CLASSICAL RECEPTION IN 12 TH CENTURY COURTLY LITERATURE by PHILIP J. REMEYSEN B.A ., University of Colorado at Boulder, 2011 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Humanities Humanities Program 201 8
ii This t hesis for the Master of Humanities degree by Philip J. Remeysen h as been approved for the Humanities Program by Nancy Ciccone, Chair Margaret L. Woodhull, Advisor Andrew Cain Date: May 12, 2018
iii Remeysen, Philip, J. (M.H., Humanities Program) Classical Reception in 12 th Century Courtly Literature Thesis directed by Ass istant Professor, Margaret Woodhull ABSTRACT This thesis examines and analyzes the Lais of Marie de France and the w ritings of Ovid ( Amores, Ars Amatoria, Remedia Amoris, and Metamorphoses ) to argue lais overturn her firm contention that her lais originate from the Breton s. Relying on Ovidian themes, Marie lais , furthermore, demonstrate a level of classical reception by expanding , reinterpreting , and moralizing narratives and notion s of eros. The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication. Approved: Margaret Woodhull
iv TABLE OF CONTENTS I . INTRODUCTION. .. ..................................................................................... .................. 1 Methodology ............................................................................ .... .............. 3 I I . OVIDIAN AGE NC Y IN THE TWELFTH C ENTURY RENAISSANCE ..... . . .... .. . . .... 8 I II . HISTORICAL INFLUENCES . .... .................................................... .. ............. .. ........... 3 5 C ............................................ .... . ...... 4 3 I V . AGENCY OF WOMEN IN THE 12 TH CENTURY AND MARIE DE FRANCE .. 5 7 V . OVID AND MARIE: AN AMATORY ALLAIANCE .............. ... ...... ........ ... .... ..... ....... 82 Guigemar ................. ............................ .............................................. .. . ... .... 8 6 Yonec ................. ............................ ................................................... .......... 96 Laustic ................... ............................ .................................................. .......... 9 8 Les Des Amanz ................. ............................ .................... ........................... 103 Chevrefoil .. ............... ...................... ...... ................................................... ..... 106 Lanval ................. ............................ ................................................... ........... 1 08 Equitan ................. ............................ ................................................... ......... 1 10 Bisclavret ...................................................................................................... 1 10 Milun ................. ............................ .................... ............................... ............ 1 1 3 Le Fresne ............. ............................ ................................................... ........... 1 13 Chaitivel ............... ............................ ..................................... .............. .......... 1 15 Eliduc ................. ............................ ................................................... ............ 1 18 V I . CONCLUSION . . ............................................... ..... ........................................................ . 1 29 V II . B IBLIOGRAPHY .... . ................. ........................... .................... ...... ............................. . 1 34
v TABLE OF FIGURES FIGURES 1. Venus and Amor ........................................................................................... . .. ........ . 7 2. Sculpture of Ovid . .... .................................................................................... .... . ....... 7 3. Map of France in 1 180 CE .......... ............................ ................................................. 41 4. ......................................................................................... ........ .. . 7 5 5. Marie de France ....................................................................................................... . 81 6. Publius Ovidius Naso ................. ............................ .................................................. 81
1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The twelfth century renaissance stands as a pivotal period when Western European societies advanced politically, intellectually, and culturally. These developments encompassed a sea of subjects, disciplines, and perspectives when localized regions forged vernacular identities and distinctive c ultures into the ornate tapestry of Western Europe. Elements from the near east, including intellectual contributions from Muhammedan sources and ancient Greek resources increased knowledge based resources for the West. Latin texts, however, held greater influence because they held more scholastic authority as a constant companion for the educated strata of medieval society. Latin compositions created a measure of impetus for the many twelfth century advancement s . A multitude of Latin authors, including Virgil, Horace, and Ovid , held agency during this period of development. This of his writings throughout the era. The Augustan age poet, Ovid, gained prominence in the twelfth century through his amatory works and his Metamorphoses . T he influx of intellectual texts gave rise to universities throughout Europe ; it broadened education and hasten ed regional and cultural advancements during the era. This thesis focuses on the geographical region of France where a number of social and intellectual developments emerged in the twelfth century. 1 The twelfth century political 1 th Century many borders shifted ; the Angevin Empire of Henry II ruled most of the western regions of France. The French king,
2 makeup of France bifurcated the land between t he Angevin Empire and the French King. The advancement s , however, fostered an environment in which cultural transformations were manifest in the literary works throughout Western Europe. C ourtly literature, an element o f vernacular literature, emerged in the region of France and many other Western lands during this era. Within the genre of courtly literature, a multitude of authors composed poetic works , but one poet stands out and stands as the central subject of this thesis . M ost scholars believe she wrote in the court of Henry II of England (r.1154 1189): Marie de France. She created a strain of courtly literature truly her own, specifically, she composed her famous lais . Marie demonstrates how she embrace d the influences of classical literature , reinterpreted work s against a twelfth century landscape , and moralized Ovidian themes and narrative s to create her own literary identity. L ike many composers of courtly writings , she embrace d or courtly love as part of her poetic content . Her lais, arguably, define who Marie was through her compositions and little else when she rose to prominence as a noted and well remembered poet of the Middle Ages . W hat level of classical reception existed during the twelfth century renaissance? W hat level of the influence did Ovid bear on those of Marie de France , and what connection resides between their works? Marie contends that many of her lais stem from Breton tales; in the prologue of Guigemar , she asserts: Ceo est lur dreit de mesparler!/ Louis VII, and later Philip II , ruled the ille de France, the area around Paris and were overlords of most of the eastern French lands .
3 Les contes ke jo sai verrais,/ Dunt li Breton unt fait les lais.) How significantly did Ovid works guide Marie lais? Do they just echo the themes and narratives in Ovid writings or does Marie expand Ovid Love against the Christian centered, twelfth century ideals to reveal the distinctive and moralized layers of eros ? Answering these questions requires a detailed examination and analysis of Lais , the Amores, Ars Amatoria, Remedia Amoris , and Metamorphoses of Ovid to expose the ir literary relationship . If we recognize s , it furthers our knowledge related to the level of classical reception during the era. This thesis examine s the reception history of compositions from the classical era up to the twelfth century renaissance and the literary heritage of courtly literature in medieval Europe. The thesis , moreover, do es so in the context of a histor ical overview of the cultural influences. This research expands our perception about the relationship between the compositions of Ovid and Marie de France and the significance of their writings forged during the culture of the twelfth century. Methodology This thesis relies on a variety of disciplines, including medieval history and literature, classics, linguistics, and to a degree, gender studies. An interdisciplinary approach lessens the poss ibility of myopic interpretations when a nalyzing t he relationship between the writings of Ovid and Marie de France , , and how it expands societal perspectives given the limited source material from the period. The methodology of the thesis adopts a critical and qualitative approach whi ch
4 classical texts in the twelfth century. 2 The adoption of a hermeneutics further s awareness of the connection between Ovid works and affords a discernment of how creates , in part, an alternate, twelfth century perspective courtly literature . Marie de France, arguably, defines the medieval perception and interpretation of love in her verse . Marie composed more than just her lais which survive and demonstrate her literary breadth of composition, but the focus of this thesis is her lais. 3 Her lais encompass a set of twelve poems ranging in length from 118 lines to nearly 1200 lines written in Old French and composed, most likely, in the latter half of the twelfth century. 4 Her writings meld dramatic poetic narratives with the complex layers of love to create intense emotional detail s , dripping with sentiment. This thesis ex amines literature, how she creates it, and the level of literary and cultural influence it possesse d during the twelfth century renaissance and beyond. The historical re cord of Marie de France, unfortunately, reveals little more than an empty chasm. The data posterity holds exists only in her poetry . We do, however, possess her 2 A Real Short Introduction to Classical Reception Theory in which he relies on the reception theory proposed by Robert Jauss as well as analyzing the theory it self. 3 The Ysopet or Fables, the Esprurgatoire de Saint Patri z ( Legend of the Purgatory of Saint Patrick ) , and La Vie seinte Audree (The Life of Saint Audrey) all discussed in chapter 2. 4 Marie de France, The Lays of Marie de France . trans. by Glyn S. Burgess and Keith Busby. ( New York: Penguin Books, 2003 ) . 13. Hereafter, Lays.
5 compositions within various medieval manuscripts including, Harley 978 . S agacious people of the past , thankfully, recorded, copied, and transmitted her poetry hold s just one twelfth century facet of the regional transitions . Her achievements as a female author within the societal limitations of a patriarchal culture exhibit the literary developments and advancements . 5 This thesis also analyzes some aspects of her ability to succeed in the cultural environment while examining the twelfth century agency of women . The thesis examine s, also , the misperceived lack of influence women held during the medieval period where they held little or no sway or societal importance . Granted, most women who broke the chains of social suppression occupied a position within the cultural upper tier or the aristocracy. People of a high born status, furthermore, often received a higher level of education including exposure to the classical textual canon which afforded the intellectual skills and social advantages to succeed in medieval society. This thesis contains four central chapters: the first gives a brief historical overview of Ovid, his relevant writings and scholarship related to his compositions , and the examin ation of his literary influence , from the classical era , t hrough the Late Antique era , and into the twelfth century renaissance. The second affords a partial historical catalogue , some notable figures wh o influenced the cultural developments of the High Middle Ages , and a section on courtliness du ring the period. The third chapter briefly explores the agency of women in the 5 Most scholars believe other female poets existed , but we do not possess any textual or historical evidence of them.
6 twelfth century and in Marie de France lais . The fo u rth chapter examines Ovid ian influence compositions and the connection between their writings . D econst works reveals a legion of components she present s in her lais . Her writings, not only reveal the highly interpretive layers of eros, but also elucidate her concept of courtly love within the moral landscape of the twelfth century which broaden the medieval understanding of eros by reinterpreting Ovidian elements . Her assertion that her tales derive from Breton lais also incorporate a linguistic layer when a clear classical influence emerges to meld with a regional vernacular element when she d ecides to compose her poetry in Norman French instead of Latin. These components reveal how her writings go further than a s but evol ve it to produce a literary example of the transformations during the twelfth century renaissance.
7 Venus and Amor ( FranÃ§ois Boucher , 1742 ) 6 Publius Ovidius Naso 7 6 Images, accessed March 9, 2017, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Fran%C3%A7ois_Boucher_Venus_and_Amor.JPG 7 https://www.google.c om/search?q=ovid&source=lnms&tbm=isch&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwin3NOqnsrSAhXrlF QKHQvwDLcQ_AUICSgC&biw=1517&bih=654#imgdii=hH2u_qPM_JV02M:&imgrc=UeWrJY jeLQM1M :
8 CHAPTER I I THE ENAMORED ELEGIST : OVIDIAN AGENCEY IN THE TWELFTH ENTURY RENAISSANCE C um bene pertaesum est, animoque relanguit ar dor, nescio qio miserae turbine mentis arg or. When I have grown weary of love and the ard or of my heart has cooled, my soul is somehow seized upon by a whirlwind of wretchedness. 8 Ovid Amores r elates the emotional turmoil he extols about love through out his ama tory works. Numerous medieval writers , including Marie de France, seize d upon the theme s form the courtly literature of the High Middle Ages. The import reveal one example of its literary influence on Marie de France s works and the ir litera ry relationship of the period . An analysis exposes how an epoch, and the vernacular courtly literature of the High Middle Ages . Ovid, or Publius Ovidius Naso (43 BCE 17 CE) , renowned and controversial poets during the Augustan Age . During his reign, t he Roman Emperor exiled Ovid to the remote town of Tomis , now known as Constanta in Romania , on the Black Se a in 8 CE . 9 The emperor banished Ovid because of his poem s , Carmen and Ars 8 Ovid. Ovid: Heroides Amores . ( Harvard University Press, 2nd Edition, 1977 ) . Book II, ix, B. 408 409 . Hereafter Amores. 9 Peter L. Allen, The Art of Love: Amatory Fiction from Ovid to the Romance of the Rose . ( Philadelphia: Un iversity of Pennsylvania Press, 1992. ) 2. Hereafter Allen.
9 Amatoria , but the third reason lies in a mysterious erro r. In , Ovid , The Love Poems, A.D. Melville states that s ome scholars speculate the error may have entwined the Emperor in some manner of immoral scandal . 10 literary creations, however, far overshadow the controversy of his exile. Ovid c ontributed to the significant literary landscape of his age and guid ed Western literature, in part, for centuries to come . Publius Ovidius Naso emerged onto the Roman classical literary world circa 25 BCE when he penned his famous Amores (Loves) at the age of twenty five . 11 famous trinity of poems originally comprised five books, but the Roman poet reissued the collection in the three book form which posterity now possesses. He compl eted the cycle of amatory works with the Ars Amatoria (The Art of Love) and the Remedia Amoris (Cures of Love) by 2 CE . 12 The poet also wrote a host of other works including Heroides (Letters to Heroines ) , Metamorphoses (Transformations) , and Fasti (Calendar) published in 8 CE. 13 E xamining his Amores, Ars Amatoria, Remedia Amoris, and his Metamorphoses explore s and highlights the classical reception levels and its inf luence on th e twelfth century literary culture . Applying reception theory framework to adopt when examining t he classical reception within lais 10 A.D. Melville. Ovid. The Love Poems, ( New York: Oxford University Press, 1989 ) . x. Hereafter Melville. 11 Melville. viii . 12 Melville. ix. 13 ibid .
10 and other medieval authors . In , A Real Short Introduction to Classical Reception Theory , James Tatum states : late 1960s and was most influential during the 1970s and early 1980s in Germany and [the] 14 Jauss s theory centers on the multi disciplined interpretation of literary text s to 15 Twelfth century c lassical reception , moreover, focuses on the of classical writings including those of Ovid which contributed to t he develop ment of a regional literary identity when Mari e de France penned her works along with many other writers. beyond his death speaks to his literary significance . Ovid, for instance, held the position of leading poet after the deaths of Virgil and Horace . H is exile , however, di d little to diminish his literary popularity . Ovid continued to write in exile even when Augustus attempted to expunge his works from Roman libraries . , instead, g rew in popularity , and the reception of his texts increased from the classical era until the conclusion of the Antique period. 16 In Texts and Transmission, L.D. Reynolds writes, 14 James Tatum. A Journal of Humanities and the Classics, Vol. 22, No. 2 (Fall 2014) 80. H ereafter Tatum. rezeption , as anthropologist Claude LÃ©vis 14 The word reception comes from the Latin verb recipere [it] retains as much force as if it 15 Tatum. 91. 16 L.D. Reynolds, Texts and Transmission: A Survey of th e Latin Classics . (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983). 257. Hereafter, Reynolds.
11 17 Reynolds regards th from the close of the classical era into the early Middle Ages. He suggests that Metamorphoses enjoyed the highest degree of repute and popularity s 18 L. D. Reynolds establishes Ovidian reception and his literary authority s upported by an intense amount of data detailing Ovidian source material from the classical era through its journey into the High Middle Ages. Although Horace, Virgil, Terrence, Juvenal, and Lucan overshadow ed Ovid during intermitten t periods during the early Middle Ages , the importance for expanded in the eleventh and twelfth centur ies . This period represented an increase in Ovidian literary influence to such a degree that Ludwig Traube issued it the eponym, Aetas Ovidiana , s developed remarkably in the twelfth century. 19 The reception of , moreover, increased in the High Middle Ages when the canon of standard authors decided to include Ovid . Reynolds states that Ovid held this distinction in the Middle Ages, the Italian renaissance , and beyond. 20 works gained further favor during this era when leading 17 Reynolds. 257. 18 ibid. 19 Hermathena , No. 177/178, (2005): 9 . Hereafter, Wheeler. 20 Reynolds. 258 .
12 compositio ns increasing ly including those in the valley of th e Loire and the composers of the Florilegium Gallicum. 21 Notable s cholars of the day , namely Arnoulf of Orl Ã© ans , adopte d Metamorphoses and Fasti , among others , as a teaching tool. 22 T he Liber Catonianus, a collection of compositions applied to teach elementary grammar even Remedia Amoris . 23 The t welft h century intellectual culture of Western Europe embraced nearly all levels of the academic ladder , but interestingly, his amatory w ritings gained more popular interest than his academically regarded work s . One reason Ludwig Traube awards twelfth century poetic literature the eponym, Aetas Ovidiana, a term which continues in academic circles today, relates to his poetic style and meter. I n, Before the Aetas Ovidian, Mapping the Early Reception of Ovidian Elegy , Stephen Wheeler s tates that Traube makes his Ovidian argument in his Einleitung in die lateinische Philologie des Mittelalters lectures . 24 His expression attempts , literary 25 Traube asserts that Ovid Latin poetic style popular during the centuries before faded in medieval Latin poetry. The Leonini, however, an internally rhymed dactylic verse, emerged and coincided with the aetas 21 Reynolds. 258 . 22 ibid. 23 Reynolds. 258 259. 24 ibid. 25 ibid.
13 Ovidiana . 26 distich 27 The twelfth century texts, furthermore, when cathedral schools incorporated his elegiac couplet into their curriculum. Ovi d writings influen ce d many medieval writers including Marie de France w hen she utilizes the disti ch (rhyming couplet) , an octosyllabic rhyming couplet distich. 28 The elegiac couplet, in structure, is a hexameter followed by a pentameter. 29 in Amores, the poet explains how Cupid, into elegiacs by 30 dactylic hexameter when Ovid love poetry employs the elegiac couplet . 31 I , Bednara states : originally so foreign to the natural character of Latin, and we almost dare to say that the 32 Ovid redefines the elegiac couplet 26 Wheeler. 9 10. 27 Wheeler. 15. 28 Anthology. 180. 29 http://people.virginia.edu/~jdk3t/epicintrog/scansion.htm hereafter, syllable. 30 ibid. 31 ibid. 32 E. J. Kenney. accessed April 14, 2017, http://isites.harvard.edu/fs/docs/icb.topic1062825.files/Kenney%202002.pdf 27. Hereafter Kenney.
14 when he includes the syllepsis, a rhetorica l element which combines the syntactical elements of the figurative and literal components of speech. 33 I Amores , for example : t alis periuri promissaque uelaque Thesei f lueit praec cipites Cressa tulisse Notos. This was how Ariadne looked when she wept that the headlong south wind had carried off the sails and the promise of the perjured Theseus. 34 According the Keeney: 35 talent and states that the poet utilizes the syllepsis on embellishme 36 Ovid adapted, evolved, and defined his own elegiac couplet. The poetic structure reveals just one facet of influence contained in which determined the literary path of poetry, in part, into the High Middle Ages . The adaption of poetic styles and meter created a common thread in the classical age; Roman literature , for instance, adapted the dactylic hexameter from the Greeks. 37 Mari e de Fra nce was certainly 33 Kenney. 45. 34 Kenney. 46. 35 ibid. 36 ibid. 37 Syllable.
15 , for example, 38 adoption of the distich in the medieval era presents an a dditional element of classical reception and how his texts shaped the versification of the perio d . Ludwig Traube awarded Ovid the eponym because he contends that each period of literary history often linked its literary culture to the L atin author who possessed the highest currency. Wheeler heroic hexameter flourished in the eighth and ninth century. The venality of the Church, he states, led to the satires of Horace, Persius, and Juvenal. The emergent enlightenment of the twelfth century renaissance led to Ovid as the the time. 39 Each era possessed a contemporary writer who not onl y mimicked the classical imitation factor, moreover, defined the transition from the age of Vergil to the age of Horace to, ultimately, the age of Ovid when in the twelfth century renaissance his writings he ld greater authority than other classical writers . During the Antique Era and Carolingian Era, the w ritings struggled to gain , a supremacy which L.D. Reynolds bases on quantitative data. I n , Fortuna di Ovidio , A. Ronconi contends throughout the Antique Era trailed Vergil because the educational canon excluded Ovid , and critics such as Quintilian and Seneca lessened his importance in the literary scheme. 40 Th ese 38 Whe eler. 14. 39 Wheeler. 9 10. 40 ibid.
