Citation
Translating resilience : a qualitative interview study of Hispanic women and the resort service industry in Colorado

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Title:
Translating resilience : a qualitative interview study of Hispanic women and the resort service industry in Colorado
Creator:
Norton, Rachel M.
Place of Publication:
Denver, CO
Publisher:
University of Colorado Denver
Publication Date:
Language:
English

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Degree:
Doctorate ( Doctor of philosophy)
Degree Grantor:
University of Colorado Denver
Degree Divisions:
Department of Health and Behavioral Sciences, CU Denver
Degree Disciplines:
Health and behavioral sciences
Committee Chair:
Seandlyn, Jean
Committee Members:
Thomas, Deborah
Bosick, Stacey
Harrison, Jill
David, Emmanuel

Notes

Abstract:
In recent years, academics, urban planners, governments and community organizations have turned towards the concept of resilience for disaster risk reduction. However, despite the increase in resilience plans, policies and resources, knowledge of individuals’ experiences with, and perceptions of, resilience is limited. Moreover, concerns of resource distribution and equitywho benefits and who loses from these initiatives, and who decides where, when and how resilience occurs – remain. These critiques highlight continuing tensions between the concepts of resilience and vulnerability and a growing need to understand if, and how, efforts to increase resilience at the level of the state, county or city align with a reduction in vulnerability, or, at a minimum, directly incorporate consideration for vulnerable populations into resilience policies and plans. This project explores the extent to which vulnerable populations’ needs align with resilience efforts at higher levels (i.e., local/county and state). Specifically, using qualitative, semi-structured interviews, this case study examines perceptions of risk and understandings of resilience from the viewpoint of Hispanic women living in a Colorado mountain community, many of whom are service workers for mountain resorts. Further, it explores the extent to which their perceptions align with conceptualizations of resilience at the local/county level and within the Colorado Resiliency Framework (CRF). Ultimately, this research illustrates that while there exists a desire to integrate resilience into policies and practices to address vulnerable populations’ needs at the local/county level and within the CRF, a comprehensive understanding of these needs is lost in translation between and across these levels.

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University of Colorado Denver
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Auraria Library
Rights Management:
Copyright Rachel Norton. Permission granted to University of Colorado Denver to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.

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TRANSLATING RESILIENCE : A QUALITATIVE INTERV I EW STUDY OF HISPANIC WOMEN AND THE RESORT SERVICE INDUSTRY IN COLORADO b y RACHEL M. NORTON B.A., Middlebury College, 2008 M.S., University of Colorado Boulder, 2013 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Health and Behavioral Sciences 2018

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! ! ii © 2018 RACHEL M NORTON ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

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! ! iii This thesis for the Doctor of Philosophy degree by Rachel M. Norton has been approved for the Health and Behavioral Sciences Program b y Jean Scandlyn, Chair Deborah Thomas, Advisor Stacey Bosick Jill Harrison Emmanuel David Date: July 28, 2018

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! ! iv Norton, Rachel M (Ph.D ., Health & Behavioral Sciences ) Translating Resilience : A Qualitative Interview Study of Hispanic Women and the Resort Service Industry in Colorado Thesis directed by Professor Deborah K. Thomas ABSTRACT In recent years, academics, urban planners, governments and community organizations have turned towards the concept of resilience for disaster risk reduction. However, despite the increase in resilience plans, policies and resources, knowledge of individuals' experiences with, and perceptions of, resilience is limited. Moreover, concerns of resource distribution and equity who benefits and who loses from these initiatives, and who decides where, when and how resilience occurs Ð remain. These critiques highlight continuing tensions between the concepts of resilience and vulnerability and a growing need to understand if, and how, efforts to increase resilience at the level of the state, county or city align with a reduction in vulnerability, or, at a minimum, directly incorporate consideration for vulnerable populations into resilience policies and plans . This project explores the extent to which vulnerable populations' needs align with resilience efforts at higher levels ( i.e., local/county and state). Specifically, using qualitative, semi structured interviews, this case study examines perceptions of risk and understandings of resilience from the viewpoint of Hispanic women living in a Colorado mountain community, many of whom are service workers for mountain resorts. Further, it explores the extent to which their perceptions align with conceptualizations of resilience at the local/county level and within the Colorado Resiliency Fr amework (CRF) . Ultimately, this research illustrates that while there

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! ! v exists a desire to integrate resilience into policies and practices to address vulnerable populations' needs at the local/county level and within the CRF, a comprehensive understanding o f these needs is lost in translation between and across these levels . The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication. Approved: Deborah K. Thomas

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! ! vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS While this dissertation has often felt like a solo journey, when I think back over the past several years the dominant images that come to mind are not of me typing frantically in front of my computer, but rather they are of the people and places that have supported, mentored, guided, prodded and pushed me as I translated an idea into a research project into a dissertation . Without the unwavering support of these individuals, I would still be staring at a blank page. I'd like to first acknowledge and thank the women in my research site who invited me into their lives and shared their stories with me. I can only hope that I have done full justice to their experiences . In relating the stories included in this dissertation, I would be nowhere without the hard work of my research assistants Issamar Pichardo an d Brooke Forland who were vital to keeping moving my project forward. Thank you also to Timothy Brown for your feedback. Thank yo u also to my committee members, Deborah Thomas, Jean Scandlyn, Emmanuel David, Stacey Bosick, and Jill Harrison for ag reeing to advise and oversee my research project. I would especially like to express my gratitude to Deb and Jean for your mentorship, encouragement and invaluable feedback throughout the arc of this project Ð from its genesis to its many revisions to wher e it is today . You both were vital to keeping me motivated me throughout this roller coaster of a process. There are no words to express how grateful I am to you for your support. To my parents, thank you. I know how hard you have worked and am grateful fo r the examples you have set. From a young age you instilled in us a love of the mountains, of Colorado, and a desire to make a positive impact in the world, all of which have culminated in an

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! ! vii ethos that provided the motivation for this project . To my sibli ngs, whether you are near or far, I know I can count on you. Thank you for your ongoing love and support . To my husband, thank you for your companionship and encouragement on this crazy road we chose for ourselves. Thank you for providing me with sufficie nt caffeine and for making sure I went on runs. Thank you also for supporting me when my doubts sidetracked me into constant questioning about why I chose this path and for gently setting me back on the path to where I am today. I know that sitting across from each other at the dining room table as we each worked on our respective dissertations wouldn't be called quality time by most, but just having you there was invaluable. Here's to actual quality time away from our work station. Finally, I would also li ke to express my appreciation for the generous funding provided by the University of Colorado Denver's Health & Behavioral Sciences and Geography & Environmental Sciences Departments at the University of Colorado Denver.

