were also used in death and are found in burial contexts at the LG site and others throughout t he region. Material. The variable of material is used for lithics, jewelry, and ground stone and may incl ude black, green, or mahogany ( mottled black and brown) obsidian, ceramic, slate, basalt, shell, or tooth. Decorative type or style Decorative typ e is in reference to the exterior treatment of vessels and figurines. Ceramic types are also fairly well defined for the region and are discussed in detail in the analysis chapter. Most types fall into categories of Red, Red on Cream, Cream, Black/Grey, or Black on Red. Because I used data for which the types had already been defined, I did not use a Munsell chart to d escribe paint colors. Instead, I visually verified the descriptions and types that had been entered in the database. However, in retrospect, I believe that this method would have been u seful to my analysis and I will employ this procedure in future studies.

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! *% The term s tyle is in specific reference to figures/figurines which have been previously defined f or the region. This variable refers to th ose figure/ figurine styles that were identifiable in the LG assemblage, such as the San Juanito style. Larger figures are usually hollow, while the smaller figurines are typically solid in form. An i n betwee n type may have a hollow body with solid limbs. Form. The forms of ceramic vessels help define their use categories. Ollas (jars) are a form of closed neck vessel common throughout Mesoamerica that come in a range of sizes with varying orifice measurements. Ollas with extremely narrow openings were li kely used for storing or serving liquids, wh ile those with wider openings may have been used for cooking, serving, or storage of dried goods (Rice 2015:420) Ollas can be plainly or elaborately de corated on the exterior, but were usually undecorated, or ev en unfinished on the interior because the r estricted openings typically are not large enough to accommodate a human hand reaching inside to scrape the interior of the vessel. In addition, it is not necessary to decorate the interior o f a vessel that no one will see, although this does not mean that it never happens. Bowls are another common form in the LG assemblage and throughout Mesoamerica. Bowls can be the most elaborately decorated because both the interior and exterior are visible to the user and read ily available for finishing and decoration. Bowls generally were used as serving vessels, although they may also be used for ritual purposes. They are sometimes found covering the face of the deceased in the burial s at LG (Esparza 2008) Tecomates or seed jars, commonly were used as storage vessels, although they may have been used for serving as well. These vessels are somewhere between a bowl and a jar with no neck and inward curving rims, sometimes very wide openings d epending on the size of th e jar, an d are commonly known as ne ckless jars. Small plates, referred to as ceniceros

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! *& (ashtrays) in this region, are also fairly common in this assemblage. They are generally about 11 cm in diameter, much like a modern ashtray. T he fine paste in conjunction with a lack of use wear indicates they may ha ve served a more ritual, rather than utilitarian purpose There are no large plates in the assemblage. Rim type and diameter. Rim types were identified by comparing actual rims to the Rim Typology. If this were an e xamination of sherds, this would be helpful for identifying the type of vessel a rim sherd belongs to. Because this study involves mostly whole vessels, we already know what the vessel form is. In this case, an assessment of standardization of forms, the v ariables of rim types and rim diameters become s a way to divide a large category such as ollas into smaller, more discrete units of analysis. Similar rim types or measurements may be an indicator of the standardization of certain vessels, which may indica te specialized production of these types. In addition, rim diameter measurements have been used in past studies to assess standardization in ceramic production, as discussed in Chapter 2 Other measurements. Measur ing the thickness of the vessel 's body the diameter of the vessel, height, and weight, are all useful for assessing the standardization of forms. Vessels made by the same artisan or workshop may have similar measurements due to the repetition of movements, or the use of tools such as pieces of wood cut to a certain length, or the span of the potters' hand for measuring during manufacture (Arnold 1991:364). Basic measurements such as height, length, width, and weight were also taken for jewelry, lithics, and ground stone items. The logic here is similar to the use of measurements for ceramic vessels, in that repetitive actions involved in producing large quantities of goods may result in the standardization of physical measurements or indicate an acceptable social aesthetic.

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! *' Vessel Form Althoug h this is not an activity analysis, the specific forms and their uses come into play when considering their final use in a mortuary context. The use of the vessel, which may be multi purpose, dictates certain aspects of its manufacture such as differences in the composition of the paste, the thickness of various parts of the vessel, the shape of both the body of the vessel and the rim, and sometimes surface treatments that help to reduce permeability and add strength to the vessel (Rice 2015:418). The mouth of the vessel plays an important role in defining what a pot or jar may have been used for. This variable would include both the diameter of the orifice and the shape of the rim. A restricted opening is ideal for liquids and storage because the opening pr events contents from spilling and it is easily capped. A wider orifice is important when it is necessary to reach into the vessel, as when cooking, stirring, and serving. A modified rim may serve to hold a lid, perhaps by attaching a piece of cloth or leat her that is tied below the rim. H andles provide a way to lift, carry or suspend a vessel, and the shape of the vessel may determine how it is used. Rounded or pointed bottoms are better for more efficient heating when placed over a fire, whereas a vessel w ith a flatter, more stable bottom might be used for storage (Rice 2015:419 421). Rice's Vessel Function Chart (Table 4 ) provide s a framework for what the various types of vessels might have been used for. It is a general ized chart because ceramics from dif ferent areas may have been used for different purposes, or a given vessel form may have had multiple uses. Johns (2014) also used this chart in order to analyze vessel function of sherds from Navajas. Table 1 7 in the Analysis chapter shows the relationship s between the wares and vessel forms in the LG assemblage.

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! *( /+>1'! J )!9';;'1!"%285#-2!T<+&5!.&-6!W#8'!e@Q(Ofa!/+>1'!@O)() Functional Category Shape Material Surface Treatment and Decoration Depositional Context Frequency Clues Stor age Vessels Restricted forms, orifice modified for pouring or closure; appendages for suspension or movement (tipping) Variable (possible concern for low porosity) Variable for display or messages; slip or glaze to reduce permeability Dwellings (sometimes set into ground); trash middens Low (low replacement): may be reuse of broken or old vessels Residues of stored goods in pores Cooking pots Rounded, conical, globular, unrestricted ; generally lacking angles Coarse and porous, thin walls, thermal shock re sistant Little to none; surface roughening for handling ease Dwellings, trash middens; rarely in special deposits (e.g. burials) High (frequent replacement) Patterns of exterior sooting or blackening g; burned contents Food preparation (without heat) Unre stricted forms, simple shapes Emphasis on mechanical strength; relatively coarse, dense Variable; generally low Dwellings, trash middens Moderate? Internal wear; abrasion or pitting Serving Unrestricted for easy access; often with handles; flat bases or s upports for stability May be fine Generally high, for display or symbolic roles Dwellings, trash middens, special deposits (burials, caches) High (frequent use and replacement) Sizes correspond to individual servings or group size Transport Convenient for stacking; handles; lightweight ; restricted orifice Emphasis on mechanical strength; dense, hard Variable, generally low, slip or glaze to reduce permeability Trash middens, non domestics (market) areas Variable Uniform size or multiple units of size; res idues of contents

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! *) Use wear The presence of use wear can be used to determine how the vessel or other artifact may have been used Vessels that are highly scorched were likely used for cooking, while abrasions on the bottom of a bowl may indicate frequ ent use as a serving vessel. The presence or absence of use wear becomes even more useful for determining whether items were made specifically for a burial context. If vessels have use wear, they would have served other functions before being placed with t he deceased. If they do not exhibit use wear, it is likely that they were made specifically for burial and may therefore represent a specialized type. Sooting This indicator of use refers to blackening on the outside of the vessel caused by carbon and o rganic tars and resins that are the result of placement in or over a fire. Archaeologists must take care when cleaning vessels as sooting can be washed away when cleaning the vessel. Sooting can also be confused with fire clouding, which is a result of the firing process in manufacture. Indications of sooting up the sides of a vessel, with an oxidized or non sooted area at the base suggests that the vessel was placed directly in a fire, whereas soot deposits on both the base and the sides would suggest that it was suspended over the fire (Rice 2015:429). Sooting should not be confused with fire clouding, which occurs as part of the firing process and may be due to a highly carbonaceous clay (Rice 2015:289t) Scratches, abrasions, and chipping There are sev eral factors involved in how much use wear will be present on a vessel including paste composition, relative hardness, how it was fired, and how the surface was treated. Both the interior and exterior bases are most likely to exhibit chipping, abrasions, or pitting due to actions such as stirring, grinding, and pounding. Interiors may exhibit pitting as a chemical reaction to certain foods or processes

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! ** such as fermentation. Abrasions on the exterior base may result from frequent actions such as setting it down or scraping it on a hard or uneven surface. Surfaces may also become abraded as a result of scouring them with sand in order to clean them. Rims also frequently have chipping from actions of stirring and serving, or simple carelessness (Rice 2015:430 431). The presence or absence of use wear becomes even more useful for determining if items were made specifically for a burial context. If vessels have use wear, they would have served other functions before being placed with the deceased. If they do not exhibit use wear, it is likely that they were made specifically for burial and may therefore represent a specialized type. The Production Step Measure The Production Step Measure developed by Feinman et al. ( 1981) is a useful way to visually analyze th e level of labor and skill involved in the production of vessels from the LG mortuary assemblage. Feinman et al. (1981) used this method of analysis to measure the relative amount of labor involved in producing fine, highly decorated ceramics as opposed to coarse, utilitarian ceramicsto be used to index the relative social costs and amount of labor input involved in the manufacture of various categories of pottery. Once quantified such differences enable us to provide empirical justification for the subj ective distinction between fine and coarse, as well as for possible intervening categories of ceramics. Hence, we find that the production step measure aids analysis of distributional patterns which may reflect both social status differentiations and excha nge configurations [Feinman et al. 1981:872]. The step measure was based upon ethnographic studies of tasks involved in non wheel made pottery and provides an ordinal index of the steps involved in production. Each task, such as forming, firing, finishing and decorating, is assigned one or more points, depending on the relative amount of time or difficulty required for each step. Costin and Hagstrum (1995) used this method in their study of Wanka and Inka ceramic vessels from highland Peru.

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! *+ Because Hagst rum is a potter, she modified the production step index to reflect the labor invested in the manufacture of the vessels from this particular assemblage and added points based on her knowledge of the required labor. Therefore, steps that may have only recei ved one point by Feinman et al. (1981) might receive more points from Hagstrum because she has further divided the steps to reflect actual labor input. For instance, she added the categories of coiled and rotated to that of the primary formation of the ves sel and assigned an appropriate number of points to each (Costin and Hagstrum 1993:630). Feinman et al. (1981) included variables such as "fine paste" because this type of paste takes more time to process. They did not, however, include procurement of raw materials, because this step can only be assessed if the material (clay) source is known. Also, the steps do not take absolute time for each step into account; instead, each step is ranked equally. There is a relative correspondence between the number of steps and the absolute time required to make a vessel ( Feinman et al. 1981:873). Although ethnographic studies (DeBoer and Lathrap 1979) also demonstrate that larger vessels require more time to create, the Feinman et al. (1981) study controlled for size b y only analyzing ceramic bowls, because they were working with sherds, which can be more difficult f or reconstructing size ( Feinman et al. 1981:873). The LG assemblage is different from that of Feinman et al. 's (1981) study in that it consists of mostly co mplete or semi complete vessels, and we therefore know the exact dimensions of the vessels. Following Sullivan (2006), I have divided the vessels into size categories by examining a histogram of rim diameters in order to assign more points for larger vesse ls (Sullivan 2006:38) ( Figure 30 ) The histogram initially helped to define three general categories: miniature (< 8 cm), standard (8 19 cm), and large (20 40 cm). However, this does not take into account the actual body size of the vessel. A histogram of body

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! *, diameters allowed me to divide them more appropriately (Figure 31 ). The new categories based on maximum body diameters is miniature (< 8 cm), small (8 12.5 cm), medium (13 19 cm), large (20 26 cm), and extra large (> 26 cm). A further advantage of th e step measure is that it allows for the empirical quantification of effort without requiring the reconstruction of specific labor investments through experimental archaeology or ethnoarchaeology. Because the LG collection is different from the Southweste rn collection analyzed by Feinman et al. (1981) I deleted some of the variables offered and added a few new variables that were more representative of the LG collection. The variable of forming techn iques, as suggested by Aronson ( discussed below ) is add ressed by new categories such as "well formed or standardized," meaning that the form appears to be the work of an experienced hand, and that measurements and appearance suggest that more than one vessel of the same type were made by the same artisan or wo rkshop. To illustrate, several vessels from three separate tombs or offerings in Circle 6 were extremely similar in form, size, and color; enough to suggest from a simple visual analysis that they were made by the same artisan or workshop, and possibly mad e specifically for placement in these contexts. The descriptive statistics for these vessels also demonstrate a level of standardization, and their provenience within the site supports this postulation because it suggests that many of them were placed in a burial context at roughly the same time, possibly representing a single event in some cases. Feinman et al. (1981) argue that it is also possible to infer socioeconomic differentiation through the labor costs involved in producing ceramic objects, combin ed with provenience distribution. In the article t hey state, Miller's (1980) study, along with other recent research supports the contention that costly ceramics tend to be associated with locations that exhibit the greatest economic and/or political i mportance. In other words, the distribution of ceramics which require a high input of energy for their production is similar to the distribution

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! *! of other rare, exotic, or costly items that are usually defined as status related [ Miller 1980 as cited in Fein man et al. 1981]. One goal of this thesis is to assess the status of individuals associated with mortuary ceramics at the LG site. Because the step measure is useful for determining the quality of ceramics that may b e associated with status, I use it in this analysis to achieve that goal. In this chapter I have o utlined the methods that I use to answer questions about the specialization and standardization of vessel types found in burial or offering contexts at LG the status of the people they were bein g buried with, and what all this implies for social organization at the site. T o achieve this objective, I use these methods to analyze data on composition, form, surface treatment (decoration), use wear, and distribution throughout the site. I also use so me of the variables recorded to develop a modified step measure for vessels from the burials and offerings.

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! +. CHAPTER V ANALYSIS RESULT S As discussed i n the methods section, I provide an analysis that demonstrate s the relationships between wares, types, and their distribution among burials and offerings in certain areas of the site, and what this suggests about the value and meaning of the vessels. I then attempt to discern whether the vessels of this assemblage are standardized in a way that might indic ate specialization of these forms, or if they may have been made specifically for burial, and what this might suggest for social organization at the site. T his assemblage represents goods that were buried in the context of either a human interment or what has been termed as an offering (buried goods that have little or no associated human remains), so I begin by summarizing the excavation results and contexts for the buried goods that were found within them. As an added note, this discrimination between bur ials and offerings comes directly from the translated reports previously discussed in the Methods chapter, and not from my own analysis of the burial contexts. A brief summary of these contexts is presented in Table 5 and a more detailed translation and d iscussion can be found in Appendix A. A summary of the ceramic wares and types found within these contexts, a production step measure analysis, and various visual and metric analyses are presented in this chapter as well My goal is to help better define the ceramic assemblages of Los Guachimontones, and to suggest whether certain types were being made by specialists at the site, specifically for burial or otherwise. The evidence that I expect to find supporting specialization of vessels or other items for burial includes unique types or forms that may show patterning in where they

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! +% are placed at the site and very little or no signs of use wear. Standardization is often in direct association with specialization of a certain form that is produced in large qua ntities, therefore, vessels that exhibit similar paste composition, measurements, and decoration may be the result of the repeated actions and traditional knowledge of an individual artisan or members of a workshop. A great deal of variation in these categ ories may be indicative of an independent context of production involving either 1) a number of artisans dispersed throughout the community, 2) trade with neighboring or distant communities, or 3) an extended period of time over which multiple production e vents occurred. The evidence for specialized forms placed in burial, and where the burials have been placed at the site can provide insight into social organization and how elites may have controlled the production of mortuary goods. We also gain some unde rstanding of the mortuary practi ces of a culture, which in turn informs us about both social and spiritual ideologies how people of the past thought about the afterlife and how they prepared their dead for their final journey. /+>1'! O a!G%66+&:!-.!8-25'C5;!.-&!>%&#+1;!+23!-..'$!+5! HI %;'3!#2!5<#;!+2+1:;#;)!/<';'!3';8&#,5#-2;!+&'! 5&+2;1+5'3!.& -6!5<'!&',-&5;!6'25#-2'3!#2!T<+,5'&!9?! *'5<-3;!-.!42+1:;#;!8<+,5'& )! W'.'&!5-!+,,'23#C!4!.-&! 6-&'!3'5+#1'3!3';8&#,5#-2;) Context Type bu ilt (box) tomb, shaft tomb, simple or pit burial, offering) Number of individuals Biological Sex (if known) Associated goods Circle 1, Exterior Plaza, Amphitheatre, Platform A, Offering 1 Offering, Simple burial 1 infant skull ? 3 vessels Circle 3, Exter ior Plaza Offering 2 (no offering 1 found) 0 N/A 1 vessel Circle 3, Exterior Plaza, Platform 1 Tomb 1 pit burial 1 child ? 2 vessels, beads none found in inventory. Tomb 2 pit burial 2 "scatter of bones" ? 2 vessels, 3 slate pendants Tomb 3 pit burial 2 1 adult, 1 child ? 2 vessels, 9 beads Circle 4 Offering N/A N/A 1 plate Circle 6, Central Altar Burial 1 simple MNI=7 ? 0

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! +& Table 5 continued Context Type built (box) tomb, shaft tomb, simple or pit burial, offering) Number of in dividuals Biological Sex (if known) Associated goods Circle 6, Central Altar (continued) Tomb 1 built tomb 1 long bones only ? 3 vessels, mano and metate, 20 pendants Tomb 2 built 1 long bones only ? 7 vessels, sherds, 1 figure, 2 shell bracele ts Tomb 3 built ? misc. bones ? 0 Tomb 4 built 1 skull and long bones ? 1 vessel, 1 pendant Tomb 5 "shaft tomb" 2 infant skulls + bird and reptile bones ? 4 vessels, 3 pendants, ~82 beads, shell fragments Context Type built (box) tomb, sh aft tomb, simple or pit burial, offering) Number of individuals Biological Sex (if known) Associated goods Tomb 6 unreported ? ? 1 vessel Offering 1 N/A N/A 1 plate Offering 2 N/A N/A 1 vessel Offering 4 N/A N/A 1 Figure Offering 10 N/A N/A 2 v essels Offering 11/12 N/A N/A 3 vessels, sherds Circle 6, Patio Offering 7 N/A N/A 1 vessel, sherds, basalt disc, shell La Joyita A, Structure 3 Offering N/A N/A 1 vessel La Joyita A, Structure 4, Tomb 2/Offering 1 Offering or simple burial ? ? 1 obs idian biface La Joyita A, Structure 4 Offering 1 N/A N/A 2 vessels La Joyita A Structure 3 Offering N/A N/A 1 vessel La Joyita A Unspecified structure Offering 1 N/A N/A 2 vessels, 2 plates, 1 basalt disc Talleres 2 Offering 2 N/A N/A 8 copper rings Offering 3 N/A N/A 1 vessel Talleres 3 Burial 2 simple 1 skull and long bones Female? 1 figurine fragment, 1 biface Burial 4 simple 1 vessel, 24 beads Burial 5/5a/5b simple 2 skulls and long bones Female? 10 vessels, 2 plates, sherds, 1 fig ure, 1 scraper, mano and metate, 72 beads Burial 6 simple 1 skull and long bones Female? 2 vessels Burial 7 simple 2 2 skulls, 1 full skeleton Male, and female? 3 vessels, 1 plate, 2 figurines, 66 beads Burial 12 simple 5 skulls, femurs and l ong bones ? 15 vessels

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! +' Ceramic Wares and Types Found in Los Guachimontones Burial and Offering Contexts A great number of ceramic wares and decorative types associated with the Teuchitl‡n culture have been identified in previous studies (Table 6) howeve r, four main wares correspond to the Tequila II IV phases (300 B.C. A.D.500), that have been described by various researchers (Aronson 1993; Beekman and Weigand 2000; Galvan 1984; Johns 2014). These wares are Colorines, Tabachines, Estolanos, and Arroyo Se co, which all correspond to the Tequila II IV phases of the Tequila Valleys region. Ceramics found in mortuary contexts at Los Guachimontones (LG) fall mainly into three of these four types. Arroyo Seco, although present in other contexts at the site, is u ncommon, and does not form any part of the burials or offerings in this study. Other wares, however, appear within at least one of these contexts, and may aid in defining changes in social organization, ideation, and mortuary practices at the site. Two oth er wares appear in burial contexts at the LG site, and are associated with the El Grillo phase. One of these wares is Nifty Pink (Code 101), a paste that is limited exclusively to miniature vessels in what may be a high status burial. The other is Coarse P ink Red (Code 14), which is represented by only one vessel in the assemblage that corresponds to the El Grillo phase. Other wares, representing a n Atemajac I or II phase occupation at the site are present, but are not directly associated with any burial or offering context. A few ceramic vessels identified in the inventory (inventario), such as a Huistla Polychrome vessel with zoomorphic supports from this later period appear to have been intrusive to the original interment or offering, but may represent an offering from the later phase. The following section on ceramic wares include s photographs of a sample of vessels that represent either a typical or unusual type or form. Tables 7 and 8 describe the

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! +( distributions of the types by both number and p ercentage per burial context. As described above, t hese contexts include direct burials (placed in the ground without a built structure of any kind), box tombs, one shaft tomb, and several "offerings", that are usually associated with surface architecture and may or may not include bones. I have relied on the written reports of excavations to determine whether these contexts are considered a burial or other offering. Appendix A provides more details on the contexts and associated goods, and Appendix B may be consul ted for a complete photographic inventory of the goods from each burial or offering context. /+>1'! N )!T'&+6#8!T-3';!%;'3) 1 Tabachines : Black 5 Tabachines : Cream 17 Tabachines : Oconahua Red on White 9 Fine Colorines : Red 35 Fine Colorines : Ahualulco Red on Cream/Buff 118 Fine Colorines : Cream 123 Fine Colorines : Black 350/355 Coarse Colorines : Red on Base 350 Coarse Colorines : Fugitive Red on Red 22 Estolanos : Teuchitl‡n Red on Cream 26 Estolanos : Grey 27 Estolanos : Cream 220 Estolanos : Red slip on cream base 42 Coarse Pink : Red 101 Nifty Pink : Teuchitl‡n Polychrome, Black on Red PC Pseudo CloisonnŽ 15 Coarse Postclassic

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! +) /+>1'! K )!B+&'!8-%25;!.-&!=<-1'!V';;'1;!,'&!+&8<#5'85%&+1!$&-%,!-&!;'85 -& ) /<';'!8-%25;!+&'!.-&!=<-1'!-&! 6-;51:!=<-1'!V';;'1;)!X5<'&!;<'&3;!5<+5!8-%13!2-5!>'!&'8-2;5&%85'3!#25-!+5!1'+;5!+!,+&5#+1!V';;'1!+&'!2-5! #281%3'3!+;!5<':!6+:!<+V'!>''2!,+&5!-.!5<'!.#11) Architectural group or Talleres sector Tabachines Fine Colorines Co arse Colorines Estolanos Nifty Pink Coarse Pink Coarse Atemajac Coarse Postclassic Talleres 2 1 Talleres 3 10 5 2 12 2 Circle 1 2 1 Circle 3, EP 1 3 1 Circle 4 1 Circle 6 12 4 7 1 1 La Joyita A 3 5 1 TOTAL for A ll LG Burials/Offering 5 29 13 11 12 2 1 1 Total # of Vessels 7 4 /+>1'! F )!B+&'!,'&8'25+$';!>:! 8-%25 ,'&!;5&%85%&'!-&!;'85-&) /<';'!8-%25;!+&'!.-&!=<-1'!-&!6-;51:!=<-1'! V';;'1;)! X5<'&!;<'&3;!5<+5!8-%13!2-5!>'!&'8-2;5&%85'3! #25-!+5!1'+;5!+!,+&5#+1!V';;'1!+&'!2-5!#281%3'3!+;!5<':! 6+:! <+V'!>''2!,+&5!-.!5<'!.#11) Structure or Talleres sector Tabachines Fine Colorines Coarse Colorines Estolanos Nifty Pink Coarse Pink Coarse Atemajac Coarse Postclassic Talleres 2 100% Tal leres 3 3 2 % 16% 6% 39 % 6% Circle 1 6 7% 33% Circle 3 EP 20% 60 % 20 % Circle 4 100% Circle 6 50% 17% 29% 4% 4% La Joyita A 33% 56% 11% TOTAL % for ALL LG Burials/Offerings 7% 39% 12 % 15 % 16 % 3% 1 % 1% Tabachines Ware (Ware 1) The Tabachines ware is considered to be the finest ware within the Teuchitl‡n culture and is primarily associated with high status, ritual, and feasting activity. Excavations of a shaft tomb at Huitzilapa contained numerous examples of Tabach ines ware open vessels such as bowls surrounding the interred individuals. These vessels were highly decorated and contained food and drink for the dead ( L—pez and Ramos 2006:275). In that case, the vessels

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! +* were not us ed for cooking or storage, but were instead use d as serving vessels in a ritualized context ( L—pez 2005) Butterwick (1998 ), in her study of shaft tomb figures, observed that many of the figures held single serving vessels, many of which were highly decorated. These may be representative of the Tabachi nes serving vessels, and also associates them with ritual and feasting activities (Butterwick 1998:91). Johns (2014) found that the Tabachines ware vessels from the late Tequila III phase Circle 5 at Navajas had, on average, the smallest rim diameters for both open and closed vessels, with open vessels b eing the dominant form at 89.04 percent of all Tabachines ware vessels (Johns 2014:63). In addition, her study demonstrated that both Tabachines and Arroyo Seco vessels were found in association with all of the platforms of Circle 5, linking both wares to ritual and feasting activities. The fine decoration and smaller size of the Tabachines wares suggests that these were probably linked to higher status individuals engaged in ritual or ritual feasting, while the larger, sturdier and plainly decorated Arroyo Seco ware may have been for lower status individuals or used in more communal style feasting contexts (Johns 2014:64 65). The Tabachines paste is also known to have been used for small figurines and minia ture vessels (Johns 2014:57 58). The average rim diameter for the LG Tabachines vessels is 10.2 cm. Tabachines vessels are actually somewhat rare in the LG mortuary assemblage. The few examples include at least one large, finely decorated serving bowl, sev eral small plates (ceniceros) with little or no decoration, a few figurines, and a miniature black zoomorphic bowl. Tabachines ware is primarily a ssociated with the Tequila III phase (300 B.C. A.D. 2 00) and whole Tabachines vessels make up approximately 7 percent of the LG mortuary assemblage. Tab le 9 provides the burial or buried offering context in which each Tabachines type was found at the LG site.