16 conclusion s , moreover, based quantitative evidence. Stephen Wheeler asserts that era poetry and equaled , if not surpassed , Vergilian literary importance. Wheeler argues the qualitative evidence contain ed in Ovidian imitation overtake minance from the Antique Era into and beyond the medieval era. Wheeler di a rgument that Vergil, Horac e, and Terrance overshadowed Ov idian salience and disputes Vergilian supremacy because notable poets including: Alcuin, Theodulf, Modoin, Ermoldus Nigellus, and Walahfrid Strabo favor . 41 Ov id , moreover, molded the Modoin name , Naso , and he eve n received an elegiac letter from Theodulf, the exiled former bishop of Orl Ã© ans, in 820 CE, where he proclaims him [ Modoin 42 L.D. Reynolds and Ronconi base their Vergil ian literary supremecy on quantitative evidence. Wheeler, conversely, argues from a qualitative pe rspective and assert authority existed on a level with that of Vergil. 43 Wheeler , moreover, 41 Wheeler. 15. 42 Wheeler. 14 15. 43 Wheeler. 15.
17 blossomed in the literary culture of the twelfth century renaissance and into the centuries beyond . Throughout amatory works, he proclaim s his desire for fame. in Remedia Amoris , h e even pro claims his equal w orth to Vergil elegy . 44 A fifth century text Codex Vergilianus Vaticanus Lat. 386, also known as Romanus , however, recounts Ovid prominen t view of Vergil when he proclaims: Verglius magno quantum concessit Homero Tantum ego Vergilio, Naso poeta, meo Nec me praelatum cupio tibi ferre, poeta; Ingenio sit e subsequor, hoc satis est. However much Vergil gave way to the great Homer so much have I, the poet, Ovid, given way to my Vergil, nor do I desire to claim that I am preferred to you; if I am second to you in talent, this is enough. 45 The contradiction in th ese sources highlights the ch allenge to establish Ovidian literary influence in Remedia Amoris attempt to heal the offense against Augustus and maintain his literary equality to A u gustus personal poet , Vergil, whom Augustus commissioned to produce his greatest work, The Aeneid . The fifth century text, however, tell s how Ovid places Vergil above his own. During t he fifth century, however, Vergil works possessed greater accl , but Stephen Wheele r states that Vergiliocentrists view , including L.D. Reynolds and A . Ronconi . It 44 Wheeler. 16. 45 ibid.
18 motivates the dogmatic Vergilian loyalty scholars have held over the centuries al though Wheeler and other scholars contend h e ld substantial if not equa l influence to those of Vergil . No matter who reigned the literary hill of classical literature, the central and relevant issue lies in . Before the twelfth century, ample evidence exists to support Ovidian 46 The effects of Ovidian writings exist in the elegi ac compositions from a host of writers including Avianus , Rutilius Namatianus who wrote De reditu suo , Orientus who composed Commonitorium , Dracontius who penned the Satisfactio , and Maximianus and Venantius Fortunatus who wrote Ovidian elegies as well. 47 Wheeler supports Ovidian reception and clout through both quantitative, or number of manuscri pts, and qualitative based data in the a nalysis of extant texts of Ovid . 48 S ince a profuse amount of textual evidence has been lost to time and events, the daunting challenge to codify such issues remains an elusive one as scholars continue to ascertain reliable and conclusive data. over the centuries have received a degree of dubious notoriety because of his exile and the mystery which surrounds it. His expulsi on fed the f ame and 46 Wheeler. 23. 47 ibid. 48 ibid.
19 popularity of his writings to the dismay of Augustus. exile , nonetheless, always held a cloud of doubt over his writings. As Jeremy Dimmick details in his article, Ovid in The Middle Ages: Authority and Poetry estored from his Augustan exile and remains an archpriest of transgression, whether sexual, political , 49 His controversial nature continued to gain popularity for his poetry. Ovid and all his writing, in part, allowed his compositions to flourish because of their banned status and produc ed a desire for the illicit . outcast status carried a double edged blade ; one of fame , the other of disrepu te . It created a forbidden interest in his work , and a genuine regard for his art. Jeremy Dimmick states that Ovid was not only an exilic poet but a rebe l or , auctor, perpetually 50 Ovid produced writings of dispute in his, Ars Amatoria and Remedia Amatoria . 51 Marie de Franc poem, Guigemar highlights opposition to authority and his literary presence when Venus cast s his book teaching into the fire. When Venus burns his book, it reveals , furthermore, over his wife and promotes the notion to avoid books . It suggest s that reading his boo k, align s yourself with the one could be exiled as well because of , 52 49 Jeremy Dimmick, Cambridge Companion to Ovid , 16 . (2002): 2 64. Herafter, Dimmick. 50 Dimmick. 26 . 51 ibid. 52 ibid .
20 Guigemar, deals with the bur n ing of his book of love. Dimmick emphasizes s the effect of conflagration. Both Metamorphoses and Fasti thankfully remain in the classical literary canon , despite attempts of imperial and religious authorities. 53 Marie lai, Guigemar, arguably, echoes the notion of futility regar ding the burning of books and the forbid den I n Guigemar, Marie creates a narrative in which leaves her husband and seeks out the knight, Guigemar , even a fter the lord exiles the knight and imprisons his wife for two years. Although the lord attempts to forbid their love, his wife and Guigemar , ultimately , reunite even aft er all the challenges they endured . Jeremy Dimmick asserts that Ovid writings represent the twelfth century contrarian literary movement and advance s the social and static norms of the day. He contends that a host of scholars regarded Ovid as indispensable author of the period. He he [Ovid] remained an acutely combustible one , and , single most important window into the imaginative world of secular contingenc y, power, 54 T he struggle between the spiritual teaching s of the Church and the secular compositions emerged and grew in number during this period . I n , The Art of Love Amatory Fiction from Ovid to the Romance of th e Rose, Peter Allen states: etween the secular, classical tradition and the spiritual and 53 Dimmick. 26. 54 Dimmick. 26 27 .
21 exclusive Judeo Christian tradition marked the whole of the Middle intellectual development. 55 The effect and reception of Ovid existed far deeper within the medieval nar rative elements and thematic motifs; it manifested itself in the devel o p m ent of medieval liter ary philosophy within the societal struggle s between the secular and the sacred stronghold s of a deeply religious culture . The divide between the two medieval literary camps related to the moral meaning and relevance contained in classical texts. According to Allen , the orthodox school : valued secular texts on l y for their moral truths . 56 Conversely, the secular school read texts with an open lens : [secular school] v alidated the play of fiction as a literary fanta sy within a poetic frame which, by its nature, excluded the moral concerns of everyday Christian life. 57 Allen states: Ovid became increasingly popular in the Middle Ages reaching their peak 58 provided medieval writers with a new dynamic style to create fiction where playful and flirtatious interludes stimulated 59 Ovid enjoy ed an increasing and intricate role in the development of medieval fiction 55 Allen . 40 . 56 Al len. 39. 57 ibid . 58 ibid. 59 ibid.
22 when it sought to create its own path of litera ry culture even when societal standard fought to suppress its development and cultural relevance . T he more liberal camp of reading texts benefitted from Peter Abelard (1079 1142) as a supporter . Allen states: [Abelard] believed that fables could embody truth, and that the 60 An Italian writer, who mimicked of writing , Baudri of Boiurgueil (1046 1130), also, 61 Allen explains that al te emerged and pre dated the literary culture s of th e twelfth and thirteenth centur ies when Ovid became , 62 Allen argues that Baudri most closely resembles Ovid in style and subject matter . A ccording to Leo Pollman , 63 Peter Allen explains that Buadri connects fiction with a special kind of love which creates chaste fulfillment ( spetialis amour ) about which Ovid conveys in his Amores and Ars amatoria . 64 Peter Allen demonstrate s development when writers model their compositions after Ovidian literature with its multiple levels and a host of themes and narratrives . 60 Allen. 42. 61 Allen. 43. 62 Allen. 41 42. 63 Allen. 49 . 64 ibid .
23 Although the struggle between i nterpretative philosophies about classical texts continued, fiction as a genre broke free and developed into the vernacular writings of the twelfth and thi rteenth centuries when tales of trouv Ã¨ re surfaced onto the literary landscape. 65 An increasing number of people viewed these fictional texts as e mpty , as ente rtaining works of literature , or 66 Allen cites Johan Huizinga, where in his book, Homo ludens , explains how lite rature creates a separation and poiesis, like love itself, is a play 67 Huizinga furthers his argument , and s tate s that medieval secul ar love w as er amoral , they were designated as a special activity by their poetic nature, and set apart from religious life by their subject matter. These texts 68 The increase i n fictional texts emanated , in part , from writing s. I n his work, Three Roman Poets: Plautus Catullus, and Ovid, Fredrick Adam writes: 69 contained nu merous copies of these texts and the most important poets of the day used 70 stimulated 65 Allen. 49 . 66 Allen. 45. 67 ibid. 68 ibid. 69 Allen. 47. 70 Allen. 48.
24 literary inroads of influence when German libraries housed an expanding collection of his works. 71 The joint growth of effect on vernacular courtly literature in the midst of religious oversigh t , moreover, erotic love , particularly by clerical writers such as Baudri of Bourgueil , [and] Andreas Cape llanus 72 The medieval amatory composition by the latter, Andreas Capellanus , De amore, emerged as an Ovidian inspired composition; it popular ity made it an important and regarded text of medieval courtly literature . A n De Amore (Treatise of Love) or , De Arte Honeste Amandi , (Art o f Courtly Love) stands as an significant example of a medieval secular writing , most likely written in the latter half of the twelfth century. 73 L De Amore three book format and utilizes a dialogue convention to create and convey t he flirtatious interludes of courtly love through a medieval cultu ral lens. Andreas under the watchful eyes of the Church created his writing with care to appease the concerns of the Church , but his anti love and pro love principles, as Peter Allen relates are , 74 Even under these conditions, Allen continues, Andreas created seductive and exciting game that offers moral and literary lessons in 71 Allen. 48 . 72 Allen 49. 73 Andreas Capellanus, The Art of Courtly Love. ( trans. by John Jay Parry. New York ) . Columbia University Press, 1990. 17 . Hereafter Parry. 74 Allen . 60 .
25 plenty and a valuable demonstration on how fiction about love could find a place 75 He even address es the classes and their interactions ; the three societal classes , as described by Capellanus are: commoners, simple nobility, and the higher nobility . Capellanus , however, adds a fourth class, the clergy . 76 Capellanus elevates the clergy above the aristocracy because of his personal history as a cleric , their spiritual duty to God, and : appease his ecclesiastical superiors, who may well have been offended by the tone of the first 77 I n book t wo, for instance, chapter three , s which weaken love are blasphemy against God or his Saints, mockery of the ceremonies of the Church , and a deliberate withholding of charity from the poor . 78 lovers about the pains of love but also and medieval allegory, roma nce, and social comment 79 A t the end of b ook t wo, the King of Love creates the ru les of love , 80 The King of Love estabishes thirty thre e rules which all must obey when engaging in lov e . It addresses jealousy, goo d character , loyalty to love and its power. The King of Love even incorporates Ciceronian works in rule twenty to 81 He states that all lovers must 75 Allen. 60. 76 Parry 141 . 77 Parry . 141 142, 19 . 78 Parry . 155 . 79 Allen . 60 61 . 80 Parry . 184 . 81 Parry . 185 .
26 faithfully adhere to his edicts or risk punishment from the King of Love. 82 Although contains Ovidian elements , in succeeds in developing a distinctive medieval cultural character by melding the concepts of Ovid ian love and incorporating societal norms and standards of the era . I n, The Art of Courtly Love, John Jay Parry states that intended to , i tiers between 1170 and 1174 83 Parry explains poetic effect in De Amore . , Parr y suggests that Ovi di an works especially the Ars Amatoria form ed the Western strain of medieval f or all practical purposes, we may say that the origin of courtly 84 Parry states that Ars Amatoria ] circulated in Latin and in the vernacular, and it was rewritten to adapt it to the changed 85 the multiple facets of eros from Ovid appl ied them and incorporated them into the Western medieval cultural to produce a new brand of literature as it evolved its elements of eros within diverse elements present in the medieval culture . 82 Parry . 186 . 83 Parry . 21 . 84 Parry . 4. 85 parry . 6.
27 Andreas Capellanus developed a controversial but popular compos ition in De a more. His composition inspired a broader interest in courtly literature among other cultures . T he number of manuscripts and the translations into vernacular languages throughout Western Europe establishes the contribution of Ovid and Capellanus s writings . 86 The widespread presence of their influence maintained an imprint on literary eyes for centuries . For example, as a textbook for those courts of love that were established in Barcelona by King Juan of Aragon (1350 87 T he popularity of his work , furthermore, highlight s the influence of writings on Capellanus courtly literature. De amore also presents a powerful and popular example of fictional writing that aligned itself with t he more liberal reading school of secular texts and opposed strict interpretations of them. S uppor ters of the orthodox school of reading classical texts includ ed many religious leaders and noted theologians including Jerome (ca. 340 420) and Augustine of Hippo (354 430) who often cited classical texts. 88 Jerome , however, 89 Fiction sat socially separated f rom the classical moralistic write rs. Two writings central to the orthodox school of reading, surprisingly, point to Cicero who composed: De inventione and the Rhetor ica ad 86 Parry . 22 . 87 Parry . 23. 88 Allen. 40, 43. 89 ibid .
28 Herennium . B oth standard texts provided the core to rhetorical studies. They established the notion , fabulae were false, historia 90 Christians placed the Bible in the historia category and viewed fiction as a challenge to the divine. 91 The difficulty for the medieval learned people lay between the valued rich classical texts adopted in Church teaching s. The desire of to c reat e a method to honor classical texts while maintaining Christian devotional ideals and teachings of the Church resulted in the two school issue classical literary interpretat ion . The more conservative school held a strict line in the use of classical, secular texts ; they denied the ir literal meaning s. Instead, this school utilized exegesis to produce inventive moralized versions and meaning s of classical texts. The fourteenth century text Ovide moralis Ã© stands as a crucial example of moralizing a text . T he u nknown author seizes and many other classical and medieval writings to produce a Christian based composition rich in moralized truths while the necessary Ovidian n arrative remain s for the se truths to emerge. The anonymous author , furthermore, contends his assessment on the worthiness of fictional writings: [et] qui la fable ensi creroit Ester voire, il me messerreroit, Et seroit bogrerie aperte. Mes sous la fable gist couverte La sentence plus profitable. 92 90 Allen . 40 41 . 91 Allen . 41 . 92 Allen. 43.
29 And whoever would believe the fable to be true would go astray; it would be blatant heresy [or perversion]. But underneath the fable, the most useful meaning lies covered. 93 Th is four teenth century writing , 94 howeve r, strays from strict adherence to the sent en i a (sense, fact, sense) of classical texts. When the writer reshape s works , the author reveal s far more than just moral truths; the medieval writing seeks to meld the two schools of reading by giving both value . The moralizing o f classical reshapes the original work as Marie de France did to create , reinterpret , and mold them into a form relevantly suited for the deeply religious twelfth century. I n her article, The Time of The Translator in The Ovide MoralisÃ©, Miranda Griffin demonstrates how t he Ovide MoralisÃ© molded and morphed classical texts to reflect the culture of the era . T he unknown author adapts , [ by ] allotting to each tale one or more Christian allegorical or historicizing r 95 Griffin suggest s the challenge for the translator of classical texts languages . Griffin explains how the author alters the original text : The Ovide moralis Ã© poem elides. The author amplifies 93 Allen . 43. 94 Allen . 43. Paul Allen states the author of Ovide moralis Ã© scholars cite its period as a writing from the fourteenth century including , Joel N. Feime r and Miranda Griffin whom is cite d . 95 Miranda Griffin ( Florilegium, Volume 31, 2014 ) . 32 . Hereafter Griffin.
30 a passi ng reference to Scylla in B ook E ight in the Metamorphoses , for example, to graph ic ally detail the story of Pasiphae which Ovid barely mentions in his text. 96 The anonymous author take s the river god, AcheloÃ¼s, tales in Book E ight o Metamorphoses to create a moralized narrative . original text where AcheloÃ¼s provides shelter for Theseus and his followers occupies appro ximately 120 lines . T he Ovide moralisÃ© , however, expands the work into nearly s even hundred lines and alters the focus to center on a seemingly insignificant motif to Chris tianize it. 97 She notes, he AcheloÃ¼s house is understood as the forty days which Christ spent in the world after his resurrection. 98 The author also adds cork a s a equal four which matches the number of cardinal virtues. The transformation of outlines , is : to avoid being swept away by the flood of worldly doubt, one should shelter in the divine house built from the cardinal virtues: AcheloÃ¼s the world. 99 The a nonymous author, in part, focuses on prudence , the f i rst of the cardinal virtues but also includes Ciceronian virtues of memory, intelligence, and foresight. 100 As Griffin 96 Griffin. 34. 97 Griffin. 39. 98 Griffin. 39 . 99 ibid. 100 Griffin. 40.
31 relates , the unknown author of Ovide moral i sÃ© reforms into a somewhat Christian narrativ e despite the grisly details of rape, incest , and numerous acts of violence . The author, moreover, emphasizes virtues although Cicero held no Christian beliefs . 101 T he Ovide moralisÃ© interpretation of the Metamorphoses creates a thoroughly anachronistic, and deliberately attributes meanings to Ovid which he, as a pre Christian author, cannot have intended. 102 T he unknown moralizing of the text covey s his Christian message and alters the original narrative to further theological go als in the writing itself while holding the classical writings of Ovid with regard . I n his article and Transmission , Joel N. Feimer examines the narrative of Medea and Jason of the Ovide m oralisÃ© , taken from B ook S Metamorphoses . Feimer deconstructs the narrative and suggest s the author h i s orthodox mediaeval v ision to his audience contains the most complet e p ortrait of Medea among the mediae val narrations of her story . 103 T he Ovide m o ralis Ã© , as Feimer claims , produces a: per fect example o f the mediaeval mode of allegory which enabled the s c holar poet o f the Middle Ages to reconcil e two such disparate contexts as pagan na r rative and Christian theology 101 Griffin. 41. 102 Griffin. 38. 103 Feimer. 40 .
32 without any qualm of intellect or conscience. 104 For instance, the anonymous writer attacks the character of Jason with a host of narrative motifs and incorporates multiple classical and medieval textual sources including the Roman de Troie and Hero ides . Metamorphoses , conversely, m akes no such attacks on Jason s character. F eimer explains that Ovide moralis Ã© melds medieval mythology character which the author often revisits and emphasizes in the composition. Renate Blumenfeld Kosinski examine s the complex love in the Ovide moralis Ã© in, The Scandal of Pasiphae: Narration and Interpretation in the Ovide moralis Ã© . She highlights the tale of Pasiphae and the bull where t he unrequited love in the Metamorphoses arise s where Sc ylla Iphis desires another girl , and Pasiphae is enamored with a bull . 105 The unknown author, however, cre ate s a Christian moralization of the original tale with a few caveats . The writer takes Pasiphae , who exists Meta morphoses and his Ars Amatoria, and transforms her i nto the personification of lust , for the sin of bestiality. 106 According to Renate Blumenfeld Kosinski, t he author furthers Ovidian influence when the Pasiphae displays jealousy f or the cows , fusses over herself in the mirror , a nd construct s a wooden cow to deceive the bull into impregnating her. 107 A 104 Feimer. 41 . 105 Blumenfeld moralisÃ©" Modern Philology, Vol. 93, No. 3 (Feb, 1996). 308 . Hereafter Renate. 106 Renate . 309 . 107 ibid .