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! ! viii TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I . INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 1 Significance ................................ ................................ ................................ .............................. 9 Theoretical Approach ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 13 Intersectionality ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 13 Feminist Standpoint Th eory ................................ ................................ ..................... 14 Or ganization of Dissertation ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 15 II . RESEARCH METHODS ................................ ................................ ................................ 17 Site Sel ection ................................ ................................ ................................ .......................... 17 Research Site ................................ ................................ ................................ .......................... 20 Sample ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 20 Phase I ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 22 Phase II ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 24 Phase III ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 24 Data Sources and Analysis ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 25 Section on Human Subjects ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 27 Positionality ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................ 27 III . THE TOURISM INDUSTRY AND CONSTRUCTING VULNERABILITY .......... 31 The Tourism Industry: From Global to Local ................................ ................................ ...... 32 The Tourism Supply Chain ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 39 Employment in the Tourism Industry ................................ ................................ ................... 40

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! ! ix Tourism and Immigration ................................ ................................ ......................... 40 Filling the Gap ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 41 Contrasting Narratives ................................ ................................ .............................. 43 Affordable Housing in Resort Towns ................................ ................................ ................... 44 Tourism, Immigration, Vulnerability and Resilience ................................ .......................... 49 Vulnerability ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 50 Resilience ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 52 Overlap between Resilience and Vulnerability ................................ ....................... 53 Tourism Industry, Vulnerability, and Resilience Framework ................................ ............. 55 The Tourism Industry: Constructing Vulnerability and Resilience ....................... 56 Tourism, Resilience, and Environmental Justice ................................ ................................ . 61 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ .............................. 62 IV . VULNERABILITY, RISK, AND RESILIENCE ................................ ......................... 63 Environmental Hazards ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 65 Implications of Hazards on the Tourism Industry ................................ .................. 66 Hazards in Colorado ................................ ................................ ................................ . 67 Tourism and Disaster Management ................................ ................................ ......... 73 Viewpoints of Risk ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 73 Participant Viewpoints ................................ ................................ ............................. 75 Emerge nt Issues ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 81 Perceptions of Resilience and Recovery Needs ................................ ................................ ... 86 Recovery ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 86 Resilience ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 88

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! ! x Social Capital ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 89 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ .............................. 91 V . RESILIENCE IN POLICY AND ON THE GROUND ................................ ................. 94 An Intersectional Approach to Resilience and Vulnerability ................................ .............. 96 Global, National and L ocal Resilience ................................ ................................ ................. 97 Methodological Approach ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 99 Resilience from the Top Down ................................ ................................ ........................... 102 Resilience from The Ground Up ................................ ................................ ........................ 107 Plan Quality Evaluation ................................ ................................ .......................... 123 Bringing them together ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 125 Vulnerability & Resilience ................................ ................................ ................................ . 129 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................... 131 VI. CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 134 REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 143 APPENDIX A . Example Interview Guide Phase I ................................ ................................ ................. 156 B . Group Interview Guide ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 162 C . Case Study Propositions ................................ ................................ ................................ . 168 D . Example Interview Guide Phase II ................................ ................................ ................ 169 E . Definition of Resilience ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 171 F . "Examples of projected changes in extreme climate phenomena, with examples of projected impacts" ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 172

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! ! xi LIST OF TABLES TABLE 4.1: Hazards Identified in Colorado ................................ ................................ ..................... 67 4.2: "Examples of projected changes in extreme climate phenomena, with examples of projected impacts" ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 71 5.1: Keyword List and Word Counts ................................ ................................ ................. 101 5.2: Keyword List and Local/County Interviews Word Count ................................ ......... 108 5.3: Keyword List and CRF Word Counts ................................ ................................ ......... 118 5.4: "Characteristics of Plan Quality That Serve as Evaluation Criteria" ....................... 124

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! ! xii LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE 3.1. "The Economic Contribution of Travel and Tourism".. ................................ .............. 33 3.2. Why Tourism Matters ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 34 3.3. Map of Colorado Ski Areas ................................ ................................ ........................... 37 3.4. Tourism Supply Chain Links. ................................ ................................ ....................... 39 3.5. Conceptual Model of Environmental Hazards, Tourism, Resilience, and Vulnerability ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 61 5.1 Conceptual model & Intersectionality ................................ ................................ ........... 95 5.2. Approach to analysis ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 100 5.3. Resilience from the top down ................................ ................................ ...................... 103 5.4. Colorado Resiliency Framework Sectors ................................ ................................ ... 105 5.5. Top down Analysis ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 106 5.6 Analysis of the integration of Hispanic women's priorities at the local/county level ..... 107 5.7. Analysis of the integration of Hisp anic women's priorities within the CRF ........... 117 5.8. Ground up Analysis ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 123 5.9. Combined Approaches to Resilience ................................ ................................ .......... 126 5.10. Linkages Between Systems ................................ ................................ ....................... 128 5.11. Conceptual Model ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 133

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! ! xiii ACRONYMS CNHMPÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉ.... Colorado Natural Hazards Mitigation Plan CRFÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉ. Colorado Resiliency Framework CRROÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉÉ Colorado Resiliency and Recovery Office

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! ! 1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION In recent years, academics, urban planners, governments and community organizations have turned towards the concept of resilience to plan for the impacts of climate change, increasing extreme weather events and disasters. Since Holling's (1973) seminal article on ecological resilience in 1973, the term resilience has surged in usage as related to climate and disast ers within a number of cities, counties and community groups throughout the United States and around the world. While the positive connotations of resilience -that a city or community, for example, can bounce forward or recover after a disaster -may play a role in its widespread usage in disaster planning, questions remain regarding the relationship between resilience, social inequality and social vulnerability (Friend & Moench, 2013) . Within a system, such as a city or county, the focus of resilience is on the ability of the system and its constituent parts to recover from, absorb, and adapt to stresse s and shocks such as wildfires, floods, or economic downturns (Friend & Moench, 2013; C. S. Holling, Gunderson, & Peterson, 2002; Leichenko, 2011; The Rockefeller Foundation, 2015) . However, while resilience strategies and frameworks purport to strengthen communities' abilities to adapt and recover from disasters, if individuals are unaware of the strategy, left outside the parameters of the framework, or if their interests and needs are altogether different from the investments and resources outlined in resilience strategies at higher county, city and state levels, then this has implications for the overall resilience of a city or state . For example, channel and stream reconstruction may help with building physical and infrastructural resilience for a city following a major flood, but if channel rec onstruction is not the priority of those who are most at risk or who will be the most

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! ! 2 affected by a future disaster, then this places the city's resilience at odds with the resilience of its inhabitants . Further, despite the increase in resilience efforts around the United States, knowledge of individuals' experiences with, and perceptions of, resilience is limited . Moreover, concerns of re source distribution and equity, who benefits and who loses from these initiatives, and who decides where, when and how resilience occurs, remain (Friend & Moench, 2013) . These critiques highlight continuing tensions between resilience and vulnerability and a growing need to understand if and how efforts to increase resilience at the level of the state, county or city align with a reduction in vulnerability, or, at a minimum, directly incorporate consideration for vulnerable populations into the disaster mana gement cycle. A social vulnerability lens reveals that there are certain subsets of a population who are assumed to have a voice in the conversation, but a confluence of social and structural forces often leaves them out of the conversation (Blaikie, Cannon, Davis, & Wisner, 2014; Cutter, Boruff, & Shirley, 2003) These concerns are of particular import for the traditionally marginalized or disenfranchised when it comes to disaster risk and recovery efforts as the impacts of disasters are often unequally distributed , with the more social ly vulnerable bearing the brunt of the burden (Blaikie et al., 2014; Cutter et al., 2003) . Social vulnerability focuses on how different social factors, such as the socioeconomic status (SES) of an individual, for example, in addition to ethnicity, legal status, language, gender and education, all play a role in either buffering or furthering the impacts of disasters throug h limiting access to key resources and information leading up to and following a disaster. It is these connections and interactions between characteristics that can interact to provide advantages or disadvantages to an individual or group