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! ++ /+>1'! A )! /+>+8<#2';!5:,';!>:!8-25'C5!#2!5<'! HI >%&#+1d-..'$!+;;'6>1+$') Tabach ines Black (Code 1) Tabachines Cream (Code 5) Tabachines Oconahua Red on White (Code 17) Tabachines Red (Code 20) Circle 1, Exterior Plaza, Amphitheatre, Offering or Burial 1 8 large sherds forming the base of a bowl. 1 bowl La Joyita A, Structure 4, Offering 1 1 miniature bowl 1 small plate La Joyita, Offering 1 1 small plate Circle 6, Tomb 2 1 sherd 11 sherds from multiple vessels Total 10 1 2 11 sherds As discussed, Tabachines ware is the finest ware found at LG and throughout the regi on. It is usually identified by its delicate, rounded, organic form made from a fine, creamy colored paste that frequently exhibits a black or dark grey core. Tabachines paste comes by its fine quality through thorough cleaning and sifting which leaves a d ense paste with few or no air pockets. Inclusions and temper are usually pin prick size and sub rounded pieces of red hematite, obsidian, and white sand, and the paste has been described as silty and prone to dissolving when washed. In addition, the decora tion may sometimes be of a fugitive nature and highly prone to being washed away with water (Beekman 1996:455; Johns 2014:55). Decoration on most vessels is applied before polishing, however, f ugitive paint is ap plied after polishing and firing the vessel, so it is more prone to coming off. This technique is un common in the region but is occasionally found. Tabachines vessels have been shown to have been formed with fine coils that are highly scraped and polished as to render the coils invisible and to cre ate a smooth, glossy surface on a fairly thin vessel (Aronson 1993:180;

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! +, Johns 2014:56). They are so thin and hard fired that the sherds will make a dinging sound when dropped (Beekman 1996:476). A great number of these vessels are elaborately decorated in what is known as the Oconahua Red on White type. Some vessels in the region exhibit smearing or blurring of the design created as a result of burnishing or polishing with a stone or a stick while the paint is still somewhat damp (Beekman 1996:455; Johns 20 14:61). Tabachines paste is used primarily for shallow bowls, occasionally for closed vessels, and also for figurines and miniatures (Figure 4) as discussed above. "#$%&'! J )!LM9!NOE!+?!>!"'6+1'!+23!6+1'!.#$%'!,+#&!.&-6!/+11 '&';!E?!P%&#+1!K!.-&6'3!.&-6!/+>+8<#2';! ,+;5')!]<-5-!>:!H'"+'!@Q(O) Tabachines Types Tabachines Black (Code 1) The Tabachines Black type does not appear to be common at the LG site or any other. Although there are three examples of this type observed in this study, they are both very small pieces without additional decoration. The first is a "cenicero", a small plate (Figure 5) that is not as finely made as most Tabachines vessels. A nother is a large bowl sherd, and the last is a very finely made miniatu re bowl with

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! +! zoomorphic supports the smallest vessel in this study with a diameter of 3.5 cm (Figure 6) Both the small plate and miniature bowl were found in La Joyita A, Structure 4, O ffering 1. The bowl sherd was from Circle 1. The black surface was likely achieved by reduction firing, and these types of vessels are usually highly polished. The small plate, in this case, was not highly polished, and show s signs of use wear in the form of chipping on the rim The step measure score for this type is 8, which is the second highest score for bowls in the LG assemblage. "#$%&'! O )!LM9!@Q!G6+11!/+>+8<#2';!P1+8R!,1+5')!]<-5-!>:!H'"+'!@Q(O)!/<#;!,#'8'!#;!-2!'C<#>#5!#2!5<'!H-;! I%+8<#6-25-2';!L25'&,&'5#V'!T'25'&!+23!#;!2-5!3#&'851:!+8 8';;#>1')!]<-5-!>:!H'"+'!@Q(O)

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! ,. "#$%&'! N )!LM9!(J!/+>+8<#2';!P1+8R!6#2#+5%&'!>-=1!=#5:!H'"+'!@Q(O) Polished Cream (Code 5). The cream type is described as polished, achieved through burnishing the nat urally cream colored surface to create a self slip, or it may have an actual slip applied. However, the one example of this type in the LG assemblage is a small plate that, although ret aining its natural color with the exception of some small fire clouds, does not appear to be polished (Figure 7) The rim diameter is consistent with the other small plates (11 cm), and was found in La Joyita A, Offering 1 This type does not have a step measure score because I only conducted this measure for ollas and bowls.

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! ,% "#$%&'! K )!LM9!(E!/+>+8<#2';!T&'+6!;6+11!,1+5')!]<-5-!>:!4>>-55!@Q(E) Oconahua Red on White (Code 17). This is the most well known type of Tabachines ware, and consists of beautiful and sometimes complex designs that have been divided into two types: Oconahua Red on White Simple and Complex (Beekman 1996:445; Johns 2014:59). The Simple type is defined by simple bands of red on a cream or white background. The Complex designs are also rendered in red on a cream or white backgroun d, and often laid out in a quadripartite formation that may represent the world views of the people that created and used them (Beekman 2003:12; Johns 2014:60). As the designation suggests, these designs are more complex and much more carefully executed th an the Simple type. There is only one definitive example of the c omplex type in the LG assemblage under study (Figure 9) This well defined Tabachines bowl, consistent with most bowls of its type, has thin, divergent, incurved walls with pointed rims ( Figu re 8 ) and a rounded base (Beekman 1996:455 467; Johns 2014:56). The rim diameter of this vessel is 13 cm, which

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! ,& places it in the category of a single serving vessel. This type received a step measure score of 10, the highest score for the LG assemblage "#$%&'! F )!UC+6,1';!-.!3#V'&$'25 ?!#28%&V'3?!,-#25'3!)!W#6!KQ #2!5<'!W#6!/:,-1-$:?!8-%&5';:!-.! T<&#;5-,<'&!P''R6+2 )!*-3#.#'3!>:!H'"+'!@Q(K)! "#$%&'! A )!LM9!O(!X8-2+<%+!W'3 Y -2 Y B<#5'!>-=1)!]<-5-!>:!T<'2$!+23!c-&$'2;'2!@Q(J)

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! ,' Red (Code 20). This code is used to describe a type that is completely red on both the interior and the exterior. This type is represented by only a few sherds from Circle 6, Tomb 2 and at least one of them has a black interior. The placement of Tabachines sherds within a tomb may be indicative of their ritual importance. Aronson (1993) noted that both Tabachines wasters and repaired vessels were considered important enough to include within the tombs at Tabachines. Because there were only a few sherds, I did not conduct a production step measure for this type. Colorines Ware ( Wares 7, 4) This ware is by far the most common at the LG site, as well as at other sites of the Teuchitl‡n culture, such as Tabachines ( Aronson 1993; Galvan 19 84 ), and Navajas (Johns 2014). It is considered to be a utilitarian ware, and is found in nearly all of the burial s and offerings at the LG site. In many cases, vessels of this ware exhibit scorch marks from use in cooking ac tivities, or other kinds of use wear such as scratches on both the interior and exterior. This attests to its important role in society as a container for cooking and serving food for both the living and the dead. Colorines ware was predominantly associated with closed neck vessels at t he Navajas site (Johns 2014:79), and this appears to be the case at the LG site as well (see Figure 10 for an example of a Fine Colorines olla) although there are also a good number of bowls. Recent studies by Beekman et al. (2014, 2015) have divided Colo rines ware into two categories: Coarse and Fine. The Coarse variety is more appropriate for closed vessels that would be used in cooking or storage, while the Fine ware is more appropriate for serving vessels such as bowls. The Tabachines ware is always of a fine quality that is easily recognizable, whereas the quality and consistency of Colorines ware varies greatly. These variations are seen in the

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! ,( wall thickness of the vessels, the processing of the paste, the vessel form, and the application of decora tion or other treatment such as burnishing. In fact, wide variances in the paste processing and addition of temper led to a division of this ware into categories of Fine and Coarse (Jo hns 2014:79). The paste of the C oarse wa re is less processed than the F i ne ware which are in turn, coarser than the finer wares of Tabachines and Estolanos. Additionally, the differences between the fine wares are manifested in not just the number of inclusions, but also the types of inclusions present, whereas the main diffe rence between the Fine and Coarse Colorines types has to do with number and size of the inclusions. The Coarse Colorines type often contains large pieces of temper, including sharp pieces of obsidian that can sometimes be felt by rubbing one's fingers alon g the interior or exterior of the vessel. The C oarse vessels are also generally rougher in form and sometimes have very sloppy or incomplete decoration. The temper, like the other wares, con sists of small, rounded pieces of red stones, white sand, and blac k obsidian, as well as gravel that appears in grey, light blue, white, or orange colors that exhibit a range of sizes. This variety of temper colors and sizes is one of the easiest ways to identify a Colorines vessel when looking at sherds (Johns 2014:78). However, because the decoration on a Fine Colorines vessel can appear very similar to other types Estolanos in particular it can be very difficult to distinguish the paste when the vessel is undamaged or has been heavily restored. This has been the ca se in a number of incidences while conducting this study In these cases, another marker of a Colorines vessel is that although the surface can be highly polished and smooth, it is not quite as smooth as the Tabachines or Estolanos types (Beekman and Weiga nd 2000:46). The Colorines paste can also exhibit a range of colors, from cream to red orange, that is most likely due to differences in firing (Johns 2014:77). Colorine s wares make up approximately

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! ,) 52 percent of the whole vessels from the LG burial assemb lage with Fine Colorines at 39 percent and the Coarse v ariety at 12 percent of the entire assemblage Table 10 provides the number of Colorines vessels found within each burial or offering context at the LG site. Because Colorines vessels include a vari ety of both bowls and ollas made from both fine and coarse pastes with a range of decorative techniques, t he step measure scores vary accordingly. In addition, because larger vessels take more effort to make, an additional point was given for what I have d escribed as extra large vessels. Thus one decorative type may have a score of 5 6, for example. T ables 14 16 provide the step measure scores for all whole Colorines vessels in the assemblage. To summarize, the Fine Colorines olla scores ranged from 4 7, wi th the Coarse Colorines ollas ranging from 4 5. Fine Colorines bowls ranged from 7 10, while the Coarse varieties scored 4 5. The average rim diameter for Colorines ollas is 9.7 cm with an average height of 10.7 cm. Bowls have an average rim diameter of 17 .1 cm and average height of 11.9 cm. These measurements are discussed further in the Metric Analysis section. Table 10 provides the counts of each Colorines type per context in which they were found. Because the previous database identified some vessels as Colorines that I argue were actually Estolanos, I have included them in this table with a to denote which vessels I believe are Estolanos. In the rest of the analysis, I have treated these vessels as if they are Estolanos, rather than Colorines. My argu ment for the change is discussed in the section on the Colorines Black type, below.

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! ,* /+>1'! (Q )!T-1-';!5:,';!>:!8-25'C5!#2!5<'! HI >%&#+1d-..'$!+;;'6>1+$')!M%6>'&;!3'2-5'3!=#5'!U;5-1+ 2-; ) Fine Colorines Red (Code 9) Fine Colorines Ahualulco Red on Cream/Buff (Code 35) Fine Colorines Cream (Code 118) Fine Colorines Black (Code 123) Coarse Colorines Red on Base (Code 350/355) Talleres 3, Burial 4 1 olla Talleres 3, Burial 5/5a/5b 1 bowl* 2 bowls+1 fragment 3 ollas 2 small plates 2 ollas 1 bowl Talleres 3, Burial 6 1 olla Talleres 3, Burial 7 2 ollas 1 large sherd 1 olla Circle 1, Exterior Plaza, A mphitheater Offering or Burial 1 1 bowl Circle 3, EP, P1, Burial 2 1 olla 1 olla Circle 3, EP, P1 Burial 3 1 olla Circle 3, EP, Offering 2 1 bowl Circle 4 1 small plate Circle 6, Central Altar, Tomb 1 1 squat olla* 2 neckless jars/bowls Circle 6, Central Altar, Tomb 2 3 bowls 1 olla 1 composit e silhouette jar 1 olla Circle 6, Central Altar, Tomb 4 1 squat olla* Circle 6, Central Altar, Tomb 5 2 bowls 1 bowl 1 bowl Circle 6, Central Altar, Tomb 6 1 olla Circle 6, Offering 2 1 olla Circle 6, Patio, Offering 7 1 closed neck oll a Circle 6, Offering 10 1 olla Circle 6, Offering 11 2 squat ollas*

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! ,+ Table 10 continued Offering 11/12 1 closed neck olla La Joyita, Burial 2 1 bowl La Joyita, Structure 4, Offering 1 1 copa 1 small plate La Joyita A, Burial 8 1 closed neck olla La Joyita A, Offering 1 1 bowl 1 bowl* Total 4 23 + 1 sherd 3 9 12 "#$%&'! (Q )!LM9!(AQ!"#2'!T-1-';!W'3 Y -2 Y T&'+6!81-;'3 Y 2'8R!-11+)!]<-5-!>:!T<'-2$!+23!c-&$'2;'2!@Q(J) Fine Colorines Types Ahualu lco Red on Cream/Buff (Code 35) This type is the bichrome type within the Fine Colorines ware (Figure 10) with similarities to the Tabachines Oconahua Red on White and the Estolanos Teuchitl‡n Red on Cream types. The similarities are manifested in the oc casionally complex designs that are rendered in red paint on a white or cream base and

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! ,, sometimes burnished to a smooth finish. One major difference is that with an Ahualulco vessel, the cream base, which may actually be a cream slip, often appears to have been polished smooth before applying the red paint, whereas an Oconahua type is often polished after applying the red paint, which results in a blurred design (Beekman and Weigand 2000:45 46). In addition, open vessels such as bowls (Figure 11) usually exh ibit better design execution and finishing treatments than closed vessels such as ollas that are usually of the Coarse type (Beekman and Weigand 2000:45 46). "#$%&'! (( )!LM9!(E@!"#2'!T-1-';!4<%+1%18-!W'3 Y -2 Y T&'+6!>-=1)!]<-5-! >:!H'"+'!@Q(O) Fine Colorines Polished Red (Code 9). Although more than one type of red is listed in the Ceramic Code sheet for the LG site, such as (10) Polished Red: Applique (11) Polished Red: Scalloped and (8) Rough Red this one was used for complet ely red vessels that exhibited a polished surface with no other decoration These vessels are small in number, but are usually associated with the Fine Colorines paste. Other vessels of a coarser paste that were mostly red were placed in the Red on Base (3 50) category, although this may need to

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! ,! be further defined in the future. This type is primarily found in a closed vessel form, but this analysis includes two bowls. As the name suggests, these vessels have a surface that is completely red and is highly sm oothed and polished (Figure 12) This type received a step measure score of 6. "#$%&'! (@ )!LM9!((O!"#2'!T-1-';!W'3!>-=1)!]<-5-!>:!T<'-2$!+23!c-&$'2;'2!@Q(J) Colorines Cream (Code 118). This code is used to describe vessels tha t are completely cream colored. The type Crema Burdo was described by Beekman and Weigand (2000). However, this name, which translates to Coarse Cream, does not correspond directly to type 118 in this study. There are three vessels of this type in this ass emblage; they are all composed of a Fine Colorines paste and one is highly polished. One is an olla, the other two are composite silhouette bowls, that have an hourglass shape, or a cinched waist (Figure 13)

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! -. very much like several vessels that were found in the shaft tomb at Huitzilapa. The rim of the bowl does correspond to those observed for this type, which are described as having inward and restricted openings, such as a tecomate (seed jar) or bowl would have (Figure 14) This type received a step meas ure score of 9 for bowls and a 6 for ollas. "#$%&'! (E )!LM9!O@!T-1-';!T&'+6!8-6,-;#5'!;#1<-%'55'!>-=1)!]<-5-!>:!T<'-2$!+23!c-&$'2;'2!@Q(J)

PAGE 113

! -% "#$%&'! (J )!W#6!ZNF! [ +;;-8#+5'3!=#5-= 1;)!T-%&5';:!-.!T<&#;5-,<'&!P''R6+2) Fine Colorines Black (Code 123). I must begin by stating that although this type is included in the Ceramic Code sheet, I believe it may have been dubiously applied to vessels in this assemblage. The vessels represente d by this code in the database are black or dark grey in color on both the interior and exterior This color may have been created b y reduction firing after burnishing to a high shine (Figure 15) (Rice 2015: 100 )

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! -& "#$%&'! (O )!!LM 9!(EE!P1+8R!;0%+5!-11+!.&-6!T#&81'!N?!X..'$!( 5<+5!6+:!>'!+2!U;5-1+2-;!5:,' )!]<-5-!>:! T<'-2$!+23!c-&$'2;'2!@Q(J) They are formed from a fine paste and were included in some of the highest status burials at the site. These vessels include four "squat" ol las two neckless jars or bowls with incurved rims and a vertical walled bowl. Only the latter bowl, which was broken in half, had a visible Colorines paste. Galvan (1984) described a Negro CafÂŽ (or Black on Base) type, but these appear to have been miniat ures with black motifs painted on the surface. His description of a Polished Black type was only represented by a single tripod cajete (bowl) (Galvan 1984:45), which may correspond to the black miniature tripod zoomorphic bowl described in the Tabachines s ection above. Beekman (2003) described a vessel from Llano Grande that was categorized as a Tabachines Polished Black type, but he argued that it

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! -' should perhaps be categorized as a Colorines variant, due to the coarse inclusions and unsmoothed surface. Thi s vessel had a consistent black surface both on the exterior and interior of the vessel that was not smoothed before polishing and appeared to have been reduction fired (Beekman 2003a). Some aspects of this description match the Colorines Black vessels fr om the LG assemblage, except for the paste, which Beekman describes as "dark grey to medium black" (Beekman 2003a:10). There is only one small chip on the rim of INV116 where the paste is barely visible, but the paste appears to be a pale orangish color. I n addition, while in the lab, I suspected that the paste might be more like an Estolanos, rather than Colorines. I showed the chipped area to Dr. Beekman and he agreed that it looked like a "coarse Estolanos" (Beekman personal communication, 2015). Further more, while it is still likely that these black vessels were reduction fired, it is also possible that they had a slip applied before firing. Evidence for this is two fold. First is the difference in color between the paste and the surface -a slip contai ning different minerals could fire to a different color without creating the dark core that is typical of many reduce fired vessels (Rice 2015:162); second is crazing, or crackling on the surface which can occur when the slip and the body have different co efficients of expansion. Burnishing or polishing the slip not only creates a high luster, but also helps the slip to adhere to the vessel (Rice 2015:163). Some of the black vessels from LG exhibit this crazing on the surface (Figure 16) as well as being h ighly smoothed and polished. The ollas of this type received a step measure score of 8, while the bowls received a 7.

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! -( "#$%&'! (N )!LM9(EE!T1-;' Y %,!;<-=#2$!\8&+S#2$\!-2!5<'!;%&.+8')!]<-5-!>:!T<'-2$!+23!c-&$'2;'2!@Q(J) Coarse Color ines Types Colorines Red on White, Red on Base (Code 350/355). This type is specific to Coarse Colorines Because the Colorin es vessels exhibit such variation in paste, form, and decoration, there have been multiple codes used to designate different levels of craftsmanship in the vessels. The Coarse version of the Colorines ware often exhibits designs in red on a white or cream surface that has been smoothed to some degree. Both the design and vessel form, however, are not as well executed as the Ahualulco vessels. Code 355 refers to a type that exhibits very sloppy paint application on poorly formed vessels ( Figure 17) However, all of the C oarse Red on Base/White vessels have been

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! -) lumped into the 350 category in many aspects of this analysis. This type re ceived a step measure score of 4 5 for ollas and 5 for bowls These are the lowest scores in the LG assemblage. "#$%&'! (K )!LM9!QQO!T-+&;'!T-1-';!W'3 Y -2 Y P+;'!-11+)!]<-5-!>:!T<'-2$!+23!c-&$'2;'2!@Q(J) Colorines Fugitive Red on Red (Code 350). There is only one vessel of this type in the assemblage, which is from Circle 3, Platform 1, Burial 3. It is formed from a Coarse Colorines paste but has a red on red design that appears to have darkened from use as a cooking vessel (Figure 18) This type does not have a code of its own and is not well defined, so it also is lumped into the Red on Base category. I have only separated it here to point out that it is possibly a different type that may be recognized in future studies. This type scored a 5 on the step measure.

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! -* "#$%&'! (F )!LM9!QQ(!"%$#5#V'!W'3 Y -2 Y W'3!-11+)!]<-5-!>:!T<'-2$!+23!c-&$'2;'2) Estolanos Ware ( Ware 2) This ware can sometimes be difficult to distinguish from the Tabachines ware because it is a fine ware composed of a white paste that can have similar inclusions of rounded stones such as obsidian, white sand, and red stones, although crushed white silicates tend to be the dominant inclusion. Estolanos paste may also range in color from a soft gre y to salmon or rose brown, to a dark brown. Estolanos sherds often exhibit a thick black core which is a result of a reduced firing atmosphere. This reduction firing is also used to create a blackened surface that is polished to a matte finish that is not as lustrous as the Tabachines type (Beekman 1996:481; Johns 2014:65). Some Estolanos wares also parallel Tabachines types in terms of the decorative modes present (black, cream, red on cream), such as th e Oconahua Red on White, and may be associated with r itual activity. The Estolanos ware, however, is thicker, not as hard fired, and not as finely smoothed as the Tabachines ( Johns

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! -+ 2014:66 ). The surface may also have a soapy or satin like texture. Like the Tabachines ware, Estolanos is used for the larger, h ollow forms and zoomorphic vessels, rather than the smaller, solid figurines that are made from the Tabachines paste (Johns 2014:66). Johns noted that the Estolanos ware was difficult to associate with specific activities because no whole vessels had bee n found in the region (Johns 2014:66). This was written before the ceramic database for LG was created and there are several Estolanos ve ssels represented in this study. This verifies the use of them in mortuary ritual, although they may have been previous ly used for other p urposes as well. In fact, I argue below that many of the black vessels that had been previously identified as Fine Colorines may be either Estolanos Grey or may serve as a better example of the poorly defined Colorines Black type There is only one example of a Colorines Black type reported anywhere (Beekman 2003 a ), whereas the Estolanos Grey is more commonly known. In addition, several other vessels in the LG assemblage that have been classified as Estolanos Grey, are nearly identical in terms of color and surface treatment as those classified as Colorines Black Although I described these vessels in the Colorines Black section, t hroughout the rest of my analysis, I treat these vessels as Estolanos Grey, rather than Colorines Black (Table 11) /+>1'! ( ( )!U;5-1+2-;!5:,';!>:!8-25'C5!#2!5<'! HI >%&#+1d-..'$!+;;'6>1+$')!M%6>'&;!3'2-5'3!=#5-=1!5<+5!=+; ,&'V#-%;1:!6#;#3'25#.#'3!+;!M#.5:!]#2R ) Estolanos Teuchitl‡n Red on Cream (Code 22) Estolanos Grey (Code 26) Estolanos Cream (Code 27) Estolanos Red slip on cream base (Code 220) Talleres 3, Burial 5/5b 1 bowl 1 olla Circle 6, Tomb 1 1 squat olla* 2 neckless jars* Circle 6, Tomb 4 1 squat olla* Circle 3, Exterior Plaza, Platform 1, Burial 3 1 jar Circle 6, Offering 10 1 bowl 2 squat ollas* 1 bowl* La Joyita A, Offering 1 1 bowl Totals 1 9 1 1

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! -, The Estolanos ware is found in both open and closed forms although open bowls are most common, including unrestricted vessels with incurved walls that may be vertical or diverging. Some vessels have walls that are incurved so far as to create a restricted opening (see Figure 14 for rim type ) (Beekman 1996:515). There are examples of incurved rims such as this among the black vessels of the LG assemblage. Estolano s ware comprises approximately 15 percent of the total LG burial assemblage when including the Estolanos Grey items in question Th e step measure scores for the Estolanos ware overall ranged from 6 10. The average rim diameter for Estolanos ollas (these were all previously identified as Fine Colorines) is 11.3 cm with an average height of 10.9 cm (N=4) The average rim diameter for b owls ( with one example previously identified as either Fine Colorines or Nifty Pink ) ( Figure 19 ) is 19.5 cm with an average height of 11.2 cm (N=4). Measurements are discussed further in the Metric Analysis section. "#$%&'! (A )!L M9!NOJ!]-;;#>1'!/'%8<#51^2!W'3 Y -2 Y T&'+6!>-=1)!]<-5-!>:!T<'-2$!+23!c-&$'2;'2!@Q(J)

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! -! Teuchitl‡n Red on Cream ( Code 22) This type is parallel to the Tabachines Oconahua Red on Cream type because it is a fine bichrome with elaborate designs. The main differen ces between the two are in the paste, thickness of the vessels, forms, iconography, and spatial distribution. In some cases, this has been thought to indicate temporal differences (Beekman 1996:497), but Johns found that the two wares were contemporaneous at Navajas and appeared to represent similar activities (Johns 2014:65). Both the interior and exterior of these vessels are burnished to a shine, although not a s lustrous or evenly smoothed as the Oconahua vessels. Decorative motifs may be laid out in qua dripartite or tripartite configurations and can be geometric or curvilinear (Beekman 1996:506 507). There is only one vessel, INV 654 (Figure 19) in the assemblage that fits this description, but the type previously assigned to this bowl is in question. I t was originally classified in the Talleres vessel database (Alonzo 2012) as a Nifty Pink ware, however, this is doubtful. The only other Nifty Pink vessels at the site are miniatures of a Polychrome Black on Red type, which better corresponds to this ware Furthermore, the exterior decoration actually suggests a finer ware. I have suggested that it is an Estolanos vessel, based on form rim thickness (7 mm), and rim type (#68) (see Figure 36 ) although Fine Colorines is also a possibility based on the deco rative motif that is found on other Fine Colorines vessels in the assemblage. These fine, Red on Cream vessels received a step measure score of 10, the highest score in the LG assemblage. Estolanos Grey ( Code 26). This type is undecorated and varies in co lor from nearly black to brown. This entire range of color may be seen on the surface of the same vessel. The dark color is likely achieved through reduced firing. Johns described the Estolanos Grey (EG) sherds from Navajas as having a matte, satin, or soa py finish (Johns 2014:69). T he

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! %.. paste has been described as ranging from a soft grey to salmon or rose brown, or even dark brown, with very small inclusions and sometimes having small spaces that suggest the use of a perishable temper (Beekman 1996:570 ; Joh ns 2014:66 ). Forms for this type are usually wide mouthed jars with short necks and nearly vertical walls averaging 18 cm in diameter, and bowls with straight and slightly incurved walls (diameter 14 17 cm) (Figure 20) Pointed rims are infrequent and wall thickness is from 3 7 mm (Beekman 1996:513). These bowls received a step measure score of 5 7 depending on the specific bowl, while the proposed EG ollas received a score of 8. "#$%&'! @Q )!LM9!(@A!U;5-1+2-;!I&':!>-=1!-2!'C<#># 5!+5!5<'!H-;!I%8+<#6-25-2';!L25'&,&'5#V'!T'25'&)!]<-5-! >:!H'"+'!@Q(O) Estolanos Cream ( Code 27). This type exhibits a cream colored surface that is usually smoothed on both the interior and exterior, but can also occur as unsmoothed. D ark cores are common but unlike the Grey type, the dark core does not reach the surface, which is the main difference between the two types which form a continuum that can sometimes be

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! %.% hard to distinguish. Forms include unrestricted vessels, deep bowls with incurved walls th at may be either vertical or diverging, and wide mouthed jars with short and flaring necks (Beekman 1996: 514). There was only vessel of this type which received a step measure score of 6 (Figure 21). "#$%&'! @( )!LM9! NNQ!U;5-1+2;!T&'+6!=#3' Y 6-%5<'3!-11+) ]<-5-!>:!T<'-2$!+23!c-&$'2;'2!@Q(J) Coarse Pink ( Ware 14) Red (Code 42). This ware is associated with the El Grillo phase and has a simple red slip on the exterior, as well as the interior, or both in the case of open vessels. T he surface is smoothed, and the paint may erode easily. Sherds from the La Venta corridor showed signs of engraving, and that appears to be the case with the one example from the LG assemblage. The paste color can be variable, from red, to pinkish red, to orange, and brown. Inclusions

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! %.& include tan and white silicates, but may also have rounded quartz and obsidian. It is generally well fired and hard with dark cores. Both closed and open vessels are known, with incised molcajetes being a common form (Beekman 1996:562 569). There is only one vessel of this type in the LG assemblage; it was also the only vessel from Talleres 3, Burial 8 (Figure 22) It is an unusual piece for this assemblage, the form of which is a composite silhouette vessel that may have been formed from three to four separate parts, has protuberance on the upper shoulder, and is incised over the entire body of the vessel. Both the incised design, and the body itself are not well executed This ware comprises a mere 1 percent of the total assem blage and received a step measure score of 5 "#$%&'! @@ )!T-+&;'!]#2R!W'3!8-6,-;#5'!;#1<-%'55'!-11+)!]<-5-!>:!T<'-2$!+23!c-&$'2;'2!@Q(J)