33 scene with a love struck woman gazing upon a man from a window mirrors that of Lavine gawking at Ae neas from a tower found in the Roman d'Eneas inspir e d by Ovid's account of Scylla: Lavine fu an la tor sus, d'une fenestre gardajus, vit Eneam qui fu desoz , forment l'a esgarde sor toz. Molt li sanbla et bel et gent (Lines 8047 51) . Ele comance a tressiier, a refroidir et a tranbler, sovant se pasme et tressalt, sanglot, fremist, li cuers li falt, degiete soi, sofle, baaille (Lines 8073 77) . (Lavine was up in the tower. She looked down from a window and saw Eneas, who was below. She gaz ed intently at him above all... She began to perspire, then to shiver and tremble. Often , she swooned and quaked. She sobbed and quivered; her heart failed; she heaved and gasped and gaped ) . 108 Renate Blumenfeld Kosinski explain s how the author incorporates m aterial from romance literature, specifically the Roman d 'Eneas , to augment the Pasiphae narrativ e along with Metamorphoses and elements of his amatory works . 109 According to F. J. E. Raby, writers of the eleventh and twelfth centuries , like Hildebert of Lavardin (1056 1123), Godefroy of Reims (d. ca. 1095), Guy (Bisho p of Amiens from ( 1058 1076), Raoul de la Tourte (b. ca 1063 ) , and Marbod of Rennes ( 1035 1123 ) t heir Ovi d as well as their Bible by heart 110 Marbod of Rennes , moreover, highlights 108 Renate . 312 . 109 Ibid . 110 Allen. 49.
34 literature of th e High Middle Ages ; A llen states that Marbod was the first in Europe to employ w 111 Medieval writers like the anonymous author of the Ovide moralisÃ© demonstrate writings informed the medieval literature through the moralized compositions taken from themes to reveal the moral ized truth s in them . The ironic exists in how Emperor Augustus sought to expunge after he exile d the poet to Tomis . His compositions, instead , gain ed intellectual recognition and influence in the Carolingian e poch , the twelfth century renaissance , and into subsequent centuries. The reception and the significance he gained , moreover, exist in both the secular and sacred writ ings found within the literary fabric of the twelfth cen tury , including those of Marie de France when vernacular courtly literature blossomed and writers moralized classica l texts to convey the ir moral truths as a pedagogical tool . 111 Allen. 49 .
35 CHAPTER I I I HISTORICAL INFLUENCES DURING THE 12 TH CENTURY RENAISSANCE Exploring the historical factors of the twelfth century renaissance of the High Middle Ages augments our understanding of the formative elements which affe cted the many layers of its cultural landscape . The deve lopments of this epoch shape d a new paradigm within Western Europe societies. Unwrapping the re lated elements present in this historical landscape furthers our recognition and discernment of the influential entit ies and mechanisms . A number of guiding elements during the twelfth century renaissance existed in many levels of medieval society. This central driving force and transformation of the era became known as medieval renaissance , 112 noted formerly; it existed in the intellectual advancements of this pe riod. 113 multiple components emerged in concert to create a bourgeoning age of medieval knowledge in France and throughout Western Europe . In The Renaissance of the Twelfth Century , little beyond the 114 The intellectual advancements of the century, moreover, emerge in the content s of many libraries: 112 Charles Homer Haskins, The Renaissance of the Twelfth Century . ( New York: Meridian Books, 1957 ) . 6. Hereafter, Haskins. A term Haskins employs but has gone out of favor. 113 ibid. 114 Haskins. 7.
36 or a few years later, we should expect to find, not only more and better copies of thes e older works, but also the Corpus Juris Civilis and classics partially rescued from 115 Haskins notes, furthermore, these libraries would contain poetry, letters of correspondence, French f eudal epics, Proven Ã§ al lyrics, and texts on mathematics. 116 Haskins declares with the flourishing cathedral schools, and closes with the earliest universities already well 117 T he scholarly advancements and their significance lies in the rippling effect which emerged across many countries in Western Europe. The influx of foreign texts shaped a level of intellectual interest and transformed societies into book driven cultures where the codex replaced the scroll and the desire for a literary culture emerged and flourished. Understanding the overall textual nature and the importance of Latin texts when an influx of foreign writings created a significant feature of this developmental period. Medieval society , for instance, relied on a relatively small number of classical Latin texts prior to the twelfth century . A 118 A multitude of complex, detailed reasons explain the loss of ancient 115 Haskins. 7. 116 ibid. 117 Haskins. 6. 118 Reynolds. xiv.
37 texts ; the consequence of time and human events , however, created most of these losses . 119 From the Codices Latini Antiquiores, Reynolds determines the content of surviving classical texts prior to th e year 800 CE. 120 Classical Latin manuscripts, however, grew extensively from this period up to the twelfth century and beyond. The vast majority of works in the Codices Latini Antiquiores held an ecclesiastical focus, only a limited amount of secular works existed and an even smaller amount of classical literature. 121 T he reception of classical texts during this era highlights a vital element of the change during the period. Knowing whic h texts time destroyed through related texts and which writings survived determine how we understand the level of twelfth century classical reception. For instance, held a higher degree of acclaim was rooted in the surviving number compositions which surpassed those of Ovid. The intellectual advancements and growth of classical Latin manuscripts in the medieval period represent, arguably, a paradigm shift. Reynolds supports this assertion when century renaissance, there is a very substantial 122 He also affirms that most new books emerged in France. 123 In , From Memory to Written Record, M. T Clanchy , furthermore, 119 Reynolds. xiv. 120 Reynolds. xv. 121 Reynolds. xv xvi. 122 Reynolds. xxxv. 123 ibid.
38 England. 124 When Clanchy de tails the transformations in Henry II , between the years 1066 1307 CE , he states in the development of literate 125 ways of thinking 126 By the end of the thirteen century, furthermore , the literary culture and a literate method of ruling replaced the predominant oral culture of the tenth and eleventh centuries. 127 The pr oduction of new books, including classical texts, established the elemental importance of Latin literature in twelfth century literary elements in England demonstrate, not only the rise in Latin texts prior to the twelfth century renaissance, but also the rise in book production. The increase in the availability of knowledge based texts to Western societies created a paradigm shift where the book and a literate culture e merge as an intrinsic and common component present in many levels of Western societies. In Europe in The High Middle Ages, William Chester Jordan describes the transformations of twelfth 124 M. T. Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 1993. 1. Hereafter, Clanchy. 125 , a literate culture means the culture began to employ writings, writs, manuscripts and charters as a mean to learn, do business , and govern instead memorizing transactions, texts, and procedures. It certainly did not mean most of the culture could read and write. 126 ibid. 127 ibid.
39 c engagement with classical Rome and, to a far lesser extent, ancient Greek learning in Latin 128 Jordan notes the pedag ogical influence of classical Latin continued during the medieval period in the poetic styles and in metered teaching techniques manifest in many twelfth century works. 129 Conversely, he less favored in antiquity 130 analysis of poetic teaching practices illustrate how the intellectual culture of the me dieval era did not just echo classical methods, it evolved it s poetic techniques and inspired innovation to create a distinct literary identity. The proliferation of knowledge through the monastic orders also developed an intellectual expansion when monasteries emerged as not only religious centers but also centers of learning. 131 New and existing monasteries and monastic orders in the twelfth century increase d their educational influence to become research and intellectual centers of education. France, for example, possessed man y education driven instit utions including Chartres and Cluny; the latter held nearly one thousand books and encompassed a host of 128 Reynolds. xxxv. 129 William Chester Jordan, Europe in The High Middle Ages. (Toronto: Penguin Press, 2002). Hereafter, Jordan. 114. 130 ibid. 131 Jordan. 116.
40 disciplines including law, literature, philosophy, and of course theology. 132 W ith the rise in book produ ction and the demand for books , many scriptoria emerged in these same monasteries. The significance of monastic learning centers regarding classical Latin texts resides in how the extensive net of instituti ons seeking knowledge reached. T he twelfth century culture thirst for intellectual and cultural knowledge grew to include educational institutions, literary resources , universities, and in many sacred monasteries. Henry II of England (r. 1154 1189), a central character in the High Middle Ages , shifted the literate and lit erary character of his kingdom . He forged a new path to transform his realm into a literary centered society ; desires , however, held few scholastic goals, h is motives sought to increase his royal authority and create an effective administrative system which he accomplish ed . His goal to produce a more literate and practical system of ruling, nonetheless, also created a developing literar y culture througho ut the Angevin empire a movement which flourished and spread well past his bor ders into Western Europe. Throughout the medieval era, the often volatile and violent political shifts of Western Europe played an pivotal role in twelfth century renaissance developments . The political landscape of bellicose border s and periods of relativ e peace often entwined a multitude of medieval societ al layers and shaped the trajectory of its cultural identity. The relative societal character of his kingdom indirectly. The peace 132 Jordan. 115 116.
41 nearly half of France ; it brought a welcome relief to many after the unrest of Stephen of Blois (r. 1035 1154) 133 who succeeded grandfather, Henry I (r. 1100 1135) 134 . France in 1180 CE. 135 The seminal and active participants who shaped the cultural makeup of France , however, leaned far more toward Queen Eleanor of Aquitaine (1122 1204) than her two 133 Britannica.com , accessed November 12, 2017. https://www.britannica.com /biography/Stephen king of England 134 https://www.britannica.com/biography/Henry I king of England 135 ( https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Map_France_1180 fr.svg
42 husband s, Henry II of England and Louis VII of France 136 (1137 1180) . 137 Eleanor guided the literary and French territories. 138 After Henry claimed the English throne in 1154 and married Eleanor, he gained territories throughout France which inc reased his wealth and influence . pursuits and pious proclivity , permi tted Eleanor to focus on her interests and those of her daughter, Marie de Champagne (not to be confused with Marie de France) . The Queen of England and Marie , the Countess of Champagne , whom we examine further in a later chapter , highlight how cultural st andards of the period limited the role of women, and also how they evolved the role of women . Eleanor possessed a personal history with courtly literature. She enjoyed the multicultural el e me nts which, in part, formed the vernacular writings of the era. It underlines , moreover, just one example of how developments occurred within the various and myriad of societal levels. A sea of historical forces manifests themselves during this period to create the evolving societies of the High Middle Ages . From the influx of foreign texts , to the rise of universities; from the increase of book production , to the troubadour culture of courtly love; , to the shift in becoming a literate and book centered society, the span of f ormative facets fill s the historical accounts of the period. No 136 Desmond Seward . Eleanor of Aquitaine . ( New York: Barnes and Noble Books, 1978 ), Hereafter, Seward. 7 13. 137 George Duby, France in the Middle Ages 987 1460 , Transl. by Juliet Vale (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996), 182. Hereafter, France. 138 Seward. 73.
43 one event formed the path of its advancing societies. This era produced a tapestry of seemingly separate, yet related, occurrences and effects . It created a nexus and a paradigm shift to culti vate what became known as the twelfth century renaissance . The origins and facets which encompass it represent its numerous cultures but its cultural transformations , argu ably, drove it and guide this thesis, specifically the courtly literature and the poetry of Marie de France . To examine courtly writings, however, a more detailed understanding of its definition , origins, and m edieval perceptions warrant its examination . COURTLINESS IN THE HIGH MIDDLE AGES T he concept of courtl iness during the medieval era held influence on the political, social, spiritual, literary levels of society , and on its cial hierarchy . It emerged in various lands throughout Europe . D efining its medieval perceptions is vital in discerning its preval e nt presence during this era . Although c ourtliness and what defines it possesses a multitude of related elements , re source materials, and origins , t his thesis examine s sources and common pieces which create a picture of it i nstead of examining the corpus of worthwhile and multiple components . The various perspective s explain how courtliness spread to incorporate itself in the stratum of societies . T he term, courtliness, emerged only in t he nin eteenth century when Gaston Paris created the appellation of or courtly love in 1883 ; it defines the behavior of the participants in the court itself. 139 T he Latin term which refers to courtliness in some texts is 139 Parry . 3.
44 curialitas . T h e Latin language during this era modified it s definition over the centuries ; by the mid twelfth century , curialitas attempted to meld the secular and sacred connotations of courtliness. 140 I n , The Origins of Courtliness Civilizing Trends and the Formation of Courtly Ideals ; 9 39 1210, C. Stephen Jaeger examines how th e medieval era period define d the character of court liness . He states that the social constructs of courtliness contained e thical standards which kept clerics sanctified and the social guidelines related 141 Jaeger expresses that a ist position , also sought to unify the se two views by 142 Although court a ttendees and c hurch men , its attribute s eventually encompass ed both the sacred and secular pursuits , but not entirely. The clerics at court sought to maintain the mores within the courts . threatened the spiritual well being of its people . The humanist position to which Jaeger refers created st r ife between court attendees and the clerics who sought to restrain outside and non sacred writings and pres s ures that molded the various cultures. These influences, in time , created different perception s of courtliness. C. Stephen Jaeger cites m ultiple sources which d efine , in part, court behavior including possessing a virtuous character ; in, The Dialogue on the Life of Bamberg, written 140 Stephen C. Jaeger, The Origins of Courtliness Civilizing Trends and the Formation of Courtly Ideals, 939 1210 . ( Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1985 ) . 127 . Hereafter Jaeger. 141 ibid. 142 ibid .
45 by Harbord in the late eleventh century . 143 Siegfried , the narrator , states Otto, Bishop of Bamberg , is , conspicuous as he was for his g oodness, good breeding, and far sighted wisdom well bred considerateness: the elegant and urbane breeding is the outer sign of inner virtue. 144 Seigfried adds Otto d isp layed polished , 145 Not only does Otto hold these traits, he exu de s an over e xtended degree of their attribute s. T hese virtues , interestingly, decorum. 146 The writing highlight s the level of classical reception and its presence in and on distant cultures when Seigfried references Cicero , moreover, decides to cite a classical writer , Cicero, instead of a Church father or other sacred author when defin in g A significant feature absent within the texts lies in how it fails to describe the bishop sacred qualities or his humble demeanor . Instead it highlights his well bred virtue emphasizing his nob le birth status. The courtly element of manners whic h relate to civil behavior also developed as a n important political and social facet of the era . The adoption of manners create d a common link between the worldly and clerical aspects of courtly behavior and lessened, to some measure , the Church concerns about courtliness. Orderic Vitalis , for instance, describes Matilda, Queen of England (mother of Henry II of England) , as , 143 Jaeger. 128. 144 J aeger. 129. 145 ibid. 146 ibid .
46 noble birth, learning, all beauty of manners and virtues, an d what i s and ever will be more worthy of praise 147 the t w e l fth century, this quality was cultivated by courtiers in general, clerical and lay, as a criterion of acceptance in Agnes of Poitou, wife of Henry III, chose her delectable manners 148 The ideal of manners , Jaeger suggests, established itself to tame those who sought brawls and battle s , but it deve lop ed into a desired quality of those who wish ed to serve at court. To avoid disorder and to adopted courtly features . Rulers did no t embrace it for its aesthetics ; they implemented it as a political and social measure. Lords, kings , and queens realized preserving the peace sustained and strengthened the ir rule; it furthered it s growt h and mel ded with regional cultural standards to create its own brand of courtliness . The civilizing of the people produced an element the Church endorsed . The more refined facet of manners developed out of the ci vilizing and inspired courtly elements to emerge. In 1185, Saxo Grammaticus wrote, Gesta Danorum ; he r elates how Canute the Great (985 1035) , 149 no t only wanted good manners for the men who supported hi m, but he needed them to possess good manners. King Canute , d to implement his program of civil behavior. Saxo writes H e [Canute] imbued the most 147 Jaeger. 135 . 148 Jaeger. 34 . 149 https://englishhistory.net/vikings/king canute the great/
47 courageous knights with the most lovely ma [and] beauty 150 Jaeger contends, Canute creates a 151 Canute ruled a sea of marauding men who re quired civilizing to keep order ; his program transforms : 152 Manners and the emerging civilizing philosophy in Northern Europe with Canute, Germany with Otto of Bamberg, and in France with Matilda and Agnes of Poitou highlight s the social courtly elements and attitudes which bridge, to a degree , the clerical perceptions and those at court. The behavioral shift Canute initiates holds significance ; his plan to maintain order and control the warring bands of men secures and expands his realm. H is philosophies of courtly behavior which emerge from his civilizing pursuits , furthermore, evolve to create a method of behavior and spread out and beyond his lands . The eloquence of speech illustrates a further example of how courtly behavior evolved and emerged out of th e social perceptions of courtliness . T he medieval courtly culture poetic communit y lauded an aspect of courtliness: t he craft of speech . The desired social quality of urbane speech became a required element for entry into royal court . Jaeger defines it as , nd well educated manner of speaking and pronouncing the 153 The eleventh century writer, Baudri 150 Jaeger . 137. 151 Jaeger. 139 . 152 ibid. 153 Jaeger . 145 .
48 matter how lofty its 154 The flirtatious elements of courtly love , moreover, take hold Although t he Church criticized this manner of speech and viewed it with suspicion , Jaeger relates how two bishops, Macelinus of W Ã¼ rzburg , in a modern sense, pulls a practical joke on Megin gaud of Eichstatt where he gi ves Megingaud sour wine before awarding him to proper fine wine . 155 T h e text illustrates how cleric s were not immune to the pleasures of laughter , not even two bishops. Although not all clergy supported t he wit of eloquent, urbane speech , others viewed it with di strust because of its deceptive influence within literary courtliness . T he eloquence of speech , nevertheless , rose as a central facet of medieval courtliness . Baudri and other s embrace and further courtly literature with a marked classical influence . Jaeger creates a picture of common components through textual sources of the era and create s understanding of what defined courtliness and explains aspects of its origins . Jaeger catalogues the qualities which produce a p icture and definition of courtliness . H e extracts these attributes , in part, from the Italian chronicler , Acerbus Morena . In the text, Morena describes the characteristics of noble lords and ladies , and revered churchmen who belonged to the C ourt of Emperor Fredrick of Barbarossa . 156 Among many, Morena lists 154 Jaeger. 145 . 155 Ja eger . 146 . 156 Jaeger. 172 173 . The emperor sought to meet Philip II of France and Richard I of England, the son of Henry II and Eleanor of Aquitaine, on the third crusade but never made it to the Holy Land.
49 Herman of Saxony, Rainald, Archbishop of Cologne , and Margaret , the wife of the emperor in hi s text. 157 T hese texts augment the already noted qualities of well bred, eloquent speech and mannered behavior texts related to courtliness incorporate , being affable, having amiable behavior , having the social qualities appropriate for skilled statesmanship , t he essence of decorum , the delicacy of feeling , a chaste sense of propriety , a regard for others , possessing s umptuous clothing , and a refinement of personal grooming . 158 Providing more insight into where courtliness existed held significance as well . T he German cultural elements , for instance, share a common ality with French v ernacular literatur e when E leanor of Aquitaine and her daughter, Marie de Champagne , nurtured courtly literature . It demonstrate s some mutual elements of courtly behavi or and define it , its perception of it s nature , and explain how courtly tenets of behavior disperse d their influence into different lands . the social advancements and courtly features and civilizing agenda transferred its qualities into literary courtliness as well . Jaeger contends it [ courtliness ] helps to maintain the obligatory atmosphere of calm and good fellowship at court. The result is that all conflict submerges and is carried on beneath the surface order and elegance of court life in the form 159 Jaeger adds , and self control bec a me requisite qualities 157 Jaeger . 171 173 . 158 ibid . 159 Jae ger. 238 .