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! ! 3 of people within society (Bourdieu, 1998) and which can contribute to resilience within a community . While many of these social inequities are more overt, such as economic disparities or, more recently in the news, racial disparit ies, others are more hidden. Women, for example, especially in more developed countries, are often assumed to have attained a level playing field with men. Yet, gaps persist. As of 2013, women continue to make seventy eight cents to every dollar men make ( Institute for Women's Policy Research 2015) and in the context of disasters women continue to be more vulnerable than men due to lower wages and the gender roles that are often assumed during disasters (Bla ikie, 1999; Cutter et al., 2003; S. M. Hoffman, 1998) . Granted, this is not always the case, but as Hoffman elucidates in her description of gendered behavior following the Oakland firestorm, males often returned to the external world to navigate their recovery whereas women tended to return to the domicile with implications for gendered differences in mental health impacts and recovery after the fire (Hoffman, 1998) . Whether this experience is specific to women, women with higher education, or Hispanic women with higher education, but lower income, is a question which highlights the need for a resilience strategy that speaks to this intersection of individuals' multiple positions in society and not to the general public "writ large." This recognition, or "intersectionality" (Crenshaw, 1989) , illustrates the complex web of power s tructures and systems that interact to form different levels of domination and oppression that play such an important role in the lived experiences of different groups of people . However, gender is yet one identity amongst many which interact to form a par ticular experience within a specific social context . Ethnicity, for example, plays a key role in differentiating the experiences of women as a collective whole into separate experiences (Collins, 2000) . Hispanic, White, and

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! ! 4 Black women may have the experience of being women in common, yet their ethnicity differentiates their commonality into distinct groups with Hispanic women's realities different from tho se of White women who themselves live a different reality from that of Black women. Socioeconomic status (SES) and employment status are two other characteristics that contribute to defining the experiences of different individuals and groups of people . Se rvice workers at ski resorts in Colorado, for example, will most likely live a very different reality from the tourists who visit their slopes, who will themselves have different experiences than real estate agents who sell second home owners prime real es tate . While these identities, worker, real estate agent, Hispanic, woman etc., all influence the particular lived reality of an individual or group, these same characteristics are also influential in determining overall health and well being . Indeed, ethn icity, gender and SES all contribute to different realities for individuals and groups because they are rooted in underlying systems of power that contribute to social vulnerability and which often perpetuate health disparities (Braveman, 2006) . Health dis parities research points specifically to the differences in health status between disparate social groups, with those groups at the bottom of the social hierarchy in terms of wealth, SES, and power experiencing worse health than their more wealthy and powe rful counterparts (Braveman, 2 006; Link & Phelan, 1995) . Social vulnerability is, then, linked directly to health and well being and not only because of its role in furthering the impacts of a disaster, as noted earlier in this paper. The literature on health disparities demonstrat es that the same characteristics that contribute to social vulnerability during a disaster also influence the relative advantages and disadvantages of groups within society positions which ultimately and fundamentally impact better or worse health outcome s (Braveman, 2006, Link & Pehlan, 1995, Blaikie et al. 2004). With this in mind, questions as to

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! ! 5 how exactly resilience may help the most vulnerable, if at all, become even more important for disaster vulnerability, overall well being and the amelioration of health disparities. Often, in attempting to address health disparities, researchers turn towards community engagement or community based participatory research to elicit the concerns of vulnerable groups and to identify community needs (Israel, Schulz, Parker, & Becker, 1998; O'toole, Aaron, Chin, Horowitz, & Tyson, 2003) . However, even the most inclusive of methods is not necessarily the most complete . While acknowledging that creating a coherent framework out of many diverse voices and opinions is a challenging endeavor, leaving certain groups out of the process (albeit without intent) may lead to skepticism, mistrust and a misalignment between state efforts and individual experiences, with the end result of creating an initiative or plan that is not relevant to the most marginalized and which does not address their needs. Mainstream media, social media, internet surveys and focus groups, for example, may be utilized to gather stakeholder input. However, these normati ve modes of communication may not reach certain marginalized groups whether due to language barriers (R. Bolin & Stanford, 2006) , preferences for gaining information from friends and family members (R. Bolin & Stanford, 2006; Peguero, 2006; Rivera & Miller, 2010) or because of social differences between mainstream media and community members . As such, creating engagement processes that empower even the most marginal ized and which include their perceptions and experiences is vital to creating inclusive and more equitable policies and plans. As far as resilience goes, there has been limited research on the degree to which vulnerable individuals' perceptions and underst anding of resilience are captured and incorporated into planning processes or even any basic research assessing their knowledge and awareness of resilience .

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! ! 6 This project addresses this question by exploring how vulnerable individuals, specifically Hispan ic 1 women in a rural mountain town in Colorado, understand their risk to hazards and the concepts of resilience and disaster recovery and how these perceptions align with the assumptions and constructs upon which current conceptualizations of resilience ar e based at the state level . Furthermore, the increase in funds earmarked specifically for resilience, as well as the increase of resilience as a panacea for social, economic and environmental issues, calls for an in depth analysis of what exactly resilienc e does, if anything, for vulnerable individuals. This study is especially relevant not only for its contributions to understanding the nuances of vulnerability and resilience, but because of the importance of this population to the tourist economy in Colo rado, which Park and Pellow ( 2011) underscore in their book The Slums of Aspen , by pointing out the integral role this population plays in supporting Aspen's luxury economy. Furthermore, the sheer amount of money that tourism generates across multiple scales local, state, national and even globally calls for ongoing analysis of the ways in which income inequality within tourist based economies can weaken the foundations of the economy by ignoring the needs of their workforce before, during and following extreme even ts. In 2014, tourism contributed close to $19 billion dollars to Colorado's economy and supported 155,300 jobs during 2014 (Blevins, 2015) . The ski industry itself accounts for almost a quarter of the dollars generated throug h tourism, contributing close to $5 billion to the economy annually (Colorado Ski County USA, 2015) . Consistent snowfall, a wide range of terrain and the beauty of the natural environment all contribute to attracting skiers and snowboarders to ski !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ! " I recognize that the issue around race/ethnicity is a complex. For the purposes of this dissertation, I use the word "Hispanic , " which refers to Spanish speaking individuals of Latin American descent to describe an ethnicity.

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! ! 7 resorts in Colorado, however their successful operations depend on filling seasonal lift operator, ski instructor and service industry jobs the latter which are often filled by Hispanic migrants. Moreover, the growth of the ski industry over the past several dec ades, in addition to an increase in "amenity migration" amongst white , higher income baby boomers into mountain destinations such as Vail and Aspen, has led to an influx of lower income Hispanic migrants into these same areas to fill the service jobs creat ed by amenity migration (Nelson, Lee, & Nelson, 2009) . However, these larger scale growth and development trends in the "New West" are placing those who work in the tourist industry at higher risk and increasing their vulnerability to the impac ts of disasters. The influx of wealthy second home owners into resort towns, for example, has increased the cost of living to the point where many of the service workers can no longer afford to live in the towns where they work, forcing them to commute far ther distances over treacherous mountain passes (Hiemstra, 2010; Park & Pellow, 2011) and/or move into mobile home parks, which are more vulne rable to hazards (Cutter et al., 2003). The research site is an example of one of these commuter communities. Indeed, close to a third of the working population in the county commute to nearby counties for work (Dukakis & Minor, 2015b) . A qualitative case study of Hispanic females will reveal, on a small scale, whether this subset of vulnerable individuals are actually reaping the "resilience dividend" (Rodin, 2014) or if there is a fundamental mismatch between efforts at the state level wi th the needs of the individuals who often form the backbone of the ski t ourism economy. This case study contribute s to the vulnerability literature and resilience literature through examining the relationship between vulnerable individuals and their experiences with disasters, the burdens they deal with on a daily basis and the resources they may mobilize during disast ers and afterward.