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! %.' Nifty Pink ( Ware 11) Teuchitl‡n Polychrome Black on Red (Code 101). This type is encountere d in the LG assemblage strictly in miniature forms, including both ollas as well as copas with annular bases. This pairing of copas and ollas which occurs in different decorative types, form what is termed the copa olla complex asso ciated with the El Gri llo phase as well as high status burials and mortuary ritual (Aronson 1993 ; Holien 1977 ). In most cases the copa olla complex refers to the pseudo cloisonnŽ vessels, however, in this context, it is the combination of the pseudo cloisonnŽ and the miniatures that form the association. At the Tabachines and Estanzuela sites, the copas and ollas were found together only in what were thought to be the highest status burials. At LG both forms we re found exclusively with in Talleres 3, Burial 12 This burial conta ins thirteen of these miniatures, as well as two pseudo cloisonnŽ vessels, indicating that it may also be a high status burial. The paste can appear as a medium coarse grain in colors that vary from red to pink to orange, to beige and brown, often with a light grey core. The pinkish color has led to this ware being dubbed "Nifty Pink". These vessels appear to have a red slip on the exterior which is then smoothed and a fugitive black design applied. Because of the fugitive nature of the black design, it can appear as a bold design, or can be very faded to nearly invisible (Figures 23 25)

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! %.( "#$%&'! @E )!LM9!EJK!*#2#+5%&'! !"#$ =#5+;'!.&-6!P%&#+1!(@)!]<-5-!>:!H'"+'!@Q(O "#$%&'! @J )!LM9!EJA!*#2# +5%&'! "%%$ .&-6!P%&#+1!(@)!]<-5-!>:!H'"+'!@Q(O)

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! %.) "#$%&'! @O )!L11%;5&+5#-2!-.!5<'!6-5#.!.-%23!-2!6#2#+5%&'! "%%$& +23! !"#$& .&-6!P%&#+1!(@)!L11%;5&+5#-2! ,&-,'&5:!-.!+23!8-%&5';:!-.!5<'!]&-:'85-!4&0%'-1-$#8-!/'%8<#51^2) The design m otifs on these vessels correspond to those reported by Galvan (1984), and also analyzed by Aronson (1993). The form and decoration of the miniature vessels bears a striking resemblance to vessels found at IxtÂŽpete Estanzuela, and the box tombs of Tabachin es (Aronson 1993:260). Those vessels also came in the form of miniature copas and ollas Aronson argues that there is strong evidence that the miniatures were made with the use of a mold. In regards to how the vessels were made, she states, Ollas are made by joining two hemispherical bowls (mold made) at their rims, then adding a neck. The central join is made by applying wet clay to the surface and merging' the two halves, rather than adding a reinforcing coil on the interior. The interiors of the ollas are regular, showing little evidence of working, consistent with efficient mold manufacture. The frequency of fracture along the circumferential join is surprisingly high, implying that the vessels were put together rapidly and not for purposes of prolonge d use [Aronson 1993:274]. Although Aronson found no evidence for use wear on the miniatures from those sites, the minis from the LG site are nearly all cracked or chipped. Also, the joins for the base and

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! %.* upper half of the ollas is quite clear, and often cracked at that line. Aronson observed the off centered joins on other types of vessels, including pseudo cloisonnŽ (Aronson 1993: 250 253), suggesting that they were made expeditiously, perhaps in order to quickly accommodate mortuary rites. These vesse ls make up approximately 16 percent of the total LG burial assemblage and received a score of 6 7, depending on whether it was a copa or an olla Copas receive d an extra point for being wiped and scraped on both the interior and exterior. The average rim d iameter for the copas is 7 cm, and 5 cm for ollas while the average height for copas is 3.85 and 5.5 cm for the ollas These measurements are discussed further in the Metric Analysis section (pp.152 167). Table 12 below provides the contexts for the Nifty Pink, Coarse Pink, and Pseudo cloisonnŽ types found in Talleres 3. /+>1'! (@ )!M#.5:!]#2R?!T-+&;'!]#2R!W'3?!+23!];'%3Y 81-#;-22`!V';;'1;!>:!8-25'C5) Teuchitl‡n Polychrome Black on Red (101) Red (42) Pseudo cloisonnŽ (124) Talleres 3, Burial 12 5 mini copas 7 mini ollas 2 ollas (all sherds) Talleres 3, Burial 8 1 composite silhouette olla Total 12 1 2 Coarse Postclassic ( Ware 15) Atemajac Red ( Code 70). This ware is described in detail by Beekman (1996 :607 617 ) and correspond s to the Atemajac I and II phase s (A.D. 900 1400 and 1400 1600). It is represented by only one of its type -one of three Postclassic vessels in the assemblage -and was found in an offering context in Talleres 2. The paste is medium to coarse, dark red or reddish brown in color, and may contain inclusions such as sand, pumice, and occasionally obsidian. This type may have a grey core, b ut is usually well fired Beekman (1996)

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! %.+ describes the slipped surface of these vessels as ranging from a wine red to a bright red (2.5YR 3/4, 5/6) that can take on a chalky or powdery appearance when eroded. The Atemajac Red items from the La Venta corridor collection that Beekman was studying consisted of mostly ollas and the one item in the LG assemblage is the base of an olla Although it is only the base, we are able to identify it as an olla because of the lack of finishing as well as use wear on the interior of the vessel. The paste is a light, sandy color and the surface is a burnished, bright red There is some bla ckening on the bottom exterior that appears to be fire clouding, rather than sooting. This type represents only 1 percent of the LG assemblage. "#$%&'! @N )!LM9!OO!45'6+7+8!W'3!-11+)!]<-5-!>:!T<'-2$!+23!c-&$'2;'2!@Q(J) Huistla Po lychrome ( Code 65). There is only one vessel in the assemblage representing this type, which appears to be intrusive to the original interment in Circle 6, Tomb 2. This vessel was not described in the Cach (2002) report, but there are sherds from other ves sels with Postclassic pastes from Circle 6 in the inventory. However, as there was

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! %., no record in the report or inventory of any stratigraphic association for these, it is likely that these were from a level not associated with the tombs. This vessel was onl y partial and reconstructed from several sherds. It is very likely that this vessel was a later offering and its presence suggests that the significance of the circle had been maintained and offerings were placed in the same location hundreds of years late r. The vessel itself has zoomorphic supports and another nearly identical to this one was found in the Talleres I residential excavations, but not associated with a burial. Talleres I is reported as an E l Grillo or early Postclassic occupation (Herrej—n a nd Smith 2002). T his type pertains to the Atemajac II phase (A.D. 900 1400) and are known from the Huistla site ( Glassow 1967 as cited in Beekman 1996 ). The paste is described as reddish brown with a medium texture with inclusions of obsidian and white r ock. Beekman states that "Examples from the Magdalena Basin, collected by Long and Glassow and stored at UCLA, are of a very different, pale pink paste, strongly suggesting distinct production centers between the La Venta Corridor and Magdalena" (Beekman 1 996:638). Decorative finishes include a red horizontal band on the upper 1 2.5 cm of the interior of the rim, extending over the rim to the exterior, and painted over a red base. The int erior base has black molcajete lines, which are incised, multi directi onal lines created by dragging or pressing an implement across the surface while the clay was still wet (Beekman 1996:636). I did not conduct a production step measure for this type, as it was neither an olla or a bowl, but more like a molcajete something akin to a metate in that they are used for grinding small items such as chilis (Figure 27) This type also represents only 1 percent of the entire LG mortuary assemblage.

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! %.! "#$%&'! @K )!LM9!@@!]-1:8<&-6'!_%#;51+!=#5!@)!]<-5-!>:!T<'-2$! +23!c-&$'2;'2!@Q(J)!L11%;5&+5#-2!>:!H'"+'!@Q(O) Pseudo cloisonnÂŽ (Code 124) This type forms a class of its own. It is a highly decorative type associated with the copa olla complex for West Mexico, discussed a bove. The complex is comprised of ollas and copas that form matching pairs and may come in both regular sized and miniature forms. This specific pairing in mortuary contexts has come to be a marker of high status burials (Aronson 1993:93 97) of what is now referred to as the El Grillo phase (A.D. 500 900) for this region (Johns 2014). Although pseudo cloisonnÂŽ decoration usually occurs on copas and ollas decorated gourds and conch shells have also been found in the region of central Jalisco and southern Za catecas (Holien 1975:160 161). The pseudo cloisonnÂŽ decoration is often applied to vessels that had been pr eviously slipped and decorated. Aronson cites Castillo Tejero's (1968) petrographic work on pseudo cloisonnÂŽ vessels demonstrating that vessels fro m sites in Zacataces, Jalisco, Michoacan, and Guanajuato showed "a multiplicity of production loci" for the vessels, but not for the surface decoration or pigments (Aronson 1993:96). Kelley and Kelley (1971 ) speculated that there were multiple loci for pr oducing these vessels, and that specialists may have traveled from

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! %%. site to site, decorating vessels of locally produced wares (Kelley and Kelley 1971:162 as cited in Aronson 1993 :96 ) Weigand also observed that the pseudo cloisonnÂŽ decoration was usually a pplied to what he called "convenient" vessels that had been previously slipped and decorated (Aronson 1993:96). In the case of the LG assemblage vessels, the decoration was applied over vessels made from a Fine Colorines paste. Forms include ollas with f lat base s and pinched and rounded rims a nd copas with annular bases and rims that are rounded and vertical, or even slightly converging (Galvan 1984). The pseudo cloisonnÂŽ vessels are made by placing a layer of grey clay on the outside of a previously dec orated, fired, and possibly used vessel, then designs were cut out of the clay and pigments placed inside the cutout areas. The name is derived from the Old World cloisonnÂŽ technique using metal and enamel, but here refers specifically to the inlay techniq ue (Galvan 1984; Holien 1975). When the treatment is not eroded, it appears polished Some of the designs can be very elaborate, exhibiting a variety of motifs, and rendered in colors such as yellow, red, blue, white, and black (Galvan 1984) (Figure 28) T his type of decorative treatment is more widespread in Mesoamerica during the Classic period, and extends into the southwest region of the United States during what would be the Postclassic period in Mesoamerica (ca. 800 1200 A.D.). The earliest examples m ay be from the Middle Classic Bajio, while they are definitely present in the Epiclassic and then appear at Tula and the Yucatan in the Early Postclassic (Holien 1975:162 164). In the case of the two olla vessels represented in the LG collection, they wer e found in conjunction with the thirteen Nifty Pink miniatures discussed previously, that include both copas and ollas This clearly associates Burial 12 of Talleres 3 with the El Grillo phase, and because both the pseudo cloisonnÂŽ the copa olla complex, as well as the miniatures are all

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! %%% associated with high status and mortuary ritual, we can reasonably assume that this was a high status burial. "#$%&'! @F )!UC+6,1'!-.!+!B';5!*'C#8-!,;'%3Y 81-#;-22`!V';;'1!.&-6!+!,&#V+5'!8-11'85 #-2)!]<-5-!>:!H'"+'! @Q(O) Discussion Each of the wares discussed carries its own kind of importance in how it was used in both life and in death. Some, such as the Tabachines and Estolanos wares were made from a paste that t ook more time to process and w ere decorated in elaborate and beautiful designs. These vessels were likely used in ritual feasting (Johns 2014 :94 96 ) They clearly held value in the Teuchitl‡n culture, and played an important role in mortuary ritual involving high s tatus individuals or locations, although they are also found throughout the LG site, including residential areas such as La Joyita. The Colorines wares, that may also be finely decorated, are much more utilitarian in nature and often exhibit scorching or use wea r. Yet, these u sed vessels also follow individuals into the afterlife, often containing food for the journey. Perhaps they contained favorite home cooked foods in favorite vessels of the individual or their loved ones. In any case, the activities repre sented by these ves sels reflect the behaviors

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! %%& and beliefs of a complex society that honored their dead and placed special items in graves or offerings as part of their belief system. Several of the vessels, such as the black types, have proven hard to positively identify i n terms of ware because the vessels were complete and the paste was not clearly visible. I have made my argument in terms of paste composition as to why I think that the black vessels previously labeled as Colorines, may actually be Estolanos in that the s mall amount of visible paste looked more like Estolanos than Colorines. Furthermore, the paucity of other examples of a Colorines Black type, the similarities to other black vessels at the site identified as Estolanos, and the form that some of these vesse ls take (such as a t ecomate or neckless jar), is more suggestive of an Estolanos ware than a Colorines ware. I will provide further evidence for this below. The Nifty Pink miniatures, as well as the pseudo cloisonnÂŽ ollas have been associated with high s tatus burials at Tabachines as well as other sites throughout Mexico. These vessels together are connected to the copa olla complex, also ass ociated with high status burials. In the following sections I provide evidence for use wear, indicating whether cer tain wares or types were made specifically for burial, and a production step measure analysis to provide relative labor input for each type. Evidence for the standardization of the Nifty Pink ware, as well as the Estolanos Grey type are discussed in the Me tric Analysis section and a visual analysis also is provided that emphasizes the visual similarities or differences between vessels with similar measurements. Table 13 below provides the counts and weights for all vessels and ceramic sherds in the assembl age. The distribution of vessels and other goods throughout burials at the site are discussed in order to assess the social status of the individuals interred.

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! %%' /+>1'! (E )! T-%25;!+23!='#$<5;!.-&!+11!8'&+6#8!V';;'1;!+23!;<'&3;!.&-6!>%& #+1;!+23!-..'$;!.-&!'+8
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! %%( Table 13 Continued: Overall number of vessels and percentages per ware for whole or mostly whole vessels. WARE # of Vessels % of Collection Tabachines 5 7% Fine Colorines 29 39 % Coarse Colorines 13 12% Estolanos 11 15% Nifty Pink 12 16% Coarse Postclassic 1 1 % Coarse Pink 2 3 % Atemajac 1 1% TOTAL 74 The Production Step Measure I have provided descriptions of the wares and types above, but to further define the value of each type of ware I have conducted a Production Step Measure analysis developed b y Feinman et al. (1981), which I have modified in order to better accommodate some of the types in this collection. The distribution of these w ares among burial contexts aid s in assessing status distinctions between burials, including those found within th e ceremonial core and those found in the residential area. The range of size categories is relatively small in comparison to other studies (Sullivan 2006) with weights ranging from 81 2877 gm per vessel and rim measurements of 5 19.5 cm for ollas and weig hts ranging from 7.6 2372 gm, with rim diameters of 3.5 40 cm for bowls In Sullivan's (2006) study, she used a histogram of rim measurements to divide vessels into size categories. Her size categories ranged from small (14 35 cm), medium (36 60 cm), and medium large (36 86 cm). Although I did create a histogram of rim measurements, the measurements from the LG ass emblage only range from 5 40 cm. I originally divided th em into four major categories based on the rim diameters (Figure 29 ) however, this does not take into account the actual size of the vessel

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! %%) For instance, the INV11 olla from La Joyita A has a rim diameter of 9, which would place it in the small category. However, the body diameter for this vessel was 36.5 cm, which was an outlier from the M =14.85 cm for Colorines olla body diameters. A histogram of body diameters allowed me to divide them more appropriately (Figure 30 ) The new categories based on maximum body diameters is miniature ( < 8 cm), small ( 8 12.5 cm), medium ( 13 19 cm), larg e (20 2 6 cm), and extra large (> 26 cm). This makes the INV11 vessel the only olla in the extra large category. In the step measure analysis (Tables 14, 15 ) I have assigned an extra point for extra large vessels because they would have taken more effort to make Composite silhouette forms as well as vessels that have extra details such as suspension holes that would indicate some sort of handle, lid or decoration made from perishable materials was present at one time, are also assigned an extra point. As it happ ens, the vessels that display thes e attributes tend to be limited in their distribution among the burials, possibly indicating that they are special in some way and perhaps associated with high status.

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! %%* "#$%&'! @A )!"&'0%'28:!3 #;5&#>%5#-2!-.!!3#+6'5'&;) "#$%&'! EQ a!"&'0%'28:!b#;5&#>%5#-2 -.!*+C#6%6!P-3:!b#+6'5'&;!.-&!X11+;!e#2!86f ) %. &. '. %. %& %( %* %, &. '. (. /012 312452678 9":!;"<:2=21>!"6!7: 9":!;"<:2=21!?12452678 312452678 ) %. + %% %) %&' /012 312452678 /<$":5:!@0;8!A"<:2=21!"6!7: B">=0C1<: 312452678

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! %%+ /+>1'! (J )!G5',!6'+;%&'!;8-&';!.-&!-11+;) /+>1'! (O )!G5',!6'+;%&'!;8 -&';!.-&!>-=1;)

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! %%, The scores presented in Table 16 represent the overall scores received for bowl and ollas for that burial or offering. I did not include plates, as there were very few and they did not receive production step measure scores. Other goods such as jewelry, figurines, lithics and groundstone were also not given scores. The averages provided here are only for contexts that held two or more vessels. To note, the two vessels that had the highest scores of 10 each were the only vessels in their r espective burials One was from La Joyita A/ Burial 2, and the other was from Circle 3, Exterior Plaza /Burial 2. A higher than average score would mean that these contexts held either more vessels or vessels that were finer than average, and provides evide nce for a higher status burial. We can then compare these to the context distributions that include all vessels as well as the non ceramic goods. The highest average score for contexts with 2 or more vessels came from Circle 1/ Exterior Plaza/ Offering 1. This context held two whole vessels averaging a score of 8.5 that included the only Tabachines Red on Cream bowl and a composite sillhouette bowl. La Joyita A/ Structure 4/ Offering 1 and Circle 6/ Offerin g 11 have average score s of 8.3 with three vessels, and Circle 6/ Tomb 1 has an average score of 8 with three vessels. These latter two burials hold the majority of the proposed Estolanos Grey vessels. All other contexts scored < 6.7 o n average, including Talleres 3/ Burial 12. However, this burial receive d the highest overall score at a whopping 106. Other burials scored high overa ll because, like T3/B12, they he ld a greater number of vessels. Talle res 3/ Burial 5 also has a high ov erall score of 79, and Circle 6/ Tomb 2 has an overall score of 39. All oth er overall scores are 25 or less, which is less than the overall average.

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! %%! /+>1'! (N a!XV'&+11!+23!+V'&+$'!;5', Y 6'+;%&'!;8-&';!.-&!8-25'C5;!5<+5!<'13!5=-!-&!6-&'!V';;'1;) #$%&'(& )*+,'-!$.! /'00'10 23'-45'! 67$-'!8'-! 3'00'1 93'-411!67$ -'! 8'-!:*-;41!$-! 9..'-;%5 <=>:? J J)@O (K #=>@A>AB>:C @ O (Q <=>:D @ O)O (( #D>:E (@ N)O KA #=> A@>AB> := @ N)O (E #D>9.-!BF @ N)O (E <=>:BC (N N)N (QN #D>9.-!BB E F)E @O GH2>6&-!I>9.-! B E F) E @O #B>@A >9.-!B @ F)O (K 93'-411! 43'-45'!07$-' J)E K)@ @F)F

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! %&. Discussion The finest vessels in the category of ollas or closed neck jars had a score between 7 8, with the exception of the pseudo cloisonnÂŽ which received a score of 9 These types include the Bl ack vessels (Colorines Black or Estolanos Grey), Fine Colorines Ahualulco Red on Cream/Buff, both Fine Colorines and Estolanos Cream, and Nifty Pink This is not surprising, considering that most of these types have been associated with high status or ritu al contexts in previous studies. The highest score s for bowls range from 7 10 and includes all the fine Red on Cream types (Codes 35, 22, and 17 ). The main reasons for the higher scores of bowls vs. ollas is that these types are smoothed, decorated, and po lished on both sides, whereas ollas are typically only finished or decorated on the exterior of the vessel. The presence of one or more of these types in a mortuary context may indicate high status or privileged access to goods. Also, t hese types found in an offering may indicate that the associated structure had special significan ce or was the residence of high status individuals. However, this is not a definitive criterion for high status burials. Comparison of burials from an area that is known to be, or is like ly to be high status, such as one of the circles (e.g. Circle 6) in the ceremonial core of the site, to an area that is known to be commoner (such as a highly residential area), would allow for a more definitive assessment of which vessels or objec ts are considered high status. However, the "residential" Talleres sector of the LG site has a much later occupation surface (El Grillo Atemajac phases) than what the burials represent (the earlier Tequila II IV phases) (Esparza 2008) so it is difficult to know if these burials were truly commoner The presence of the finer (higher scoring) vessels in a burial merely suggests that these were high status burials, rather than stating it definitively. That said, the presence of finer vessels in a tomb that contains more goods than others and is also

PAGE 143

! %&% within or close to the ceremonial core provides evidence that these were at least relatively high status burials. The examples given in Figure 32 and 33 illustrate similarities in decorative motifs am ong vessels with a Colorines paste. Vessels with this motif included both the Fine Red on Cream type, scoring 7 8, and the Red on Base type that scored a 5 for both the Fine and Coarse wares. The use of this linear motif on a number of vessels that vary in size, shape and quality of both paste and decoration, suggests that it may have special meaning, or what Aronson (1993) would refer to as part of the "symbolic reservoir" that the culture at large may have drawn from. Examples of decorative motifs consisting of para llel lines or triangles on Colorines vessels (Figure 32) are consistent with those from the Tabachines site (Aronson 1993:194, Figure 5.38), suggesting that there may be a relationship between this particular motif and the more utilitarian Colorines vessel s. "#$%&'!E@a! LM9!@@!W'3 Y -2 Y T&'+6!3'8-&+5#V'!6-5#.!=#5
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! %&& that sometimes blurs the line between fine and coarse vessels. In any case, they do not appear to be standardized, with the exception of bowls 111 and 120. However, these bowls do share a decorative motif and surface treatment that may be indicative of a community of practice or "symbolic reservoir". More bowls with this specific motif an d surface treatment would allow for a more definitive analysis of standardization. "#$%&'! EE a T-1-';!V';;'1;!=#5
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! %&' 54, however, the blurring of the painted design on INV132 is more typical of a Tabachines type, rather than Colorines. "#$%&'! E( )!P-=1;!=#5+8<#2';!V';;'1;!+5!5<'!/+>+8<#2';!;#5'!e4&-2;-2!(AAEa(AJf)

PAGE 146

! %&( "#$%&'! E@ )! LM9!OJ!.&-6!H+!c-:#5+?!P%&#+1!@) L11%;5&+5#-2!8-%&5';:! -.! Proyecto Arqueol—gico Teuchitl‡n "#$%&'! EE )!LM9!NOJ!.&-6!/+11'&';!E?!P%&#+1!O) L11%;5&+5#-2!8-%&5';:!-.! Proyecto Arqueol—gico Teuchitl‡n "#$%&'! EJ )!LM9!(E@!.&-6!T#&81'!N?!/-6>!O) L11%;5&+5#-2!8%&5';:!-.! Proyecto Arqueol—gico Teuchitl‡n

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! %&) It is not difficult to see the similarities in the surface finishes between all of the black vessels (F igure 35 ) which scored an 8 for ollas and 7 9 for bowls With the exception of INV 129, which has been posi tively categorized as an Estolanos Grey bowl, all of these vessels have the appearance of having been made by the same artisan or workshop. A range of vessel types is represented, but the quality, firing method, and surface finish are all too similar to ig nore. On this basis alone I would put forward that these vessels are the work of a specialist or group of artisans who is/are highly experienced and that the rarity of this type suggests that they may have been highly prized and were not widely circulated The results of the examination of variance discussed in the Metric Analysis section ( Table 22, pg.15 8) also shows a high level of standardization for these vessels. I found no other reference to th is type for the Tabachines site, t he Estolanos Grey type described by Johns (2014) for the Navajas site is somewhat different, and there is only one small reference by Beekman (1996) to a Black Colorines type. Furthermore, the relative paucity of examples of a black or grey Colorines type, in addition to the pas te color and inclusions noted while in the lab imply that the paste is actually Estolanos. Although some of the black or grey vessels were originally classified as Colorines, while others were classified as Estolanos, I argue that these are all Estolanos vessels with the exception of one vessel, INV197, an offering from Circle 3, Exterior Plaza This vessel was broken and could be clearly identified as Colorines. If the other vessels are actually Colorines, this collection serves as an outstanding example of this type.

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! %&* "#$%&'! EO )!411!V';;'1;!81+;;#.#'3!+;!=+&'d5:,'!Kd(@E!"#2'!T-1-';!P1+8R!-&!@d@N!U;5-1+2-;!I&':) A chi square analysis was conducted to assess what I expected to be a high level of association of the proposed Es tolanos Grey (EG) vessels with Circle 6. The number of EG vessels in Circle 6 was N=7, with N=1 for Circle 3, Exterior Plaza, N=1 for La Joyita A, and no others found in any other burials at the LG site The derived = 8.9 exceeds the critical value of # $ % &' ( at p = .05 with df = 1. Therefore, the null hypothesis was rejected, thus indicating that the probability of finding the EG type in Circle 6 is significantly greater than finding it in any ot her burial at the site. Keep in mind that this tes t is not very powerful given the very small sample size. However, the step measure score averages show that the Circle 6 contexts that held these vessels had two out of the three highest averages. T his evidence suggests that th e EG type is highly associate d with an area of the site that probably held special meaning possibly associated with high status kin groups and ancestor or deity worship as suggested by Cach ( 2008) However, the presence of use wear, discussed below,

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! %&+ indicates that, although special, the EG type may have served a purpose before burial, and may not have been made specifically for use in mortuary ritual. Vessel Form and Use wear Although this is not an activity analysis, the specific forms and their uses come into play when considering their final use in a mortuary context. Indications of use such as scorching or scratching on vessels placed in burials would suggest that these were ordinary household items that somehow had meaning to either the deceased and their families, or to the cul ture at large. A lack of use wear suggests that these forms were produced specifically for use in mortuary ritual. Table 17 below, summarizes the forms and functions of each ware in the assemblage. Table 18 provides the counts of ollas with use wear, Tabl e 19 describes the use wear found on ollas Table 20 provides the use wear found on bowls and plates, and Table 21 provides the counts for bowls with use wear. I will also note here that the use wear on vessels restored by the PAT may have been obscured by the restoration process, which includes cleaning and piecing back together with some kind of adhesive. As a result this chart reflects the minimum of use wear for vessels in the assemblage.