50 for entry into court service. 160 Courtliness, m oreover , existed well before its expression in vernacular literature ; in its social form, it lived in disperse regions o f Europe and beyond . 161 The civilizing efforts of social courtliness sought to mitigate violence, disorder , and conflict . M ediation through conversation and the written word emerged as an alternative to the sword and blood y battles . Its origins, however, emerged beyond the distinctive cultures of Europe. Writings from the classical wor l d and th e Outremer fed the sp ring of Western European courtliness . A host of courtly qualities which the worldly sectors embraced possessed a signif icant degree of classical influence . Bo th Cicero play prevalent parts in the medieval texts cited by Jaeger . In , T he Dialogue on the life of Otto of Bamberg , Harbord themes of virtue, decorum, and rhetoric . Ovid relies on t he eloquence of speech as a vital tool of his poetic skill and wit ever present in his writings ; amatory works employ eloquence, wit , and with deception as characteristics . The element of d eceptio n, moreover, emerges as an integral , encouraged, and necessary characteristic of a courtier within the narrative structure and counter s the moral and noble attributes in literary co urtliness . The contribution of substantial level of classical reception during this era even when members of the Church took exception with classical writings because they lacked a C hristian origin . 160 Jaeger. 238. 161 J aeger. 173.
51 T he courtly behaviors which emerged as entrance tool s to royal service, and i n t he vernacular literary tradition , controlled the center of th e , , known as courtliness. 162 C ourtly literature expanded its presence and popularity during the High Middle Ages . Jaeger argues , however, that the features of literary courtliness falsely slant the perception of some attributes to an admired and idealized stature. C. Stephen Jaeger categorizes the vernacular writing s into the courtier and chivalric narrative s in romance and epic writings . 163 T he se popu l ar regional compositions , however, were not random writings . Jaeger argues the se tales possess ed n 164 The literature held multiple influence s and attempted to meld the fiction of entertainment and the moralizing lessons of the sacred. With this goal , multiple authors from various lands created a myriad of vernacular texts and tales which hastened the growth of literature as a whole during this period . C ourtly literature created a narrative structure and formed common fictional elements in its works. A s Jaeger explains : azzles the king and his court with his charm and talents, rises swiftly to favor and power, inspires envy and be come s entangled in romantic complications with a woman close to the ruler, and these lead to his 165 Jae ger asserts this structure a lso depicts the ruler as weak , consumed by 162 Jaeger. 173. 163 Jaeger 237 . 164 ibid . 165 Jaeger . 237 238 .
52 tri vial matters , and intrigue . A courtier , Jaeger contends, must adorn a mask of deception but pleasing to the king if he wishes to survive in this atmosphere . 166 The faÃ§ade of the outer man, the mask, and the inner man, the true self , stands as a common theme in courtly narratives. 167 The worldly form of courtliness created a fantasy world and attempted to both entertain and teach the societal morals and truths of the culture. The irony of literary courtliness , however, lies in what courtliness sought to create: a virtuous society of no ble attributes , although some of its features possessed little nob ility . Courtliness in the social realms and in its literary iteration s , nonethe le ss, not only continued , but evolved and grew in popular ity in the West to become pillars of Western culture . C. Stephen Jaeger text surveys courtliness from a social , political , linguistic, and a literary viewpoint. John Jay Parry , however, examines courtl iness almost exclusively from a litera ry persp ective and analyzes Andreas medieval work , The Art of Love . Where Jaeger extracts many Northern European source materials, Parry focuses mostly on French, Spanish and Arabic influences and texts . Parry states that in Franc e , courtly literature emerged from the troubadours . 168 The influx of foreign texts contribute d to it s formation, but this new genre of courtliness , 169 This strain of 166 Jaeger. 238 . 167 Jaeger . 238 239 . 168 Andreas Capellanus, The Art of Courtly Love . trans John Jay Parry ( New York: Columbia University Press, 1990 ) . 3. Hereafter, Parry . 169 Parry . 6.
53 writings melded a host of themes already present in the West from classical writers like O vid. Its distinctiveness , however , possessed Arabic elements which helped to form its identity. The characteristics of the medieval courtly literature existed in the dynamic s of the relationship bet ween the lovers . In the ir relationship , a measure of a role reversal persists . [the lady] is now his [the man who desires her] feudal suzerain , and he owes allegiance to her, or to Cu 170 with her , moreover, demonstrate humility and these shifting tenets of love or iginated in the Muslim culture of Spain among the Chr 171 T he role reversal aspect also exists in the patriarchal Arabic culture . The lov e theme of on e lover pursuing another exist s in both Christ endom and Arabic cultures . A further significant facet of Arabic influence lies in how the narrative incorporates a some time motif where women play and active and even domina n t role in the tale . In much of eleventh century Spain , M o slims 172 and Christians coexisted and enjoyed a culture of wine, luxu r y, love, and above all poetry. This period in Spain, Parry identifies , occurred before a strict adherence to Islam returned to Spain in 1086. 173 Before then , kings , most o f the country and within each , t he poets themselves, Parry relates, demonstrated the ruler s authority . The poets were 170 Parry. 7. 171 ibid . 172 Alternate spelling used by John Jay Parry . 173 Parry 7.
54 Arabic tradition . 174 This style of poetry , moreover, focused on form . 175 They emerged as ambassadors of shifting alliances . B oth Christian and Muslim ruler s often employe d them to communicate with eac h other : e into existence who passed from one court to another . 176 This artistic element of Span ish culture created a c onstructive mode of communication where ruler s addressed their differences not through the sword but through their words, poets , and poetry. I t s success in media ti ng potential confrontations grew from the political culture into its literary culture where it expanded across borders to emerge in the southern regions of France and throughout Western Europe . Twelfth century c ourtly love derives its poetic strain substantially from Andalusia and Arabia in both content and form ; i n Women Troubadours, Meg Bodin explains, poet s have been worshipping their ladies for at least two 177 This strain of poetry present in southern Fran ce held both sensual and spiritual tradition s . 178 Ibn Hazm , an Arab writer , relates some medieval Ara b sentiments about love . 179 The y include Platonic philoso phies which s eek to rejoin two souls s eparated at creation , and they pursue beauty and perfection through their r eunion. 180 This monogamous pursuit view s o ther forms of perceived 174 Parry. 7 . 175 ibid . 176 Parry . 7 8 . 177 Meg Bodin , Women Troubadours, ( New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 1980 ) . 45. Hereafter Bodin . 179 Parry . 9. 180 ibid.
55 love as only passion not love . T rue love , Hazm suggests, exists in the spiritual element of love and it far exceed s its physical co unterpart . This pure love, Hazm adds, inspires the lover to strive beyond what is attainab le. Like Andreas Capellanus, h is writings suggest the lover can ennoble himself by enriching his character to please his beloved. The lover, furthermore, embraces a submissive visage before his beloved no matter the disparity of social rank . 181 my b ecomes bright faced, and a coward became brave n shaped one 182 Although Ovid allude to a submissive manner for the lover, his writings convey a more tongue and cheek manner of behavior, whereas Hazm explains the Arab poetic cu l ture fully endorsed this manner of behavior . The element of subjugation , a pillar of their philosophies on love , significantly guides the emergent medieval courtly literature in France when elements of it develop in the regional writings . One difference between Ovidian love and Arab p erceptions and interpretations of love appear in , the married wom a n . H azm states that married women were forbidden pursuits . John Jay Parry states: he [Ibn Hazm] is most empha tic one must not make love to a married woman. 183 Hazm also adds : er on this point 184 Not all Arab poets adhere code , 181 Parry . 9 10 . 182 Parry . 7. 183 Parry. 10. 184 ibid.
56 however, where married women defined a forbidden pursuit for courtly lovers . I n fact, Parry cites , Henri P Ã© r Ã¨ s , who mentions : Mus ta kfi , established, , a sort of salon which was a gathering place for literary men and other people of 185 The fact that the daughter of a Caliph opened a salon after her ated. 186 The Arab connection and influence on the Spanish eleventh century culture su ggests it s force on the literary culture . The moral aspect in which notions of lo ve exclude married women emerge in the fervent exclamations of Arab writings and align with Christian concerns about courtly love . Ibn relates to European aristocratic women who held a desire for courtly poetry as well , some of whom held substantial authority and held significant resources . The classical reception which Parry describes delves into eros and its many facets ; from the Ovidia n themes on love , the Platonic and metaphysical aspects of love , and the aim of love itself. A host of happenings a ided courtly literary growth when most women possessed little sway in their own live s , even those of aristocratic blood. The High Middle Ages defined an era when some women held more agency than in p revious times. keep women subjugated impressed its view on the codified patriarchal society and held multiple limitation s on nearly every aspect of women s lives , but some succeeded in breaking limitations capability . 185 Parry . 12. 186 ibid .
57 CHAPTER I V TH E AGENCY OF WOMEN IN 12 TH CENTURY AND MARIE DE FRANCE Western Europe an culture during the medieval era demonstrated a repressive society for women and provided l ittle say in their li ves, in their desire s , and in what they dared to do. Despite restraints , some women succeeded in forging a new path for women. The Church established m any hurdles when most lived a cloistered existence . They suffered under a dichotomy where they, women, cause d did not meet the perfection of the Virgin Mary. In , Medieval Misogyny and The Invention of Western Romantic Love , Howard R. Bloch contends much of misogyny stem s from monotony in what misogynists had to say about women from the Church fathers, and has hardly varied in almost two thousand years. The gaze, for instance, [is] central to what the Church fathers conceive to be the fatal attraction of women. 187 T he gaze itse lf created the . John Chryso ften do we, from beholding, suffer a thousand evil s o f the brief pleasure of a glance, we sustain a lengthened and continual torment . 188 Women , gaze , created the ingrained norm and need for the constant containment of women as a societal and cultural tenet. Bloch argues courtly literature c ontains a struggle of N eoplatonic 187 Bloch. 113. 188 Howard R. Bloch , Medieval Misogyny and The Invention of Western Romantic Love. ( Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991 ) . 113. Hereafter Misogyny .
58 patristic distr ust of the body and the courtly ideal of an always already impossible love relation , and further contends these two elements hold a structural i den ti t y with the feminine. 189 The discourse of misogyny , Bloch argues , stands as verb al abuse are the ones who, having been warned, consistently tra nsgress an implicit faith 190 He highlights the contradicti on within courtly literature as an example of the discourse of misogyny. The ingrained misogyn y in the time of Marie de France illustrates the challenges which Marie and many other s struggled and against the entrenched attitudes of which some broke free . Understanding these hindrances and recognizing them underscores Marie de France successes during this era of gendered limitations within social advancements. Marie de France demonstrate how h er writing ability guided her to thrive when a host of challenges oppos ed her because of her sex . Examining her writings through a gendered lens reveal s a measure of how she overcame the barriers she faced on the patriarchal plane of the West. Women, a nd certainly not all women, attempted to disrupt the containment they experienced in medieval society . C ertain occupations, activities, and interests maintained , for the most part, the un attainable although some stellar examples stripped the shackled standard s and excelled in some male dominated fields , including Queen 189 Misogyny. 113 114. 190 Misogyny. 139.
59 Eleanor of Aquitaine, her daughter Countess Marie of Champ agne, as formerly mentioned, the Countess Beatrice of Die , and of course Marie de France. 191 Queen E stands as a prime example of female agency in the High Middle Ages. Her interest an d history in courtly literature emerged well before her union with either Louis V II of France or Henry II of England; it began with her grandfather, William IX, the so called first troubadour . Eleanor possessed a personal attachment and heritage to the vernacular literature of France. Her fondness for sprouted in her native Aquitaine. In her youth, she embraced the troubadour chivalric character to that of the twelfth century; his poetry was oft en lewd and uncourtly. 192 In , Eleanor of Aquitaine, Queen of the Troubadours, Jean Markale notes that at an early age troubadours serenaded the future queen with their romantic compositions. 193 The court of Poitiers evolved into an intellectual haven where a number of troubadours converged. 194 In exchange between writers of different tongues and civilizat ions and consequently paved the 195 The troubadours transmitted 191 Joan Kely Gadol, Becoming Visible: Women in European History , Ed. by Renate Bridenthai and Clandia Koonz, (Houghton Mifflin Co., 1977). Re print. 174 201. 183. Hereafter, Gadol. 192 Markale. 4. 193 Markale. 16. 194 ibid. 195 Ma rkale. 113.
60 their tales and rhymes to meld with other cultures and codify its influence and imprint onto Western European societies. The troubado ur centered origins of courtly culture held one element which drove its growth but a vital one . Eleanor attachment for its art form drove her to promote it unceasingly from a young age. The troubadour themed courtly literature c ontained progressive societal shifts which, to a degree, advanced the standing of some women. I n his book, Eleanor of Aquitaine , Desmond Seward notes brought about a considerable improvement i 196 Eleanor daughter played a pivotal role in the literary culture of France as well . In, The Art of Courtly Love, Andreas Capellanus, John Jay Parry writes that Marie pursued a rejuvenation of romantic courtly poetry and resulted in a host of successes in the region, especially in Troyes where many medieval poets composed their works including Chretien de Troyes and Andreas Capellanus. 197 The interests of Marie de Champagne and those of her mother demonstrate where the rich literary culture of the period expanded. The myriad of events cultivated an already extant literary movement into a burgeoning hub of cultures and created a distinct ve rnacular literary environment which inspired many authors to compose oeuvres of prose and verse. Marie de France a woman of agency convey how some medieval societal shifts occurred . lais pos sess courtly att ribute s , strong female characters, and 196 Markale. 113. 197 Parry . 16.
61 moralized Ovidian narratives. Marie stands as a noted remarkable writer of the era, but certainly other female poets existed and composed their works during this era of progressive development but no texts survive . Marie de France gs , thankfully, survive because of the manuscripts we possess . O ther female poet s compose d their writings during this era as well . I n Women in Wes tern Intellectual Culture, 600 1500, Patricia Raft states that a collection of poetesses t wenty three , Raft relates t hrived in the courtly culture of the Pr oven Ã§ al region . 198 The troubairitz emerged as the ir appellation in the Proven Ã§ al lands at whose skir ts the troubadours had knelt, the wives and daughters of the lords of Occ i tania. 199 They held , the unique position of being women in a world where women were 200 O ne poetesses, f or example, Lombarda , was a lady of Toulouse , noble and beautiful, gracious of person, and learned . She knew very well how to write poetry, and composed beautiful stanza on amatory 201 The y wrote the canso, or love song; the tenso, or de bate; and the sirventes, 202 Their works thrived, as Raft writes , in the second generation 198 Patricia Raft, Women in Western Intellectual Culture, 600 1500 , ( New York: Pullgrave McMillan, 2002 ). 84. Hereafter Raft. 199 Bogin. 63 64. 200 B ogin. 64. 201 ibid. 202 ibid.
62 of troubadours in southern France (ca. 1 170 1260). 203 Although many sectors of medieval society kept women subjugated , others thrived in regions where they held autonomy and certainly significant agency. This, however, stood as the exception and not the rule for most. Many scholars , however, regard Marie de France a s the most acclaimed medieval woman poet s ; her lai s shed a n illuminating light on the literature and strain of it. lais, in part, represent transformative element s present in the courtly literature where her females characters do no t play passive participant s but active protagonists. The y illustrate prog ressive examples of strong female characters . In La nval , a role reversal occurs when the love of a knight, under the sway of a fairy queen bound by secrecy, almost overpowers all else. The knight explains lady, if it were to please you to grant me the joy of wanting to love me, you could ask nothing that I would not 204 When writings reveal the multiple layers of love, she includes a level in which Marie overturns the cultural co nvention of the twelfth c entury and the classical era when she incorporates not only female agency but female dominion . In the case of Lanval, the lady impresses her will upon the knight and demonstrates her strength over the noble knight prowess . In Guigemar, the female protagonist , even when cloistered in a seemingly hopeless situation , seeks and discovers a solution to her plight. Whether through the fate of love or 203 Bogin. 64 . 204 Lays, Lanval. 74.
63 lais conquer the host of challenges they endur e with strength, devotio n to their lovers, and resolve. In Guigemar, the lady cloistered and locked away , reunites with her beloved. In Equitan, and Bisclavret, although their goals hold malicious intent , the women impel their will upon their lovers, one of whom is a king. In Le s Deus Amanz, the maiden guides the young knight but when he follows his own will , he loses his life. In Chaitivel, a lady entertains the love of four different knights. In Milun, the maternal bond leads the lady to send her child born out of wedlock to guard her child against social ridicule. The significance of characters lies in how Marie explores the possibilities and the po tential of women who attain their goals no matter their challenges, situations, or seclusion. M illustrate their active role during the advancements of the period. For example, as the Anthology of British Literature often coupled the tense desires of love with the glories of chivalric pursuits. 205 Conversely, Marie de France : sonal desires of her characters especially those of her female characters . They writings of other medieval poets. 206 Joan Kelly Gadol argues that the courtly literature of the 207 ree, an alignment of the sexual and 205 Anthology. 180 181. 206 ibid. 207 Gadol. 181.
64 e ffective needs and the inter order. 208 A false perception also existed in which women held little or no power over administration of feudal property. Inheritance by women often suited the needs of the great landholding families of the feudal society of twelfth century France 209 Although examples of women who broke the social norms of the day occurred, most, if not all examples, e xisted soley within the aristocracy , or of whom we know . The imp ortance of these examples highlight s and overturn s the mythology that all medieval women held little or no agency, autho rity, or influence. B old examples of f emale influence and authority forged the possible and potential paths for many women to follow. One aspect of courtly literature which attracted the passions of women emerged in how the passionate pursuits within the poetry itself includes both male and female desires. In fact, as Ga 210 Women, of courtly literature. 211 Gadol argues that i 208 Gadol. 181 . 209 Gadol. 182. 210 Gadol. 183. 211 Gadol . 183.
65 voice and status for female sexual love, and only medieval Europe accepted that voice as 212 Gadol contends that twenty or more troubairitz from the Proven Ã§ al region thrived and created many chivalric lyrics which matched those of the male troubadours. 213 The style of chivalric or courtly literature included, as Gadol explains, many female voices to further the variant pers pectives through a gendered lens to examine and understand the many layers it possesses as Godal suggests, held an [element] refers to Marie de Ã© tien de Troyes roman Courtois 214 The contributions of women during this epoch occupied significance in both the romance and lyric wri tings which make s 215 The effect of how women contributed to the medieval lite rary culture bears a relatively unknown one . When we apply a gendered lens to examine the literature of a patriarchal soci ety , it affords an a lternate and improved understanding of its elements and influences, including the men and women which form ed a diverse regional culture. Joan Kely Gadol explains that women, mostly of the aristocratic stratum, created an imprint on their society because of their wealth and standing in soci ety. Eleanor of Aquitaine, 212 Gadol. 183. 213 ibid. 214 ibid . 215 ibid.
66 and her daughter, Marie of Cha mpagne, stand as prime example s of women of agency . Both sponsored and nurtured the growth of courtly culture . I t resonated in Eleanor from an early age and both possessed the prestige to promote their interests. 216 Marie de France contributed to her culture through her talents and authority of h er compositions. She stood as a model of female agenc y in twelfth century Western culture . Her poet ry , guided by the classical literary canon writings , bolstered the formation of vernacular literature and the literary transformations of the epoch. MARIE DE FRANCE The mystery that surrounds Mari e de France lies in her identity and the literary layers of her poetry . A corpus of scholarly research inc ludes centuries of resources where academic s and others have postulate d about the unknown essence about Marie and her compositions. To understand the many elements within the rhyming couplets of her verse , we must rely on past scholarship , and examine their analyses of her writings. Any related literary components within her poetry are equally as important as the poetry itself . H er verse possesses a myriad of hidden facets which may reveal the deeper meanings within her writings . Marie de France define a facet of courtly writing s within the literary cultural collage of the period . B ut , what mak 216 Jean Markale, Eleanor of Aquitaine, Queen of The Troubadours. Translated by Jon Graham. ( Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions, 1979 ), Hereafter, Markale. 4.