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! ! 8 Additionally, this project aims to examine how vulnerable groups perceive of resilience whether it is resilience in and of itself or more so the resources that make them resilient . By examining these factors, this study will contribut e to a concrete understanding of how building resilience in vulnerable communities can either facilitate or hinder their disaster recovery through, for example, conflating survival and resilience and thereby masking their continued vulnerability. An inter sectional framework guides the exploration of the role that domains of power play in individuals' lives and, as a result, how their positions in society influence their experiences and the resources they can leverage for disaster recovery. Weber and Messia s (2012) utilize an intersectional frame to reveal th e power structures at play between those controlling resources, recovery workers and the general public following Hurricane Katrina, but there has been limited research that examines vulnerability a nd resilience using such a lens; a gap this project addres ses . While Hill Collins (2002) focuses on African American women to elucidate her theory of intersectionality, this project focuses on Hispanic women work ing in the resort service industry because their ethnicity, gender, SES and immigration status are all social and economically based factors that have the potential to impact the resources and support available to them during a disaster. Further, being fem ale, Hispanic and poor are well documented characteristics that contribute to social vulnerability because they are rooted in broader scale patterns of social and economic oppression . As such, the sa mple population constitutes an ideal group for examining the relationship between vulnerability and resilience . The focus for this project is specifically on women rather than men because the aims of the project are not to compare the disaster experiences and daily burdens of vulnerable groups, but rather to und erstand the resilience

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! ! 9 experiences, daily needs and resources of a specific vulnerable group, namely Hispanic women who live and work in a hazardous area. Future research could explore the views of resilience of males versus females, but that is not the ai m of this project. This project addresses three key aims: Aim 1: The first aim of this project is to explore the perceptions of resilience and risk of Hispanic women living and working in hazardous areas, with the goal of gaining a more thorough understan ding of how they characterize their risk. Aim 2: The second aim of this project is to understand how Hispanic women living and working in hazardous areas and within the resort service industry in Colorado identify with resilience and what are their recov ery needs . Aim 3: The third aim of the project is to understand the extent to which resilience frameworks address the experiences of Hispanic women living in a rural mountain town in Colorado and to inform a broader understanding of the relationship between resilience and vulnerability. Significance Social vulnerability contributes to unequal access to resources during a disaster and by extension to health disparities (Runkle, Brock Martin, Karmaus, & Svendsen, 2012; Thomas, Newell & Kr eisberg, 2010) . Knowing this, it is vital that, in using resilience as a guide for communities to bounce back, recover from or p lan ahead for future disasters, the experiences of the most vulnerable are acknowledged and integrated into resilience plans . One place to start is to examine the experiences of the most vulnerable in order to begin to understand how to create a resilient community that is equitable while also contributing to disaster risk reduction and overall population health and well being. While gender and ethnicity have long been recognized as factors that may contribute to furthering an individual's vulnerability to a disaster (Blaikie et al., 2014; Cutter et al., 2003) , there has been less of a focus on the specific experience of female, Hispanic, service workers that

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! ! 10 live and work in areas of high environmental risk. Hispanic and African American women, for example, were less likely to receive small loans for their businesses following the Whittier earthquake (Tierne y, 2006) and following the Northridge Earthquake in California, Bolin and Stanford (2006) found that language barriers played a role in access to key recovery resources. Being female also contributes to people's vulnerability through longer recovery tim es due to differing employment opportunities and familial roles. According to Cutter (2006) SES, which includes income, is also a factor in vulnerability. Thus , whether an individual is female or male, Hispanic or not, and whether an individual can access key resources or not, all influence their position in society, which itself has an impact on social vulnerability . Also, while research shows parallel migratio n streams of well off baby boomers and lower income workers into resort areas in the Colorado mountains (Nelson et al., 2009) , there is less of a focus on the daily experiences of these workers, let alone a focus on their experiences living and working in an environme nt that is at risk of wildfires, avalanches, floods and winter storms. The larger economic processes that allow for the purchasing of second homes also drive the growth of the resort industry and the creation of jobs filled by migrant workers (Long, Ireland, Alderman, & Hao, 2012) . These same processes also raise the cost of living for local and migrant workers with the result that these populations are often forced to the periphery of resort towns or to commuter towns thirty or more minutes away by car (Dukakis and Minor 2015) . Their commute becomes much more perilous during the winter months, with the risk of road closures, avalanches and winter storms contributing to challenges for commuting to and from Vail and Copper Mountains. While this work may be taken for granted when workers are able to arrive at their jobs without incident, a disruption to this routine may undercut the luxury and top

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! ! 11 notch ser vices many hotels and restaurants pride themselves on (De Chesnay & Anderson, 2011) . Indeed, while loss of life and actual damage to infrastructure are perhaps the most apparent impacts of a disaster, the less obvious impacts, such as a slow down in areas of local tourism and recreation, have the pot ential to undercut a large portion of the state's economy by furthering the vulnerability of already vulnerable populations. Jobs may be lost, for example, following a wildfire in Vail, Colorado and those who stand to lose their jobs first are those who ma y be the least able to absorb and recover from a break in employment. E ven though research demonstrates that the distinct characteristics of gender, ethnicity and SES all play a role in social vulnerability, there has been limited research, which focuses o n the intersection of these roles, specifically being Hispanic, a female, and employed in the resort service industry . Further, while researchers have focused on the development of conceptual frameworks (Faulkner, 2001; Hystad & Keller, 2008; Ritchie, 2004) and examinations of disast er recovery in specific tourist locales (Cioccio & Michael, 2007; Hystad & Keller, 2008; Miller & Ritchie, 2003) , since Faulkner (2001) first highlighted the lack of research within tourism disaster management, less research has focused on the impacts that disaster might have on the people w ho provide key services . Moreover, there is no research to date that focuses on the experience of Hispanic women service workers and their relationship to disaster resilience . This project fills this gap by exploring the experiences of Hispanic women, who work for mountain resorts in Colorado and who live in a rural mountain town in Colorado and in doing so will seek t o make the experiences of this invisible population more visible to those who depend on their services .