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! %&, /+>1'! (K )!9';;'1!.%285#-2;!>:!=+&'!+2 3!5:,'!+5! HI )! indicates vessels whose ware has been reassigned as part of my analysis. Although the term olla means jar, I have distinguished between an olla with a closed neck, likely used for storage or liquids, and a jar with a wide opening that was p robably used for cooking. Ware Form Proposed Functional Category as analyzed by Johns (2014) or myself Tabachines Small bowls Small plates Miniature bowl Ritual or serving vessels Ritual Fine Colorines Vertical walled bowls Composite silhouette bowls Co mposite silhouette ollas Small plates Copas Ollas Closed neck ollas Squat ollas* Neckless jars Pseudo cloisonnÂŽ ollas Serving vessels Cooking and storage vessels Ritual, serving, storage Estolanos Bowls semi hemispherical, vertical walled, sl ightly incurving Jars wide open ing Neckless jars ( tecomates ) Squat ollas (closed neck) Serving vessels Cooking and storage vessels Serving, storage ritual Nifty Pink Miniature ollas Miniature copas with annular bases Ritual or serving vessels Coa rse Pink Composite silhouette olla Serving/storage /+>1'! (F )!T-%25;!-.!-11+;!=#5
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! %&! /+>1'! (A )!g;'!='+&!.-%23!-2!-11+;) I will note here that nearly all of the miniature Teuchitlan Polychrome Black on Red vessels were broken. It is difficult to say with any certainty whether they were broken before or after interment, since the burial was a jumble of skeletal material and artifacts and there is no official report available. Only additional use wear is noted here for those vessels. Context INV # War e/Type On exterior base On interior base On rim Type Talleres 2, Offering 3 55 Coarse Postclassic Atemajac Red x Pitting, staining, broken Talleres 3, Burial 5 259 Fine Colorines Red on Cream x abraded Talleres 3, Burial 7 191 Coarse Colorines Red on Base x x polish and chipping on rim, eroded paint Talleres 3, Burial 7 190 Fine Colorines Red on Cream x scratches/abrasion, chipped/broken rim Talleres 3, Burial 12 352 Teuchitlan Polychrome Black on Red x x "bathtub ring" on the bottom chipped broken Talleres 3, Burial 12 356 Teuchitlan Polychrome Black on Red x x dark staining on the bottom chipped, broken Circle 3, Exterior Plaza Burial 2 6 Fine Colorines Red on Cream x abraded Circle 3, Exterior Plaza Burial 2 1 Coarse Colorines Re d on Base x x heavy sooting /scorching, scratches, blackening on interior base Circle 3, Exterior Plaza Burial 2 5 Coarse Colorines Red on Base x x abraded Circle 6, Tomb 1 7 Estolanos Grey or Fine Colorines Black x light abrasion on base and neck

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! %'. Table 19 continued Context INV # Ware/Type On exterior base On interior base On rim Type Circle 6, Tomb 2 122 Coarse or Fine Colorines Red on Cream x abraded, scorched, spotting Circle 6, Tomb 2 134 Coarse Colorines Red on Base x scorching, abrade d, watery spotting Circle 6, Tomb 4 116 Estolanos Grey or Fine Colorines Black x staining Circle 6, Tomb 6 135 Fine Colorines Red x x abrasion on exterior base, break at rim Circle 6, Offering 11 128 Estolanos Grey or Fine Colorines Black x light a brasion on base Circle 6, Offering 11 133 Estolanos Grey or Fine Colorines Black x light abrasion on base

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! %'% /+>1'! @Q )!g;'!='+&!-2!>-=1;!+23!,1+5';)!k!3'2-5';!5<+5!5<'!;,'8#.#8!=+&'!#;!%2R2-=2) Context INV # Ware/Type On exteri or base On interior base On rim Type Talleres 3, Burial 5 652 Coarse Colorines Red on Base x worn edges 666 (large sherd) Fine Colorines Red on Cream x x x blackening on upper interior, exterior, and rim Talleres 3, Burial 6 253 Estolanos Cream x scratching and discoloration Talleres 3, Burial 7 664 Fine Colorines Red on Cream x worn paint, polish, and pitting Circle 1, Exterior Plaza, Offering 1 52 Fine Colorines Cream x x x abrasions on rim, upper interior and exterior, and exterior base 51 Tabachines Red on White x x abrasion on base 50 Tabachines Black x light abrasion Circle 3, Exterior Plaza Burial 3 2 Estolanos Red on Cream x x abraded and pitted on exterior, highly scratched and stained on interior Circle 6, Tomb 1 113 Estola nos Grey or Fine Colorines Black x x spotting, staining on interior 8 Estolanos Grey or Fine Colorines Black x x spotting, staining on interior, abrasion on exterior and rim Circle 6, Tomb 2 111 Fine Colorines Red on Cream x x x abraded on exterior 112 Fine Colorines Red on Cream x x x heavy interior scratching, lightly abraded exterior 120 Fine Colorines Red on Cream x scratching and discoloring 121 Fine Colorines Cream x scratches

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! %'& Table 20 continued Context INV # Ware/Type On exterior ba se On interior base On rim Type Circle 6, Tomb 5 130 Fine Colorines Polished Red x abrasion 115 Fine Colorines Polished Red x abrasion, scorching 131 Coarse Colorines Red on Base x abrasion 132 Fine Colorines Red on Cream x abrasion Circle 6, Offering 10 140 Estolanos Red on Cream x x abrasion Circle 6, Offering 11 129 Estolanos Grey x Light abrasion La Joyita, Offering 1 12 Fine Colorines Red on Cream x x "bathtub ring" on interior, light abrasion, scorching on exterior 18 Fine Col orines Red on Cream x light abrasion La Joyita, Burial 2 54 Fine Colorines Red on Cream x light abrasion La Joyita, Structure 4, Offering/ Burial 1 16 Fine Colorines Red on Cream x light wear 141 Tabachines Black x chipping/wear

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! %'' /+>1'! @( )!T-%25;!.-&!>-=1;!=#5
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! %'( fermented beverage. Again, there are no signs of sooting, so the contents were probably not cooked in the vessel itself. The holes may have been used to attach a lid for storage or to keep the contents from spilling. A gr eat number of bowls, particularly of the Fine Colorines ware, exhibited abrasions on the base, polishing and chipping on the rim, spotting, staining, and eroded paint. One large bowl sherd was highly scorched at the rim, nearly obliterating the red on crea m interior design. Although many of the bowls were of the Ahualulco Red on Cream type, the presence of use wear indicates that they served a purpose other than their final use in mortuary ritual. Only one bowl, a Fine Colorines Red, exhibited a great deal of scorching and abrasions on the exterior base. This seems unusual for such a high quality bowl. All of the Nifty Pink miniatures ollas were chipped, cracked, or broken. However only two of eight vessels had other notable signs of use wear These types of vessels likely only served a ritual function, but may have held food or liquid contents when placed in burial, as evidenced by "bathtub rings" or staining in the bottom interior of the vessels ( Figure 36 ) Other vessels such as INV 12 also had evidence that they once held liquids of some kind, probably at the time of burial. Aronson argued that the miniature vessels like these found at Tabachines, Estanzuela, and Ixtepete, were not only highly standardized, but that they were produced specifically for bu rial (Aronson 1993 :219 ) Although the construction of the vessels from these sites appeared somewhat sloppy in some cases, clearly showing where they had been joined (as is also the case with the LG miniatures), they did not show any signs of use wear. As stated previously, the LG miniatures from Talleres 3, Burial 12, were all broken or chipped in some way. It is possible that they were collected, rather than made specifically for this burial, which contained the bones of as many as five

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! %') individuals. Howev er, that does not rule out the possibility that they were made by specialists, or that they were made specifically for a burial context. "#$%&'! EN )!LM9!(@?!'C+6,1'!-.!+!\>+5<5%>!$\)!]<-5-!>:!T<'-2$!+23!c-&$'2;'2!@Q(J) The Ta bachines wares in this assemblage consist of only a few items, all of which are small serving vessels that may also serve a ritual purpose, and one miniature bowl that likely served a more ritual function, or inferred level of status. This is what we would expect from the Tabachines wares, however, the general paucity of this ware in the assemblage suggests that the ware did not play an important role in mortuary ritual at the LG site. Other items such as figurines made from Tabachines ware s are also scarce in the assemblage. Because these items have been associated with high status burials at other sites, their presence may indicate a degree of high status for the individual that they were buried with. In addition, all of these items exhibited a small amoun t of use wear in the form of light abrasions and

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! %' chipping along the edges of the small plates, indicating that although they may have been specialized items, they were no t made specifically for burial. Distribution of Ceramic Wares and Other Offerings Th e distribution of wares/types across the burial contexts of the site provide evidence of mortuary ritual activities that took place at the site Some of these activities may have involved high status individuals Figure 37 and Table 22 show the distributio n of wares in tomb s and offerings across the site, while Figure 4 1 shows the distribution in combination with the other objects found in these contexts such as jewelry, figurines, lit hic artifacts, and ground stone. Aronson's (1993) study of over 44 burial s from the Tabachines, Estanzuela, and Ixtepete sites, including both box tombs and shaft tombs, showed that the tombs that held the greatest number of fine ceramics such as Tabachines ware, also often held the greatest number of other goods such as beads figurines, miniatures, and shell Aronson postulated that these same tombs were the oldest and represented high status burials (Aronson 1993:293). Thus it is important to study the distribution of these items in terms of number as well as the kinds of off erings present. Because the LG site and the other mention ed sites are part of the same cultural region and share many characteristics such as ceramic wares and types of offerings, it is likely that the patterns would be similar. Therefore t he presence of items such as beads, figurines, miniatures, and shell, particularly in greater numbers, and especially in conjunction with finer ware vessels at the LG site is likely an indication of high status.

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! %'+ "#$%&'! EK )!b#;5&#>%5#-2!-.!8' &+6#8!=+&';!#2!>%&#+1!-&!-..'$!8-25'C5;!5<&-%$<-%5!5<'!;#5') 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 Number of Ceramics Distribution of Wares by Tomb or Offering Coarse Colorines Fine Colorines Tabachines Estolanos Coarse Postclassic Nifty Pink Coarse Pink

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! %', Table 22. Distribution of types and forms across tombs, burials and offerings. T=Talleres, C=Circle, B=Burial, T=Tomb, O=Offering EP = Exterior Plaza P=Patio, LJA=La Joyita A, St.=Structure. Context Form Type 123 or 26 35 9 118 27 350 42 101 PC 220 17 70 1 5 T2/O3 olla 1 T3/B4 olla 1 T3/B5 bowl 4 1 olla 2 3 small plate 2 T3/B5b olla 1 T3/B6 bo wl 1 olla 1 T3/B7 olla 2 1 small plate 1 T3/B8 olla 1 T3/B12 olla 1 8 2 copa 5 C1/ EP /O1 bowl 1 composite silhouette bowl 1 C3/B2 olla 1 1 C3/B3 olla 1 jar 1 C3/O2 bowl 1 C4 small plate 1 C6/T1 olla 1 bowl 1 jar 1 C6/T2 bowl 3 olla 1 1 composi te silhouette jar 1 C6/T4 olla 1 C6/T5 bowl 1 1 2

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! %'! Table 22 continued Context Form Type 123 or 26 35 9 118 27 350 42 101 PC 220 17 70 1 5 C6/T6 olla 1 1 C6/O2 olla 1 C6/P/O 7 narrow mouthed jar 1 C6/O10 bowl 1 C6/O11 olla 2 bowl 1 C6/O11 12 olla 1 LJA/B2 1 LJA/St.4/O1 cup 1 miniature zoomorphic bowl 1 small plat e 1 1 LJA/B8 olla 1 LJA/O1 bowl 1 small plate 1

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! %(. Ceramic Wares. The distribution of wares across all burials and offerings shows that Talleres 3, Burial 12 has the greatest number of ceramic offer ings, composed of t welve Nifty Pink miniatures and one Coarse Pink mini ature and fragments of two ollas that consist of a pseudo cloisonnÂŽ treatment over a Fine Colorines ware. The Nifty Pink vessels had a score of 6 on the step measure, which is the medi an score However, the pseudo cloisonnÂŽ ollas have a score of 9, the highest score for ollas, indicating their relative value. This is the only burial at the site with either of these types of vessels. As discussed in the ceramic wares section, pseudo cloi sonnÂŽ, as well as the copa olla complex, represented here by the Nifty Pink miniatures have been associated with high status burials in other parts of Mexico. The combination here likely represents a high status burial as well as social and political cha nges characteristic of the El Grillo phase The skeletal remains consist of a jumble of bones, with as many as five individuals represented, which is not typical of burials at the LG site. Only one other burial, from Circle 6, has numerous ( N= 7) individual s piled together like this, and may also be from a later period such as the El Grillo phase or the Postclassic (see Appendix A, Circle 6 section for more details). Talleres 3, Burial 5 had the next highest number of ceramic offerings ( Figure 38 Table 23) We must keep in mind that this burial actually represents two individuals, both of which are secondary interments. However, even when distinguishing between Burials 5a and 5 (see Appendix A, Talleres 3 section for more detail), Burial 5 still holds the s econd greatest number of offerings. A great number of ceramic beads, as well as a female hollow figure in the San Juanito style, a mano and metate, and an obsidian scraping tool included in the burial s suggest that these individuals were women. The total o ffering consists of 6 ollas 4 bowls, two small plates, and a large Colorines bowl fragment (representing what would have

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! %(% been one of the largest bowls in the assemblage). Aronson noted that vessel fragments from finer vessels, usually Tabachines, were cur ated and used in tombs at Tabachines for holding food or other offerings (Aronson 1993). Of thirteen vessels in this burial, at least eleven of them are of Fine or Coarse Colorines wares, with a narrow range of decorative elements that were often sloppily applied. One Estolanos Cream bowl (INV 660), one fine Red on Cream bowl that I propose is Estolanos (INV 654), and the hollow figure (IN V 198) were the only exceptions, exhibiting finely executed decoration. The figure appears to be somewhat different in p aste composition. The figurine database (DBNA_Figurines) assigned either an Arroyo Seco or Fine Colorines ware to this piece, whereas most figures or figurines are made from an Estolanos or Tabachines ware. Although this piece was found broken in its conte xt, it had been restored and it is now difficult to assess what the paste composition is. This figure will need to be reexamined in future studies. "#$%&'! EF )!b#;5&#>%5#-2!-.!8'&+6#8!=+&';!#2!5<'!/+11'&';!;'85-&) 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 Talleres 2, Ofr. 3 Talleres 3, Burial 4 Talleres 3, Burial 5 Talleres 3, Burial 6 Talleres 3, Burial 7 Talleres 3, Burial 8 Talleres 3, Burial 12 Distribution of Wares in Talleres 2 and 3 Coarse Colorines Fine Colorines Tabachines Estolanos Coarse Postclassic Nifty Pink Coarse Pink

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! %(& Table 23. Dist ribution of wares for the Talleres sector. Talleres 2, Offering 3 Talleres 3, Burial 4 Talleres 3, Burial 5 Talleres 3, Burial 6 Talleres 3, Burial 7 Talleres 3, Burial 8 Talleres 3, Burial 12 Coarse Colorines 1 3 1 Fine Colorines 4 1 3 2 Tabach ines Estolanos 2 1 Coarse Postclassic 1 Nifty Pink 12 Coarse Pink 1 1 Tomb 2 of Circle 6 held the third greatest number of cerami c wares (Figure 39 Table 24). This burial contained six Colorines vessels representing bow ls, ollas and one composite silhouette jar, and one Huistla Polychrome that appears to be intrusive to the original burial (see Appendix A, Circle 6 for more detail) The Colorines vessels are divided evenly between the Fine and Coarse wares, but even the Coarse variety examples appear nicely formed and decorated with parallel lines and triangles so typical of Colorines vessels. The Fine ware bowls exhibit a more complex version of this motif and they are highly smoothed and polished. This burial also held a ceramic figure of the San Juanito style (INV 114). This example is a male with bandy arms and legs and seated in a cross legged position. The ware for this figure was unidentified. Two shell bracelets also accompanied the burial. The remaining burials a nd offerings from all other contexts including La Joyita A consisted of only one to four vessels each.

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! %(' "#$%&'! EA )!b#;5&#>%5#-2!-.!=+&';!#2!T#&81';!(?!E?!J?!+23!N) Table 24. Distribution of wares in Circles 1, 3 Exterior Plaza, Platform 1 ( EP, P 1) 4, and 6. Fine Colorines Coarse Colorines Tabachines Estolanos Coarse Postclassic Circle 1, Burial 1 1 2 Circle 3, EP, P1, Burial 3 1 1 Circle 3, EP, P1, Burial 2 1 1 Circle 3, EP, P1 Ofr. 2 1 Circle 4 1 Circle 6, Tomb 1 3 Circle 6, Tomb 2 5 1 1 Circle 6, Tomb 4 1 Circle 6, Tomb 5 3 1 Circle 6, Tomb 6 1 Circle 6, Ofr.2 1 Circle 6, Ofr.7 1 Circle 6, Ofr.10 1 1 Circle 6, Ofr. 11/12 1 3 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 Circle 1, Burial 1 Circle 3, Burial 2 Circle 3, Burial 3 Circle 3, Ofr. 2 Circle 4 Circle 6, Tomb 1 Circle 6, Tomb 2 Circle 6, Tomb 4 Circle 6, Tomb 5 Circle 6, Tomb 6 Circle 6, Ofr.2 Circle 6, Ofr.7 Circle 6, Ofr.10 Circle 6, Ofr. 11/12 Distribution of Wares in the Circles Coarse Colorines Fine Colorines Tabachines Estolanos Coarse Postclassic

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! %(( As described in Appendix A, La Joyi ta A is a residential area that is in close proximity to the ceremonial core of the LG site. One burial and several offerings were found within this area. The burial consisted of only one Fine Colorines vessel, while the other offerings contained between 1 4 vessels and also include other items such as a Black Tabachines miniature bowl with zoomorphic supports, an obsidian biface, and an unusual basalt di sc (Figure 40, Table 25) The function of this disc is not know n, but some proposals included a rotation device for decorating ceramics, a marker of some kind used in a ball game, a head rest, or a spindle rest. "#$%&'! JQ )!b#;5&#>%5#-2!-.!=+&';!#2!H+!c-:#5+!4) Table 25. Distribution of wares in La Joyita A. La Joyita A, Burial 2 La Joyita A, Str. 4, Ofr. 1 La Joyita A Str.3 La Joyita A, Ofr. 1 Fine Colorines 1 1 1 2 Tabachines 1 2 Estolanos 1 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 La Joyita A, Burial 2 La Joyita A, Str. 4, Ofr. 1 La Joyita, Str.3 La Joyita A, Ofr. 1 Distribution of Wares in La Joyita A Fine Colorines Tabachines Estolanos

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! %() '()*+,"--*+./0&1 The distribution of jewelry and other goods shows a different distribution than the ceramics (Figure 41) "#$%&'! J( )!b#;5&#>%5#-2!-.!7'='1&:!+23!>%&#+1!$--3;!-5<'&!5<+2!8'&+6#8;) Talleres 3, Burial 5 still comes in fairly close to the top, but is greatly exceeded by Talleres 3, Burial 7 and Circle 6, Tomb 5 w hich held approximately 71 items. Circle 6, Tomb 5 is the only "shaft tomb" at the site and is located at the very center of Circle 6. The presence of these rare items in such numbers and their placement in the only shaft tomb undoubtedly signifies an important deposit. However, the skeletal remains consisted of two crushed infant skulls and a scattering of animal b ones. These may be considered offerings, rather than a proper burial. The Circle 1, Exterior Plaza offering also contained an infant skull. The sacrificing of children was not an uncommon practice throughout Mesoamerica and was usually associated with Tlaloc, the Rain God, and pleas for rain during the dry season in preparation for the next agricultural cycle (Baquedano 2011:207). However it is quite 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Distribution of jewelry and goods other than ceramics Slate beads Ceramic beads Obsidian beads Shell jewelry Metal rings Tooth beads Ground stone Figurines Shell Lithics

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! %(* possible that the i nfants actually belonged to a high status family and their placement in this burial was considered appropriate Beads and shell are the main factors in the distribution. Talleres 3, Burial 7 held the greatest number of ceramic beads by far (N= 66), in comp arison with Talleres 3, Burial 5 (N=24), Talleres 3, Burial 4 (N=21), and Circle 6, Tomb 5, (N=23). However, Circle 6, Tomb 5 was one of only three burials that contained shell of any kind. The other two burials were in Circle 6, Tomb 2, and Circle 3, Exte rior Plaza (see Appendix A, Circle 3, Exterior Plaza for more details ). This is interesting to note because the Circle 3, Exterior Plaza bur ial also held an Estolanos Grey vessel very similar to the vessels found in Circle 6, Tombs 1 and 4, and Offerings 1 0 and 11. The shell from Circle 6, Tomb 5, was in the form of two bracelets and se veral beads and pendants. This t omb also held beads made from what I assessed to be some kind of teeth. Earspools, circular and oval pendants, donut shaped discs, and anthrop omorphic beads are all present. Three Fine Colori nes and one Coarse vessel form the ceramic offerings for this burial. Talleres 3, Burial 7 also had a small male and female figurine pair that may have represented the interred individual and the skull that was also present. The beads in Burial 5 include both cylindrical and zoomorphic varieties. This burial also had a mano and metate, an obsidian scraper, and a female figurine. Talleres 3, Burial 4 also had cylindrical ceramic beads of the same type, as we ll as zoomorphic beads made from obsidian, rather than ceramics, along with an olla with protuberances that is unique in the assemblage. The only other burial with a notable number of offerings other than ceramics was Circle 6, Tomb 1. This tomb, which c ontains three of the proposed Estolanos Grey vessels in

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! %(+ the form of a bowl and a jar, both with incurving rims, also held a mano and metate with cinnabar staining, eighteen slate pendants that were said to form two necklaces, and two miniature figurine pen dants that appear to be male and have a very black and polished surface. There were no chips or breaks, so the paste composition is unknown. It is highly likely that they were made from a Tabachines paste. The report (Cach 2002) states that they were part of at least one of the slate necklaces. The diversity of goods in this burial may indicate a high level of status for the interred individual. I would argue that it is more representative of high status than the Talleres 3, Burials 4 and 5, because of the quality of jewelry items (large slate pieces and figurines vs. tiny ceramic beads) as well as the distinct proposed Estolanos Grey vessels. The only other burial with slate pendants was in Circle 3, Exterior Plaza, Platform 1, Burial 2 Please refer to Ap pendix B in order to view the all of the goods by each burial or offering context. Tables 26 29 provide all of the counts and weights for all non vessel offerings. Table 26 : Counts and weights for figurines from burials and offerings. Specific Context Ware (code and name) Count Weight (g) Ware as % of total by weight Circle 6 9 Unidentified 1 493 9 Unidentified 1 1368 100% TOTAL 2 1861 Talleres 3 9 Unidentified 1 18.5 2.92% 2 Estolanos 5 44.5 7.03% 3 Fine Colorines 1 521 82.31% 1 Tabachines 2 49 7.74% TOTAL 9 633 TOTAL FIGURINES 11 2494 Table 27. Counts and weights for lithic artifacts from burials and offerings. Context Material Count Weight (g) Circle 6 TOTAL Black obsidian 1 14.8 La Joyita A TOTAL Black obsidian 2 22.6 Talleres 3 Black obsidian 9 215.4 Mahogany Obsidian 1 8.2

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! %(, Table 28. Counts and weights for ground stone from burials and offerings Context Material Count Weight (g) Circle 6 Basalt 4 Unknown* La Joyita A Basalt 1 401.4 Talleres 3 Basalt 2 Unknown* *Weight is unknown because the lab does not have a scale large enough to weigh ground stone items. Table 29. Counts and weights for jewelry from burials or offerings. Context Material Type Count Weight (g) Circle 3 Ceramic Heishi beads 6 >0.4 Shell Heishi be ads, anthropomorphic pendant 4 >13.4 Slate Pendants 3 6.2* *Based on an average of several s pieces Circle 3 TOTAL 13 <20 Circle 6 Circle 6, Tomb 5 Shell Pendants, tubular beads, heishi beads, earspools 23 >36.4 Ceramic Disc pendant, ant hropomorphic beads 23 4.2 Tooth* 25 <0.22 *Best assessment was tooth, rather than shell or bone. Tomb 5 Total 46 >40.6 Circle 6, Tomb 2 Shell Bracelets 2 47.2 Circle 6, Tomb 4 Obsidian Disc pendant 1 3.2 Circle 6, Tomb 1 Slate 2 necklaces o f teardrop and disc shapes 18 37.2 Ceramic Figurine pendants 2 9.6 Tumba 1 Total 20 46.8 Circle 6 TOTAL 71 185 Talleres 3 Ceramic Cylindrical beads, zoomorphic beads, pellet beads 159 <31.51 Obsidian Zoomorphic beads 3 1 Talleres 3 Total 162 <32.59 Talleres 2 Copper Wire rings 8 *Unable to weigh due to the nature of how they were stored. Talleres 2 and 3 TOTAL 171 32.59 +/ JEWELRY TOTAL 237.59 +/

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! %(! Combining ceramics and other offerings. When combin in g all of the goods together and examining the distribution in their contexts throughout the sit e ( Figure 42 ), we can see that Circle 6, Tomb 5 shows the greatest number of offerings. This is not surprising, considering its location in the center of what must have been a very important pa rt of the site. It is also the only "shaft tomb" known for the site. Circle 6 as a whole contains the greatest number of offerings, except for obsidian, which, with the exception of the scraper from Talleres 3, Burial 5, and the pendant from Circle 6, Tomb 4 appears more often in offerings that are not associated with human remains. Talleres 3, Burial 7 holds the next greatest number of items, however, the majority of these are ceramic beads that may constitute one necklace. Although Burial 12 held the gre atest number of what may be considered high status vessels, no other items were found in combination with the ceramics. Talleres 3, Burial 5, appears to have been a relatively important burial containing more than one individual that may both be women. Thi s makes a statement about the status of women as playing an important role as members of the community

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! %). "#$%&'! J@ )!b#;5&#>%5#-2!-.!+11!>%&#+1!$--3;!#281%3#2$!8'&+6#8;?!7'='1&:?!+23!-5<'&!#5'6;) Metric Analysis A variety of meas urements were taken of rims, vessel bodies, and other items including weight and height or width/length in order to assess the level of standardization among objects, as discussed in C hapter 2 I have already provided histogram s of vessel rim diameters and body diameters in order to divide them into size classes. I take this a step further by analyzing rim types in combination with ware and decorative types to evaluate standardization and specialization of forms. Rim Diameters and Forms Of seventeen vesse ls with a maximum body diameter (MBD) of < 8 cm, thirteen are Nifty Pink ware miniatures, all found in Talleres 3, Burial 12, including both olla and cop a forms There are no other ollas that are classified as miniatures in the LG collection. The only othe r miniature is a Tabachines bowl with zoomorphic supports. T he miniatures found in B urial 12 all have the same paste, forms, and one of two 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Distribution of all burial goods and offerings Coarse Colorines Fine Colorines Tabachines Estolanos Coarse Postclassic Nifty Pink Coarse Pink Slate beads Ceramic beads Obsidian beads Shell jewelry Metal rings Tooth beads Ground stone Figurines Shell Lithics

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! %)% decorative finishes Black on Red or Plain R ed that may actually be a faded form of Black on Red The mini ollas ( n=8) have a mean rim diameter of = 4.9 cm The very small standard deviations and variances are s = 0 .29 ; ) = 0.08, with the MBD = 6.75, s = 0 .35, ) =0.12 The copas (n=5) have a mean rim diameter of = 7 cm ; s = 0 .54 ; ) =0.3 This is st rong evidence that the miniatures from Burial 12 are standardized forms. Concerning time periods, they are associated with the El Grillo phase, which is a later occupation than t hat of the construction of the c ircles. No other burials have been found at th e site that contain such a collection of objects, not only suggesting that this burial may have been high status, but also representative of the cultural and political changes that correspond to this time period The proposed Estolanos Grey vessels from Circle 6 also exhibit a great deal of similarity in terms of paste, color, and surface treatment, as well as rim and MBD diameters that have small standard deviations and variance from the mean However, t he Fine Colorines ollas from the entire assemblage (n=8) o have a mean rim diameter of = 9.6 cm. The standard deviations and variances are s= 1.8 ; + = 3.1 with the MBD = 13.5 s= 2.5 + =6.1 These deviations and variances are much greater than those for the miniatures or the proposed Estolanos Grey vessels, particularly for the MBD measurements. This evidence suggests that the Fine Colorines vessels in thesis assemblage were not standardized. The non standardization of these vessels could be a result of a multiplicity of producers using a particular paste recipe, possibly over a long period of time. Table 22, below, provides the Mean Standard Deviation (s), and Variance ( + ), for all ollas in three categories: Estolanos Grey, Fine Colorines, and Nifty Pink. The only ollas that are not one of these wares are INV55, a Postclassic vessel from Talleres 2 that does not have a rim or measurable body diameter, and INV 250, which is the only vessel of the Coarse Pink ware. I also did not

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! %)& include the pseudo cloisonnÂŽ vessels because they were in numerous sherds that did not allow for accurate measurements Please see Appendix C for tabl es and visual comparisons of the vessels by incremental rim diameters. /+>1'! @@ a!*'+2?!;5+23+&3!3'V#+5#-2;?!+23!V+&#+5#-2!.-&!-11+;) *Pbl*+C#6%6!P-3:!b#+6'5'&) Ware Mean ) (in cm) Standard Deviation ( s ) V ariance ( + ) Proposed Estolanos Grey (n=4) Rim = 11.3 MBD = 18.3 Height = 10.8 .47 1.2 .54 .17 1.5 .29 Fine Colorines (n=8 ) Rim = 9.6 MBD = 13.5 Height = 10.7 1.8 2.5 2 3.1 6.1 4.2 Nifty Pink (n=8) Rim = 4.9 M BD = 6.7 Height = 5.6 .29 .35 .63 .08 .12 .4 Discussion The analysis of rim diameters in conjunction with ware, type, and placement in the site demonstrates the difficulties of such an assessment when working with a relatively small collection of vessel s that have been placed in a special context such as human interments that vary through space and time. When grouping the vessels by rim diameter, vessels that share the same measurements can vary greatly between pastes, decorative types, and rim forms. Fu rthermore, when grouping vessels that show a similar decorative type, they vary in both body and rim measurements. The examination of variance as well as the visual analysis show the strongest evidence for standardization are the proposed Estolanos Grey ve ssels from Circle 6, and the miniature Nifty Pink Polychrome Black on Red vessels from Burial 12. I have already d iscussed the similarit ies in surface color and finish in the section on ceramic wares for both of these types Appendix C provides a visual il lustration of the similarities and differences between vessels grouped by rim diameter. In this section I have shown that the

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! %)' measurements and forms exhibiting a leve l of standardization are complemented by a visual analysis that also suggests that each of these types were made b y a single artisan or workshop that perhaps specialized in that type. That is not to say that these artisans did not engage in other pursuits, but that they were experts at producing these types and may have been called upon to make them for special events such as mortuary ritual or other activities. Past research (Aronson 1993 ) also suggests that the miniatures are a specialized type that may have special significance, particularly in mo rtuary ritual. A ssociated with the later El Grillo phase, these miniatures have been noted elsewhere in the region, for instance at the Tabachines and Estanzuela site s. Aronson' s study of the miniature vessels demonstrated that they were mold made, indicating standardization, and that they were prod uced by individual or small groups of artisans specifically for burial, indicating a level of specialization (Aronson 1993 :347). These specialists may have also produced full scale vessels or even other types of crafted goods (Aronson 1993 : 328 ). Aronson fo und that minia tures in general, were usually found in the older tombs with the most offerings, including "special" offerings such as figurines, beads, and shell, and that those tombs usually represented the highest status burials (Aronson 1993:293). Additi onally, only five out of fourteen of the tombs had the pairing of copas and ollas together, and thos e also happened to be the tombs with the most objects (Aronson 1993:219) Thus, t heir presence at the LG site in conjunction with the pseudo cloisonnÂŽ vess els, may mark a high status burial. Because of their low range of variability for rim and body diameters and height, as well as paste, surface treatment, and decorative motif, I would agree with Aronson that the miniatures are a standardized, and possibl y specialized item The discovery of a kiln or activity area with a sufficient number of wasters of this type would provide further evidence

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! %)( with which to test this hypothesis The proposed Estolanos Grey vessels, on the other hand, are much rarer but the small sample appears to be highly standardized Like the Nifty Pink miniatures, t he ollas of this type exhibit a low range of variability for rim and body diameters and height, as well as form and surface treatment that are remarkably visually similar. Th e two bowls with incurved rims also had a strikingly similar appearance to each other as well as to the ollas of this type, and were unlike any other vessels in the assemblage in terms of form. This suggests that they were all made around the same time, po ssibly by the same artisan o r workshop or at least in a well defined local, perhaps domestic traditio n or community of practice" However, without well defined ceramic workshop areas, and no reliable sourcing data, it is difficult to say whether the mak ers were working locally or elsewhere, and if it was in an attached, or independent context. The chi square analysis also showed a high level of association of the EG vessels with Circle 6. This may indicate special significance for this type because Circl e 6 is one of, if not the oldest c ircle yet excavated at the LG site, and the box tombs and shaft tomb it holds make it unique among the circles Because examples of this type are rare outside of the LG site, it is quite possible that they were made at the site, or somewhere directly associated with the activity sphere of the site. Evidence of this type from other sites would help to define its production, distribution, use, and ritual significance.