67 translations, courtliness and courtly love certainly describe her poetry a multitude of times. Her compositions, moreover, detail how the literature of the era conveyed courtliness . A ccording to C. Stephen Jaeger , if we examine the narratives of Marie de France lais , the ingredients of courtliness emerge within the narrative elements. Jaeger writes , as stated earlier : swiftly to favor and power, inspires envy and become entan gled in romantic complications 217 Not all chivalric themed tales follow this formula but most possess common elements. lais, however , do not all result in the ruler fall ing , in fa ct , many do not affect the rule r power ; many , instead , center on the relationship between the lovers. The common stranger element present s itself often; it appears in Guigemar, Lanval, to some degree, Les Deux Amanz, Yonec, Laustic, and Eliduc. The protagonists often draw close to a lady who is close to a lord but not necessarily the ruler. Jaeger also depicts t he magnate or lord as weak; this motif appears in Guigemar, Equitan, and Yonec. description of courtly love , it derives its stru cture from the Arabic tradition. She states: [The] homage to the lady, true love as endless suffering, [and] chastity as the high expression of true love. 218 an element of homage to the lady i n nearly all of her na rrative s . A 217 Jaeger. 237 238. 218 Bodin. 45.
68 description of the se knights or lovers often carry courtly qualities. Some hold the common characterist i cs that Jaeger describes in his work: well bred, well mannered, and eloquent of speech. Marie describes Guigemar as wise, brave, loved by everyone, and noble. 219 Lanval possesses the qualities of generosity, beauty, valor, prowess and of noble birth. 220 In Yonec, the knight transformed from a hawk is and handsome. 221 In Eliduc, the knight is worthy, courtly, brave, fierce, and valiant . 222 s create her o wn flavor of courtly literature, but t hey also hold some common ingredients of courtly behavior , typical narrative s, and include the virtues which define them as courtly tales. He r works, however, go beyond them; her tales extend the narratives and the Ovidian themes. She combines the Ovidian elements, mor alizes the themes and narrative s , and teach es while creat ing and reveal ing the layers of eros within the twelfth century landscape. literary connection s poetry , moreover, hold the significance to her works and define her literary importance to the era cultural developments . E xtant secondary sources which examine Marie de France and her compositions remain copious in number. One source, The Anthology of British Literature, laudably credits Marie with both the first French female poet title and the premier female writer appellat ion of the 219 Lays, Guigemar. 43 44. 220 Lays, Lanval. 73. 221 Lays, Yonec. 87 88. 222 Lays, Eliduc. 111.
69 Middle Ages. 223 The surviving writings of Marie comprise three works in three separate genres. 224 The first, her relevant L ais (c. 1155 the Ysopet or Fables (c. 1167 h translation of Aesop , and finally the less studied , Esprurgatoire de Saint Patries (Legend of the Purgatory of Saint Patrick (c. 1189), a didactic tale in which Patrick, an Irish knight, undergoes a spiritual journey 225 An additional wri ting by Marie de France which Logan E. Whalen discusses in his Companion to Marie De France is , La Vie Seinte Audree . 226 The consensus of most scholars believe s Marie wrote her lais in the latter half of the twelfth century. gives us an idea of her cultural environment and how it may have influenced her works. M any facts about Marie allude us , even her name, Marie de France, a designation con trived hundreds of years after her passing . The appellation , century Frenchman catalogued French authors who composed their works before the year 1300. 227 In the 1581 text, Recueil de la langue poesie FranÃ§o ise , Claude Fauchet catalogued 127 French authors and wrote 228 Whalen details this self 223 Black, Joseph Black, eds., et al. The Broadview Anthology of British Literature Volume 1 The Medieval Period, Second Edition. (Toronto: Broadview Press, 2009). 180. Hereafter, Anthology. 225 Anthology . 180 181. 226 Whalen. vii. 227 ibid. 228 ibid.
70 where Fauchet relates the minute personal history we now possess about this French poet: Au finement de cet escrit, Me nommerai pae remembrance Marie ai nom, si sui de France Marie de France does not car ry a surname because she is of royal blood, but because she is a native of France, for she states, At the end of this work, I will name myself for posterity, My name is Marie, I am from France. 229 In the epilogue of , Ysopet , Marie explains her motives t o why she gives so little personal 230 Posterity acclaims Marie as a preeminent poet of the period. Whalen of the most prominent literary voices of the twelfth century and was, to the best of our knowledge, the first woman of letters to write in French 231 Her lais give us just one example of the breadth of courtly literature popular during the latter hal f of the twelfth century and its contribution to the cultural developments of the epoch . 229 Anthology. 180. 230 ibid. 231 Whalen. vii.
71 The writings of Marie de France form a geo graphical landscape where Marie most likely holds an amorphous quality to the appellation of the period. In the twelfth century, both English and French kings ruled regions within the kingdom itself. When Marie writes her lais, she adopts the Norman dialect or Old French which advances the notion she hailed from the region of Normandy. 232 Her use of Old French, additionally, grants us an understanding of her rela ted environment where she lived. H er dedication of her lais believe refers to Henry II of England only adds agency t o this theory. 233 Adding to the mystery of Marie de France, some believe Marie was the illegiti mate sister of the English King but since no evidence exists, it, along with a multitude of theories about Marie, resides in the realm of conjecture. 234 One gener 235 cultured and highly educated person who knew French, Latin, and the Breton language which she writes as the origin of her lais . 236 The lais were a collection of twelve romances written in octosyllabic 232 Anthology. 180. 233 ibid. 234 ibid. 235 ibid. 236 ibid.
72 rhyming couplets. 237 The structure of the lais requires a h eightened level of literary and linguistic craft. The Anthology of British Literature form requires Marie to handle her material with considerable finesse and she recounts her tales with an economy of words and a tigh t narrative control that lend the romances down to 238 Her compositions incorporate multiple intellectual elements of the cultural landscape to form a distinctive strain of verse in the courtly literature. Marie not only creates a decided form of courtly literature but an example of female agency i n an age of subordinated women which certainly produced some measure of attention from the medieval patriarchy. Although we possess only slivers of information and few resources about Marie de France, one account from a contemporary twelfth century poet alludes to a poetess of note. Whalen cites a chronicle written in 1180 by Denis Piramus, a renowned poet in his ow n right , who wrote , The life of St. Edmund the King. 239 Piramus encounters a talented poetess and states : lais. 240 Marie is Marie de France. 241 this [Marie de France] 237 Anthology. 180. 238 ibid. 239 Lay. 11. 240 ibid. 241 ibid.
73 composer possessed and enough for Piramus to record it. His reputation within courtly circles give s his account further agency about this Marie within the courtly community . In , The Lais of Marie de France, Glyn S. Burgess and Keith Busby relate further evidence concerning the same Denis Piramus. They quote Denis: 8). 242 caused great praise to be heaped on h er and it is much appreciated by counts and barons and 243 Piramus finally adds: omed to please the ladies: they listen to them joyfully and willingly, for 244 Piramus about Marie gives credence to the talent and literary respect for strengthens the significance of this literary artifact about Marie and only adds to our understanding about Marie and her writings. Over the centuries , scholars have delved into a host of academic fields to discover and reveal the hidden elements In Marie de France: An Analytical Bibliography , Glyn S. Burgess created a the years and published it in 1977 . He catalogues nearly all relevant and tangential data about 242 Lays. 11. 243 i bid. 244 ibid.
74 Marie de France from the late sixteenth century up to the 1970s. 245 His work, Whalen suggests, created a significant increase in scholarly research related to Marie de France and her comp ositions. 246 The numerous amount of secondary resources relating to the seemingly unknown French poet enforces her literary significance and agency during the High Middle Ages and on the genre of courtly roma nce . A small number of medieval manuscripts , thankfully, contain Marie de France writings and provide primary source material to examine . lais , unfortunately, were only first published in 1819 . T he British Library holds one manuscript , Harley 978. 247 Other manuscripts also contain her tales: MS S, Paris Biblioth Ã¨ que Nationale nouv. acq. Fr. 1104; M S P, Biblioth Ã¨ que Nationale, fr. 2168; MS C (British Library, Cott. Vesp. B XIV); and MS Q (Biblioth Ã¨ que Nationale, fr. 24432. 248 One interesting extract o f textual evidence related to lais ; although the Harley manuscript contains the twelve well known lais of Marie, only three of her lais, Guigemar, Lanval, and Y onec are prese nt in more than two manuscripts and three other lais : La Ã¼ stic, Chaitivel, and Eliduc appear in just one manuscript. 249 Burgess and Busby suggest the twelve tales may have more than one author 245 Whalen. ix. 246 i bid. 247 Lays. 7 8, 10. 248 Lays. 8. 249 ibid.
75 because multiple orders of her lais exist i n various manuscripts . Guigemar , furthermore, c ontains the only substantial prologue. 250 Burgess and Busby even suggest that a scribe may 251 250 Lays. 8. 251 Lays. 9.
76 Prologue of the Lais of Marie de France in the Harley 978 Manuscript, late 13 th century 252 These medieval manuscripts exist as transmission of her poetry , and discerning the possible ripples along its transmission journey. Marie de France precedes her collection of lais with a fifty six line prologue followed by the most co mmon order of lais among translators: Guigemar, Equitan, Fresne, Bisclavret, Lanval, Les Deus Amanz, Yonec, La Ã¼ stic, Milun, Chaitivel, Cheverfoil, and Eliduc. 253 lais possess no static length; her shortest lai , Chevrefoil , occupies only 118 lines, and the longest , Eliduc , comprises 1,184 lines. Marie both asserts her authorship of the collection of lais, and she states that the sire of her tales spring from Breton based narratives. For 254 ( Quant de la Ã¬ s fair 252 http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=harley_ms_978_f118r 253 Lays, Introduction. 7. 254 Lays, Bisclavret. 68.
77 ). 255 In the lai , Yonec , 256 ( Puis que des lais commence ). 257 The regional cultures of France melded the Breton, Norman, and classical cultures, along with other effectual cultures of the region. Marie, however, attempts to codify Breton heritage as a significant element of her lais , although further analysis of her compositions reveal s a clear classical component present in her lais. was that before the nineteenth century , her limited regard existed Fables. 258 Before this time, Marie occupied thirteen century poet ry , in part, because her refer 259 The Fables, moreover, also appear in at least thirty lais . 260 Her placement in the latter half of the twelfth century, furthermore, lies principally in he edited her Lais (1885) and her Fables (1898). 261 Burgess and Busby explain how 255 Marie de France, Marie de France Oeuvres . Editions la Biblioth Ã¨que , Digitale. Texte Ã© tabli par B. Rocquefort, Chasseriau, (1820). Bisclavret 3873 out of 4582. He reafter, Oeuvres. 256 ibid. 257 Ouevres , Guigemar. 3260 out of 4582 . 258 Lays. 16. 259 ibid. 260 Lays. 14. 261 Lays. 17.
78 discovered a curious linguistic element within her lais work likely composed her works . Warnke suggested and Hoepffner believed that the medieval poem Roman de Brut guid ed Marie de France poetry as well. 262 artifact in the study of Marie de France. Their discovery brought improved understanding about when Marie composed her lais; it realigned her poetry into the literary advancements of the twelfth century renaissance. When Warnke and Hoepffner reinterpreted he r linguistic elements influenced by Wace and Roman de Brut it placed her in the twelfth century which fit s the evidence when she dedicates her lais to King Henry [Henry II of England], decides to adopt the Norman dialect , and the literary influence of Ovid in the twelfth century sat at its apex. from t he resonant poems of troubadours many of which appear in the vernacular . According to Desmond of platonic love ( amor de lonh , love from afar) and sang of an impossible passion f or some unattainable noblewoman, 263 Marie decides to compose her lais in the Old French vernacu lar not in the Latin. According to Burgess and Busby, the subject matter and form of the lais 264 They contend the creation of more vernacular texts during this era demonstrates: 262 Lays. 17 . 263 ibid. 264 Lays. 21.
79 the desire to b ring literature and leaning within reach of those with no knowledge of 265 To further this suggestion, religious biographies, sermons, scientific works, and other translated works began to appear in vernacular languages. 266 The translation s of many lit erary genres appearing in the vernacular i nstead of just Latin illustrate the important element related to the many transitions of the period . A multitude of vernacular texts emerge giving more people better ac cess to knowledge based texts. This shift illustrates how the culture drew away from classical culture to further its own regional identity through vernacular writings. Burgess and Busby argue that Marie penned her writings during the pinnacle of the love lyric when the romance dev eloped its form. They suggest the romances of antiquity: Roman de Thebes, and Roman de Troie influenced her compositions as well . 267 They contend these classical urtly veneer onto the originals particularl 268 Further influential texts of this period contributed to twelfth century courtly literature and include, in part, the Tristan texts, the works of Chr Ã© tien de Troyes , and the writings of Hue de Rotelande . 269 These courtly 265 Lays , Introduction. 21 22. 266 ibid. 267 ibid . 268 Lays, Introduction. 21 22. 269 ibid .
80 compositions Lais of Marie de 270 They also propose that the composition of shaped the lais of Marie 271 They freely admit the y cannot cite specific examples doubt the influence on Marie [de France] 272 Her poetry include s both the classical text based romances reviewed and the culturally germane texts such as the Historiae Regum Britanniae Brut (c. 1155). 273 She references these works when some geographical elements present themselves in her tales . 274 Mari e experiences and educational influences during the intellectual ad vancements form ed the literature of lais. Her inclusion of classical literary works as well as regional influences augments the breadth of her brand of courtly liter ature and the literary elements within her lais. 270 Lays, Introduction. 22. 271 ibid. 272 ibid . 273 Lays, 23. 274 Lays, Intro duction . 21 22.
81 Ovid 275 Marie de France 276 275 https://www.google.com/search?q=ovid&source=lnms&tbm=isch&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwi12pLui8rSAhWa2Y M KHZ9SDuwQ_AUICSgC&biw=1517&bih=654#imgrc=m5_EioE78S8uAM : 276 https://www.google.com/search?q=marie+de+france&source=lnms&tbm=isch&sa=X&ved=0a hUKEwjW0tTbk srSAhUB5CYKHXtjDfQQ_AUICSgC&biw=1517&bih=654#imgrc=yP44lkVFLx2bMM :
82 CHAPTER V OVID AND MARIE DE FRANCE: AN AMATORY ALLAIANCE One literary ornament of the twelfth century renaiss ance exist s in the lais of Marie de France whe n she create d a literary relationship with the classical Roman poet, Ovid. writings , however, also reveal a n important contradiction: A lthough Marie de France asserts her lais derive from Breton tales, they also contain a rich classical influence and Ovidian elements . poetry , nonetheless, advances the vernacular literature when she incorporates and demonstrates the classical reception of . A host of c lassical authors enjoyed a revered reputation in medieval society which guided poetry a degree of currency and acclaim when few women possessed any positive reputation for literary excellence. , moreover, notions of love contained in his compositions, Amores (Loves) , Ars Amatoria (Art of Love) , Remedia Amoris (The Cures for Love), and his Metamorphoses . S he moralizes her narrative s to contain the Ovidian tales and themes while she informs the audience with lessons while reveal ing the multiple layers of eros. Marie modifies Ovidian tales to adapt them to a new period when the Church held a high degree of power and forced its ample spiritual authority on medieval society. Marie was not the first to modify a narrative to suit cultur a l standard s , and she certainly was not the last writer to do so . Some connections between Marie de France and Publius Ovidius Naso resonate more than others. Both lived under powerful rulers: Emperor Augustus, and King Henry II of England . D uring the Aetas Ovidia na , Marie , perhaps inspired s , create d her verse and expands and adapts the concepts of love to her time . T hese two poets also share d the desire to be remembered eld no
83 fear to place accolades upon herself with almost an air of hubris . In the p rologue to her lais , she writes: Anyone who has received from God the gift of knowledge and true eloquence has a duty not to remain silent: rather one should be happy to reveal such talents. When a truly beneficial thing is heard, by many people, it then enjoys its first blossom, but if it is widely praised its flowers are in full bloom. 279 When Marie compose d her lais to be remembered , she drafts divine authoity to empower her worth. S he proclaim s boldly that endowed her with the poetic talents and brazenly claim s her religious duty compels her to compose them . Her sacred reasoning to create her works create powerful rhetoric al tools. Her approach, moreover, reveals an added tactic when Marie contrasts the often adopted convention of self deprecation which many medieval writers employed. Gregory of Tours, for instance, a French missionary in the sixth century, felt a duty driven burden to write b ecause few kep t written record s of the local events . His reasons hold similar qualities duty in that she feels her God given gift impels her to display her talents . Gregory, however, did so with an air of self dep lest my syllable or even letter I offend against grammatical usage, a matter in which I am far 280 Sarah Kay examines a further example of self deprecation adopted 279 Lays , Prologue. 41 . 280 Gregory of Tours: The History of the Franks . Translated by Lewis Thorpe (London: Penguin Books, 1974), 63, 67. Hereafter, Gregory.
84 in courtly literature in her book, Who was Chr Ã© tien de Troyes . She surveys the courtly poetry and how the poetry of helps to lessen the tension within aristocr atic courts by employing the convention of self deprecati on sobriquets chosen by the troubadours were self 281 Conversely, Marie not only begins her poetry with self promoting accolades but pierces her opposition with rhetorical rancor as she tattlers attempt to find fault with me I do 282 Even though she lived in a patriarchal soc iety, she pridefully presents her abilities and thrashes those who wish to silence her. She does not adopt the stereotypical visage of the passive and reticent lady . H er bold tone, moreover, suggests and supports the theory Marie de France belonged to the aristocratic stratum because a noble b orn lady held more freedom to write forcefully than one who belonged to the lower tier of society. Ovid , like Marie , charges his verse with prideful pronouncements of his poetic excellence and the immortal character of his compositions. In Amores he writes: This, too, is the work of my pen well known singer of my wort hless way. This, too, have I wrought at the bidding of Love away from me, far away from austere fair! Ye are no fit audience for my tender strains. For my readers, I want the maid not cold at the sight of her promised ouched by passion til now unknown. 283 281 Sarah Kay, Ã© Arthurian Literature 15 (1997) . 33. Hereafter, Kay . 282 Lays , Guigemar. 45 . 283 Ovid: Heroides, Amores. Transl. Grant Showerman, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977). Book II. i. lines 1 6, 380 381. Hereafter, Amores.