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! ! 12 Excluding the views o f those most often left on the outside (whether incidentally or not) during resilience and recovery efforts, effectively perpetuates their vulnerability rather than providing a different pathway to recovery. If resilience, as conceptualized and enacted through state an d county level efforts, does not meet the priorities of the majority of those who are most at risk or who will be affected the most, then resilience is not the solution it purports to be. The findings from this project will inform the more efficient and e quitable use of funds and resilience efforts that have an eye both on the system and the vulnerable individuals within it. This is particularly important for recognizing the resources and support that vulnerable individuals can mobilize during a disaster, as well as exploring where these resources may be limited and the spaces where they may need more help, even with the resources they already have . The following research questions will aid in examining and further explicating the relationship between res ilience and vulnerability. The overall question that will direct this project is, H ow do Hispanic women who work in the resort service industry and who live and work in hazard prone communities in Colorado understand disaster risk and disaster resilience a nd what implications does this have for state and local level resilience plans? Sub questions: (RQ1) How do Hispanic women living in a rural mountain town in Colorado perceive and understand their resilience to disasters? What are their experiences with , and priorities for, disaster risk reduction and recovery? (RQ2) How is resilience conceptualized at the state level? (RQ3) To what extent do resilience guidelines at the state level speak to the experiences and resource needs of Hispanic women living in a rural mountain town in Colorado?

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! ! 13 Theoretical Approach While the role that social vulnerability plays in perpetuating disasters is well established and despite the increasing value placed on resilience in helping communities to bounce back from disa sters, there has been, too date, less of a focus on how the relationship between vulnerability and resilience plays out for local populations. In order to examine the relationship between resilience efforts at the state and county level and the needs of vu lnerable individuals, I will use an intersectional framework and standpoint theory . An intersectional framework is helpful in understanding the nuances of the vulnerability resilience relationship as the framework emphasizes that the same characteristics t hat contribute to social vulnerability are themselves rooted in "domains of power" or oppression (Collins, 2000) that could very well determine people's re covery and resilience needs. Because disasters are often events that reveal underlying power structures inherent in policies, institutions and communications (Blaikie et al., 2014; S. Hoffman & Smith, 2002) , an examination of resilience provides researchers with the opportunity to see these power structures at play . Standpoint theory, on th e other hand, uses the perspective of individuals and recognizes that their social contexts play a role in the production of knowledge. Moreover, while certain hegemonic discourses and ideologies play a part in creating identities and labeling groups of pe ople as "vulnerable" for example, standpoint theory shows how generating knowledge and understanding from the point of view of the vulnerable can counteract dominant identities and provide alternative discourses (Bowell, 2015). Intersectionality The domains of power as elucidated in an intersectional framework denote structural, disciplinary, hegemonic and interpersonal systems which interact to form social inequalities and both oppressed and oppressing groups (Collins, 2000) . The structural domain includes such

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! ! 14 institutions as religion, legislation and the economy which interact to leave some individuals outside of the successes of neoliberal marke t economies or as non beneficiaries for particular legislation. The disciplinary domain includes the ways that societies control and organize human behavior. This is of particular import when looking at disasters as the question of how to organize people d uring an evacuation (and indeed to convince them to evacuate) and how to facilitate recovery falls within this domain . The hegemonic domain on the other hand, and in line with a Gramscian view of hegemony, emphasizes the cultural aspects of power the lang uage that we use, for example, or the values we hold dear and the influence that social positions have on our understanding of vulnerability and resilience (Crehan, 2002) . Certain people, based on their social position, may view resilience as survival from a disaster whereas others may not even realize that there are ways to prepare for disasters or that there are resources they can access to support their recovery . Again, we can see how this last domain is of import during disast ers as the use of English for evacuation warnings may not be as useful in predominantly Hispanic communities or if individuals tend to receive information from sources outside of mainstream media (Peguero, 2006; Rivera & Miller, 2010). The last domain, tha t of the interpersonal, touches on the ways in which we construe our identities in contrast to "the other" and emphasizes that these daily interactions are equally as important to the way we interact with the world around us as the other domains. Feminist Standpoint Theory Characteristics such as gender, ethnicity and class, which contribute to social vulnerability, can all influence the creation of knowledge (Bowell 2015). Where we are in society and what role we identify with at different points in time and places all contribute to different standpoints that help us to understand underlying process and structures of oppression

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! ! 15 and domination (Bowell 2015) . With a specific focus on the experiences of women, feminist standpoint theory recognizes the existe nce of dominant discourses and institutions that structure individuals' lives and their knowledge and which contribute to certain groups remaining in positions of power or marginalization (Bowell 2015) . Standpoint theory gives particular credence to the m arginalized position recognizing that the viewpoints of the marginalized, specifically women, can reveal knowledge and experiences that differ from the dominant and normative discourse (Harding 2004, Bowell 2015). Moreover, standpoint theory suggests that knowledge of the ways in which power structures daily lives can be gained via the viewpoint of the marginalized (Bowell 2015) . Specifically, standpoint theory posits that we gain key knowledge about the social situations and processes that influence the da ily lives of the most marginalized, including those that oppress them, through starting with their viewpoint. (Bowell 2015). Building off this assertion, the theory then situates the creation of knowledge within the experiences of vulnerable and marginali zed groups, providing an alternate pathway for understanding phenomena and daily struggles . As such, standpoint theory helps us to explain how there may exist alternate understandings of resilience . Specifically, in contrast to more normative discourses on resilience, standpoint theory allows for a definition and understanding of resilience that is located in people's experiences and perspectives (Harding 2004). Organization of Dissertation In Chapter I , I review the background and significance of this research project as well as provide an overview of the theoretical approaches used to guide my approach to the questions examined in subsequent chapters. I n Chapter II, I review my research methods and refl ec t on my role as a researcher.

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! ! 16 Chapter I I I examines how key macro level processes tourism, immigration and economic development interact to shape the vulnerability and risk of workers within the tourism industry . I also introduce my conceptual model in C hapter I I I, which embeds local experiences of resilience and vulnerability within the macro level processes discussed in Chapter I II as well as the environmental hazards outlined in Chapter IV . Chapters III V aims to address the different layers described in the conceptual model presented in Chapter I I I. Chapter I V reviews the environmental hazards that pose a threat to service workers that live in the Rocky Mountains of Colorado and compares these hazards with the risk perceptions of a vulnerable populati on (Hispanic women) who live in a rural mountain town in Colorado . It also examines if, and how, the study population understands resilience (therefore expanding on the smallest circle in the model) . Chapter V takes a step back and examines the extent to which resilience policies and local and county level initiatives and planning address the experiences of a vulnerable population i.e., Hispanic women who live and work in rural mountain towns. The third level of the conceptual model social characteristic s lists those components that contribute to vulnerability and as such, are often the goal of a plan or policy to ameliorate . I examine state and local level resilience policies and their inclusion of these characteristics in C hapter V .