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! %)) CHAPTER VI CONCLUSION The purpose of this study was fou rfold: 1) To determine whether there were craft production specialists involved in creating goods that were ultimately interred in mortuary or offering contexts at the site of Los Guachimontones and how production may have been organized. 2) To determine if th ese goods were made specifically for mortuary ritual or other rituals involving buried offerings. 3) To assess the importance of certain areas of the site where mortuary ritual took place and its inhabitants in regards to hierarchica l status and aggrandizing behavior. 4) To add to the limited corpus of knowledge about craft production, social organization, and mortuary behavior in the region of the Tequila Valleys and the Teuchitl‡n core. In order to achieve these ends I have employed methods of analyzin g the relative standard ization of different types of vessels in order to assess specialization of forms. I examined the evidence for use wear in order to determine whether the vessels were made specifically for mortuary ritual, or if they had formerly serv ed a more utilitarian purpose. I conducted a production step measure in order to determine the relative value of each type of vessel and then examined the distribution of these vessels in conjunction with other types of burial goods. These distributions pr ovided information suggesting the status of the individuals interred, and the importance of the associated structures or areas in terms of ritual behavior. Both the structure of craft production, and its use in special contexts are used to make inferences about social structure at the site. This analysis is an important contribution

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! %)* to what is known about ancient cultures in West Mexico and the Tequila Valleys region in particular. Evidence for Standardization The assemblage is conservative in terms of th e range of forms and paste compositions. With few exceptions, the wares and their corresponding types fall neatly into those already recognized in the region (Co lorines, Tabachines, Estolanos and Postclassic). Ollas bowls, figurines, ceramic beads, and m iniatures are all present, although not all are found in every burial or offering The miniatures, along with the pseudo cloisonnÂŽ vessels are represented in only one burial, but fit the descriptions of assemblag es found at both Tabachines and Ixtepete Ar onson (1993) points out that the miniatures from Tabachines are a local variant of the copa olla complex There are some notable exceptions, however, such as the proposed Estolanos Grey vessels that are difficult to categorize because they are exceptional vessels in nearly pristine condition. These vessels did not fit neatly into descriptions of either Black Colorines or Estolanos Grey types and would require more rigorous testing, such as the use of xeroradiography in order to determine the inclusion conte nt The Colorines vessels in the assemblage have a limited range of forms, although there does seem to be some experimentation with rim forms, such as seen with INV 193 from Talleres 3, Burial 5 (Appendix B). This rim type had not been previously added t o the rim typology created by Beekman. Aronson's analysis of the Colorines vessels from Tabachines determined that in addition to being made from a less well processed paste with larger inclusions, that relatively little time was invested in the ir surface treatment. The vessels appeared to have been made quickly, and though they were decorated, the paint was usually

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! %)+ applied directly to the surface with little attention to the neatness of design application. Several of the vessels from LG mostly the Coarse Colorines ware fit this description, with red paint sometimes very sloppily applied to the vessel that is itself a bit asymmetrical The vessels that form the Fine Colorines Ahualulco Red on Cream category are a different story. These vessels are made fr om a well processed clay, exhibit expertise in forming, have decorative motifs that are as complex and precisely executed as typical Tabachines vessels, show very little use wear, and are placed in high status contexts such as Tomb 2 of Circle 6. This matc hes the L—pez (2005) analysis of Ahualulco Red on Cream vessels from Huitzilapa. The decorative motif on at least two of the Fine Colorines Ahualulco Red on Cream bowls echoes the motifs found on the Tabachines wares at Tabachines. One bowl in particular exhibits the same sort of surface treatment as many Tabachines vessels, which is evident in the complex, yet blurred design and high gloss finish. Do these vessels represent a specialized type that was produced on site for ritual use? The difference in pa ste s between the Colorines and Tabachines vessels in this assemblage may be a result of direct access to materials such as clay and temper, but the execution of both form and decoration suggests a high level of skill, as well as knowledge and use of symbol s that are found throughout the region, constituting a symbolic reservoir. The symbolic imagery may indicate kin groups or political ties between sites or perhaps a pan regional symbolism It is interesting to note that the three bowls exhibiting the same motif are not only different in form, but are from three different areas of the site, two of which are residential in nature. The third is from the only burial that could be considered a shaft tomb, which is a very high status context. Does this indicate that they are contemporaneous? Does it indicate that a single kin group was

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! %), associated with each of these areas of the site? Does the motif carry meaning that goes beyond social alliances? These are questions that are difficult to answer in the absence of more examples from undisturbed contexts, evidence for production areas, and more detailed analyses about the meaning of the symbols themselves. I propose that the use of this motif, along with the rarity of finely decorated Tabachines vessels at LG sugge sts that the se Colorines vessels may have been made at the LG site and could be a localized substitute for the Tabachines ware. I interpret the fine Red on Cream vessels in this assemblage, whether their paste composition is Colorines, Tabachines, or Esto lanos to be the work of specialists, although they do not appear to be highly standardized. The examination of variance suggests that, unlike those analyzed by L—pez (2005), the Ahualulco Red on Cream vessels from the LG site are not standardized in terms of height, rim diameters, and maximum body diameters. However, t he skill in execution of both form and finish, the use of a particular motif representing knowledge of a symbolic reservoir, and the placement of them in the special context of burial in are as associated with ritual activity are all evidence of their "specialness." Not just anyone had the skills and knowledge required to create these vessels. In addition, the presence of them in contexts that are considered special and possibly high status su ggests that the crafters themselves may have been connected to elites or high status groups e it her through kin affiliation, as attached specialists or through the acquisition of specialized products by elites. A comparison between assemblages from domest ic or commoner contexts would provide more evidence for this argument, but the collections from the area that have been studied are from burials or looted contexts. In addition, there is no

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! %)! evidence yet of production areas that show whether items were prod uced in an attached or independent context. The other red on cream or red on base vessels also do not exhibit standardization in terms of measurements, and although they may exhibit the same decorative motif, they do not exhibit the same level of skill in execution of decoration or of form. Therefore, I conclude that al though these vessels expressed the same symbolic reservoir, they were likely made by individuals in a domestic context for utilitarian purposes and were then later used in mortuary ritual. E vidence of use wear such a sooting, abrasions, and breakage also supports this proposal. The proposed Estolanos Grey vessels in this assemblage are also special in many ways including composition, form, surface treatment, and final placement. Estolanos wa re is not common in this assemblage, and becomes even more uncommon when removing the questionable items from the equation. It is my opinion that although some of the black/grey vessels had been classified as Estolanos, whereas others were dubbed Colorines that they are all made from a similar paste (rather than two different pastes) and given the same surface treatment (with th e exception of INV 129 and 197). Additionally, the standard deviation of the rim measurements in combination with the similarity o f pastes and surface treatments suggests they were most likely made by either the same individual or select group of artisans at the site. Alternatively, they may have been made following a local tradition with similar clay sources. In addition, the majori ty of these pieces are from contexts such as the tombs and offerings of Circle 6 that have been proposed as representing prestigious kin groups, ancestor worship, and association with the cycles of the star Venus (Cach 2008 :62 ) The only vessel that showed heavy signs of use wear in the form of scratching, staining, and pitting,

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! %*. was in Burial 3 of Circle 3, Exterior Plaza and was accompanied by another vessel that showed heavy use wear in the form of scorching. This was a child burial found underneath what was likely a domestic str ucture associated with Circle 3, Exterior Plaza Platform 1 in the ceremonial core. Its location and the inclusion of a very unique shell pendant, makes it likely that this burial was associated with a high status kin group. The us ed vessels placed in this burial may represent the fact that the child did not yet hold a significant role in society that would be worthy of finely decorated and less used vessels, or that the fine vessels were simply not available to this group. The si milarity of t he Estolanos Grey vessel from Circle 3, Exterior Plaza Platform 1, to the proposed Estolanos Grey vessels in Circle 6 may indicate that they were acquiring wares from the same source. The presence of slate pendants in both of these contexts a nd no other also suggests a relationship between these groups in terms of the craft goods that they were acquiring The differences in radiocarbon dates from Circle 6 and Circle 3 proper however, suggest that they were built some 50 150 years apart. The b urials associated with Circle 3 are not part of the actual circle, but rather what appear to be domestic structures associated with the circle that have not been radiocarbon dated. It is possible that the platforms on the Circle 3 Exterior Plaza were built some time before the construction of the circle. They may actually be more closely associated with the Tequila II phase in which Circles 6 and 1, and Ballcourt 1 were being constructed (160 50 B.C.) ( Beekman et al. 2014) If the burial from Circle 3, Exte rior Plaza containing the proposed Estolanos Grey jar (INV 002) is ever determined to be from a later phase, it would suggest a continuity of tradition for this ware. The proposed Estolanos jar not only has the same surface appearance as the vessels

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! %*% from C ircle 6, but it also has the same sets of diametrically opposed holes as found on the ollas from that context. No other type in this assemblage exhibits these holes. Again, my interpretation is that the EG vessels are a specialized product made by either a single artisan or workshop, likely in a context where traditional methods were handed down through the generations in a community of practice. This community of practice may have been in the form of a single household, or a network of households that pr obably participated in multi crafting as well as agricultural activities according to seasonal needs. This does not rule out the possibility that these households specializ ed in certain types but suggests that they may not have been specialists in the sen se of being full time producers of ceramics. Without definitive evidence of production areas, it is difficult to determine the contextual nature of production. There must have been some kind of relationship between producers and consumers, but were they at tached contexts under elite supervision, or were they independent artisans or household based workshops that participated in a local or even regional economy? These are questions that require further research including excavation of not only mortuary assem blages, but also household assemblages that may hold evidence for production or use of these types of vessels. The pairing of the Nifty Pink copas and ollas with pseudo cloisonnÂŽ vessels in a single burial at the LG site may indicate a high status burial during the El Grillo phase (Aronson 1993; Beekman 2010) Aronson's assessment of the changes associated with the El Grillo phase as evidenced in profound changes in the production and use of mortuary ceramics and general burial practices, was that one of two scenarios occurred at Tabachines. The first scenario involved outsiders co ming in and taking over this site as well as elsewhere bringing their own craftspeople, administrators, ceramic technologies, and mortuary

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! %*& traditions with them. The second scen ario sees the site as vacated for some time, with a different group with different traditions eventually occupying the site (Aronson 1993:347). The second scenario would be evidenced by a gap in both ceramic traditions and occupations (Aronson 1993:348). W ith diverse groups moving into the core region, they would have brought their own traditions with them. Burial 12 with its copa olla complex miniatures, and pseudo cloisonnÂŽ vessels may be representative of the presence of one of these groups trying to est ablis h ties to the site or display their wealth and status through mortuary rites. Aronson assessed that both the miniatures and the pseudo cloisonnÂŽ vessels were specialized items, with the former being produced specifically for burial, and mimic king th e larger vessels also used in mortuary contexts (Aronson 1993: 110, 352) The pseudo cloisonnÂŽ miniatures and both copas and ollas from Estanzuela were mold made, strongly suggesting "mass" production (Aronson 1993: 233, 274 277) The similarities in design and production between the miniatures at Ixtepete and those from LG suggest that either the LG miniatures were made at the same site as those from Ixtepete, or that craftspeople who had knowledge of the same production methods and symbolic decoration were creating these items els ewhere in the Tequila valleys Although I did not specifically look for evidence that the LG miniatures were mold made, they did appear to have been made from two to three separate components in the same manner as those from Ixtepet e and Estanzuela Although many of the miniature vessels were broken and cracked, the tight range of rim diameters and heights suggests that they were made at the same time or in the same workshop. In regards to the pseudo cloisonnÂŽ vessels from the LG bu rial assemblage, they were not miniatures and were only in the form of ollas rather than both copas and ollas and they appear to be previously used Colorines vessels that were decorated later. This is frequently

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! %*' the case with the pseudo cloisonnÂŽ As dis cussed in the Analysis chapter ( pp. 116 117 ) they were thought to be the work of itinerant specialists who traveled from site to site, decorating locally available vessels ( Aronson 1993:96 ). The vessels of this type, like the miniatures, were also highly f ragmented and worn. The jumble of skeletal remains found with them is i ndicative of a secondary burial and also reminiscent of a burial at the contemporaneous Epiclassic site of Tingambato/Tinganio in w estern Michoacan, which also had pseudo cloisonnÂŽ an d miniature ollas (Beekman, personal communication 2017). Aronson (1993) determined that both the miniatures and the pseudo cloisonnÂŽ vessels from Tabachines, Estanzuela, and Ixtepete were made specifically for burial because of the lack of use wear. Perh aps the reason the LG vessels are in the condition they are is a result of both the skeletal remains as well as the vessels being exhumed from their original location and later interred at the LG site. This burial certainly seems representative of changes in population and social structure happening throughout the region during the El Grillo phase ( Beekman 2010 ) and an outside group trying to establish their presence may have brought these remains with them. Social Organization As stated previously, Circ le 6 holds the greatest total number of burial goods and offerings, with a total of five tombs and an additional burial that held several individuals and no offerings In addition to the tombs, as many as twelve separate offerings were placed both in the c entral altar and the patio surrounding it. No burials were reported for any of the platforms. This indicates that Circle 6 played a very important role at the LG site. Circle 6 is also one of the earliest constructions at the site, with construction beginn ing in the Tequila II phase. The ceramics found in the tombs and several of the offerings correspond to this phase,

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! %*( although some may extend further into the Tequila III and IV phases. An expansion of Circles 6 and 1 and the beginning of construction of Ci rcle 4 occurred during the Tequila III phase (Beekman et al. 2014) All of the tombs in Circle 6 represent secondary interments with only long bones and skulls present. Tomb 5, the most elaborate ly built of all, had only two infant skulls and some animal bones. Most of the bones, as well as a mano and metate and some slate pendants from these tombs had red cinnabar on them. What these burials suggest is that the lineage(s) represented here were laying claim to this part of the site by placing the curated r emains of ancestors and perhaps also sacrifices as offerings here. By placing them in built tombs with material offerings of both fine and utilitarian vessels, jewelry made from materials such as shell, slate, ceramic, obsidian, and ground stone they esta blished a link between the living and the dead and laid their ancestors to rest in a manner appropriate to their status. It is not difficult to imagine a group gathering in a ritual context to establish their presence at a time when construction of the lar gest site in the Teuchitl‡n core was just beginning. Circle 3 is the only other circle that has mortuary offerings in association with it. These were not actually part of the Circle proper, but part of the Exterior Plaza that is an extension of it. The b urials were found underneath what was probably a domestic structure. The construction of Circle 3 was somewhat later than the construction and expansion of Circles 6, 1, and 2, the latter of which it shares a platform. However, some of the artifacts from t he Exterior Plaza burials, such as the Estolanos jar, and the slate pendants, suggest connections between these two areas of the site in terms of the acquisition of craft goods Radiocarbon dating from these burials would help to clarify these connections. These burials were children, with the exception of the disarticulated bones placed with one of them. The

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! %*) artifacts placed with them are not particularly extraordinary in any way, with the exception of one unique shell pendant. The vessels were poorly exec uted and exhibit a great deal of use wear, and the few beads placed with them were not enough to form a finished piece of jewelry. A dog burial next to them may have been placed there to provide a guide to the underworld, as known in other parts of Mesoame rica, or per haps it was only a family pet. However, t he location of these burials within the monumental/ ceremonial core does suggest a level of high status for the family that lived there. The Talleres sector of the site held several burials with varying numbers of goods. The offerings from Talleres 2 are from the Atemajac I II phases, which is consistent with the surface occupation, while the Talleres III burials represent Tequila II to the El Grillo phases. The lack of surface evidence for occupation of this sector during these time periods suggests that the lineages represented by the circles may have been burying their dead here. However, the fact that all but Burial 7 are secondary, suggests that these were also offerings or claims to land or segments of the site. Alternatively, it may simply represent the practice of keeping the remains for burial during the dry season or in order to prepare for funerary rites. The great number of offerings in Burial 5 indicates high status and it is interesting that the two individuals might be women. Were these the matriarchs of an important lineage? If so, which of the circles were they associated with? Comparison of the ceramics from this burial with those from the outer platforms of the circles from the same time period might offer clues to this relationship. Finally, Burial 12 certainly represents a high status event, possibly involving sacrifice or the curation of ancestral remains to establish ties to the site. Burial 12 and Burial 8 are the only burials from th e El Grillo period, which is a period during which

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! %** there is a radical shift in all categories of material culture as well as demographic decline, including at the LG site ( Heredia et al. 2017 ) In terms of the organization of craft production, I have demo nstrated that there were specialists making ceramic vessels and other items that were ultimately used in ritual contexts including burial but also experienced a use life prior to interment. Special types such as the proposed Estolanos Grey vessels, the mi niatures and pseudo cloisonnÂŽ from Burial 12, and some of the fine Red on Cream vessels, as well as the hollow figures and ceramic beads, suggest that there were craft specialists producing for elite contexts, but without evidence of production areas, it i s difficult to determine the exact nature of craft production contexts and organization. The variability evident among w ares such as both the Fine and C oarse Colorines wares does not provide strong evidence for standardization or mass production, and the various types discussed above could have each been made by one artisan working part or full time, or a household industry passing on techniques and traditions to each other in a community of practice. These artisans may have made products used exclusively by elites, such as the proposed Estolanos Grey vessels, but there is no evidence for a context of production governed by elites. It is possible that these specialists were themselves elites and the specialized vessels represent the talent and skill of the members of the lineage associated with Circle 6. Aronson concluded that t he figures were certainly made by specialists somewhere in the region, but it is doubtful that they were made at the LG site. The figur es, shell jewelry, obsidian zoomorphic beads, and some ceramic vessels indicate trade relations with other groups from around the Tequila Valleys region and beyond. Obsidian is quite ubiquitous

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! %*+ locally, but the specifi c form of the zoomorphic beads wa s found at Tabachines as well (Beekman 2007) She ll would have been acquired from some distance. Despite these relations, it is very likely that many of the vessels found in burial contexts were made by individual households for domestic use and were then placed with the users of these objects in death. The data for the LG site indicates a clustering of types for certain burials and offerings, such as the EG vessels of Circle 6, as well as elements of standardization of both form and decoration for burials throughout the site. This suggests, that, like D eMarrais' study of ritual objects from the Calchaqui Valley, "craft production in heterarchical settings should generate diverse local expressions within a wider tradition" (DeMarrais 2013:356), and that the structure of production at LG may be more of a h eterarchical type, with independent, specialized producers creating specialized products for use in mortuary contexts, as well as for domestic purposes and use in ritual feasting. Moreover, the diverse expressions, as well as the varying levels of skill ex hibited in burials and offerings throughout the site suggest that crafting traditions of ceramic items used in mortuary contexts were likely acquired through a community of practice or constellation of practice as discussed in the Specialization and Standa rdization section of Chapter 1. Suggestions for Future Research It is important that more studies of ceramic production and trade networks continue to be conducted at the LG site and throughout the region, but not just from the view of mortuary contexts. Excavations of habitation sites might provide more information as to the nature of craft production and may reveal production areas, which are frequently found in or around household groupings when the context of production is on the level of the individua l or

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! %*, household (Rice 2015: 337) As important as it is to know how crafts are used in status building activities, trade networks, and ideologies, it is equally important to know who is making these products, how they are doing it, and the nature of relation s between crafters, elites, and the general population. It is also important to understand the economic strategies employed by commoners who relied on agriculture as much as or more than the production and trade activities they engaged in. To understand a society fully, we must look at the society as a whole, not just through the lens of elite activities.

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! %*! REFERENCES Arnold, Dean E. 2015 The Evolution of Ceramic Production Organization in a Maya Community. The University Press of Colorado, Boulder. Arnold, Philip J. 1991 Dimensional Standardization and Production Scale in Mesoamerican Ceramics. Latin American Antiquity 2(4): 363 370. Aronson, Meredith Alexandra 1993 Technological Change: West Mexican Mortuary Ceram i cs Ph.D. dis sertation, Department of Materials Science and Engineering, The University of Arizona, Tucson. 1996 Technological Change: Ceramic Mortuary Technology in the Valley of Atemajac From the Late Formative to the Classic Periods. Ancient Mesoamerica 7(1): 163 169. Baquedan o, Elizabeth 2011 Concepts of Death Afterlife in Central Mexico. In Living With the Dead: Mortuary Ritual in Mesoamerica edited by James L. Fitzsimmons and Izumi Shimada. University of Arizona Press, Tucson. Beekman, Christopher S 1996 The Long Term Evolution of a Political Boundary: Archaeological Research in Jalisco Mexico. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Vanderbilt University. UMI, Ann Arbor. 2003 Fruitful Symmetry: Corn and Cosmology in t he Public Architecture of Late Formative and Early Classic Jalisco. In Mesoamerican Voices 1 :5 22 2006 The Chronological Context of the Central Jalisco Shaft Tombs. In Ancient Mesoamerica 17:239 249. 2008 Corporate Power Strategies in the Late Formative to Early Classic Tequila Valleys of Central Jalisco. Latin American Antiquity 19(4):414 34. 2010 Recent Research in Western Mexican Archaeology. Journal of Archaeological Research 18:41 109. Under Review. La Secuencia Cro nol—gica Temprana en Los Guachimontones. In Nuevos Enfoques en la Arqueolog’a de la Regi—n de Tequila: Memoria de la Primera C‡tedra Phil C. Weigand edited by Joshua D. Englehardt and Verenice Y. Heredia Espinoza, pp. x x. Colegio de Michoac‡n, Zamora.

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! %+. Beekman, Christopher, Catherine Johns, Nichole Abbott, Mads Jorgensen Kong Cheong, Kristie Hollon, and Tony DeLuca 2014 Proyecto Arqueol—gico Teuchitl‡n. Informe de Laboratorio 2014. Submitted to the Proyecto Arqueol—gico Teuchitl‡n. Copies availab le from the Proyecto Arqueol—gico Teuchitl‡n, Jalisco, Mexico. Beekman, Christopher, Jones LeFae, and Naomi Ripp 2015 Proyecto Arqueol—gico Teuchitl‡n. Informe de Laboratorio 2015. Submitted to the Proyecto Arqueol—gico Teuchitl‡n. Copies available f rom the Proyecto Arqueol—gico Teuchitl‡n, Jalisco, Mexico Beekman, Christopher, and Phil C. Weigand 2000 La Cer‡mica Arqueol—gica De La Tradici—n Teuchitl‡n, Jalisco: Tipolog’a, An‡lisis Petrogr‡fico Y Cronolog’a Zamora, Michoac‡n: El Co legio de Michoac‡n. Beltr‡n Medina J.C. 2001 La exploitaci— n de la costa en el occidente de Mesoamerica y los contactos con Sudamerica y con otras regions culturales Tepic, Mexico: Universidad Autonoma de Nayarit. Bernier, HŽlne 2010 Craft Specialists at Moche: Organization, affiliations, and identities. Latin American Antiquity 21(1):22 43. Binford, L. R. 1971 Mortuary Practices: Their Study and Their Potential. Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology (25 ), 6 29. Blackman, James M., Gil J. Stein, and Pamela B. Vandiver 1993 The Standardization Hypothesis and Ceramic Mass Production: Technological, Compositional, and Metric Indexes of Craft Specialization at Tell Leilan, Syria. American Antiquity 58( 1):60 80. Blanco, Ericka, Sean M. Smith, Jorge Herrejon, and Phil C. Weigand 2010 La Tradicion Alfarera en Guachimontones y Loma Alta: Tipos, Formas, y Usos. Ecumene (1):88 119. Blomster, Jeffrey P. 2011 Bodies, Bones, and Burials in Oa xaca, Mexico. In Living With the Dead: Mortuary Ritual in Mesoamerica edited by James L. Fitzsimmons and Izumi Shimada, pp. 102 160. University of Arizona Press, Tucson. Brumfiel, Elizabeth M. 1992 Breaking and Entering the Ecos ystem Gender, Cla ss, and Faction Steal the Show. American Anthropologist 94(3): 551 567.