85 Hoc quoque conposui Paelignis natus aquosis, ille ego nequitiae Naso poeta meae. H oc quoque iussit Amor procul hinc, procul este, severae! non estis teneris apta theatra modis. M e legat in sponsi facie non frigida virgo, et rudis ignoto tactus amore puer; Ovid not only proclaims the worthiness of his pen but selects which audience is fit to hear his verse . Later in Amores, the gree dy pyre. The poems of the bard the renown of the toils of Troy, and the tardy web unwoven with nightly wile 284 In his Ars Amatoria, Ovid rhetorically asks: What is sought by the sacred bards by fame alone? all we ask. Poets once were the care of chieftains and of kings, and the choirs of old won great rewards. 285 Quid petitur sacris, nisi tantum fama, poetis? Hoc votum nostri summa laboris habet. Cura deum fuerant olim regumque poetae: Praemiaque antiqui magna tulere chori I n his poetry , Ovid gives agency to himself by elevating the worth of all poets to posterity. Within their works, both Marie and Ovid possess a matched desire for future generations to remember them and praise their works. The ir verse contain s a deluge of self praise to elevate the pris ( worth ) of their poetry and the perceived value of their compositions . A vital link 284 Defugiunt avidos carmina sola rogos;/ durant, vatis opus, Troiani fama laboris/ tardaque nocturno tela retexta dolo. Amores , Book III, ix. line 28 29. 488. 285 . Publius Ovidius Naso , The Art of Love and Other Poems. Transl. J. H. Mosley, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004). Ars Amatoria, Book III, lines 403 406. 146. Hereafter, Ars.
86 between the works of Ovid and Marie , moreover, relies on the level of classical reception of effect on the literary culture of the High Middle Ages. Marie incorporates aspects of the classical world when she incorporates mythological motifs in to her poetic works. I n Guigemar , for instance, Marie incorporates powerful Ovidian visual elements to create a The walls of the chamber were covered in paintings of Venus, the go ddess of love, was skillfully depicted together with the nature and obligations of love; how it should be observed with loyalty and good service. In the painting, Venus was shown as casting into a blazing fire the book in which Ovid teaches the art of con trolling love and as excommunicating all those who read this book or adopted its teachings. 286 La chamber ert piente tut entur; Fu tresbien [mise] en la pienture, Les traiz mustrez a la nature Cument hom deit amur tenir E l Ã« alment e bien server; Le livre ovide, ou il enseine En un fu ardant le gettout E tuz iceus escumengout Ki ja mais cel livre lirreient Ne sun enseignement fereient La fu la dame enclose e mise. 287 The visual description attaches, to the elements of Love which guides and oversee s the lai its elf . additionally, suggests a duty 286 Lays , Guigemar . lines 233 236. 46. 287 Oeuvres , Guigemar . 1842 of 4582.
87 bound characteristic of love. The ironic element of this motif lies in w hen Venus incinerat es on how to control love because cupid , pierce s ing him with desire and inspiring him to write his amatory work s . Although Marie fails to explicitly name to which book of Ovid she al ludes, Amores (Loves), Ars Amatoria (Art of Love) , or, Remedia Amoris (The Cures for Love) , the Ars Amatoria lays out a crafty and cunning blueprint on how to control love and is most likely the boo k in question . Marie , nonetheless, employs this mural to rhetorically cultural duties and social standards. The image itself textually looms over the wife of the lord , cloistered and isolated , t o remind her of her matrimonial duties . The tale also reveals the lady repressed desire for love, passion, and affection because she possesses non e . Marie establishes a link with Ovidian love and introduces its esoteric qualities which Ovid states in Amores soul ready for any proof. Aflame is great Achilles for Briseis taken away men of Troy, 288 Ovid adopts hyperbolic rhetoric to demonstrate the passion its suffering to illustrate the pains of love. Marie de France employs many, if not all, c ore elements found in verse . In Guigemar, notions of eros love had now pierced him [Guigemar] to the quick and his heart was greatly disturbed. For 288 Ergo desidiam quicumque vocabat amorem,/ desinat. Ingenii est experientis amor./ ardet in abducta Briseide magnus Achilles / dum licet, Argeas frangite, Troes, opes! Amores. Book I, ix, lines 31 34. 356.
88 289 Marie links her work with Ovid two fold. She links the physical sign of suffe ring in Guigemar poetry in Amores when cupid pierce s Ovid just as love pie r ces Guigemar : th , were th e arrows that yon boy had. I am on fire, and in my but now vacant heart. Love sits his 290 Amores and Marie melds it into her lai, Guigemar . The significance o f Guigemar lies in how Marie textual ly demonstrates the thematic connection with when Guigemar suffers the same wound as Ovid character Amores and forges the literary relationship between the two poets through the ir narrative elements and themes . Marie Guigemar also examine s the obligation s and duties of marriage within the medieval cultural background . When Marie employs Venus casting to the flames in Guigemar h, she creates a struggle between duty and desire: obligations of love, how it should be observed with loyalty and good service , yet her poetry also incorporate s passion . Marie de France text , moreover, examines the cost of desire in Guigemar , Yonec, La Ã¼ stic, Equitan, Bisclavret, Milun, Eliduc, 289 Lays , Guigemar, lines 386 88 . 48. 290 Lunavi Certas habuit puer ille sagittas./ uror, et in vacuo pectore regnat Amor . Amores. Book I, ii. lines 23 26. 322.
89 and Chevrefoil . Marie surveys the consequences, good and bad, of choosing a passion driven love over the dutiful bonds of matrimony , of keeping s ecret relationship s and illegitimate children over the obligations of a societal duty . I n Eliduc , Marie illustrates the consequences of how hono r and duty confront p a ssion and love. Marie depicts the repressive existence of a wife with a jealous husband in Guigemar, Yonec, and La Ã¼ stic, and she demonstrate s how the unbearable burden of desire can overwhelm a person to commit malicious deeds of deception and death. 292 The struggle between duty and passion, furthermore, maintains its presence as a common element and theme within courtly literature as a whole discourse of courtly love arose in an atmosphere of repressed conflict between the clerical and lay members of aristocratic courts, and that the pervasive irony and euphemism of 293 The conflict between obligation and desire in the courtly tales describe the aristocratic struggles between their responsibilities and their passions ; courtly literature helped to reliev e these tensions. Along with the many layers of eros , Marie also reveal s the complexities of love and duty within the human condition found in the institution of marriage. Marie explores how the sanctity of marriage in the medieval era created little choice for the woman, and in some cases, dreadful results for both the husbands and wives. One of these examples emerges in Guigemar . 292 Lays. 43 111 . 293 Kay. 33.
90 When the lord imprisons his wife in Guigema r because of her affair with the knight, Guigemar, the lady violate s her matrimonial duties and surrenders to her passions and ultimately attain s the love she desires with her knight . Although the lady is duty bound to her lord and husband, she escapes his bonds , submits to love , and forms a powerful union with Guigemar . Even when her husband exiles Guigemar from the land, Love finds a way to examines how a wife trapped in a loveless marriage and duty bound to her husband and lord struggles and succumbs to the passions of melds the elements of Ovidian love in which desire, passion, duty, marriage, surrender to love, and separation create not a simple story but demonstrates the compl exity within love itself . One connection which also forms a relationship between the works of Ovid and Marie appears when they both emphasize the pain of love . Instead of spotlighting the joys of love , Ovid often centers his pen on the loss of love, the despair, and the suffering of love. In his Amores, Ovid admits his defeat to Cupid, the son of Venus: Shall I yield? or by resisting kindle still more t he inward stealing flame that has me? Let me yield! Light grows the burden that is well bourne. I have seen flames flare up, when fanned by movements of the torch and die down again, when no one waved it more. Oxen, who are not yet broken in, refusing the first yoke endure more blows than those that pleasure in their toil. 294 Cedimus, an subitum l uctando accendimus ingnum? c edamus! leve fit, quod bene fertur, onus, V idi ego iactatas mota face crescere flammas e t rursus nullo concutiente mori. D e tractant prensi dum iuga boves. 294 Amores, Book I, ii. lines 9 14. 322.
91 describes his burning desire , how he suffers from it , and how its elusive nature and the constant pursuit of his desires rewards him with a level of satisfaction he needs , even when he fails to get the girl . In his writings, Ovid imparts how love inflicts him with an enduring pain who own their servitude. Look, I confess! I am new prey of thine, O , Cupid; I stretch forth 295 In Guigemar, pa in, loss, and longing link ing the writings of Ovid and Marie . The protagonist, Guigemar, encounters a white hind and his martial prowess mortally wounds the white hind but at a cost. Guigemar is wounded by the bow he fire d which he must endure until he fin d s to the knight: May you never find a cure, nor may any herb, root, doctor, or potion ever heal the wound you have in your thigh until you are cured by a woman who will suffer for your love more pain and anguish than any other woman has ever known, and too will suffer likewise for her, so much so that all those who are in love, wh o have known love or are yet to experience it, will marvel at it. 296 295 Acrius invitos multoque ferocious urget/ quam qui servitium ferre fatentur Amor./ En ego Confiteor! Tue sum nova praeda, Cipido;/ porrigimus victas as tua iura manus. Amores. B ook I , ii. lines 18 20. 322. 296 Lays, Guigemar . 44.
92 Ne par herbe ne par racine Ne par mire ne par pocium Ã© s garisun De la plaie ke as en la quisse, De s[i] ke cele te guarisee Ki suff era pur tue amur Issi grant piene e tel dolur Ke unkes femme taunt ne suffri; E tu ref[e]ras taunt pur li, Ki aiment e am Ã© avrunt U ki pois amerunt apr Ã© s 297 The theme of suffering present in Guigemar runs throughout lais and in poetry which further demonstrates the ir literary connection . The pain of love , however, manifests itself differently for each poet . Ovid convey his pain of love in an almost playful and tongue and cheek manner. Conversely, Marie de France lai s transmits her notions of love with emotional and dramatic effect as it expands ideas of Love . Classical mythology constant companion ; it advance s his amorous content while highlighting the costs of love and how to avoid the pain of love. 297 Oeuvres , Guigema r. 1735 of 4582.
93 n avoiding love. , in fact, illustrates how love, when avoided, returns as if fate writings attempt to warn the reader of its pains wh ich create agonies too severe to endure , according to compositions . catalogues how even the mighty pantheon of classical mythology suffers because of love. He explains how Phyllis, Medea , and her children, Tereus , Philomela, Pasiphae, Phaedra, and Scy lla fell under the spell of love. 298 He tells of two famous classical mythological characters who fell under the spell of love and fell into ruin : the first from the Aeneid height the Dardan vessels spread their sails to the winds. Nor would anger have armed against her offspring the mother who took vengeance on her husband with the loss of kindred 299 In t he second recalls the tales of Homer to further hi s cause: Dan 300 In his texts, Ovid e xpand s in the midst of the practice of love: passion must be re 301 Although Ovid warns about the pains of love throughout his Remidia Amatoria, Mar ie 298 Ars, Remedia Amoris . 183. 299 Nec moriens Dido summa vidisset ab arce/ Dardanias vento vela dedisse rates;/ Nec dolor armasset contra sua viscera matrem,/ Quae socii damno sanguinis ulta virum est . Ars. Remedia Amoris, lines 56 58 . 181 183. 300 Crede Parim nobis, Helenen Menelaus habebit./ Nec minibus Danais Pergama victa cadent. Ars . Remedia Amoris, lines 65 66. 183. 301 Nunc tibi, quae medio veneris praestemeus is usu,/ Eloquar: ex omni est parte fugandus amor. Ars, Remedia Amoris . lines 357 358 . 202 .
94 evolve his ideas of love by adopting many elements a nd embracing the pains of love . Her writings illustrate the pain of love, but also highlight the reward of enduring love and devotion when , for instance, the two l overs reunite i n Guigemar . T he suffering of her characters and how they endure it reveals an esoteric quality to it within Guigemar. classical themes present themselves in her poetr y , specifically , in the suffering of love which derive from her widely accepted aristocratic education . He r instruction in the classics most likely included the works of Aristotle. In Poetics , in part eleven , the Greek philosopher advocates the plot Reversal of the situation and Recognition turn on surprises. A third part is the Scene of Suffering 302 Although the details of what Aristotle p enned creates a complicated pers p ective since the textual evidence we possess about Poetic refers to epic poetry, comedy, and tragedy . , however, expands Ovidian concepts of love, it may also suggest that n s the Aristotelian theme of suffering in the context of eros in the twelfth century . The narrative of lai, Guigemar illustrates a n additional connection between the writings o f Ovid and Marie de France w The lai unfolds as the old lord exiles Guigemar because of his affair with his wife , and he l ocks his wife away for nearly two years. 303 Guigemar grieve 302 Aristotle. Poetics ; ( Acheron Press: Kindle book, 2012). 12. Hereafter Poetics . 303 Lays , Guigemar . 51.
95 constantly sad and downcast. They [his friends] wanted him to take a wife, but he would not 304 The lady whom Guigemar desire s als o mourned for her beloved: Guigemar, lord, how sad that I met you! I prefer to die a speedy death rather than suffer this misfortune too long. Beloved, If I could escape, I should drown 305 The two lovers in Guigemar experience the sorrow , separation, and suffering of love and their longing for each other only increases their pain . Guigema r also includes natural world or Celtic mythological elements in the white hind whom Guigemar kills . The hind sentences Guigemar to a sorrow ridden journey , but the knight gains his reward with the s the Ovidian themes to include the sorrow and reward of p ain s when despite major obstacles , their love prevails. lai, Yonec, holds more than a few parallel points with Guigemar as well. Both tales grief , loss, and separation. Like Guigemar, Yonec also presents a cuc kold jealous lord who imprisons his wife and but keeps her in a tower instead . The maiden in Yonec, encounters a knight who can transform himself into a hawk. In Guigemar , when the Y onec, however, when the lord discovers the supernatural 304 Lays , Guigemar . 51. 305 ibid .
96 valiant son to comfort her. She w as to call him , Yonec, and he would avenge both of them and 306 When Yonec, the child of the lovers matures , the mother reveals the secret ; she and dies. Yonec avenges his father by decapitat ing the old lord and complete the promise of Yonec , the elder knight . The tale , conversely , crafts a diametric result to that of Guigemar . Although Yonec avenges his killer to her son . In Guigemar , the lord exiles the knight and imprison s the lady, but they overcome their separation and suffering whe n love rewards them with a joyful reunion. While Guigemar and Yonec possess different outcomes, they hold common element s which drive the lais and produce the literary correlation of Marie and Ovid. The French poetess , furthermore, incorporates familial love: Yonec and his parents. An further element emerges in Guigemar and Yonec : the theme of a tangible barrie r. The barrier theme adds another facet to their commonality and connection in their poetry . In Ovid wo rks , for instance, he includes the theme of a physical barrier between lovers in his amatory writings and his Metamorp h oses which heighten the dramatic tension and reveal s additional themes . lais adopt the theme of a separating structure in the walls of a cloistered stone room in Guigemar and a secluded tower in Yonec . Both illustrate the theme of a barrier which echo a theme Ovid employ s i n his poetry . In Metamorphoses, the tale of Piramus and Tisbe . Unfolds when the parents of both lovers forbid them to marry and keep them separated . One 306 Lays, Yonec . 30.
97 facet of their separation exists in the form of a wall 307 The existence of a prevalent obstacle in hi s love poetry often exists in the form of a door, threshold, or a guard which prevents him from obtaining access to a girl. In Amores, Ovid scolds the origin of his pain in the barrier itself : You, too, cruel post with your rigid thresholds, and you , doors with your unfeeling beams, you fellow slaves of 308 obstruction stands as his only limitation to obtain his desire. Later in book three, a door also 309 In Ars Amatoria, ering garment. 310 In Remedia Amoris, Ovid furthers the theme of a n obstruct ing door : She cares for others herself, but scorns my love: a pedlar 311 (curse him!) enjoys the nights she 307 "Invide" dicebant "paries, quid amantibus obstas? Ovid: Metamorphoses, Book 1 8. Trans. Frank Justus Miller, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977). Book IV, line 73. 182. Hereafter, Metamorphoses . 308 Ianitor indignum! dura rligate catena,/ difficilem moto cardine pande forem!/ quod precor, exguum est aditu fac ianua parvo/ obliquum capiat semiadapterta latus . Amores. Amores, Book I, vi. lines 1 4. 334. 309 Vos quoque, crudeles rigido cum limine postes/ duraqu e conservae ligna, valete, fores! Amores. Amores, Book I, vii, lines 73 74. 340. 310 Conveniunt thalami furtis et ianua notris,/ Parsque sub iniecta a veste pudenda latet: Ars . Ars Armatoria. Book II, lines 17 18. 66. 311 The Loeb translation of institor u Ars . Remedia Amoris. 199.
98 312 On occasion, speak s to non sentient objects: a door, gate, or wall . Marie , conversely, does not adopt t his convention demonstrating how Ma lais produce a progression and twelfth century r einterpretation s . e tangible barrier theme in Guigemar, La Ã¼ stic , and Yonec in stone walls and i n the sea in Guigemar , and Eliduc. The element of a barrier broaden s the important literary motif of separation by augmenting its form within both their compositions . When a tangible obstruction exists , the cost of separation in pain increases as does its reward . W hen the lovers discover an escape or st r ategy around the str ucture , the rewards, potentially , outweigh the separation from the ir lover. lai, La Ã¼stic, echoes an Ovidian narrative and thematic imagery from his Metamorphoses in the form of a secret affair where t wo lovers never meet. When a wife of a high born knight falls in love with her neighbor, a younger knight, an example of ensues. Their surreptitious affair , however, keeps them separated and prevents them from ever meeting . W hen night falls , however, the lady peers out a window to gaze upon her 313 ( Que autreteu vie dement/ E le plus de la nuit veilot ). 314 The physical denial of each other deepens the strife of separation, 312 Ante suas quotiens passa iacerefores!/ Diliget ipsa alios, a me fastidit Amari;/ institor, heu, noc tes, quas mihi (Loeb text does not have open quote, only closed quote after habet.) Ars . Remedia Amoris. lines 304 306. 198. 313 Lays , La Ã¼stic. 95. 314 Lays , La Ã¼stic. lines 75 76. 158.
99 but also deepen s their love and passion while the wife maintains her matrimonial obligations. When the 315 ( la dame li respunt,/ Il nen ad joie en cest mund ). 316 The husband , even jealous of a nightingale , en traps the nightingale, kills it in front of her for her to see , destroys one few joy s, and the opportunity to look upon her lover , furthering the pain of their distant and unattainable love. When the wife secretly sends the killed nightingale to her lover, the knight honors the lady b y creating a symbol He had a small vessel prepared, not of iron or stee l, but of pure gold with fine stones, very precious and valuable. On it , he carefully placed a lid and put the nightingale in it. Then he had the casket sealed and carried it with him at all times. 317 Un vasselet ad fet forgeÃ©r; Unques n'i ot fer nÃ« acer : Tut fu de or fin od bones pieres, Mut precÃ¯uses e mut cheres; Covercle i ot tresbien asis. Le laÃ¼stic ad dedenz mis; Puis fist la chasse enseeler, Tuz jurs l'ad fet of lui porter. Cele aventure fu cuntee, Ne pot estre lunges celee 318 315 Lays , La Ã¼stic. 95. 316 Lays , La Ã¼stic. lines 83 84. 158. 317 Lays , La Ã¼stic. 96. 318 Oeuvres , La Ã¼stic. 4517 of 4582.
100 Knowing he s only she could decipher: the nightingale. The signifier reminds the song and when she fixed her gaze on her knight and beloved. The scene with the killed nightingale in La Ã¼stic , furthermore, Metamorphoses on several levels. In , , Robert T. Cargo contends the act of killing and hurling the dead nightingale at the wife in La Ã¼stic is rooted in Metamorphoses : 319 of blood, Philomela, springs forward and 320 Cargo, moreover, cites an additional commonality with Metamorphoses . I n La Ã¼stic, the lady send s the dead nightingale to her 321 In Metamorphoses, when Tereus attacks Philomela, Ovid describes rocne tore from her 322 nightingale gift to her knight requires a visual communication device containing an esoteric component, lest her husband discover the nature of their af fair. 323 Just as Philomela creates 319 Comparative Literature, Vol. 18, No. 2 (Spring, 1966) : 3. Hereafter, Cargo. 320 Sparsis furiali caede capillis/ prosiluit Itosque caput Phiomela cruentum/ misit in ora patris. Metamorphose s. Metamorphoses, Book VI, lines 657 659. 335. 321 Lays , La Ã¼stic. 96. 322 Metamorphose s. Book VI, lines 566 567. 328. 323 Cargo. 5.