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! ! 17 CHAPTER II RESEARCH METHODS Because this project aimed to explore experiences and perceptions of resilience, rather than specific variables that influence resilience or that contribute to resilience, this research utilizes a qualitative approach (Creswell, 2013) . Following Yin's (2003) suggestions that the form of the research questions, the control over events/research subjects, and the time period all inform different research approaches, an instrumental descriptive case study is utilized to answer the research questions. A case study approach is appropriate for this research as the overarching research question takes the form of a "how" question, because the research examines current perceptions and experiences of resilience and disaster risk reduction and recovery, and because participants' experiences are not controlled . The case study was both instrumental, as the goal of the case study was to examine the r elationship between resilience and vulnerability, and descriptive as it sought to examine resilience and vulnerability within the context of the lives of Hispanic women in a rural mountain town in Colorado (Baxter & Jack, 2008; Stake, 1995) . I utilized a qualitative approach in this study because the goal of my study was to understand the perceptions of my sample population. This approach supported a contextual interpretation of the behaviors and perspectives of participants (Fetterman, 2010) , which I utilized to situate resilience within the broader tourism industry and within a rural mountain town in Colorado . Site Selection Stake (1995) suggests selecting a case based on its potential for "maximizing what we can learn" from it (pp. 4) wit h feasibility also playing into the selection criteria . I chose to focus on communities within Colorado because of relevance to my research question . I have lived in

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! ! 18 Colorado for most of my life and have seen the impacts that wildfires and floods can have on the environment and on Colorado's residents. In response to these wildfires and floods, the Colorado Recovery and Resilience Office (CRRO) developed the Colorado Resiliency Framework(CRF) as well as coordinated applications on behalf of counties and tow ns to the National Resilience Disaster Competition organized by the United States Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). In order to select a community that is exposed to physical hazards and in which social vulnerability is a factor, I utilized Cutter's (Cutter & Emrich, 2006) definition of place vulnerability to create a set of criteria which guided me in selecting a site that will be sufficient for addressing my research aims. Place vulnerability includes a hazardous physica l environment (where a hazardous event may occur) and a population and/or community that is less able to recover from a disaster because of certain social vulnerability characteristics (Cutter & Emrich, 2006). With this in mind, the criteria I used to sele ct an area that is vulnerable to both physical hazards and in which social vulnerability is a factor, are as follows, (1) Disaster Criteria and (2) Vulnerability criteria . Disaster Criteria: While resilience efforts are pertinent for other reasons outside of disasters, as with economic recessions or disease epidemics (Moench, Norton, & Venkateswaran, 2015) , because this project is exami ning resilience within the contexts of disasters I focused on those communities that are at risk from environmental hazards . While Boulder County, Weld County and Larimer County were all impacted by the 2013 floods, I wanted to focus on communities who wer e at risk from multiple hazards and who were not specifically mentioned in the CRF . Rural mountain towns are often subject to multiple risks including avalanches, wildfires and floods , so my focus shifted to the that area of the state.

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! ! 19 Vulnerability Criteria: This criteria pertains to the demographics of the community itself . The CSF acknowledges that risk and vulnerability to disasters are not equally distributed, rather there are certain populations that unfairly bear the burden of th e impact of disasters because of their social vulnerability (Scandlyn, Simon, Thomas, & Brett, 2011) . Within a vulnerability framework, SES and other demographic variables such as age, gender and immigration status play a key role in recovery from disasters (R. Bolin & Stanford, 2006; Cutter et al., 2003; Fothergill & Peek, 2004; Oliver Smith & Hoffman, 2002) . In regards to inclusion in resilience plans, the CRF includes "underrepresented populations" and on the inclusion of low income populations in risk reduction activities (Governor's Office The State of Colorado, 2015, pp.4 12) . While the exact definition of both underrepresented and low income is unclear in the CRF, definitions of under represented could include those populations who are traditiona lly marginalized from more traditional disaster management practices including minorities and lower income populations (R. Bolin & Stanford, 2006; Tierney, 2006) . Compounding exclusio n from decision making processes, in the case of recent immigrants, or English as second language learners, linguistic isolation may play a role in effectively excluding vulnerable populations from having their voices heard (R. Bolin & Stanford, 2006) . As such, because the overarching question of this project is how resilience efforts align with the priorities of vulnerable populations, I focused on individuals who fit the definition of social vulnerability as defined by Blaikie et al. (2014) according t o their gender, income, and residence status, their education level and their race/ethnicity specifically Hispanic Women. Thus, my inclusion criteria were as follows: • ! Live in research site • ! Identify as Hispanic • ! Identify as Female

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! ! 20 This demographic is rel evant to Colorado and to resilience efforts in general as Hispanics make up almost a fifth of the population in Colorado and close to that in the nation at large (U.S Department of Commerce, 2015) while wo men make up half of the population in Colorado . Research Site The research site fits both the vulnerability and disaster criteria outlined above as the town is home to Hispanic workers who commute to jobs in the resort service industry in Eagle or Summit County (Dukakis & Minor, 2015b) . Specifically, over 35% of the town's population is Hispanic and over half of the population is female (United States Census Bureau, 2014) . Further, around three quarters of the students (Colorado Department of Education, 2015) within the school district are eligible for free and reduced lunch, a number often used as an alternate mea surement for the concentration of students in poverty (U.S. Department of, Sciences, & Statistics, 2015) . In addition to the social vulnerability criteria, close to a third of the workforce commutes t o work. These commutes are particularly risky during the winter due to increased snowstorms and icy roads . In addition to hazardous travel conditions, according to a 2012 Hazard and Vulnerability Assessment report for the county, windstorms, wildfires, ext reme temperatures, and floods all have over a 30% relative threat level (Lake County, 2012) . Blizzards have the highest threat level, at 67%, and temperature extremes are second to blizzards at 44% (Lake County, 2012) . Sample Rather than comparing the contrasting daily needs of Hispan ic men and Hispanic women, I choose to focus on women in order to examine the ways in which the intersection of distinct social characteristics, such as ethnicity and being a woman, structure the daily experiences and

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! ! 21 resource needs of this group. By focus ing on the experiences of Hispanic women living in a rural mountain town in Colorado, the goal was to understand how their worldviews ( Scandly n et al., 2011) , differ from that of the normative discourse and how that shapes our understanding of both vulnerability and resilience. I used a purposive non probabilistic sampling approach to select my respondents from the larger population . Chain re ferral aided in garnering a variety of viewpoints from the sample population on resilience and recovery experiences (Guest, 2014 ) . Such an approach provided me with a sample that can speak to the experience of being a service worker in a geographic area of environmental risk with the added experience of being both Hispanic and female which is the specific data I aimed to colle ct over the course of the study . While m y sample type was homogenous in regard s to gender and ethnicity , their stories were unique . Many of the women I interviewed worked as housekeepers for nearby hotels, yet others had had previous careers before movin g to the United States. Some had just moved to Colorado while others had been in the state for over twenty years. A few had children and lived with their partners or husbands, or by themselves , while others were childless and lived with roommates . Some li ved in houses/apartments while others lived in nearby trailer parks. Some of them had moved because they knew friends or family who lived in the town, others moved only knowing their husband and immediate family. Their stories are diverse, yet each of the ir narratives contributes to our knowledge about their lives, and how they interact with environmental hazards and the tourism industry. Further their shared experience contributes to an in depth discussion regarding vulnerability and resilience on a broad er scale. W hile I recognize that keeping my focus to such a specific group somewhat limits generalizability, I cho se to keep my focus narrow because doing so provides a starting point from which to contribute to our understanding of vulnerability and resilience . Moreover, this cross