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! %+% Brumfiel, Elizabeth M., and Timothy K. Earle (editors) 1987 Specialization, exchange, and complex societies. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Brumfiel, Elizabeth M., and Timothy K. Earle 1987 Specialization, exchange, and complex societies: an introduction. In Specialization, exchange, and complex societies edited by Elizabeth M. Brumfiel and Timothy K. Earle, pp. 1 9. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Butterw ick, Kristi 1998 Food for the Dead: The West Mexican Art of Feasting. In Ancient West Mexico: Art of the Unknown Past edited by Richard R. Townsend, pp. 89 105. Art Institute of Chicago Chicago Cach Avenda–o, Eric Orlando 2002 Informe tŽcnico de temporada de campo Del 15 Octubre de 2001 al 13 de Junio de 2002 Submitted to the Proyecto Arqueol—gico "Los Guachimontones", Teuchitl‡n, Jalisco. Copies available from the Proyecto Arqueol—gico Teuchitl‡n, Jalisco, Mexico. 2008 Valle de Tequila; tiempo, dioses, y orden social. In Estudios Jaliscienses 71:56 71. Costin, Cathy L. and Melissa B. Hagstrum 1995 Standardization, Labor investment, Skill, and the Organization of Ceramic Production in Late Prehispanic Highland Peru. America n Antiquity 60(4), 619 639. DeMarrais, Elizabeth 2013 Understanding Heterarchy: Crafting and Social Projects in Pre Hispanic Northwest Argentina. Cambridge Archaeological Journal 23(3):345 362. Esparza L—pez, Rodrigo 2008 Informe final del salv amento arqueol—gico en el area de servicios y centro de interpretaci—n del sitio arqueol—gico Guachimontones Submitted to El Proyecto Guachimontones. Copies available from the Proyecto Arqueol—gico Teuchitl‡n, Jalisco, Mexico. Feinman, Gary M., Steadman Upham, and Kent G. Lightfoot 1981 The Production Step M easure: An Or dinal Index of Labor I nput in Ceramic Manufacture. American Antiquity 46(4):871 884. Galvan, Javier 1984 Las Tumbas de Tiro del Valle de Atemajac Jalisco y Las Tumbas de Caja de l Valle de Atemajac, 2 vols., unpublished manuscript. 1991 Las Tumbas de Tiro del Valle de Atemajac, Jalisco Mexico: I.N.A.H.

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! %+& Griffin, Jennifer 2010 The Excavations of Circle 3, at Los Guachimontones, Teuchitl‡n, Jalisco. Ecœmene 1(2):2 20. H eredia Espinoza, Verenice Y. 2017 Long Term Regional Landscape Change in the Northern Tequila Region of Jalisco, Mexico. In Journal of Field Archaeology 42(4):298 311. Heredia Espinoza, Verenice Y. and John K. Millhauser, Kimberly Sumano Ortega, Jos hua D. Englehardt 2017 Informe TŽcnico Final: Contabilizaci—n de los materiales Arqueol—gicos Talleres 3, en Los Guachimontones, Temporado 2013 2017. Submitted to the Consejo de Arqueolog’a, INAH. Copies available from the Proyecto Arqueol—gico Teuchi tl‡n, Jalisco, Mexico. Heredia Espinoza, Verenice Y. and Joshua D. Englehart 2015 Simbolismo Panmesoamericano en la Iconograf’a Cer‡mica de la Tradici—n Teuchitl‡n. Trace 68:9 34. Herrej—n Villica–a, Jorge, and Sean M. Smith M‡rquez 2002 Info rme TŽcnico de las unidades de excavaci—n Talleres 1 y Talleres 2. Submitted to the Proyecto Arqueol—gico "Los Guachimontones", Teuchitl‡n, Jalisco. Copies available from the Proyecto Arqueol—gico Teuchitl‡n, Jalisco, Mexico. Hosler, Dorothy and Andrew Ma cFarlane 1996 Copper Sources, Metal Production, and Metals Trade in Late Postclassic Mesoamerica. Science 273(5283):1819 1824. Hagstrum, Melissa B. 1985 Measuring Prehistoric Ceramic Craft Specialization: A Test Case in the American Southwest. Journal of Field Archaeology 12:65 76. Hirth, Kenneth 1996 Political Economy and Archaeology: Perspectives on Exchange and Production. In Journal of Archaeological Research 4(3):203 239. 2009 Craft Production, Household Diversification, and Domest ic Economy in Prehispanic Mesoamerica. Archaeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 19(1):13 32. Holien, Thomas 1975 Pseudo cloisonnŽ in the S outhwest and Mesoamerica. In Col lected Papers in Honor of Florence Hawley Ellis edited by Theodore R. Frisbie, pp. 157 177. Papers of the Archaeological Society of New Mexico, No. 2. Hooper Publishing Company.

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! %+' 1977 Mesoamerican Pseudo CloisonnŽ and Other Decorative Investments. Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale. Inomata, Takeshi 2001 The Power and Ideology of Artistic Creation: Elite Craft Specialists in Classic Maya Society. Current Anthropology 42(3):321 349. Johns, Catherine Janette 2014 Ceramic Activity A nalysis o f Navajas Circle 5 and the Need for Practice Theory in Unusual Monumental Architecture. Masters Thesis, Department of Anthropology, University of Colorado, Denver. Joyce, Rosemary A., Julia A. Hendon, and Jeanne Lopiparo 2014 Working With Clay. Ancie nt Mesoamerica 25(2):411 420. Kelley, I.T. 1980 Ceramic Sequence in Colima: Capacha, an Early Phase University of Arizona Press, Tucson. Kelley, J. Charles 1974 Speculations on the Culture History of Northwestern Mesoamerica. In The Archaeolo gy of West Mexico edited by Betty Bell, pp. 19 39. Sociedad de Estudios Avanzados del Occidente de MŽxico, Ajijic. L— pez Austin, Alfredo 1988 The Human Body and Ideology: Concepts of the Ancient Nahuas University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City. L— p ez, Lorenza Mestas 2005 Producci— n especializada y representaci—n ideol—gical en los albores de la tradici—n Teuchitl‡n. In El Antig uo Occidnete de MŽ xico; Nuevas Perspectivas Sobre el Pasado Prehispanico edited by Eduardo Williams, Phil C. Weigan d, Lorenza L— pez Mestas, and David C. Grove. Michoacan: El Colegio de Michoacan. L— pez, Lorenza Mestas Camberos and Jorge Ramos de la Vega 1998 Excavating the Tomb at Huitzilapa. In Ancient West Mexico: Art and Archaeology of the Unknown Past, edited by Richard F. Townsend. Chicago: The Art Institute of Chicago. 2006 Some Interpretations of the Huitzilapa Shaft Tomb. Ancient Mesoamerica 17:271 281. Metcalf, S.E., S.J. Davies, J.D. Braisby, M.J. Leng, A.J. Newton, N.L. Terrett, and S.L. O'Hara 2 000 Long and short term exchange in the Patzcuaro Basin, central Mexico. Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology 247:272 295.

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! %+( Mountjoy, J. B. 1982 Proyecto Tomatl‡n de salvamento arqueol—gico: fondo etnohist— rico y arqueol— gico, desarroll o del Proyecto, estudios de la superficie Mexico DF. Instituto Nacional de Antropologia y Historia. Ohnersorgen, Michael A. and Mark D. Varien 1996 Formal Architecture and Settlement Organization in Ancient West Mexico. Anci ent Mesoamerica 7: 103 120. Oliveros, Arturo 2009 Hacedores de tumbas en El Ope–o, Jacon‡, Michoac‡n. Zamora, Michoac‡n: Colegio de Michoac‡n. O'Shea, John M. 1984 Mortuary Variability: An Archaeological Investigation Academic Press, Inc. Orlando. Pearson, Mike Parker 1999 The A rchaeology of Death and Burial Texas A&M Press, College Station. Peebles, C. S. 1971 Moundville and Surrounding Sites: Some Structural Considerations of Mortuary Practices II. Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology (25): 68 91. Pickering Robert B. and Maria Teresa Cabrero 1998 Mortuary Practices in the Shaft Tomb Region. In Ancient West Mexico: Art and Archaeology of the Unknown Past, edited by Richard F. Townsend pp.71 87 The Art Institute of Chicago Chicago Pollard, Helen Per lstein and Laura Cahue 1999 Mortuary Patterns of Regional Elites in the Lake Patzcuaro Basin of Western Mexico. Latin American Antiquity 10(3):259 280. Rice, Prudence M. 2015 Pottery Analysis University of Chicago Press, Chicago. 1991 Spe cialization, Standardization, and Diversity: A Retrospective. In the Ceramic Legacy of Ana O. Shepard edited by R. Bishop and F. W. Lange, pp. 257 279. University Press of Colorado, Niwot, Colorado. Sahagun, Bernardino de 1950 1969 Florentine Codex: General Historv of the Things of New Spain A. Anderson and C. Dibble, trans. Salt Lake City, Utah and Santa Fe, NM: University of Utah and the School of American Research, Santa Fe (originally written in 1569).

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! %+) Schšndube Otto B. 1983 Hallazgos en El Hospital de Belen (1789 1982). Pantoc (5):51 68. Sinopoli, Carla M. 1991 Approaches to archaeological ceramics Plenum Pres s, New York and London. Sullivan, Kristin S. 2006 Special ized Production of San Mart in O range Ware at Teotihuacan, Mexico. Latin American Antiquity 17(1):23 53. Weigand, Phil C. 1974 The Ahualulco Site and the Shaft Tomb Complex of the Etzatlan Area. In The Archaeology of West Mexico edited by Betty Bell, pp. 120 131. Ajijic: Socie dad de Estudios Avanzados del Occidente de Mexico. 1992 Ehecatl:Primer Dios Supremo del Occidente? In Origen y Desarrollo en el Occidente de MŽxico edited by Brigitte Boehm de Lameiras and Phil C. Weigand, pp. 205 237. El Colegio de Michoac‡n, Zam ora. 1996 The Architecture of the Teuchitlan Tradition of the Occidente of Wes t Mexico. Ancient Mesoamerica 7:91 101. Weigand, Phil C. and Christopher S. Beekman 1998 The Teuchitl‡n Tradition: Rise of a Statelike Society. In Ancient West Mexico : Art and Archaeology of the Unknown Past, edited by Richard F. Townsend pp.35 51 The Art Institute of Chicago Chicago Weigand, Phil C. and G. Harbottle 1992 The Role of turquoises in the ancient Mesoamerican trade structure. In The American Sout hwest and Mesoamerica: Systems of Prehistoric Exchange edited by Ericson, J.E., and Baugh T.G., pp. 159 177. Plenum Press, New York. Weigand, Phil, and Juan Rodrigo Esparza L—pez 2008 Informe de Excavaciones 2003 2006 En El Complejo Arqueol — gico Gua chimontones "La Tradicion Teuchitl ‡ n Del Occidente de Mexico." Copies available from the Proyecto Arqueol—gico Teuchitl‡n, Jalisco, Mexico.

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! %+* APPENDIX A Excavated Contexts For Burials and Offerings Several of the g uachimontones were excavated between 199 9 and 2008 and reported by various researchers (Cach 2003; Weigand and Esparza 2006; Esparza 2008; Griffin 2010). These reports provide the contexts and descriptions of the goods discovered that were identified in the inventory for use in this analysis, bu t they often lacked synthesis and descriptions could be distributed across multiple reports. Objects associated with burials (entierros) or offerings or caches (ofrendas) were identified in the Proyecto Arqueol—gico Teuchitl‡n (PAT) inventory (inventario) and confirmed through the descriptions in the reports. In this appendix I offer relevant information related to the burials in this analysis The photos provided in this appendix are only a sample of unusual types or those that are highly representative of a particular ware. Appendix B provides photos of all items and are organized by burial or offering number.

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! %++ "#$%&'! JE )!*+,!-.!5<'!6-2%6'25+1!8-&'!=#5
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! %+, were interpreted as possible offerings for the dedication of the structure they were associated with (Weigand and Esparza 2006:57 ). Circle 1 is the largest of the circles at Los Guachimontones and is somet imes referred as "El Gran Guachi" (Weigand and Esparza 2006:13). The excavations of several platforms of Circle 1, most notably those that were shared with the ballcourt, did not reveal any burials. The excavations were expanded into the area east of Circl e 1, referred to as "el anfiteatro", or the amphitheater, although it is not explained why it is called this, nor is the name mentioned elsewhere in this report or any other. There they uncovered various structures that were said to form a closed plaza and were interpreted as habitations. Three of these structures were excavated. Structure A is described as a small building approximately 5x5 m and 1.5 m high with a banquette to the south and a ramp to the north. A small burial that consisted of three vessel s was discovered in the northern portion, which were attributed to their Ahualulco or Teuchitl‡n types. These vessels were identified in the inventory as an Oconahua Red on Cream bowl (Figure 44) and a Colorines Cream composite silhouette bowl (Figure 45) and a large Black Tabachines sherd. A smaller burial was also found that contained the jawbones of an infant. The infant burial, and possibly the other as well, were found under a paved layer of volcanic tuff, suggesting that it was an offering for the con struction of the building (Weigand and Esparza 2006:57). The designation of the Oconahua type for INV 051 was given by the researchers. It is a Tabachines Red on Cream type. Vessel 052 was determined to be Colorines Cream by later researchers in the lab, i ncluding myself. Although INV 050 was not mentioned in the report, it was labeled in the PAT inventory as part of Circle 1, Exterior Plaza, Amphitheatre, Offering 1. These burials have been assigned to the Tequila II IV phases.

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! %+! /+>1'! @E )!4&5#.+85;!.&-6!T#&81'!(?!UC5'&#-&!]1+S+?!46,<#5<'+5&'?!]1+5.-&6!4) Circle 1 Exterior Plaza, Amphitheatre, Platform A, Offering 1 050 Black Tabachines bowl sherd 051 Oconahua Red on Cream bowl 052 Colorines Cream composite silhouette bowl "# $%&'! JJ ) LM9!QO(!/+>+8<#2';!W'3 Y -2 Y T&'+6!P-=1)!]<-5-!>:!T<'-2$!+23!c-&$'2;'2!@Q(J)

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! %,. "#$%&'! JO ) LM9!QO@!T-1-';!8-6,-;#5'!;#1<-%'55'!>-=1)!]<-5-!>:!T<'-2$!+23!c-&$'2;'2!@Q(J)

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! %,% Figure 46 : View of Circle 3 with Circles 2 and 1 in the background. Photo by LeFae 2015. Circle 3 Exterior Plaza Excavations of Circle 3 (Figure 19) were conducted by the Los Guachimontones Archaeological Project in 2003 and 2004, and were reported by Jennifer Griffin in the in house journal Ecumene (2010), and in a report by Wei gand and Esparza (2006). Griffin's article serves as a report for Circle 3 and is the primary source, in conjunction with the PAT inventory, for contextual information concerning the burials associated with that architectural group. Circle 3 This circle is located on the southern edge of the site core, just slightly west of Circle 2. Circle 3 consists of eight small platforms around a central altar. Platform 1 is shared with Circle 2, while Platforms 3 and 4 are at the top of a steep slope with a possible stairway leading to two additional guachimontones below, Circles 7 and 8. No burials were found underneath or directly around the platforms, although ceramic sherds ranging from early to late occupations were unearthed. A radiocarbon sample from an upper layer of clay

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! %,& from Platform 3 provided a date of A.D. 175 which matched another date associated with the expansion of the circle (Griffin 2010:3 6 ). "#$%&'! JK )!9#'=!-.!T#&81'!E?!UC5'&#-&!]1+S+?!-V'&1--R#2$!5<'!V+11':!>'1-=)!]<-5-!>:!H'"+'!@Q(O) The Ext erior Plaza. Outside of Circle 3, in the area closest to Platforms 5 and 6, is a flat space defined as a plaza. Three small mounds sit a short distance from Platforms 5 and 6 and are thought to be platforms that form a small plaza group. Excavations were c onducted along transects between Circle 3 Platforms 5 and 6 and each of the plaza platforms, designated 1, 2, and 3, as well as additional transects between the platforms. Platform 1 was identified by a packed floor approximately 1.3 meters below the moder n surface (Griffin 2010:7 ). An offering of a single ceramic vessel "placed on a patch of carbon in a pit in the bedrock" (Griffin 2010:7 ), was located in the transect approaching Plaza Platform 1 Exterior Plaza Platform 1. Before excavations the platform was mapped and tested. A burial of a child was encountered in the test pit, and a total of four burials was subsequently located. Although much of the artifact material found closer to the surface represents a

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! %,' Postclassic occupation, it was clear that the objects associated with these burials were of an earlier occupation, of the time period identified in the article as Late Formative/Early Classic (Griffin 2010:8). Recent chronological assignment of Circle 3 places these burials some time during the Tequil a II Tequila IV period (300 B.C. A.D. 500). Dates were obtained through analysis of ceramic sherds from specific contexts such as floors, hearths, caches, and burials, in conjunction with an analysis of available radiocarbon dates and stratigraphic data, conducted by Beekman et al. ( 2014 ). Construction of Circle 3 is estimated to be approximately A.D. 100 175 based on a consideration of the radiocarbon dates in their stratigraphic context. The burials of Circle 3, Exterior Plaza, Platform 1 are separated into four direct pit burials designated as "tombs" located under what is thought to be the platform floor These burials collectively contained as many as five individuals and one dog. There was no formal construction of tombs; all but the dog had been pla ced in shallow pits in the bedrock.

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! %,( "#$%&' JF )!L11%;5&+5#-2!-.!T#&81'!E?!UC5'&#-&!]1+S+?!]1+5.-&6!(?! /-6> ()!"&-6!B'#$+23!+23!US,+&S+!e@QQNf?! T-%&5';:!-.!]4/ Tomb 1. The first tomb contained the skeleton of a child, in anatomical position, with the fee t having been slightly disturbed, probably from the activity of digging the grave for Tomb 3. Weigand and Esparza's (2006) report includes a brief description and a drawing of Tomb 1 (Figure 48 ), both indicating that this individual was placed in an extend ed position in

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! %,) a general north/south configuration, with the head in the more southerly position (Weigand and Esparza 2006:82,96 ). According to this report, offerings in Tomb 1 included "an intact vessel, a smashed vessel, and several shell beads found nea r the jaw and wrist" (Griffin 2010:8). Unfortunately, no objects were identified in the inventory as being from Circle 3, Exterior Plaza Platform 1 Burial 1 so there are no data for this interment. Tomb 2 This burial contained a "scatter of bones from what appeared to be two individuals, one of whom was much more robust than the other" (Griffin 2010:8). Ripp's (2015) analysis identifies three individuals from Burial 2 (Beekman et al. 2015). This burial was located only one meter from the skull in Tomb 1 According to the report, the offerings included with this burial consisted of two whole vessels, numerous sherds, and "many beads made of shell, rock, and clay" (Griffin 2010:8). The items identified in the inventory are listed in Table 24 with the two v essels shown in Figures 58 and 59 /+>1'! @J )!4&5#.+85;!.&-6!T#&81'!E?!UC5'&#-&!]1+S+) Circle 3, Exterior Plaza, Platform 1 Burial 2 005 Colorines Red on Base closed jar 006 Colorines wide mouth jar 095 3 Slate pendants Burial 3 001 Colorines Fugitive red on red large olla 002 Estolanos (or Fine Colorines) jar 099 1 shell bead 176 a 2 grey ceramic beads 176 b 2 shell beads 176c 4 black ceramic beads 0 94 Anthropomorphic shell pendant Offering 2 197 Black Colorines bowl

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! %,* "#$%&'! JE )!LM9!QQO!T-1-';!W'3 Y -2 Y P+;'!7+&!.-%23!#2!T#&81'!E?!UC5'&#-&!]1+S+?!]1+5.-&6!(?!P%&#+1!@)!]<-5-! >:!H'"+'!@Q(O)

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! %,+ "#$%&'! JJ )!"#$%&'!@Ea!LM9!QQN!T-1-';!W'3 [ -2 Y P+;'!7+&!.-%23!#2!T#&81 '!E?!UC5'&#-&!]1+S+?!]1+5.-&6!(?! P%&#+1!@)!]<-5-!>:!T<'-2$!+23!c-&$'2;'2!@Q(J) Tomb 3 This interment was located at the opposite end of the skeleton in Tomb 1, near the feet, which is very likely the cause of the disturbance of said feet. This burial is p articularly interesting because of the placement of the disarticulated bones of an adult on top of a fully articulated child's skeleton. Most of the objects included in interment appear to be associated with the child. These include "a scatter of white pow der" around the neck of the child that was thought to be shell, and two "shell like objects tentatively identified as a turtle shell" found near the abdomen of the child. Additionally, "On top of the two skeletons were patches of a green and red flaky sub stance. Two whole vessels were found near the head of the child" (Griffin 2010:8 ).

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! %,, The objects identified in the inventory for Circle 3, Exterior Plaza, Burial 3 include a very unique anthropomorphic pendant carved from shell (Figure 24). Shell is often co nsidered a prestige item in this area, not only for its associations with fertility, but also because it had to be obtained from some distance away from the site and indicates affiliations with trade networks ( L—pez and Ramos 1998:61,66). This particular form rendered in such a material is highly indicative of ideological beliefs concerning fertility and regeneration. "#$%&'! JO )!LM9!AJ!425<&-,-6-&,<#8!,'23+25!6+3'!-.!;<'11)!]<-5-!>:!H'"+'!@Q(O)

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! %,! "#$%&'! JN )!LM9!QQ(!"%$#5#V'!W'3 Y -2 Y W'3!V';;'1?!=#5:!T<'-2$!+23! c-&$'2;'2!@Q(J) Offering 2 As described above, this offering was found in the transect connecting Circle 3, Platform 6 to Platform 1 of the Exterior Plaza. It was found in a shallow bed of carbon and consists of a single Black Colorines bowl. The specific reasons for designating this as Offering 2 rather than 1 are unknown, as there is no other offering identified in either the reports or the inventory. "#$ %&'! JK )!LM9!(AK!P1+8R!T-1-';!>-=1!.&-6!T#&81'!E?!UC5'&#-&!]1+S+?!X..'$!@)

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! %-. Discussion of Circle 3 Although the data for the mortuary assemblages of Circle 3, Exterior Plaza, Platform 1 are incomplete, there are several notabl e objects as well as a variety of burial treatments. In addition, the location of the burials in close proximity to Circle 3, Circle 2, and the Grand Plaza indicate that these were likely relatively high status burials. It is also interesting to note that at least two of the skeletons were those of children. The placement of these burials under what may be a residential platform conforms to known practices throughout Mesoamerica of the placement of burials underneath the living area (Chase and Chase 2011:83 85; Blomster 2011:120 123). The choice of burial location may be affected by variables such as age, gender, and social position. In a study by Binford (1971) aimed at defining the major dimensions of status differentiation in regards to mortuary ritual, 7 out of 12 cases in which age was a distinguishing feature of the social persona, burials of infants and children were found to follow one of two distinct patterns: 1) Children were buried under the house floors, while adults were buried in a cemetery or o ther public location. 2) Children were buried around the periphery of a settlement while adults were buried within the settlement (in a designated location such as a cemetery) (Binford 1971:22). Data on possible genetic relationships of the skeletons would provide additional information on the relationships between interments and could be the subject of future research. Infant mortality was generally high in this region, and the average life expectancy if one lived past childhood, was approximately thirty f ive to forty years of age (Pickering and Cabrero 1998:82). The limited number of vessels placed in the burials is also indicative of the ages of the interred individuals. A person who was older and therefore would have a greater number of social roles in society might be expected to have more objects placed with them in burial

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! %-% to represent those roles, achievements, and social positions (Binford 1971). The vessels from Burial 2 are poorly made and the designs poorly executed. They are similar in form, but vary enough in execution and design to reasonably conclude that they were very likely not made by the same hand. In my opinion, they have the look of an apprentice, rather than a master, or perhaps the hand of someone who only produces pottery sporadicall y for regular household use, rather than production for trade or for ceremonial use. Use wear in the form of scratches on the bottom exterior, and scorching on one of the vessels indicates that these were most likely used for cooking, storing, and/or servi ng of food before being buried with the individual. These vessels were not made specifically for interment; they were household items and may have contained food for the deceased on his or her journey in the afterlife. The deceased may have been wearing th e jewelry found with them at the time of interment. Jewelry found in burials from Late Postclassic Tarascan sites in the Patzcuaro Basin in Michoacan, as well as other West Mexican sites are often associated with women and children (Pollard and Cahue 1999) Though we must demonstrate caution in comparing practices from sites that are temporally as well as spatially distant from each other, evidence from other burials at Los Guachimontones suggest possible links between these areas, and therefore there is re ason to believe that this tradition may be applicable to the Tequila Valleys. Since all of the human burials contained jewelry, it is possible that they all represent women and children, although we do not have enough osteological data to confirm this. Thi s could indicate some degree of segregation of burials by gender, or perhaps the structure that they rested under represented a gendered domain.