101 an embroidery to communicate her plight to her sister because Tereus removed her tongue gleam s of gold , the lady in LaÃ¼stic cannot risk a written message an d instead creates a visual message which only the knight can decipher. The importance of La Ã¼stic rests in how Marie furthers her incorporates multiple narrative aspects from Metamorphoses and develops further the nature of love to include the strength of a sisterly bond exemplified in the determination of Philomena . Conversely, s , reveals herself proudly tossing Itys , at Tereus . Marie underlines the similar ities and d ifferences with the two related tales and highlights her evolution , incorporation, and moralization . She extols her affinity for Metamorphoses when she incorporate s more than just one narrative from mythological work. T he rapport between the works of Marie and Ovid reveal practice an array of classical tradition s found Metamorphoses. In Piramo e Tisbe nei Lai Maria de Francia, Cesare Segre contends epic produces a tragic account of Piramus and Tisbe and contains striking similaritie Les Deus Amanz. account describe s two youths who share a separated but amorous relationship . Their parents, however, joined in marriage, too, but their parents forbade. Still, what no parent could forbid, sore 324 Impinged by family protocol, t hey escape 324 Tempore crevit amor; taedae quoque iure coissent,/ sed vetuere patres: quod non potuere vetare,/ ex aequo captis ardebant mentibus ambo. Metamorphose s. Book IV. lines 60 62. 182.
102 and plan a 325 326 Their plan, however, goe s awry when darkness creates misinterpreted clues of death : Tisbe encounters a freshly fed lioness and drops her cloak to escape from the beast 327 The lion ess , nonetheless , gras 328 When Piramus encounters 329 Its sight compels a pair of sorrowful suicides. First, Piramus: He thinks the 330 Tisbe, then encounters the body of Piramus and joins him in death: 331 325 Tum mumnure parvo/ multa prius questi statuunt, ut nocte silenti/ fallere custodies foribusque excedere temptent,/ cumque domo exierint. Metamorphose s. Book IV, lines 83 86. 184. 326 Conveniant ad busta Nini lateantque sub umbra. Metamorphose s. Book IV, line 88. 184. 327 Dumque fugi t, tergo velamina lapsa reliquit. Metamorphose s. Book IV, line 101. 184. 328 Dum redit in silvas, inventos forte sine ipsa/ ore cruentato tenues laniavit amictus/ serius egressus vestigial vidit alto. Metamorphose s. Book IV, line 103 105. 186. 329 Ut vero vestem quoque sanguine tinctam. Metamorphose s. Book IV, line 107. 186. 330 Quoque erat accinctus demisit inilia ferrum/ nec mora, feventi moriens e vulnere traxit. Metamorphose s. Book IV, lines 119 120. 186. 331 Persequar extinctum letique misserima dicar/ causa comesqu e tui. Book IV, lines 151 152. 186.
103 sword which was still warm with her lov 332 The forbidden love and double suicide mirrors the events present in the illicit relationship Les Deus Amanz continuing her affinity for his Me tamorphoses. Although Marie claims that Les Deus Amanz is rooted in the Breton culture , t he tale echoes found in his Metamorphoses on several points. 334 Marie Les Deus Amanz tells a tale where a selfish king seeks to keep his daughter from any her to the peak of a nearby mountain without rest or aid . A noble young man enter s the life of the set before him, the prospective suitor and the maiden , become secret lovers. They , however, c an no longer bear their furtive affair. The young knight man] came to his beloved and addressed his complaint to her, begging her in his anguish to elope with him, for he could no longer bear the pain 335 ( puis avient si que a une feiz/ que a of ). 336 lai adds an extra dimension to the tale with . She faces a deep 332 Dixit et aptato pectus mucrrone sub imum/ incubuit ferro, quod adhuc a caede tepebat. Metamorphose s. Book IV. lines 162 163. 190. 334 The Two Lovers. ( Un lai en firent li Bretun. Les Deus Amanz ) . Lays , Les Deus Amanz. 82. 335 Et aptato pectus mucrone sub imum,/ incubuit ferro, quod adhuc a caede tepebat. Metamorphose s. Book IV, 162 163. 190. 336 Ouevres , Les Deus Amanz . 3712 3743 out of 4582.
104 distressed and his life would be an endless torment. Truly, I love him so much and hold him 337 Si jo m'en voi s ensemble od vus, mis pere avreit e doel e ire, ne vivreit mie sanz martire, certes, tant l'eim e si l'ai chier, jeo nel vodreie curucier. 338 The lovers, nonetheless, reached th e top, in such distress that he fell down and never rose again, for his heart left his 339 The pain and loss overwhelms the maiden : 340 The Les Deus Amanz compared to the fatal outcomes in the Me tamorphoses holds less emotive elements than the dramatic suicide and depth of devotion Tisbe illustrates for her lover . Instead , the events in Les Deus Amanz create a sorrowful out c ome where all three character s suffer a tragic loss. The maiden dies of a broken heart; her sorrow and loss for her beloved fatally wound her . Marie separates and moralizes her lai compared to text. Her narrative develops a twelfth century interpretation his , for instance, presents no sword or dagger whereas the importance of a blade in Ovid tale 337 Lay s , Les Deus Amanz . 83. 338 Ouevres , Les Deus Amanz. 3743 of 4582 . 339 Lay s. Les Deus Amanz . 84 . . 340 Lays. Les Deus Amanz. 85.
105 create s the sorrowful ending. M lai mentions no blade to grasp to plunge into her heart. It suggests that Marie adopts the cultural convention life. S uicide , in the classical era. stood as an accepted method to die . T he Christian cultural model , conversely, d id not. Christian theology view ed suicide as a sin and a n unacceptable places its burden, in part, on and Les Deus Amanz , more so , examines the moral responsibilities of the medieval era as it struggles against the desires and complexities of love from that of a father and daughter and the yearning of an intimate lover. Marie de France e mploys an additional emotive component found in the deathly tale of Piramus and Tisbe when the characters mani fest their anguish by tearing at their own garments and hair. In book six, as noted earlier Procne transmits Then, Procne tore from her shoulder the robe gleaming with a broad gold in the demise of Piramus and Tisbe . W hen Piramus fears the lioness killed Tisbe, he takes his own life out smites her innocent arms with loud 341 Marie lai , Chaitivel, additionally , connects with Ovid works on the same theme w hen three of the four k night s who interest the lady die in a melee 341 Percutit indignos claro plangore lacertos/ et laniata comas. Metamorphose s. Metamorphoses. Book IV, lines 138 139. 188.
106 342 The significance of the grief stric ken action s illustrate a common literary link between the two poets but a cultural link: Marie s a dopt an emotive an d physical representation of grief within the societal behavior in the Metamorphoses and twelfth century compositions illustrating a further feather of c lassical reception during this epoch. Chevrefoil differs from her other lais in that its narrative derives from the legend of Tristram. She stresses the popularity and the suffering its characters experiences . Sharon Kinoshita and Peggy McCracken , in Marie de France, A Critical Companion , cite this lai as an example of : person protagonist who memorializing his or her first 343 In its brief prologue, Marie professes the gre 344 ( De lur amur que tant fu fine/ Dunt il eurent meinte dolur,/ Puis mururent en un jur ) . 345 lai adopts a nature driven metaphor to illustrate the ir connection and th e suffering they endure when separated. The tale equates the secret lovers to a honeysuckle attaching itself to a hazel branch, but if s eparated, they both cannot 342 Lays. Chaitivel. 107. 343 Sharon Kinoshita and Peggy McCracken, Marie de France, A Critical Companion. (Suffolk: D. S. Brewer, 2012) . 28. H ereafter, McCracken. 344 Lays , Cheverfoil. 109. 345 Lays , Chevrefoil. Lines 8 10. 161.
107 346 ( Bele amie, si est de nus:/ Ne vus sanz mei ne mei sanz vus ). 347 Marie, moreover, with the aid of the Tristram narrative, embraces the additional musical element of the lai which Marie notes in some prologues of the lais. 348 includes Tristram musical contribution to her lais because 349 Kinoshita and McCracken suggest Chevrefoil, cast as a mnemonic for a commemoration of messages [between Tristram and the queen] 350 T he lai creates significance because it : of convergence of a multi layered process of transmission, translation, transcription , and 351 The seemingly modest and short lai of Marie possesses a multilayered underbelly which she produces through the well known narrative of Tristram which Kinoshita and McCracken unravel and examine. Marie weaves the narrative thread of Tristram and Isolde tale in to her lai, Chevrefoil , an d m elds the natural motif of the honeysuckle and hazel branch to signify the embrace and connection between the two lovers. W adopts incorporate s the musical element which her lais also include . 346 Lays , Chevrefoil. 110. 347 Lays , Chevrefoil. Lines 77 78. 163. 348 At the end of Guigemar, Guigemar, which is performed on a harp and rote was Lays , Guigemar. 55. 349 McCracken. 30. 350 ibid. 351 ibid.
108 In Lanval, Marie de France extends her narrative content when she reveals an alternate dynamic within a pastoral landscape where a knight, Lanval, falls into a slumber and encounters a fairly queen and enjoys a secret affair with this queen . The key element fo r the fairy queen is secrecy: anyone! I shall tell you the long and short of it: you shall lose me forever if this love were to 352 Hi s separation from her, however, cause s was impatient to hold his beloved , to kiss, embrace, and touch her. He cares little for other 353 Mut luin des autres; ceo li est tart Baiser, acoler e sentir. Si il nen ad le suen delit. 354 T he mysterious realm of the fairy queen , furthermore, incorporates, once again the element of a barrier but n ot a tangible barrier as in Guigemar or Yonec ; this barrier implemented by the fairy queen is a barrier of secrec y. Lanval, ultimately, attempt s to impress his will upon the queen , to break through this barrier . He violates his promise to the fairy queen when he insults Queen Guinevere and must face but at a 352 Lays , Lanval. 75 . 353 Lays , Lanval. 76. 354 Lays , Lanval. lines 353 358. 145.
109 cost. Because he reveal ed the secret affair with the fairy queen, La nval suffers the consequence of his actions and loses the fairy queen come and speak with her beloved. He cursed his heart and his mouth and it was a wonder he 355 Mes ceo ne li valut neent. II se pleigneit e suspirot, Puis li crie cent feiz mer ci, Que ele parolt a sun ami. Sun quor e sa buche maudit; . 356 lai, Lanval , presents the recurrent . It also contains alternate realm which may represent the ancient pagan mythology of the region and its cultural heritage. Marie Lanval , moreover, includes a role reversal : the fairy queen obeys no man. She dictates her terms to Lanval about their relationship, neither a classical nor medieval social norm. Marie lai exhibit s the thematic element of a barrier Lanval increas es the further poetry w ith the role reversal theme . I n Ars Amatoria, Ovid writes 357 He even strengthens this notion : Tirynthian hero obeyed a 355 Lays , Lanval. 77. 356 Lays , Lanval . lines 340 345. 148. 357 Imponat leges vultibus illa tuis. Ars . Ars Amatoria, Book II, line 202. 78.
110 358 s hyperbolic content attempts to strengthen his amorous advice . The el ement of loyalty, furthermore, emerges within the poetry creat ing both the mythological motif of the fairy queen and a societal switch in role s where the knight vow of secrec y results him to suffer the consequences of his disloyalty to his beloved queen . In Equitan and Bisclavret, Marie de France highlights . In Equitan , Marie explore s the love triangle of a lady, a king , and a seneschal . T he enraged seneschal kill s his king and wife horrifically after he discover s their betrayal : bath 359 Equitan , the only lai th at carries the element of stands alone when it illustrate s the potential pains of deceit . In Bisclavret, Marie demonstrates how betrayal infects the wife of a knight when she betrays her husband who carries the curse of a were wolf. Her motives stem for desire for an other man in an illicit affair. After she learns what her husband needs to convert back into a human form, she devises a plan with her lover to maintain the knight inhuman form: 360 The king redeems the knight 358 Paruit imperio dominae Tirynthius heros:/ I nunc et dubita ferre, quod ille tulit/ Iussus adesse foro, Ars . Ars Amatoria, Book II, lines 221 224. 80. 359 Lays, Equitan. 60. 360 Lays , Bisclavret . 69 .
111 and punishes the had betrayed him . The suffering of betrayal resides in both Bisclavret and Equitan ; Marie lais impart s the malicious nature of betrayal in Bisclavret , and Equitan compositions possess a far different nature and create s contrasting emotions . amatory works scarcely refer to betrayal directly poetry only allude to it. I n Amores, for instance, when the protagonist attempts to coax Cypassis day the sweet price of your caress! ... but if you stupidly say no, I shall turn informer and confess all we have done; I shall stand the betrayer 362 ens to ruin the girl reputation. H e often places the betrayal upon the girl who is married to another. I n Ars Amatoria , for example, Ovid writes treason let us keep faith, 363 what is easily given ill fosters an enduring love; let an occasional repulse 364 I f the girl fails to reciprocate his affection , he attempts to place the sin of betrayal on her : look upon the girl I love, be merely a fellow guest? Is the delight of feeling your touch to be 362 proditor ipse meae. Amores. Amores. Book II, viii, lines 25 26, 406. Although the sense of the elegy is flirtatious and playful, the modern reception of such a writing would be interpreted as threatening to the girl. 363 proditione, according to OLD (Oxford Latin Dictionary), can translate 364 Omnia tradantur: portas reseeravimus hosti;/ Et sit infidia proditione fides./ Quod datur ex facili, longum male nutrit amorem. Ars. Ars Amatoria, Book III, lines 577 579. 158.
112 365 writings further s his imagined scenario s him kiss you 366 poetry at times hold s a harshness when he thre he also possesses a flirtatious nature when he attempts to guilt the girl into his arms instead of her husband . The disloyalty he struggles to place on the girl contrasts the hateful Equitan, and Bisclavret. lais display s how develops the character of betrayal and displays it century character as the polar opposite of loyalty. T he moral conventions of the medieval era contrast those of the classical era when Ovid composed his works. As Kinoshita and McCracken suggest: Old French literature emerges in the late eleventh or e arly twelfth century as a literature of transcription and translation. At its origin , the term romanz , eventually yielding the French roman and the English word , romance , designated not a genre but a language the Romance vernacular, set explicitly, and a t times polemically, over Historia Regum Britannia e Aeneid basis of a thoroughgoing adaptation, elaboration, and expansion. 367 poetry supports this claim ; his works possess a playful and prideful air where he attempts to cajole girls into acts of infidelity . When the protagonist in poetry fail s to 365 Ultima coena tuo sit, prescor, illa viro!/ ergo ego dilectam tantum conviva puellam/ adspiciam tan gi quem iuvet, alter erit. Amores. Amores, Book I, iv, line 2 4. 328. 366 iniciamque manum. Amores. Amores, Book I, iv 17 18. 328. 367 Vergil (70 BCE 19 BCE) lived during the same Roman era as Ovid when Augustus ruled. McCracken. 18.
113 fulfill his desires , he interprets it as a betrayal against him . The connection related to infidelity less prevalen ce but develops its theme. Within both an d deepens the immoral nature of betrayal which increases their suffering . lai, Milun, and Le Fresne complexities while possess ing similar narratives. In the tales, b oth ladies bear an unwanted child . In Milun , the lady has a child out of wedlock; in Le Fresne , the lady has unwanted twins after publicly scorning a lady of repute for bearing twins. Although the mother in Le Fresne cares mor well being when she wants to kill one of her twins initially 368 Both ladies exile a child to save them and themselves from ridicule. In Milun, the mother sends her child, a boy, to her sister, and in Le Fresne, the mother sends her daughter to an abbey . Both gift each child with a ring and both have an origi n riddle to solve. The boy must solve a riddle , but the young girl almost fatefully happens upon origin when the man she loves, a lord, is to marry a woman , she discovers, is her sister . T he lais importance exists in how Marie reveal s an additional complication intimate love weaves its way into the t welfth century social sta n dards of bearing children , and maternal responsibilit i es of the era. A n additional familial 368 Lays , Le Fresne . 62.
114 elements present between sisters emerges in Le Fresne , when the maiden discovers the wife to be of her beloved is her unknown sister . Marie Milun elevates the drama of separation, suffering, and secrecy in her narrative when a courtly she bears the child, they resolve to send the ir child lady ] had forfeited her honor and good name 369 In Milun, Marie extends the element of suffering when the two lovers must send away their son and end their secret affair . A fter a time, h owever, they adopt talents to communicate with each other. When the ir child and reveal s Milun , the child, fortuitously, encounters his father at a tournament and his parents reun ite after the husband of dies. Although Milun ends on a joyous note , Marie expresses how the lovers suffer deeply for twenty years before they reap the reward s of their patience and loyalty for each other and the reunion with their son. Separation , as a theme, immerses the works of Ovid and Marie, but their poetry reveals a different sense of how lovers can experience separation and how they approach it and poetry holds no tale of separation which lasts twenty years. character s suffer separation in a barrier of a wall or door but also in that of a n unattained , 369 Lays , Milun . 98.
115 desired lover . I n Amores, Ovid proclaims the pains of separation : listen as I vainly entreat, O janitor, and the door stands rigid with the unyielding oaken 370 Without the girl of his desire , Ovid where my books could go, I may not go myself; when she has praised me heartily, to him s he 371 Marie lais examine s separation and reveal s the complexities of its seemingly simple theme in Milun and Le Fresne . In Le Chaitivel, Marie de France illustrates a dramatic display of sorrow . The lais not only echoes the theme of sorrow in the tale but expands it to include the themes of a deception and regret. The narrative unfolds when a damsel becomes enamored with four knights and suffers the pains of love because she loves all of them equally and is fearful to 372 After a tournament, a skirmish ensues and three of her four knights lose their life. The melee leaves the remaining knight severely wounded . The lady, overwhelmed by sorrow utters shall I do? I shall never again be happy! I loved these four knights and desired each one for 373 Le Chaitivel illustrates the devastating degree of w ; the 370 Ferreus orantem nequiquam, iantor, audis,/ roborbis duris ianua fulta riget./ Amores. Amores. Book I, vi, line 27 28. 334. ( janitor 371 Cum pulchrae dominae nostril placuere libelli,/ quo licuit libris, non non licet ire mihi/ cum bene laudavit , laudato ianua clausa est/ turpiter huc illuc ingeniosis eo. Amores. Amores. viii. lines 5 8. 480 481. 372 Lays , Chaitivel. 105 106. 373 Lays , Chaitivel. 107.
116 un said love for each knight overcomes her . Marie enhances the maiden s grief when regret and, arguably pride, burden her because of the deception she adopts to win the ir favor . S mourn the most, but I can no longer disguise or hide my feelings. One of them I see wounded an 374 When the lady decides to relate this tragic tale, t he knight who survives urges the lady to alter its name to focus on her suffering and regret, instead of the loss of her lovers: The Unhappy O ne . The knight, who survived , expresses his boundless love for the lady and sorrow 375 Marie illustrates a sharp lev el of s orrow in Le Chaitivel when a maiden entwi n es the hearts of four knights without each knowing of the others . Her charade ends tragically and must endure an unending sorrow and regret. Marie develops the cultural moralizing of the tale when the sins create the consequence s manifest in her grief because of deceit Le Chaitivel through the t h eme of deception w hen the maiden deceives her quartet of lovers . The maiden discovers deception gives her an effective tool to entertain the desires of the four knights . texts describe the features of deceit as a useful gift . I n Ars Amoris , Ovid declares deceive. Though as many keep watch as Argus had eyes (so your purpose be but firm), you 374 Lays , Chaitivel. 107 . 375 Lays , Chaitivel. 108.