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! ! 22 section is specifically situated in power structure differentials that emerge from gender and ethnicity and SES. By focusing on the intersections of different characteri stics, I was able to explore how the CRF addressed the specificities of individuals' experiences. Further, the inclusion of this "vulnerability" criteria in the project increases the overall significance and generalizability of the project because if popu lations who are traditionally characterized as vulnerable have fundamentally different experiences and recovery and resilience needs than as elucidated at the state level , then this mismatch may prove problematic for the overall success of the framework an d for resilience efforts similar to those occurring in Colorado, around the nation, and around the world . Moreover, the phenomenon of migrant labor filling jobs within the tourism industry is by no means contained to Colorado. Some of the issues that arise in this study may very well apply to the resort industry in other parts of the world, expanding the ge neralizability beyond solely this research site. Phase I From February 2017 to March 2017, I commuted to and from the research site. While I spent the majority of that time period living there, job demands meant that I could not stay at the site for the entirety of the research. On one hand, while this meant that each time I returned to the community I had to rebuild rapport, on the other hand this provi ded me with a similar experience of that of the women I was interviewing, of having to commute for work . The time I did spend in the community provided me with the opportunity to build rapport with my participants and to better understand their daily experiences and the context within which they understood disasters and resilience. Research on entrÂŽe into di fficult to access populations suggests access via trusted "gate keepers" (Goode, 2000) or institutional and professional contacts (Wiebel, 1990) . With this in

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! ! 23 mind, I gained entrÂŽe to my sample population though reaching out to trusted community leaders including ESL and GED teachers as well as the local church priest, who then connected me to th e study participants . During the time I spent in the research site, I conducted 18 individual interviews and 2 group interviews (n=29) with Hispanic women who lived in the community, many of whom commuted for their jobs in the resort service industry. Over all, I enrolled 29 women for Phase I of the research study. While there is continual debate about the number of interviews it takes to reach data saturation, going into the research site I aimed for 18 24 interviews, given that Guest et al., ( 2006) , suggest that there are no significantly different perspectives on the subject after 12 interviews . Furthermore, because my sample was relatively homogenous at least in regards to gender and ethnicity , similar to the group studied by Guest et al., (2006) and because the aims of Phase I were to understand perceptions of resilience amongst solely Hispanic women who live in a rural mountain town in Colorado, I expected that their experiences with resilien ce would be similar . However, even given that the women I interviewed had many key characteristics in common, their experiences reveal that they each have their own individual story to tell. I used a semi structured open ended interview guide for both i ndividual (see Appendix A) and group (see Appendix B) interviews, as doing so allowed me to prepare questions in advance on topics of resilience, disaster experiences and recovery needs while also allowing for space to pursue topics that emerged during the conversation (Bernard, 2011; Cohen & Crabtree, 2006) . At the end of each group interview I also asked each participant, if they were willing, to fill out a sheet that asked for further details about their lives (occupati on, their housing situation etc. ) (see Appendix B) . I conducted interviews in Spanish or English dependi ng on the respondent's wishes. In total, I conducted four interviews in English and sixteen in Spanish

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! ! 24 (includi ng the two group interviews) . Nine interviews took pla ce in public locations, while eleven women invited me to their homes for the interviews. I digitally recorded all interviews and uploaded them after each interview to password protected a laptop where I also stored daily memos and participant observations. Before beginning Phase II, one of my research assistants reviewed my initial interviews an d coding and confirmed my initial interpretations of the data and that I had enough data to fully answer my research questions . Phase II In October 2017, I conducted five individual and two group (n=9) interviews with key stakeholders that were involved at the county and local level in programming that was relevant to the issues discussed in Chapter II and that Phase I participants brought up in their interviews. Participant s included two En g lish as a Second Language (ESL) teachers , one General Education Develo pment (GED) teacher, a public h e alth program director, a director of e mergency management, a planning director, a social services director, a housing director, and h ealth e quity coordina tor . I used a semi structured interview guide (see Appendix D) to ask about their services and programs offered, as well as about the Colorado Resiliency Framework and the integration of resilience into their services . I recorded all interviews and upload ed them after each interview to a password protected laptop . Phase III The third phase of my project consisted of utilizing the data I collected from Phase I and Phase II to inform an understanding of the extent to which resilience frameworks address the experiences of Hispanic women living in a rural mountain town in Colorado and to inform a broader understanding of the relationship between resilience and vulnerability. To assess alignment, I used a two step process that was guided by plan quality analysi s, which is useful for

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! ! 25 assessing the overall relevance of a plan to local situations (P. Berke & Godschalk, 2009; Horney et al., 2017) . The first step involved analyzing if and how phase I participant's concerns were recognized and addressed by a) Phase II participants and local/county programs and by b) the CRF. The second step examined how resilience as conceptualized within the CRF was recognized and utilized by phase I participants and at the local/county level. Data Sources and Analysis In addition to interviews, data sources also included interactions with key informant, participant observation, document review of mitigation plans, and resiliency frameworks, as well as reviews of media coverage and relevant websites (including resort and county websites) . Including multiple sources of data is an important aspect of case studies as it supports triangulation of data and a more thoroug h understanding of the subject being studied and thus the overall validity of the research findings (Baxter & Jack, 2008; Boblin, Ireland, Kirkpatrick, & Robertson, 2013; Patton, 1999) . For the entirety of this project I utilized the qualitative data analysis software, Atlas.Ti , for managing, coding, and analyzing the collected data . To help wit h transcriptions, and to verify my Spanish, I had two research assistants transcribe the interviews. To verify the quality of each transcription, I listened to each recording and edited each transcript my research assistants sent me. I approached the data from Phase I interviews both deductively and inductively (LeCompte & Schensul, 2010; Schensul, 1999) . In a "top down approach" (Schensul, 1999) I developed a priori codes based on the literature reviews, prio r knowledge, and the propositions (see Appendix C) I had developed in following Yin's (2003) guidelines for case studies.

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! ! 26 However, I also approached the data looking for emergent codes in the manner of the "bottom up" approach described by Schensul (1999) . I started by reading through the interviews and then, on the next go through, began to code sections of text that were relevant to my research questions (perceptions of risks, threats, environmental hazards etc.) and/or based on my a priori codes. As I read through these initial transcripts, I then finalized the codes and applied them to the remaining the transcripts. Once I had coded all of the transcripts, I then examined each code and the data within them, and the organized them into either broader ca tegories or more specific sub codes . I then used the codes to abstract to higher level concepts and connections between codes in order to answer the research questions . For examining the alignment of the results from Phase I to Phase II interviews and the CRF I utilized the keywords in context me thod (KWIC), where I selected segments of text and keywords based on a priori research specifically the findings that emerged from Phase I (Leech & Onwuegbuzie, 2007) . Specifically, I developed a keyword list (see Chapter IV) based off Phase I results and then, using the search function within Atlas.Ti and within Microsoft Word, searched for e ach of the words within the Phase II interviews and then within the CRF to first assess a) if they were mentioned and b) if so, how they were utilized . I then analyzed the findings comparing the KWIC Phase I results and to that of the CRF via plan quality analysis to examine the extent to which the CRF aligns with women's priorities. Specifically, I utilized KWIC to assess the overall content (internal quality) of the CRF and to assess how well it aligned with local conditions (external quality) two condit ions outlined by Berke & Godschalk (2009) .