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! %-& Circle 4 Circle 4 is located at the northwest en d of the ball court in the ceremonial core of the site, which lies between Circles 1 and 2. Excavations are described in Weigand and Esparza (2006), however, the description only covers platforms 1, 2, and 5 and focuses on descriptions of the outer walls of the platforms and the stratigraphic layers found between platforms. An oven (horno) was located between platforms 1 and 2, but the evidence suggested that it was used for cooking activities, rather than for firing pottery. Carbon samples were taken from the feature, but the results were not included in the report. The analysis of radiocarbon dates, stratigraphy, ceramic debris, and whole vessels conducted by Beekman et al. (2014) places Circle 4 in the Tequila II phase. Two whole or fragmented obsidian piercers" are mentioned as found in or between the walls of Platforms 2 and 5, as well as a mention of fragments of human bones. N o other offerings are discussed and the obsidian piercers were not located in the inventory. The bones were found in what is d escribed as a series of well made stone boxes found in the fill of one of the platforms. Many of the platforms, as well as the altar, had been partially destroyed by plowing, or by the placement of a dirt road through the Ball Court and Circle 4 in the 194 0's (Weigand and Esparza 2006:191 199). No mention is made of Platform 4, however, one item was identified in the PAT inventory as an offering from Circle 4, Platform 4 (Table 33, Figure 63) /+>1'! @O )!4&5#.+85!#3'25#.#'3!.-&!T#&81' J?!]1+5.-&6!J)

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! %-' Circle 4, Platform 4 INV 172 Coarse Colorines Red on Base small plate "#$%&'! JF )!LM9!(K@!W'3!T-1-';!;6+11!,1+5')

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! %-( "#$%&'! JA )!L11%;5&+5'3!6+,!-.!T#&81'!N!>%&#+1;!+23!-..'$;)! "&-6!T+8
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! %-) "#$%&'! OQ )!/<'!8'25&+1!+15+&!-.!T#&81'!N)!]<-5-!>:!H'"+'!@Q(O) Circle 6 This circle (Figures 64 65) is one of the most important contexts in this study and lies to the west of Circles 1 and 4 in the northw estern portion of the ceremonial core. The central altar does not have a conical structure like the other circles, but instead consists of a raised, circular platform, surrounded by eight rectangular platforms. Although Los Guachimontones contains the grea test number of monumental surface structures, the burials do not take the form of monumental shaft tombs and they do not contain as many offerings as the Huitzilapa tomb. The one interment in Circle 6 that is referred to as a shaft tomb in the excavation r eports is not a deep shaft with multiple chambers, but is rather more like a box tomb that is a mere 1 meter deep. Circle 6 contains multiple interments located underneath the central altar, but in separate tombs. The phase assignments for the ceramics (Te quila II IV) cover a range of several hundred years (300 B.C. A.D. 500), and it is not known whether any of the interments are genetically related. Eric Orlando Cach Avenda–o conducted excavations of

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! %-* Circle 6 in 2001 and 2002. The Cach (2002) report serv es as the primary source for this excavation. The objects used in this analysis were identified in the PAT inventory and cross checked with this report, as well as with a map of the altar with illustrations of each burial that were included in the report. Initial excavations were expected to be brief, focusing primarily on five of the platform mounds. The researchers began by trying to define the outer walls of the central altar, and to identify any structural remains not visible from the surface. It is my understanding that they made a test pit in the center of the altar. It was immediately noticed that the ceramic density of the first stratigraphic layer of the pit, which was a layer of humus, was much higher than other areas of the site. Lithic densities were comparable with the rest of the site. The next stratigraphic layer consisted of very fine clay. At 50 cm depth, they found burned fragments of a human skull, as well as fragments of a "Capacha" style vessel, referring to a ceramic style found in Colim a (Kelly 1974) that shares some of the same attributes. All of the other ceramics appeared to have had a red on cream design known to be of an early period corresponding to the what he refers to as the Late Preclassic (Cach 2002:33), but is termed the Late Formative period in the Tequila Valleys region. For up to 140 cm depth is what is described as homogenous stratigraphic layers of type II clay, with some differences that demonstrate different construction events. Burial 1 was located at 140 cm depth and will be described below. More than one version of the map (Figure 28) illustrating the placement of the burials and offerings was produced, with certain changes to the designations of each context. It appears that what were originally dubbed as burials (e ntierros) were later changed to tombs (tumbas) in order to better reflect the difference between actual constructed tombs and an

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! %-+ interment containing several individuals located above Tomb 5 -the only shaft tomb yet found at the site (see Table 15). In a ddition, the items in the PAT inventory were often labeled as an offering (i.e. Ofrenda 5) in the case of Tomb 5. By reconciling the inventory items with the items reported for each tomb, I was able to see that these items actually belonged to Tomb 5. /+>1 '! @N )!T-28-&3+28'!-.!>%&#+1d5-6>!3';#$2+5#-2;!#2!T#&81'!N!>:!T+8
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! %-, "#$%&'! O( )!L 11%;5&+5#-2!-.!T#&81'!N?!P%&#+1!()!"&-6!T+8
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! %-! and another was located. This skull was also oriented north, but face up. It was decided to excavate a cross through the altar space in order to find any associated bu rial goods. A total of six complete skulls and a fragment of a seventh, as well as numerous other bones thought to represent at least three individuals were discovered. Some of the bones were in an anatomically correct position, but others gave the appeara nce that they had merely been placed in the general anatomical area. This led the researchers to believe that these were secondary burials, and that the remains had been brought from another location or disarticulated before placing them in the tomb. No bu rial goods were reported with these remains (Cach 2002:34 36). "#$%&'! O@ )!L11%;5&+5#-2!-.!/-6>!(!?!T#&81'!N)!"&-6!T+8
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! &.. this was the case for Tomb 1, as there is no description of the wa lls of the chamber or of a ceiling. However, the photographs provided in the report show that it does indeed look like a constructed chamber (Cach 2002:38). The tomb was located at 2 m depth, under layers [sic] of red clay, and directly on a natural ash tu ff floor. The report is not clear is to whether the depth refers to the top or the bottom of the tomb. The tomb had an orientation of 45 ¡ northeast southwest, with dimensions of 1.8 m long and 60 cm wide. The burial offerings are said to include three vess els, two necklaces presumed to be made of amazonite with traces of red and blue paint on them, and two miniature figurines forming part of the necklace. There was also a mano and metate, found near the entrance to the tomb, both of which were stained with a red substance interpreted as cinnabar. Only two long bone fragments, also painted red, were found, indicating that this was a secondary interment (Cach 2002:37 38). Table 27 lists the items in the PAT inventory for Tomb 1, which correspond to the Tequila II IV phases. /+>1'! @K )!]4/!#2V'25-&:!#5'6;!.-&!T#&81'!N?!/-6>!() Circle 6, Tomb 1 INV 007 Black Fine Colorines olla INV 008 Black Fine Colorines narrow mouth bowl INV 113 Fine Colorines Black neckless jar INV 118 Basalt mano INV 119 Basalt metate INV 146 Black slate necklace (10) INV 147 Black slate necklace (8) INV 148 Black ceramic anthropomorphic male pendants (2) To note, what had been interpreted as an "amazonite" necklace, was actually slate. Pendants made fro m this same material were also found in Circle 3, Exterior Plaza Platform 1, Burial 2. Furthermore, photos of the necklaces in situ that were included in the report exhibit a greenish color much like amazonite. The description indicates both blue and red

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! &.% staining. However, when I examined these objects, there was no blue staining only red and the pieces were clearly a dark grey color, rather than green. It is possible that some of the pigment, or what may perhaps have been a natural patina, may have co me off during cleaning. "#$%&'! OE )!4!;+6,1'!-.!5<'!]4/!#2V'25-&:!#5'6;!.&-6!T#&81'!N?!/-6>!()!]<-5-;!>:!H'"+'!@Q(O!+23!T<'-2$! +23!c-&$'2;'2!@Q(J)

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! &.& "#$%&'! OJ )!L11%;5&+5#-2!-.!/-6>!@?!T#&81'!N)!"&-6!T+8< e@QQ@f)!T-%&5';:!-.!]4/) Tomb 2. In the eastern portion of the building, near the altar's retaining wall, the researchers found a second tomb, later identified as having the largest dimensions of all the tombs, measuring 1.8 x 2 m across and 2 m high. Th e chamber reached a depth of three meters and had been excavated into a natural tuff. The floor of the tomb was coated with a kind of mud and the chamber had been filled with fine sand that contained ceramic fragments some of them of an early, black type Cach reports that the offerings consisted of a metate fragment, seven fragmented vessels, a ceramic figure, and two shell bracelets. Like Tomb 1, the skeletal remains were a secondary burial, with long bone fragments that were painted red (Cach 2002:39). Although the PAT inventory had a Huistla Polychrome vessel with zoomorphic supports associated with this burial, it has been determined to be intrusive, as there was no mention of it in the report, and it is from the later Postclassic period. The other

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! &.' ar tifacts corresponded to the Tequila II IV phases. Table 28 lists the items located in the inventory for Tomb 2 and Figure 55 is a sample of some of the finer vessels from this tomb. /+>1'! @F )!!]4/!#2V'25-&:!#5'6;!.&-6!T#&81'!N?!T'25 &+1!415+&?!/-6>!@) Circle 6, Tomb 2 INV 22 Huistla Polychrome tripod vessel INV 112 Colorines Red bowl INV 111 Colorines Red on Cream bowl INV 120 Colorines Red on Cream bowl INV 121 Colorines Cream composite silhouette jar INV 122 Colorines Red on Cream small jar INV 134 Coarse Colorines Red on Base olla INV 170a1 Variety of Colorines sherds, Postclassic Red on Cream sherds from possibly two vessels, other Postclassic sherds, Tabachines and Estolanos sherds INV 114 San Juanito style seated male figure INV 136 Shell bracelet INV 137 Shell bracelet "#$%&'! OO )!9';;'1;!.&-6!T#&81'!N?!/-6>!@)!]<-5-;!>:!T<'-2$!+23!c-&$'2;'2!@Q(J)

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! &.( Tomb 3. The third tomb excavated was located in the southern portion of the structur e. This tomb is said to be the most elaborate architecturally. It was a stone box tomb that had collapsed onto a flagstone floor. It also was constructed two meters below the surface, on top of a layer of natural tuff, most likely the same layer of tuff th at Tomb 2 had been carved into, but this is not well defined in the report. This tomb contained only bones with no offerings. The report does not state what type of bones or how many individuals were represented. "#$%&'! ON )!L11% ;5&+5#-2!-.!/-6>!J?!T#&81'!N)!"&-6!T+8
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! &.) a round hammerstone. There were also several green beads and a green obsidian pendant scattered around some skull fragments. The skull appeared to be facing north, and there w ere also some long bones present. Only one ceramic vessel, described as thin and black, was reported. The items identified in the inventory were a Colorines narrow necked olla, an obsidian pendant ( Figures 57, 58 ), and two "piezas" of "collar 1" of a lith ic material. The latter two items were noted as on exhibit, but were not located. The mano, metate, and hammerstone were not located in the inventory, although there are photographs of them in the report (Cach 2002: 42). Table 29 provides the inventory num bers for those items analyzed for Circle 6, Tomb 4, which correspond to the Tequila II III phases. /+>1'! @A )!L2V'25-&:!#5'6;!.&-6!T#&81'!N?!/-6>!J) Circle 6, Tomb 4 116 Estolanos Grey closed neck olla 149 Green obsidian disc penda nt

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! &.* "#$%&'! OK )!LM9!((N!X11+!.&-6!/-6>!J)!]<-5-!>:!T<'-2$!+23!c-&$'2;'2!@Q(J) "#$%&'! OF )!LM9!(JA!I&''2!X>;#3#+2!,'23+25)!]<-5-!>:!H'"+'!@Q(O)

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! &.+ "#$%&'! OA )!!L11%;5&+5#-2!-.!/-6 >!O!\/%6>+!3'1!/#&-\!e;<+.5!5-6>f?!T#&81'!N)!"&-6!T+8
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! &., more than 80 cm in height and 1.8 m in length. The tomb contained various fragmented skeletal remains, including two crushed infant skulls, and many bones from birds and reptiles ( Figure 59 ). The offerings are described as consisting of four vessels two of them polychrome with geometric patterns ( see Figure 60 ), and the scattered remains of a shell necklace. A tiny figurine, 3mm in size, is als o described as being found and prompting them to collect 30 bags of fill in order to sift later in the lab. The items identified in the inventory are listed in Table 6 and correspond to the Tequila II IV phases. /+>1'! EQ )!L2V'25-&:! #5'6;!.&-6!T#&81'!N?!T'25&+1!415+&?!/-6>!O)!/<'!5'&6!<'#;<#!#;!%;'3!5-!3'2-5'!;6+11! 3#;8!-&!5%>'!;<+,'3!>'+3;!5<+5!+&'!%;%+11:!6+3'!#2!6%15#,1';!-.!+!8-2;#;5'25!;<+,'?!3#+6'5'&?!+23! 5<#8R2';;) Circle 6, Tomb 5 INV 154 Shell or tooth heishi beads (18) INV 155 Variety of shell beads (15) INV 203 Shell or tooth heishi (6) INV 204a Black ceramic disc pendant INV 204b Shell "donut" pendant INV 771a Shell disc pendant INV 771b Shell "donut" bead INV 771c Shell or tooth earspool INV 771d Tubular sh ell bead INV 153 Red and black anthropomorphic ceramic beads (22) INV 209 Broken shell INV 115 Fine Colorines Red semi hemispherical bowl INV 130 Fine Colorines Red on Cream semi hemispherical bowl INV 131 Colorines Red on Cream bowl INV 132 Fi ne Colorines or Tabachines Red on Cream bowl Tomb 5 is notable in many ways. First of all, it is the only tomb at Los Guachimontones that can actually be called a shaft tomb, and it is located in the very center of the circular structure. It is also unu sual in that it contained such a scatter of bones, along with an eclectic assortment of beads. Many of the beads were made from shell, but as many as seven were identified during analysis in the lab as likely being made from tooth. They were highly smooth and did not have a corroded appearance in the manner of all of the other shell jewelry from this tomb. Under magnification with the 10x loupe, it appeared very

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! &.! translucent, with minute cracking. One of the other researchers in the lab had worked for many y ears as a dental hygienist and she recommended that I look at her teeth with the loupe. Indeed, the surface of her teeth looked exactly like the surface of the beads. What species the tooth came from is unknown, but considering the size of the finished pro duct, they must have been very large teeth. Concerning the report of a tiny figurine in the fill, there were actually twenty two tiny anthropomorphic beads made of clay ( Figure 61 ). "#$%&'! NQ )!9';;'1;!.&-6!/-6>!O?!T#&81'!N)!]<-5 -;!>:!T<'-2$!+23!c-&$'2;'2!@Q(J)

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! &%. Figure 61 : INV 153 Anthropomorphic ceramic beads from Tomb 5, Circle 6. The beads were threaded by prior PAT personnel. Photo by LeFae 2014. Tomb 6. There is a Tomb 6 in the original PAT invento ry. However, it is not reported, nor is it on the map The inventory entry stated that INV 135 was from Circle 6, Tomb 6. I believe it may be from Tomb 2, because there were seven vessels reported, but only five were found in the inventory labeled Tomb 2. Because the context is not clear, I have kept the items separated into the two contexts for purposes of this analysis. The one vessel identified for Tomb 6 corresponds to the Tequila II IV phases. The Offerings of Circle 6. The report describes four offer ings that were placed in what formed an east west axis across the structure. Cach interpreted these as dedicatory offerings for the penultimate expansion of the structure (Cach 2002:46). These four offerings correspond to the Tequila II IV phases and are d escribed below: Offering 1 contained a plate (plato) 45 cm in diameter that was found at 90 cm depth and approximately 1.5 m south of Tomb 2.

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! &%% Offering 2 was found at 1 m deep, near Burial 1, and consisted of pots and ollas that were ritually [sic] broken and contained 3 kg of burnt corncobs. Offering 3 consisted of a set of ritually [sic] broken pots, found near Tomb 4. Offering 4 was located 2 meters from Offering 3, and 80 cm d eep. It consisted of a "ritually" broken figure with some black ceramic pots in a "tight set" (Cach 2002:48). I was unable to identify any artifacts in the inventory from Offerings 1 or 3. One jar was identified for Offering 2, and only the figure (now correctly referred to as the San Juanito style figure) was identified for Offeri ng 4. The figure has been beautiful ly restored as seen in Figure 62 In addition, there were several other offerings identified in the inventory as being associated with Circle 6. Offering 7 states that it was from the patio, but Offerings, 10, 11, and 12 have no other associated context. To note, the two ollas from Offering 11 are nearly identical to those found in Tombs 1 and 4. I was also unable to locate any reports that described these offerings. The contents of all of the offerings identified in the P AT inv entory are as follows in Table 31 :

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! &%& /+>1'! E( )!T#&81'!N!-..'$;) Offering 2 INV 003 Colorines Red on Cream Closed jar Offering 4 INV 125 San Juanito Female Figure Offering 7, Patio INV 009 Fine Colorines Red narrow mouthe d jar INV 127 a g, l Ware 15 sherds (up to 8 vessels represented) INV 127 h j, m o Ware 17 sherds (up to 6 vessels) INV 127 k, q Ware 14 (up to 2 vessels) INV 281 Basalt disc polisher INV 62 Shell Offering 10 INV 140 Estolanos Red on Base bowl INV 141 Coarse Colorines Red on Base large olla Offering 11 INV Estolanos Grey squat olla 129 Estolanos Grey bowl 133 Estolanos Grey squat jar Offering 11/12 INV 139 Coarse Colorines Red close necked olla sherds

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! &%' "#$%&'! N @ )!G+2!c%+2#5-!;5:1'!.'6+1'!.#$%&')!]<-5-!>:!H'"+'!@Q(O) Discussion of Circle 6 Circle 6 is a unique structure for several reasons: it is physically set apart from the other structures that form the ceremonial core, and is close to Ballcourt 2; unlike th e other circles, it does not have a conical shaped central altar structure; and, unlike the central altars of the other circles, it contains a significant number of burials and offerings, including a shaft tomb. According to Beekman ( Beekman et al. 2015, 2 016), it appears to have been one of the earliest structures at the site. The ceramic assemblages of these burials and offerings correspond to the Tequila II IV phases of the site, which were the major phases of construction.

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! &%( Tombs 1, 3, and 4 were locate d at approximately 1.8 2 m in depth on top of what is a layer of volcanic tuff, with Tomb 2, and possibly Tomb 5, excavated as far as 2 m into the tuff. At least two of the tombs, Tombs 3 and 4 were box tombs with flagstone floors and roofs, indicating som e extra investment in energy to acquire and place the stones. However, these burials contained the least number of offerings, with Tomb 3 having none at all. Most, if not all of the burials appear to be secondary and contain only skulls; some of them were infant skulls, such as in Tomb 5. Some of the bones were painted red and placed in approximate anatomical positions. This begs the question, why would the people who placed these burials make such an investment in tomb construction and the placement of of ferings for the fragmented remains of individuals who had apparently been dead for some time, and why so many in one altar space? The construction of the tombs may very well coincide with the construction of the circular altar. Perhaps they were placed as an offering for the initial construction of the circle, as well as the beginnings of what would become the largest ceremonial site of the Teuchitl‡n Culture. It is known from data of other shaft tombs that the remains of the dead were often set aside durin g the wet season for interment during the dry season when the shaft tombs could be safely re entered (Pickering and Cabrero 1998). It is also not uncommon throughout Mesoamerica for the bones of ancestors to be recovered and later placed into jars or boxes for reburial. This type of activity most often has some kind of ritual or ancestor worship association, or the establishment of ties to the land through the placement of ancestral remains (Blomster 2011:115,119). Perhaps rather than burials for the simple disposal of the remains of the dead, these offerings were meant to establish long standing cultural ties to the site, as well as to dedicate the structure, and possibly the entire site, to the ancestors.

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! &%) The cross configuration of the tombs appears to b e unique as well, and has deep symbolic roots in the area. I have not come across any literature that describes burials in the region being arranged in such a way, but it is a very common configuration for both ceremonial and domestic structures. Figurines d epicting activities around the g uachimontones are often arranged in this pattern, with four house or temple platforms around a central altar. Kelley (1974) noted this configuration and linked it to ethnographic studies which recorded beliefs that "the wo rld is divided into four quadrants, with the world tree located in the center and holding up the heavens" (Beekman 2003:10). This configuration is also common as a design element on bowls found in this region, as well as throughout the Americas (Beekman 20 03:11). These symbolic elements, as well as the quality, number, and forms of ceramic and jewelry offering, the presence of red staining on bones, jewelry, and ground stone objects make this one of the most significant structures at the site, as well as o ne of the most intriguing burial sites in the region.

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! &%* "#$%&'! NE )!*+,!-.!H-;!I%+8<#6-25-2';!=#5: 425<-2:!b'H%8+!e@Q(Of!+23!H'"+'!e@Q(Kf) La Joyita A The excavations of La Joyita took place between 2003 2006 and is described in a report by Weigand and Esparza (2006). Although the report does not specify the location of La Joyita A and B in relation to the rest of the site, they are both north of Ci rcle 6 and west of Circle 5. The location was chosen for excavation because the platforms clearly represented residential structures. La Joyita A has a total of nine platforms in two main concentrations. One concentration is comprised of five platforms in a curvature alignment. Four of these are rectangular in shape with extensions added to them that created a T shape. A large oven, measuring 2 m in diameter and more than 1 m deep, was located between two of the

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! &%+ platforms. The oven had inverted walls and a flat floor and was covered with clay, except for a hole "to breathe" on the eastern side (Weigand and Esparza 2006:19). It was proposed that this oven may have been used to fire ceramics, but there was no report of wasters or other evidence to support thi s. The second group had four platforms built around a raised square patio and is on the side of a hill. These platforms were larger and taller than the others and the two on the downhill side were built with very large rocks. The two on the uphill side hav e two terraced platforms built into the hill. Both platforms had a set of stairs leading to them from above. One of the platforms had the scattered remains of a very large clay figure that was reported to be a polished black, rather than red, as reported in other areas (Herrejon 2004). Beekman states that it was actually a cream type with black fire clouds (Beekman, personal communication 2017). Where the figure was placed suggests that it would have been sitting on the floor of the platform, looking out toward the residential area, specifically to the central part of the enclosure. This lends evidence to the argument that figurines were used in contexts other than burials, and suggests that this structure may have been used as an altar or temple. (Weigand and Esparza 2006:20). In addition to this figure, fragments of other figurines, a concentration of projectile points, and fragments of a large number of red on cream vessels were found on the floors of these structures. In this section I will focus on th e excavations of structures 3 and 4, because that is where the offerings relevant to this study were found. Structure 3. This structure has a T shaped floor plan. During excavations of unit 46 2x2 meter they found a red on cream type vessel. This vessel h as been identified as an Ahualulco Red on Cream bowl (Figure 64) but has design elements similar to Tabachines

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! &%, vessels found at the Tabachines site (Aronson 1993); these elements will be discussed further later in this chapter. The bowl was found placed o n a layer of carbon and appears to be a dedicatory offering for the building. Although no human remains were associated with this offering, some skeletal remains, including fragments of skull, some long bones, and four molars were located in what was inter preted as a looter's pit on the east side of the building. No offerings were associated with these remains. "#$%&'! NJ )!LM9!((!"#2'!T-1-';!W'3 Y -2 Y T&'+6!-11+!.&-6!H+!c-:#5+!4?!G5&%85%&'!E)!]<-5-!>:!T<'-2$!+23! c-&$'2;'2!@Q(J St ructure 4. This structure consisted of two well defined rooms; one is rectangular with an access on the south side, while the other is circular. It was hoped that a tomb would be found underneath the platform, but this was not the case. A projectile point and a fragment of a large figurine arm were found, but appeared to be part of the fill. Fragments of a human skull were also found in the northeast corner of unit 28, but it had no association with any other elements. It was determined that these fragments had been displaced by looters because of the presence directly above them of modern trash and cigar remnants (Weigand and Esparza 2006:136).

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! &%! "#$%&'! NO )!L11%;5&+5#-2!-.!5<'!H+!c-:#5+!;5&%85%&';)!T-%&5';:!-.!]4/)!*-3#.#'3!>:!425 <-2:!b'H%8+!e@Q(Of?! +23!H'"+'!e@Q(Kf) Burial 1 is described for structure 4 within an analysis of different activity spheres at La Joyita. It is not clear why the burial was not described in the previous section on Structure 4, but one of the maps that I was provided with states that Structure 4 holds a burial. It is also not clear as to why this was called a burial in the report. It is not stated whether the offerings described were associated with any human remains, for example those that were found dist urbed by a looter's pit in unit 28. No unit number is given for this cache and they are referred to as offerings, rather than from a burial context, in the PAT inventory. In my analysis, I have described the context of this group of artifacts as La Joyita A, Structure 4, Offering 1 because that is how they were described in the PAT inventory. Additionally, I identified five other items in the PAT inventory that were simply labeled as La Joyita A,

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! &&. Offering 1, with no structural or other contextual informatio n such as unit numbers or stratigraphic levels given. It was reported that a slab of the same dimensions and position as one located at the entrance to a tomb in Circle 6 was found on the exterior wall of Structure 4 which compelled them to expand the ex cavation. The slab was removed, as well as the stones from the wall next to it and excavation began. The first element of the tomb was found at 45 50 cm deep (it is not clear where these measurements are taken from, but it sounds as if it was from the loca tion of the slab, the depth of which is also not described), which was a tripod not more than 5 cm tall. This object is now known to be a miniature Tabachines Black bowl with zoomorphic legs (INV 14) (Weigand and Esparza 2006:169). Object 2 was found was a vertical walled red on cream bowl (this vessel is small enough to be considered a cup (copa). Object 3 was a small plate in a very fragmented condition. It had been placed about 20 cm to the SW of the bowl, face up. Object 4 was another small plate, almos t identical to the first one, in much better condition, but broken in half. Object 5 was a scattering of 33 tubular ceramic beads. These beads were not found in the PAT inventory, but I did find an unusual basalt disc labeled as from La Joyita A, Offering 1. Three small plates were located in the PAT inventory from La Joyita A, Offering 1, but I do not know which ones, or if all of them are associated with Structure 4. Burial 2. Only two meters from the south wall of Structure 2, the excavators found a lar ge, complete metate placed in a vertical position but no mano was located. Another stone was found placed horizontally underneath the metate, but had broken into three pieces by the weight of the metate. The metate and the stone were part of an offering th at also had a red on cream bowl approximately 20 cm in diameter and 10 cm in height. A skull and long bones

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! &&% were found in association with these objects. They appear to be from a young adult, but the remains were in such poor condition that it was impossib le to determine the gender. However, it was suggested it could be a female, based on the presence of the metate (Weigand and Esparza 2006:166). Table 32 provides the inventory items for Burial 2. /+>1'! E@ ) L5'6;! .&-6! H+!c-:#5+!4!+;! 5<':!='&'!1+>'1'3!#2!5<'!]4/!#2V'25-&:)! Note that there are both items and contexts not described in the report and many of the labeled contexts are unclear as to what structure they are associated with. Both Tomb and Offering designations are given for IN V 846 a, and b, neither of which were mentioned in the report. Unassociated with structure, Burial 2 INV 54 Fine Colorines Red on Cream bowl Structure 4, Offering 1 INV 14 Tabachines Black miniature bowl with zoomorphic supports INV 16 Fine Colorines Red on Cream bowl or cup Structure 4, Tomb 2, Offering 1 INV 846 a, b Obsidian bifacial projectile Structure 3, unnumbered Offering INV 11 Fine Colorines Red on Cream olla Structure unspecified, Offering 1 INV 12 Fine Colorines Red on Cream bowl INV 13 Tab achines Cream small plate INV 18 Estolanos Grey semi hemispherical bowl INV 20 Tabachines Black small plate INV 17 Fine Colorines Black small plate INV 15 Basalt disc

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! &&& "#$%&'! NN )!LM9!OJ!"#2'!T-1-';!W'3 Y -2 Y T&'+6!>-=1!.&-6!H+! c-:#5+?!P%&#+1!@) The Talleres Sector This sector of the LG site is located just downhill from the monumental core. Weigand had been investigating the site since the 1970's, and named this sector Talleres (workshop) due to the amount of lithic and ceramic debris found on or near the surface (Esparza 2008:10). It consists of several residential structures and patios as well as agricultural terraces that correspond to the El Grillo through the Atemajac phases. Talleres 1 The excavations of both Talleres 1 a nd 2 were reported by Herrejon and Smith (2002). These areas consisted of several structures that form small squares and patios, and what appeared to be agricultural terraces. The surface material generally corresponds to the later periods of site occupati on, although there were artifacts from earlier periods present. It was hoped that good stratigraphy would be visible in the platforms that did not show signs of looting. The excavations took place between October 2001 and June 2002. Excavation units of 2x2 meters were each divided into four sections numbered 1 4. Records of the materials

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! &&' excavated included location, excavation unit, date, photos, and bag numbers. A record of the bags and photographs was provided at the end of the report. Structure 1 was a platform that was visible from the surface. The overgrowth was cleared and a sketch was drawn with the surface delimited. Initial trenches were excavated to determine the stratigraphy. Additional trenches were excavated following the stratigraphic layers. A second wall was located, which the excavation followed toward the west. There was some fill "between" the two walls consisting of stones and trash with ceramic sherds and obsidian. A complete tejuinera (a type of pot) was found, fragmented, in a layer o f ash "as an offering" (Herrejon and Smith 2002). This was the only mention of any offerings that I found for Talleres 1, although in the Talleres 2 section, they state that as many as seven offerings of Huistla vessels were found. Furthermore, I did not f ind any items in the inventory identified as an offering for Talleres 1. Talleres 2 Talleres 2 is located about 200 meters north and uphill from Talleres 1. Three structures were located in Talleres 2 that appeared to form a courtyard and it was decided to begin excavations there. The first trench (cala), along the wall of the most well preserved structure revealed an offering consisting of skull and charcoal fragments, a complete Huistla type (no specific type is mentioned) vessel and some obsidian discs I will note here that I believe that what the researchers termed an offering was any cache of artifacts that may have included a skull, but not a complete, or even semi complete skeleton. These offerings may have also been placed in areas not considered typical for a burial, such as along the side of a wall. In my analysis, I followed the terminology used in either the report, the inventory, or in most cases, both. Trench 4 contained the skull of a child around 5 10 years of age. The skull

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! &&( was very deteri orated and was described as cut, with the cap missing. Five copper earrings were found where the ear would have been and the authors mention that the "Ameca Etzatlan" figures often have five earrings in either on or both ears, although these figures are fr om an earlier time period than when metalwork first appears in West Mexico. This child burial was interpreted as a sacrifice for the building (Herrej—n and Smith 2002). This burial was termed Talleres 2, Offering 2 (Craneo de Infante) in the inventory and so I have used that designation in this analysis. Trench 5 continued along the patio wall and a stone box was found at about 20 cm depth that held a cranium with a red obsidian knife underneath it, both oriented south towards the lake. It was believed tha t the skull had been deposited long after death because the jaw was missing. Trench 6 followed another retaining wall about 20 m long. A burned floor near the wall was excavated where an offering of a pot "sliced in half" (it is not clear what they mean by this), and a miniature copper bell were found below the floor. In the eastern part of the wall and about 5 cm below the surface they found four human teeth. The researchers proposed that there may have been another skull that had been destroyed by agricul tural activities, although there was no clear association between this and the other skulls (Herrej—n and Smith 2002). Of these artifacts, only the olla was located in the inventory (Table 33 ). /+>1'! EE )!]4/!LM9!4&5#.+85;!.&-6!/+11' &';!@) Talleres 2, Ofr. 3 INV 55 Olla Talleres 2, Ofr. 2 INV 068a Copper ring INV 068b 3 Copper rings w/ textile INV 168c 3 Copper rings INV 104 Copper ring This section of the report states that Talleres 1 had as many as seven offerings of Huist la vessels, and several pieces of obsidian and a copper bell were found as offerings in

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! &&) Talleres 2. However, I found only one mention of any kind of offering for Talleres 1 (see Talleres 1 section above). Furthermore, the only offerings identified in the i nventory were six earrings (of which I only found 5) associated with the child skull and what I assume is the vessel that was "sliced in half", both associated with Talleres 2 (Figure 67). The rings are remarkably similar to an assemblage found in the Lake P‡tzcuaro Basin in Michoac‡n, associated with elite burials at the time of the emergence of the Tarascan empire during the Postclassic period, specifically the Turiacuri phase (AD 1350 1525) (Pollard and Cahue 1999:266). It is thought that the working of metal was introduced through contact with South America, first appearing in West Mexico sometime around AD 650 (Hosler and MacFarlane 1996). The types of ceramics found during excavations of the Talleres II habitation sites, such as zoomorphic Bichrome/Pol ychrome Huistlas and polychrome ceramics, place these metal rings in the Atemajac I or II p hases (Herrej—n and Smith 2002).