117 376 In Remedia Amoris, he catalogues a slew of de ceptive driven mistress; and feign to be heart whole, lest, if perchance you show your anguish, she notice; 377 Ovid often empl oys deceit in his compositions with a degree of irony when , in Ars Amatoria , Ovid states 378 H is poetry continues to urge subterfuge : counterfeit an assuaged frenzy; so will you do in fact what you 379 His compositions even suggest self yourself also, nor think to make an end of loving: the steed often resists the reins. Conceal your gai n; what you do not proclaim will come about: the bird avoids the nets that show too 380 Ovid the potent partner if it rewards one with the affection of a potential lover. In works, the deception win s the girl . I n Marie lais , the opposite occurs when Marie moralizes the tale and its themes . In the lai , for instance, Marie demonstrates its dire consequences. She frames 376 Ut fallas, ad mea sacra veni!/ Tot licet observant (adsit modo certa voluntas),/ Quot fuerant Argo lumina, vderba dabis. Ars. Ars Amatoria. lines 616 618. 160 162. 377 Frigidior glacie fac videare tuae;/ et sanum simula, ne, siquid forte dolebis,/ sentiat; et ride, cum tibi flendus eris, Ars . Remedia Amoris lines 492 494 . 210. 378 Fallite fallentes: ex manga parte profanum/ Sunt genus; Ars. Ars Amatoria . Lines 645 646. 56 57 . 379 Quod non es, simula, positosque imitare furors:/ Sic facies vere quod meditates eris./ Ars . Remedia Amoris lines 497 498 . 210. 380 Te quoque falle tamen, nec sit tibi finis amandi/ Propositus: frenis saepe repugnant equus./ Utilitas lateat quod non profitebere , fiet:/ Quae nimis apparent retia, vitat avis. Ars . Remedia Amoris, lines 513 516 . 212.
118 deception in the cultural landscape of the twelfth century and expands its Ovidian theme into a morally driven theme when she highlights the potential costs of deception in matters of the heart . The long lais, Eliduc , spans nearly twelve hundred lines and a moral quandary emerges where loyalty, guilt, faith, and the pain of desire all play a part. The tale unfolds when a king exiles a knight, Eliduc, from h is native land, but before he departs , he pledges his loyalty to his wife, Guildel Ã¼ ec 381 Eliduc journeys across the sea and encounters a maiden, Guilladun , who seeks out the knight ing unbecoming about him and forming a great admiration for him. Love 382 lai incorporates and demonstrates classical reception when she personifies Love as it acts upo n the maiden to love Eliduc, as cupid acted upon Ovid in Amores 383 Eliduc, also suffers the pains of love; he remains apart from his wife, and sees the maiden rarely: He considered himself most unfortunate to have been in the country for so long and to have seen her [ Guilladun ] so little. Having said this, he repented of it, for he remembered his wife, and how he has assured her that he would be faithful and behave loyally. 384 381 Lays , Eliduc. 112. 382 ibid . 383 Uror, et in vacuo pectore regnat Amor. Amores. Amores Book I, i. line 26. 320. 384 Lays , Eliduc. 115.
119 The so rrow these three characters suffer reaches an apex when Eliduc returns to Brittany. Eliduc struggle s with the duty he feels and his worldly desire s ; t he love he bears for Guilladun burns within him, but the loyalty he pledges to his wife also drives him. T he struggle , ultimately, sends Guilladun into a death like illness which Guildel Ã¼ ec cures. of n the conflict among all three character reaches an apex where guilt and loyalty oppose desire. Eliduc furthers t he depths of how l ove affects the char a cters moral value s and their loyalty for each other. The impasse and devotion they possess for each other inspires Eliduc, Guildel Ã¼ ec , and Guilladun to devote themselves to God, instead of one or the other. The conne ction Eliduc holds with Ovid lies in object of loyalty. The compositions of Marie a nd Ovi d highlight the different cultural landscape s in which each author composed their works . mistress: Love. I Amores , for instance : the finder of the vine are on my side, and so is love , who makes me his gift to you, and I have to none, and ways without reproach, and unadorned simplicity, and 385 eros, to Love itself, and not to a girl which explains the dismissive attitude he hold s towards fidelity in his amatory works. es to loyalty ; it emerges at the climax of Eliduc. compositions place their devotion and faith in the deities of Love , the 385 At Phoebus comitesque novem vitisque repertory/ hac faciunt et me qui tibi donat, Amor/ et nulli cessura fides, sine crimine mores / nudaque simplicitas purpur eusque pudor. Amores. Amores, B ook I, i ii. lines 11 14. 326 327 .
120 personification of Love within the pantheon of cultural background. Although the objects of their loyalty, devotion, and belief system differ, their notions toward loyalty and devotion possess a common thread : a higher purpose . F or Ovid , this higher purpose exists in Eros, for Marie de France, it exists in the Christian God . The significance of Eliduc establishes itself in how Marie ex amines the struggle between the passions of love and the duty driven and moral aspects of faith, guilt, and devot ion. Marie creates characters who battle with duty them all to a higher calling to devote themselves to God. The connection between the two poets forge a clear literary relationship and illustrate s the classical reception during this era of history. Marie de France and The Learned Tradition, relates how Cesare Segre explains language i n Les Deus Amanz and La Ã¼ stic. 386 The two works , according to Mickel, Piramus and Tisbe from book three in Metamorphoses. 387 Mickel, furthermore, cites Cesare Segre, who contends that in La Ã¼ stic: 388 In The Metamorphoses and Narrative Conjointure in 386 The connection examined on page 26 focuses on the narrative of her lais, relates to the linguistic lai s . 387 Logan E. Whalen et al , Companion to Marie de France, Edited by Logan E. Whalen (Boston: Brill, 2011), 41. Hereafter, Companion. 388 Companion . 41.
121 and surveys : Metamorphoses and the narrative conjointure which include s Les Deus Amanz, Yonec, and La Ã¼ stic. 389 Mickel Jr. catalogues a host of secondary sources which examine and analyze the literary relationship between the writings of Ovid and Marie de France. Mar that she based her lais on Breton based folkloric tales , yet, as Mickel notes , clear evidence exists that her narratives derive firmly from compositions. 390 Mickel , lais present moments in the tales, aspects which give them their drama and set them apart, can be found in 391 The evidence lies i n the textual proof which brings together the diverse cultures of the region and the period, including the writings of Ovid and Marie de F rance . Sharon Kinoshita and Peggy McCracken explore the linguistic elements and contend the lais themselves reveal the intersecting linguistic influences in France and the culturally diverse nature of Western Europe . They state: take seriously something we all know but seldom stop to consider: how fundamentally 389 Companion. 41 . 390 Marie mentions The Bretons as the origin of her lais in, Guigemar, Equitan, Bisclavret, Lanval, and Eliduc. In two of three lais which demonstr ate a cohesive connection with Ovid, she also, states how she bases them on Breton lays . In Les Deus Amanz, The Two Lovers. (line 6) 82. In La Ã¼ stic, La Ã¼ stic is its na me, I believe, and that is what the Bretons call it in their land. In French, the title is Rossignol, 6) 94. 391 Companion. 41.
122 392 They suggest t he emergent composit ions of the era produced 393 They illustrate the additional layer s contained in the writings of Ovid and Marie de France to reveal their vernacular, set explicitly, 394 They suggest Latin authors applied their original 395 They cite Michell R. Warren who asserts : u nderstanding the emergent vernacular texts of the twelfth century renaissance requires to progress past the idea of the original possessing more 396 The importance of vernacular texts and their classical sires, ac 397 Kinoshita and reveals the added dimensions of poetry which illustrates the hidden linguistic layers through translation and transmission , core element s of it s vernacular identity . 392 Critical. 17. 393 ibid. 394 Critical. 19. 395 ibid . 396 ibid. 397 ibid.
123 lais furthers our perception of her desire to compose her lais and sheds light on to the reception of her poetry during the twelfth century renaissance. As Kinoshita and McCracken suggest her lais existed in her need to fulfill a spiritual duty t hrough her God given gift. The second reason rested in protect ing Whoever wants to protect him or herself from vice should study and begin a serious pie ce of work. Ki de vice se vuelt defendre,/ estudiÃ«r deit e entendre/ e grevose oevre comencier. ) 398 And her third reason was , with the writings of Ovid. 399 Plusurs en ai oÃ¯z conter, / nes vueil laissier ne obliÃ«r. / Rime en ai e fait ditiÃ©, / soventes feiz en ai veilliÃ©. ) 400 He r impetus to compose the Lais existed primarily a desire to be remembered . 401 Like Ovid, Marie de France possessed enough vanity driven desire s to compose her works. Marie states her intended demographic of medieval society in the introduction; as [Marie is] appealing, to the seingnur ) who constitu t e her target au d ience . Marie explicitly claims her desire not to be forgotten ( I. 4) by her contempor ar ies and implicitly 398 Critical . 22 . 399 ibid. 400 ibid. 401 Critical . 23 .
124 femme de grant pris). 402 Marie targets not only the aristocracy but the king whom most sc h olars believe is Henry II of England. In the introduction , she humbles herself through her words: In your honour, noble king, you who are so worthy and courtly , you to whom all joy pays homage in whose heart all true virtue has taken root, did I set myself to assemble lays, to compose and to relate the m in rhyme . In my heart , lord, I thought and decided that I should presen t them t o you, so if it pleased you to accept them, you would bring me great happiness and I should rejoice evermore. Do not consider me presumptuous if I make so bold as too offer you this gift. 403 Marie words of excessive praise further her connection with the noble classes of the Angevin empire , and althoug s the aristocracy , its popularity reached into the lower strata of society and across many borders. I n Women in Western Intellectual Culture , Patricia Ranft explains: Marie works] are in the vernacular . Her works enjoyed fame and were in turn, translated into other vernacular during the Middle Ages: Italian, German, Old Norse, English and even Latin. 404 Ranft notes a further detail relat e d to Marie in Old F renc h which she writes in he r later work, I, Marie, have put/ The Book of Purgatory into French, / As a record, so that it might be intelligible/ And suited to lay folk. 405 Although Marie states her reason her Purgatory, it suggests her 402 Critical. 25. 403 Critical. 41. 404 R anft. 73 . 405 ibid.
125 vernacular choice , in her lais , may also hold this same reason. Ranft argues that although Marie focuses on the aristocracy, her chief interest lies elsewhere, with the la y people. 407 Ranft furthers her argument and submit s that Marie de Fr choice of Old French i n her lais teach es about human natur e : should be given to Marie for creating a new way to communicate these truths to a new and 408 Although Marie does not state she seeks lay society as an audience , her compositions possess a character which peaked popular interest throughout the societal stratum in Western Europe. The audience and her motives to write her lais reveal religious, sociological, cultural, and political layers . Marie given gift motive suggests those who possess a God given gift to embrace it , and use it. The second reason , the avoidance of vice and study to create a great work. Even Ovid recognizes the ills of idleness. In Amores, he w rites 409 It suggests Mari e sought t o inspire people to study and learn a skill or craft to create something worthwhile. During the twelfth century renaissance , learning spread throughout many regions of Western Europe . T he strong religious thread of medieval society mold s motives to compose her w orks along with 407 Ranft. 73 . 408 ibid . 84 . 409 Ipse ego segnis eram discinctaque in otia natus/ mollierantanimos lectos et umbra meos/ Amores. Amores. i x. 358 359 .
126 her selfish desire for fame and remembrance. On its surface, her reason t o be remembered appears as a self serving justification, but perhaps her desire to inspire others to succeed was equally important to her. For a woman to prosper in nearly anything during the twelfth century created more than a challenge , even as an aristocrat. The significance , moreover, of reasons to write her lais exist, in part, in the diverse cultural reception and of her works . The twelfth century renai ssance enjoyed a multitude of cultures and linguistic heritages in the region of France. Marie decided to craft her composition s not in Latin , the preferred language of the intellectuals, but in Old French because, as Kinoshita and McCracken write: Her project shows the degree of legitimacy and prestige Old French had acquired over cultural Latin texts was self evident, here the narrator em erges as an anthropologist avant la lettre collecting oral material in a non hegemonic tongue to be translated into and transcribed l. 43) . 410 Kinoshita and McCr acken highlight an additional stratum lais and Ovid exist in The translation into Romanz possesses a moral and pedagogical function: to get readers to exercise their God given faculties to decode the original text 411 Her link to the Latin literary realm exists in Ovid s 410 Critical. 25 . 411 ibid.
127 412 They continue and state: the anchor of a multilingual insular 413 When Marie de France composes her lais, she beg a n with a seemingly humble mission to fulfill her duty to God , to inspire the regional inhabitant s to participate in the cultural developments in motion , and it finishes when she present s her work s through the multicultural background of the twelfth century renaissance of Western Europe form the multiple tiers hidden within her compositions . Marie de France, no matter who she was , composed a number of memorable compositions which we thankfully possess . M ost likely , many more composition s existed, but the ravages of humanity and time have destroyed them . Her lais demonstrate her craft as a poet to incorporate countless cultures, languages, themes, and narratives which echo the eternal song of love passed down to her by Ovid and other guiding texts . The cogent el ement of Marie de France how she develops and situates his themes into the vibrant and evolving medieval culture of the twelfth century. T he classical reception of in the twelfth century, viewed through a modern lens , reveal how these cultures collided, advanced , and existed within an epoch of significant change. Recogn izing the cultural, political, literary , and historical components enlightens the multi 412 Critical . 26 . 413 Critical . 27 .
128 disciplined examination of her texts. Distinguishing the people and foundations who guided works add s to our salient understanding of her poetry and of the time period.
129 CHAPTER VI CONCLUSION The twelfth century renaissance transform ed Western Europe on capacious levels . The paradigm shift emerged when an influx of intellectual materials, diverse cultures, and political shifts advanced the trajectory of the Wes tern world. This thesis attempted to answer several questions about the literary developments during this epoch when the regional vernacular literature of Marie de France emerged and her lais c reated a distinct and different strain of courtly literature. One of the central ques tions posed in this thesis lies in , to what extent did poetry guide lais , and how did they affect her verse specifically, the Amores, Ars Amatoria, Remedia Amoris , and his Metamorphoses informs lais to a significant degree. The thesis demonstrates the classical reception and lais and the literary connection the two poets shared as evidenced in chapter one. T hese arguments catalogue numerous thema tic and narrati ve commonalities. C lear narrative elements, for instance, support the suggestions of classical reception , Ovidian presence in , and a co dified connection between her poetry and Metamorphoses. Marie incorporates the tale of Tereus, Philomena, and Procne in her lai, La Ã¼ stic, from the presence of the nightingale in both stories , to when Philomena castes the , to when the husband flings the dead nightingale onto the chest of his wife in La Ã¼ stic . Both tales also contain a clandestine method of communication when both adopt a signifier and signified element to communicate. Philomela creates an embroidery to inform her sister, Procne, of her plight after Tereus removes her tongue; in La Ã¼ stic, both lovers understand the need for secrecy and
130 communicate thro ugh signs and signals, lest the jealous husband discover their affair and face his ire. The lady sends her beloved the dead nightingale without any writ ten note , and the knight adorns it around his neck understanding what the nightingale denotes to each other. In Metamorphoses, moreover, tale in her Les Deus Amanz. , orbid their marriage, in Les Deus Amanz the father attempts to keep his daughter, but in the end love overwhelms the lovers and it results in two suicides with Pirimus and Tisbe and two sorrowful deaths in Les Deus Amanz; one by enervation and one by grief . which guide lais include paration , to mention a few . themes found in his amatory works stem from inability to obtain the girl he desires. In Amores, he professes all three themes; in Ars Amatoria, he teaches how to obtain a wanted girl to avoid sorrow , and in Remedia Amoris, he inst r ucts how to avoid love . His works demonstrate what often causes his pain: separation from his desire d girl , usually in the form of a husband, tangible barrier separation present themselves at some level in all her lais. separation from a different pe rspective: when lovers are forced or kept apart but also in the tangible barriers of a stone walled room, a tower, a husband, or the sea. An additional theme exists in the element of deceit . character applies it to goad a girl into an intimate situa tion in his love poems and explains its effective tool . adopts the theme of deceit in all her lais , but the deceit in Bisclavret and Equitan rises to include heinous acts of death and ruination . These sample s evidence reception, the imprint lais , and the literary connection between the two poets. T he
131 held a prevalent bearing on the intellectual inf rastructure of medieval society. I t held an elevated status and guided the development of the emergent twelfth century literary culture. Although Marie asserts , on s everal occasions , her compositions derived from Breton lays, the thesis overturns this contention of Marie . The examin atio n of her lais reveal the prevalent Ovidian salience and connections. Her potential motive for attesting her lais were Breton based in origin was 667 the effects of history 668 Marie , moreover, melds the Breton, French, and classical cultures in to her lais to augment the accessibility of her poetry and embraces the multicultural element s of courtly literature. A further question this thesis poses : lais just mirror the themes and narr broaden and evolve t he elements writings ? Marie lais avoid imitation and echoing the textual content of Ovid. Marie , instead , expands and moralizes notions of love found in his texts beyond the intimacies of a mere lover . They reveal the diverse layers of eros w hen she places them in the twelfth century landscape where the Church held a dominant role over s . Marie, furthermore, illustrates the complexities and diverse forms which affect and emerge from eros through the characters , themes, and tales of her lais. From the over jealous violent and malicious husbands, to the imprisoned and trapped in a loveless marriage, to an unwanted child out of 667 native Celtic and Breton people. Including this Breton element in her poems includes the regional culture of the Bretons to create a more inclusi ve culture in her lais. 668 Critical. 26.
132 wedlock, to the regret of never profe ssing a love until they pass , to being torn between the love for a father and a lover, to the love of an unknown sister, to the revenge one seeks for taking a lover, to the overwhelming desire for another lover as it impels you to kill another or destroy t lais reveal the convolutions of eros within the twelfth century culture and its diverse and broad influences on people no matter their societal stratum. When Marie explores the facets of love, she reinterprets the Ovidian elements of eros when she relates her tales against the cultural backdrop of twelfth century and demonstrates how these themes evolved from the classical age up to and including the High , and tongue and cheek elements in his amatory works into the relevant medieval world context of relationships where husbands, wives, lor ds, ladies, king s and queens, and children experience and endure the pleasures and pains of love through the many facets of eros . lais stands as an important examination to understand a nearly unknown poet of the twelfth century. For centuries, we misinterpreted when Marie reexamined her writings, they corrected this substan tial error. The importance of any critical examination furthers our understanding. The analysis of her writings creates a gaze upon which we can consider Marie regard and acclaim in a patriar chal society stands as a noteworthy accomplishment in of itself. Her writings, moreover, demonstrate how authors, like Marie, developed a strain of regional vernacular literature that emerged in the courtly culture. It furthers the
133 understand ing of this unknown twelfth century poetess , her poetry, and the literary cultural identity as a whole . The writing of this thesis has enlightened me and has increased my regard for the events and people of the twelfth century. As a student of history, literature, and the humanities, I appreciate even more how the issues and artifacts which we study, examine, and analyze contain countless elements and require a multi discip lined approach if we wish to fully understand all lais resonates through the seemingly sentimental and dramatic words of her poetry where the unseen facets of her verse broaden our understanding about the complexities of love in its many iterations . lais regard their compositions on a far greater level and inspired me to discover more of the rich layers of literature hidden in their writings and the unmatched skill of their careful craft.
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