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! &&* "#$%&'! NK )!T-,,'&!$;!.&-6!/+11'&';!@?!X..'$!@)

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! &&+ "#$%&'! NF )!*+,!;<-=#2$! 5<'!1-8+5#-2!-.!/+11'&';!E!#2!&'1+5#-2!5-!5<'!8'&'6-2#+1!8-&')!]<-5-!8-%&5';:!-.!U1! ]&-:'85-!4&0%'-1-$#8-!/'%8<#51^2!e]4/f) Talleres 3 Excavations of Talleres 3 and 4 began in 2008, under the direction of Rodrigo Esparza L—pez and Phil Weigand. These secti ons of the site are located downhill from the monumental core and are associated with Talleres 1 and 2, which were found to be habitation sites of the El Grillo and Atemajac phases (A.D. 500 1600) (Esparza 2008:9 10). This portion of the LG site was excava ted in association with the construction of an interpretive center. Because it was a rather large area, Talleres 3 and 4 were divided into north and south sectors. The southern sector is formed by a naturally elevated area with basalt rock outcroppings and was heavily plowed in more recent times for the cultivation of agave and

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! &&, maize. The uppermost 30 cm of the surface was affected by the plowing, which is probably why no platforms or evidence of other structures are present in this sector. A grid was creat ed in the area where the interpretive center would be located, with each unit measuring 2x2 m. Each unit was numbered according to a numbered grid divided into north and south sectors that is provided in the report. Occupation levels were better preserved in the northern sector (Esparza 2008:18 19). Excavations began in the south sector, which corresponded most closely to the location of the interpretive center. It was also the most eroded area. The units for the south sector are between 4500 4527 from east to west and from 4500 7200 from north to south. The best stratigraphic record was observed in unit 7112 and was excavated by "metric levels" (exact measurements are not provided in the report). The southern sector held one burial with two individuals an d no associated offerings. However, it was note that the remains were covered in a fine clay that contained small (1 cm or less) nodules of obsidian that were from a source 2 km away. The northern sector of Talleres 3 held several burials with rich offerin gs, including one of the most notable burials at the site, Burial 12. This is also the burial we have the least information about because it was not included in the final report of Talleres 3 and 4. A map showing the locations of all the burials and struc tures located does not include Burial 12 but I had access to illustrations of stratigraphic profiles and the burial in situ, courtesy of El Proyecto Arqueologico Teuchitl‡n (PAT).

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! &&! "#$%&'! NA )!G5&+5#$&+,<#8!,&-.#1'!-.!g2#5!K(( @)!"&-6!U;,+&S+!e@QQFf?!8-%&5';:!-.!]4/)

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! &'. "#$%&'! KQ )!!/<'!/+11'&';!;'85-&!3%$!'C8+V+5#-2)!"&-6!U;,+&S+!e@QQFf?!8-%&5';:!-.!]4/) Burial 1 This burial was located in Units 7111 and 7112 and held two individuals but no associat ed offerings. I am offering a description of them here to demonstrate that there are burials at the LG site that contain no offerings. Additionally, there are some interesting similarities between those with and those without offerings, at least in the Tal leres sector. One similarity is a fine clay containing small (<1 cm) nodules of obsidian that are from a source some 2 km away. In Burial 1, it covers the bodies, but in Burial 2, the remains are resting on a floor of clay with the obsidian nodules. Burial 1 was delimited by a semi circle of basalt stones. The remains were thought to represent a man and a woman estimated to be in their early twenties, and they had been placed in an extended vertical position. It was thought that the remains were from the T euchitlan Culture. However, these were only propositions because the bones were very deteriorated. Only the long bones from both the

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! &'% upper and lower extremities, as well as the skull, were present. This was interpreted as representing a secondary burial, b ut it may have simply been due to deterioration. "#$%&'! K( )!/+11'&';!E?!P%&#+1!@)!"&-6!U;,+&S+!e@QQFf?!8-%&5';:!-.!]4/) Burial 2. This burial was located along the outside wall of a semi circular platform structure in unit 7414, and contained only the long bones and skull of one individual, indicating that it was also possibly a secondary burial what would appear to be a common burial type at this site. The remains were in a poor state, but it was thought that these remains were of a young woman, approximately fifteen to eighteen years of age (Esparza 2008:43 ).

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! &'& Like Burial 1, this interment did not contain any offerings. Esparza notes that around the remains were small obsidian nodules as if placed around a prepared c lay. Although he does not outright suggest that the platform was part of a domestic structure, Esparza does mention that burying the dead underneath or near the house was a common practice in much of Mesoamerica (Esparza 2008:43 ). /+>1'! EJ )!P%&#+1!-..'$;!.&-6!/+11'&';!E?!P%&#+1!@)!M-5'!5<+5!5<#;!>%&#+1!3-';!2-5!8-25+#2!+2:!8'&+6#8;) Talleres 3, Burial 2 446 Figurine fragment 658 Bifacial projectile, mahogany obsidian "#$%&'! K@ )!/+11'&';!E?!P%&#+1!J) "&-6!U;,+&S+!e@QQFf)!T-%&5';:!-.!]4/) Burial 4. In unit 7617 at 1.4m depth, they found a burial consisting of a skull that was covered by a bowl of the Ahualulco Red on Cream type (Figure 5). This bowl was not found in the PAT inventory. Several red and b lack ceramic beads were also found with the skull, as

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! &'' well as 3 anthropomorphic beads made from obsidian, which have been noted in previous studies (Beekman 2006). The other vessel found with this offering was an olla decorated with lateral protuberances a nd a red slip that corresponds to the Tequila II IV phases. /+>1'! EO )!4&5#.+85;!+;;-8#+5'3!=#5'&;!+&'!5<-;'!%;'3!5-!#3'25#.:!'+8'&+28';)!]<-5-!>:!H'"+'!@Q(O)

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! &'( "#$%&'! KJ )!/+11'&';!E?!P%&#+1!O)!"&-6!U;,+&S+!e@QQFf?!8-%&5';:!-.!]4/) Burial 5a. Units 7617 and 7618, and adjacent units were dubbed Zona de Entierros because there were several burials found there. Burial 5 was found at a depth of 1.5 m and t he bones were laid in a north south orientation. This burial was similar to the others in that it consisted of a skull and long bones, but in this case, they appeared to have been wrapped in a textile. The burial contained an abundant number of offerings i ncluding five vessels, a San Juanito style female figure (nick named "Kika") and as many as fifty two ceramic beads (the inventory states 67, I counted 64). A small plate 10 cm in diameter (INV 652, Table ) was found covering a small pot with a "straight n eck". It is not clear which vessel this is referring to, particularly because the report refers to these items as Vessels 1 and 2, but the item entered in the PAT inventory as Vessel 1 is a bowl. My best guess is that this pot (olla) is INV 257. "Vessel 5" is described as a bowl with straight and convex walls with red on cream decoration and thin walls. I believe this i s referring to INV 654 (Figure 75 ). Burial 5 has been

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! &') assigned to the Tequila II phase. There is one other item in the inventory assigned to this burial (INV 665 ), but it is an intrusive, Postclassic vessel. "#$%&'! KO )!LM9!NOJ!W'3 Y -2 Y T&'+6!>-=1!.&-6!/+11'&';!E?!P%&#+1!O)!]<-5-!>:!T<'-2$!+23!c-&$'2;'2!@Q(J) Burial 5. Another secondary burial was located at a depth o f 1.69 1.79 m in unit 7617. The skeletal remains consisted of a skull and long bones, all in a poor state of preservation. It was suspected, but not confirmed, that this burial was in relation to Burial 5 because of the presence of more of the same type of ceramic beads found near the skull. There were also several ceramic beads of a zoomorphic form but there is some d ebate as to what they represent (Figure 76). Esparza originally described them as coyotes, but they appear to have wings, beaks, and ears, su ggesting birds or bats (Ezparza 2008:56 ). This burial contained the greatest number of offerings in the Talleres sector. In addition to the beads, the offerings are reported to include a straight walled bowl of the Red on Cream type, approximately 20 cm i n diameter (this may be INV 192 or 654), five vessels,

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! &'* two ollas one bowl, and a basalt mano and metate. Two of the vessels as well as a fragment of a plate were said to be of the Negro Pulido (Polished Black) type, while the rest appear to be of the Red on Cream variety. I did not find any Polished Black vessels for this offering, but I believe that one of these vessels is actually Estolanos Cream, which can easily be confused with the Polished Black type because of fire clouding. Esparza notes that altho ugh other manos and metates found in burials at Los Guachimontones have red pigment on them, the ones found in this burial do not (Esparza 2008:58 ). Although the report distinguishes between Burial 5a and Burial 5, the artifacts were not separated as such in the inventory. The inventory had the addition of a 5b and additional items that were not labeled Entierro 5 were identified by unit number only. Therefore, all of the artifacts were lumped into the designation of Burial 5 and listed here in Table 7. /+ >1'! EN )!4&5#.+85;!.&-6!/+11'&';!E?!P%&#+1;!O?!O+?!O>?!+23!g2#5;!KN(K Y KN@E) Talleres 3, Burial 5 192 Colorines Red on Cream bowl 193 Colorines Red on Cream olla w/ composite silhouette rim 199 Colorines Red on Cream small plate 252 Colorines Red on Cream bowl 257 Colorines Red on Cream small olla 258 Colorines Red on Cream bowl 259 Fine Colorines Red on Cream small olla 654 Teuchitl‡n Red on Cream bowl 666 Fine Colorines large bowl fragment 668 Fine Colorines Red on Cream olla Bolsa 33869 Colorines small plate fragments 196 Colorines Red on Base olla 652 Colorines Red on Base small plate 660 Colorines Red on Cream wide mouthed olla 198 San Juanito style female figure 462 Obsidian scraper 261 a & b Mano a nd metate 227 Ceramic cylindrical beads (64) 231 Obsidian zoomorphic beads (8)

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! &'+ "#$%&'! KN )!T'&+6#8!S--6-&,<#8!>'+3;!.&-6!/+11'&';!E?!P%&#+1!O)!]<-5-!>:!H'"+'!@Q(O)

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! &', "#$%&'! KK )!/+11'&';!E?!P%&#+ 1!N)!"&-6!U;,+&S+!e@QQFf)!T-%&5';:!-.!]4/) Burial 6. This burial, located in unit 7517 at a depth of 1.7 m, represents yet another secondary burial. The remains consisted of 5 long bones and a skull. Although they were in a poor state of preservation, it w as thought that they might be the remains of a woman. The burial offerings included 2 vessels, including one with a reversed, or incurved rim ( Figure 78 ) and a tecomate This burial also had small nodules of obsidian, approximately 1 2 cm in diameter, embe dded in a fine clay on the floor. This burial has been assigned to the Tequila II III phases. The items identified in the inventory are as follows in Table 37 /+>1'! EK )!4&5#.+85;!.&-6!/+11'&';!E?!P%&#+1!N) Talleres 3, Burial 6 253 Fine Colorines Cream bowl 254 Coarse Colorines Cream olla

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! &'! "#$%&'! KF )!LM9!@OE! "#2'!T-1-'; >-=1!=#5:!T<'-2$!+23! c-&$'2;'2!@Q(J) Burial 7. This burial was located in units 7 519 and 7619 at a depth that varies between 1.28 and 1.72 meters below the modern surface. This was a primary burial and was found in an extended, decubitus position at an approximately 40 angle. It appeared that the body had been originally placed in thi s position, as it was reclining on a large stone. There was also a skull placed near the individual that likely represented a secondary burial. Esparza offers that it may have been the skull of a husband, placed alongside the burial of a wife. Two small fi gurines, representing a male and female pair, and measuring approximately 15 cm in length, were placed near the skull. These may possibly represent the two individuals buried there. The female figurine was found closest to the female remains, and the male figurine was closer to the skull. Three vessels accompanied them. These were described as a globular pot (olla) of the Ahualulco Red on Cream type (INV 190) and two tecomates of the same type. I believe the tecomates he is referring to are actually oll as INV 191 and 195. As many as

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! &(. 52 clay beads with geometric designs were found underneath the second skull (Esparza 2008:63 64). The male and female figurine pair were recorded in the inventory as coming from unit 7617, which is actually burial 5. The phot os provided in the report make it clear that the figurines are from Burial 7. This burial has been assigned to the Tequila II IV phases and the items are listed in Table 38 below. Table 38 Inventory items from Talleres 3, Burial 7. Talleres 3 Burial 7 INV 190 Fine Colorines Red on Cream closed neck olla INV 191 Colorines Red on Base wide mouthed olla INV 195 Fine Colorines Red on Cream small olla INV 664 Fine Colorines Red on Cream small plato INV 228 Incised ceramic beads ( 66 ) INV 653 Male and female figurine pair Burial 8. This burial was found while excavating some stone walls that may have been terraces, in unit 8825. The burial was discovered a mere 20 cm below the modern surface. Like Burial 7, this was also a prim ary burial in a flexed, lateral, decubitus position. Unfortunately, only half of the individual (the lower ribs and lower limbs) was present, as the area had been heavily plowed (Esparza 2008:68). Although only half of the remains were present, and they we re in an excellent state of preservation. This burial has been attributed to the Postclassic period, because a vessel corresponding to this later time period was found at the feet of the skeleton. This vessel is described as a composite silhouette olla wit h an intermediate crest, equidistant motifs with incised lines and geometric figures. Esparza states that this type comes from the canyon regions of Jalpa and Juchipila (Esparza 2008:69), however, there is a similarly shaped vessel reported by Schšndube (1 983) from a salvage excavation in Guadalajara. Although the shape of the two vessels is very much alike, the vessel from the salvage project had pseudo cloisonnŽ decoration. This vessel was assigned to the El Grillo phase.

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! &(% "#$%&'! KA )!LM9!@OQ!T-6,-;#5'!;#1<-%'55'!-11+!.&-6!/+11'&';!E?!P%&#+1!F)!]<-5-!>:!T<'-2$!+23!c-&$'2;'2! @Q(J)

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! &(& "#$%&'! FQ )!L11%;5&+5#-2!-.!/+11'&';!E?!P%&#+1!(@)!T-%&5';:!-.!]4/!e@QQAf) Burial 12. Although very little information abou t this burial is currently available, a report by Esparza is forthcoming (Esparza, personal communication, 2016). For purposes of this thesis, I have only the illustrations, as well as items identified in the inventory to draw from. According to the key pr ovided with the illustration, there were as many as five skulls, along with several femurs and long bones, that appeared to be jumbled together with multiple vessels. These vessels include four cups (copas) with pedestal bases, seven ollas and two Pseudo cloisonnÂŽ vessels. The presence of these vessels together conform to what has been called the "copa olla complex", which corresponds to the El Grillo phase (A.D.500 900) and is associated with high status burials (Aronson 1993; Holien 1975)

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! &(' /+>1'! EA )!4&5#.+85;!+;;-8#+5'3!=#5:!H'"+'!@Q(O)

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! &(( Discussion of Talleres Talleres 2 and 3 consist mostly of what are considered habitational or agricultural activity areas, but the majority of burials, date d to the Tequila II IV phases, do not seem to correspond temporally to the surface occupation, which is of the El Grillo Atemajac I phases. Many of the burials are secondary or in a very poor state of preservation, making it difficult to assess the gender of the individuals interred, as well as suggesting a tradition of re interment or the setting aside of remains for burial with a spouse, or because of weather related considerations such as the possibility of flooding the tomb during the rainy season. Howe ver, two of the burials Talleres 3, Burials 5 and 7 -included ceramic figurines that may have represented the deceased individuals. Burials 4, 5, and 7 also contained ceramic and obsidian jewelry that may be an indicator that they were women, although figurines from throughout the region depict males wearing jewelry as well as females and may also be an indicator of high status. Furthermore, the similarities of bead forms to those found at the site of Tabachines (Aronson 1993; Schondube and Galvan 1978) indicates trade relations within the region. The cylindrical ceramic beads from Talleres 3, Burials 4 and 5 are nearly identical to those at Tabachines, described by Aronson (1993:184), while the obsidian zoomorphic bead type from Talleres 3, Burial 4 was illustrated by Schondube and Galvan, also for the Tabachines site (1978:153). With the exception of Burial 12 and Burial 8, the vessel wares and types are mostly Colorines in both its Fine and Coarse manifestations, representing mostly utilitarian forms t hat probably experienced a use life prior to interment. These types correspond to the Tequila II V phases at the site, whereas the vessels from Burials 12 and 8 represent the later El Grillo and Atemajac I II phases.

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! &() APPENDIX B The Burial Goods and Offe rings of Los Guachimontones: A Visual inventory Talleres 2, Ofr. 2 068a Copper ring Atemajac I II 068b 3 copper rings w/ textile 168c 3 copper rings 104 Copper ring

PAGE 268

! &(* Talleres 2, Ofr. 3 55 Large olla Atemajac I II ! !

PAGE 269

! &(+ Talleres 3, B urial 2 446 Figurine fragment 658 Bifacial projectile, mahogany obsidian

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! &(, Talleres 3, Burial 4 249 Colorines Red on Base Olla w/ protuberances Tequila II IV 226 Cylindrical ceramic beads (19) 229 Red cylindrical beads (2) 230 Obsidian zoomorph ic beads (3)

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! &(! Talleres 3, Burial 5 192 Colorines Red on Cream bowl Tequila II 193 Colorines Red on Cream olla w/ composite silhouette rim 199 Colorines Red on Cream small plate 252 Colorines Red on Cream bowl 257 Colorines Red on Cream smal l olla 258 Colorines Red on Cream bowl 259 Fine Colorines Red on Cream small olla 654 Teuchitl‡n Red on Cream bowl 666 Fine Colorines large bowl fragment 668 Fine Colorines Red on Cream olla Bolsa 33869 Colorines small plate fragments 196 Colorines Red on Base olla 652 Colorines Red on Base small plate 660 Estolanos Cream wide mouthed olla 198 San Juanito style female figure 462 Obsidian scraper

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! &).

PAGE 273

! &)%

PAGE 274

! &)&

PAGE 275

! &)' Talleres 3, Burial 6 253 Estolanos Cream bowl Tequila II III 254 Coarse Colorines Cream olla

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! &)( Talleres 3, Burial 7 INV 190 Fine Colorines Red on Cream closed neck olla Tequila II IV INV 191 Colorines Red on Base wide mouthed olla INV 195 Fine Colorines Red on Cream small olla INV 664 Fine Colorines Re d on Cream small plato INV 228 Incised ceramic beads (66) INV 653 Male and female figurine pair

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! &)) Talleres 3, Burial 8 250 Coarse Pink Red Composite olla El Grillo Obsidian flake, Colorines sherds, polychrome sherds, Ware 15 and Ware 17 sherd s (No INV #'s) Intrusive sherds

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! &)* Talleres 3, Ofr. 3 829 Obsidian projectile 830 Obsidian projectile 831 Obsidian projectile

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! &)+

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! &), Talleres 3, Burial 12 INV 344 Mini copa w/ pedestal base El Grillo INV 345 mini olla INV 346 mini olla IN V 347 Mini copa w/ pedestal base INV 348 Mini copa w/ pedestal INV 349 Mini olla INV 350 Mini olla INV 351 Mini olla INV 352 Mini olla INV 353 Mini copa w/ pedestal INV 354 Mini olla INV 355 Mini olla INV 356 Mini copa w/ pedesta l INV 700 & 15599 Pseudo CloisonnÂŽ vessel #1 Bolsa J464 Pseudo CloisonnÂŽ vessel #2 INV 865 Turquoise fragment

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! &)! Circle 1, Exterior Plaza, Amphitheatre, Platform A 050 Black Tabachines bowl sherd 051 Oconahua Red on Cream bowl 052 Colorines Cream composite silhouette bowl

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! &*.

PAGE 283

! &*%

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! &*& Circle 3, Exterior Plaza, Platform 1 Burial 2 005 Colorines Red on Base closed jar Tequila II IV 006 Colorines wide mouth jar 095 3 Slate pendants Burial 3 001 Colorines Fugitive red on red large olla Tequi la III 002 Estolanos (or Fine Colorines) jar 099 1 shell bead 176a 2 grey ceramic beads 176b 2 shell beads 176c 4 black ceramic beads Offering 2 197 Black Colorines bowl Tequila II IV

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! &*' Circle 4, Platform 4 INV 172 Coarse Colorines Red on Base small plate Tequila II IV

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! &*(

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! &*) Circle 6, Tomb 1 INV 007 Black Fine Colorines olla Tequila II IV INV 008 Black Fine Colorines narrow mouth bowl INV 113 Fine Colorines Black neckless jar INV 118 Basalt mano INV 119 Basalt metate INV 14 6 Black slate necklace (10) INV 147 Black slate necklace (8) INV 148 Black ceramic anthropomorphic male pendants (2)

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! &**

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! &*+ Circle 6, Tomb 2 INV 22 Huistla Polychrome tripod vessel Intrusive Postclassic INV 112 Colorines Red bowl Tequila II and III IV INV 111 Colorines Red on Cream bowl INV 120 Colorines Red on Cream bowl INV 121 Colorines Cream composite jar INV 122 Colorines Red on Cream small jar INV 134 Coarse Colorines Red on Base olla INV 114 San Juanito style seated male fig ure INV 136 Shell bracelet INV 137 Shell bracelet INV 170a1 Variety of Colorines sherds, Postclassic Red on Cream sherds from possibly two vessels, other Postclassic sherds, Tabachines and Estolanos sherds Intrusive Postclassic sherds

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! &*, Circle 6 Tomb 4 116 Colorines Black closed neck olla Tequila II III 149 Black obsidian disc pendant

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! &*!

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! &+. Circle 6, Tomb 5 INV 154 Shell or tooth heishi beads (18) Tequila II IV INV 155 Variety of shell beads (15) INV 203 Shell or tooth heishi (6) IN V 204a Black ceramic disc pendant INV 204b Shell "donut" pendant INV 771a Shell disc pendant INV 771b Shell "donut" bead INV 771c Shell or tooth earspool INV 771d Tubular shell bead INV 153 Red and black ceramic beads (22) INV 209 Brok en shell INV 115 Fine Colorines Red semi hemispherical bowl INV 130 Fine Colorines Red on Cream semi hemispherical bowl INV 131 Colorines Red on Cream bowl INV 132 Fine Colorines or Tabachines Red on Cream bowl

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! &+% Circle 6, Tumba 6 135 Fine Colorines Red jar Tequila II IV

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! &+& Circle 6, Ofr. 2 003 Colorines Red on Cream Closed jar Tequila II IV

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! &+' Circle 6, Ofr. 4 125 San Juanito style female figure

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! &+(

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! &+)

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! &+*

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! &++ Circle 6 Offerings Offering 2 INV 003 Colorines Red on Cream Closed jar Tequila I I IV Offering 4 INV 125 San Juanito Female Figure Offering 7, Patio INV 009 Fine Colorines Red narrow mouthed jar Tequila II INV 127 a g, l Ware 15 sherds (up to 8 vessels represented) INV 127 h j, m o Ware 17 sherds (up to 6 vessels) INV 127 k, q Ware 14 (up to 2 vessels) INV 281 Basalt disc polisher INV 62 Shell Offering 10 INV 140 Estolanos Red on Base bowl Tequila II INV 141 Coarse Colorines Red on Base large olla Offering 11 INV Fine Colorines or Estolanos Grey squat olla Tequila II III 129 Estolanos Grey bowl 133 Fine Colorines Black squat jar Offering 11/12 INV 139 Coarse Colorines Red close necked olla sherds Tequila II IV

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! &+, La Joyita A, Structure 2, Burial 2 54 Fine Colorines Red on Cream bowl Tequila II IV

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! &,' Unassociated with structure, Burial 2 INV 54 Fine Colorines Red on Cream bowl Tequila II IV Structure 4, Offering 1 INV 14 Tabachines Black miniature bowl with zoomorphic supports INV 16 Fine Colorines Red on Cream bowl or cup INV 20 Tabachines Black small plate INV 17 Fine Colorines Black small plate Tequila II IV Structure 4, Tomb 2, Offering 1 INV 846 a, b Obsidian bifacial projectile ? Structure 3, unnumbered Offering INV 11 Fine Colorines Red on Cream olla Tequila II IV Structure unspecified Offering 1 INV 12 Fine Colorines Red on Cream bowl INV 13 Tabachines Cream small plate INV 18 Fine Colorines Black semi hemispherical bowl Tequila II IV Structure unspecified, Burial 1, Offering 1 INV 15 Basalt disc ?

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! &,( APPENDIX C Rim Measurements an d Comparisons /+>1'! JQ )!B+&'?!!5:,';?!+23!>-3:!3#+6'5'&;!.-&!V';;'1;!=#5
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! &,) Table 40 continued INV# Context Ware Type F orm Rim # Rim diam. (cm) Body diameter at widest point (cm) 344 T3 B12 Coarse Pink Red Mini copa 70 6 3 347 T3 B12 Nifty Pink Polychrome Black on Red Mini copa 70 7 5 190 T3 B12 Fine Colorines Red on Cream Olla 19 7 16 353 T3 B12 Nifty Pink Polychr ome Black on Red Mini copa 52 7 7 356 T3 B12 Nifty Pink Polychrome Black on Red Mini copa 52 7.5 7.5 348 T3 B12 Nifty Pink Polychrome Black on Red Mini copa 19 7.5 8

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! &-& /+>1'! JJ )!9';;'1;!=#5-=1) INV# Context Ware Type Form Rim # Rim diameter (cm) Body diameter (cm) 51 C1, EP, P1, O 1 Tabachines Red on White Bowl 69 13 2 C3, PE, P 1 Estolanos Grey Wide mouth jar 16 13 15 9 C6, O 7 Fine Colorines Red washed X large Olla No, composite silhouette neck 13 35 141 C6, O 10 Coarse Colorines Red on Base Olla 35 13.5 25.5 131 C6, T 5 Coarse Colorines Red on Base Bowl 125 (new) 14 129 C6, O 11 Estolanos Grey Bowl 72 14

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