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! ! 27 Section on Human Subjects I submitted my protocol to the Colorado Multiple Institutional Review Board's (COMIRB) social and behavioral sciences review panel before initiation of the project. The project was appr oved for exemption. Based on requests by some participants that they preferred to participate in the interview in a group setting versus one on one, I applied and received approval from COMIRB to adapt my protocol to include group interviews after I had st arted research . Additionally, because of the sen sitivity surrounding issues of documentation and residence , confidentiality was ensured throughout the duration of the study through the use of pseudonyms and the removal of all identifying information. I ga ve participants the opportunity to choose their own pseudonyms. If they declined, I chose a pseudonym for them. Moreover, I immediately downloaded each interview to a password protected computer and deleted it from the recording device. All identifying in formation has been removed from this dissertation and future publications and accompanying documents including the name of the town. This was to ensure further confidentiality and to avoid drawing unnecessary attention to the town itself because of the sensitivity surrounding issues of documentation . For Phase II participants, all identifying information will be removed from this dissertation, publications , and accompanying documents. Throughout this text I utilize pseudonyms to protect participants' privacy and identities. Positionality A few weeks into field work, a series of events brought my research positionality within my research site and as a white , documented resident of the United States into sharp focus. First,

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! ! 28 I received an email from one of my community liaisons in which she informed me that immigration lawyers were advising immigrants to abstain from signing any documents regardless of their intent. Having already consented several of my participants at this point in time with a written and signed consent form, many of these same women expressed concern to my liaison about the fact that they had signed this form. This email brought into sharp contrast my intent in having them sign the documents, to protect them as par ticipants in my resea rch study, with the lived reality of their situation. Namely, that regardless of my intent and the intent of the consent form, signing any form had furthered their sense of insecurity and vulnerability in a situation in which they already were in a positio n of vulnerability because of their documentation status. I quickly requested and received approval from the Colorado Multiple Institutional Review Board (COMIRB) to destroy the signed consent forms I had collected to date and to verbally consent particip ants moving forward. While I informed my community liaison and another key informant of this amendment and asked them to pass this information to their other contacts, I remained discomfited that I had not thought through the implications of the consent fo rms for my applicants . Of course, I had approached the consent form process, including signed documents, as a researcher whose intent was to protect her participants, but because of my position as a documented resident of the United States, the thought tha t having my participants sign a document might make them nervous and further their insecurity, unfortunately, never crossed my mind. This experience reminded me that while I could relate to my participants as a woman, my place in society remains very diffe rent from their own. Whereas I could go about my day unconcerned about my legal status in the country where I live and work, for most of my participants, this issue is an ever present stressor.

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! ! 29 This stress was further highlighted by two other events that occurred during my time in the research site and which were brought to my attention again by my liaison in the same email in which she informed me of the issues with signatures. A disgruntled fo rmer student of a local college threatened violence to the cam pus . While emergency response personnel and reporters on the scene treated this a s what it seemed on the surface, an emergency situation that threatened those on the school's property, for many of the Hispanic community, the threat went beyond a usual resp onse to a threat . According to my community liaison, many of the Hispanic c ommunity viewed this event as a ploy by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) to enter the town to conduct a raid . Later in the month, a video of an arrest in one of the local trailer parks, which was later investigated for police misconduct began circulating on YouTube and around town . According to my liaison, many people in the Hispanic community believed that the arrest was not local police, but rather ICE . These two eve nts demonstrate the parallel and disconnected existence that undocumented and documented residents lead in this town. The threat of violence and an aggressive arrest within the community would be of note in and of themselves to most community members. Howe ver, for many undocumented residents, these events carried an additional threat of deportation and disruption that documented residents would not feel. These events formed the context and backdrop for my fieldwork and brought into sharp focus my position in society relative to my participants. Going into my research, I reminded myself to continually examine and recognize how my education, race, and socioeconomic status would influence my interactions with participants and experiences in the research site. However , it was these series of events, the consent form issues, t he bomb threat, and the arrest, that served

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! ! 30 as a wake up call and which highlighted how large scale policies, such as federal immigration policy, can further the vulnerability of already vul nerable populations . Further, Huisman (2008) speaks to the positionality of researchers in ethnographic and feminist research and wrestles with many of the same concerns that I faced going in to my research. Thes e included the desire to move ahead with dissertation research while also making the time to create relationships with my interviewees . I was concerned as well about the imbalance of what the completion of my dissertation means for me (a Ph.D. and ensuing career) versus what it means for participants (reimburse ment for interview time). I continue to struggle with the unequal outcomes of this project fo r myself versus my participants. However, one aspect of my interactions with these women, which I hope help ed them in some small way was that the hour I spent with them gave them the time and opportunity to have someone listen and hear their stories . Taking an hour out of their day to discuss their daily concerns and needs with me, may have inadvertently provid ed them with a chunk of reimbursed time that was focused on themselves rather than on work or the needs of family members . Ultimately, I was able to build rapport and trust with my participants. However, I recognize that my experience living in their community remains altogether different from theirs not least because I lived there not because of a job and to a fford housing, but because I ch ose to conduct my research there . Inevitability, my lived experience and the ch aracteristics that influence it including education, race , and relative socioeconomic status, shaped the interactions that I had with participants as well as my interpretations of the data and the conclusions I drew . While I aimed to relate the women's stories as they told them to me, I recognize that ultimately the stories, findings and conclusions related in this dissertation are shaped, to a certain extent, by my own lived experiences.

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! ! 31 CHAPTER II I THE TOURISM INDUSTRY AND CONSTRUCTING VULNERABILITY Macarena wakes up at 6:30 am; she helps her two children to get ready for school while her husband prepares his lunch. She leaves her children to meet the bus to go to school and then drives over 45 minutes where she works at an upscale hotel as a housekeeper. She works at the hotel cleaning rooms for the tourists who spend their day recreating until 5 pm when she drives back to home where she helps her son get to basketball practice and drops her daughter off for after school programming. She then goes home where she cooks dinner, which her children and husband eat while she goes to her English class. After that class she returns home to clean the dishes and prepar es herself for another day. ! Excerpted from interview with Macarena 2 Sarah works 7 days a week from 8:00 am 4:30 pm at her housekeeping job at a nearby hotel. Friday, Saturday, and Sunday she goes from her housekeeping job to working at a restaurant. Mond ays and Thursdays, once she is back from work, she attends English classes at the local high school and arrives home at around 10 or 11 pm. ! Excerpted from interview with Sarah 1 While particular to these two women, these stories represent the day to day r eality of many of the women who work in the resort service industry in Colorado . Yet they are also representative of larger scale forces at play , the demand for labo r within the tourism industry an d t he high cost of living in resort towns leading to the de velopment of commuter communities 3 , and the underlying flow of immigrants from outside the United States to fill the jobs that the local workforce is either unwilling or unable to fill . A focus on the day to day of resort service workers reveals the detail s of worker's lives, but it also shows how these stories are embedded in processes and structures that occur across multiple scales local, regional, national and global and which contribute to their vulnerability and resilience. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ! # To protect participants' privacy and identities all names used throughout this report are pseudonyms. Please see Chapter I for a discussion of human subjects' issues and protection. $ ! Commuter communities are towns/areas where residents live and sleep, bu t whose work is usually in a different town from the one they live in due to housing affordability and economic opportunity. !

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! ! 32 Macro forces, such as e c onomic development and tourism, drive the need for service workers in the Rocky Mountain West. Within the resort industry specifically, these forces influence migration and the corresponding movement of lower wage workers to support the amenity economy (Nelson et al., 2009; Park & Pellow, 2011) . However, the same economic development that draws amenity migrants also raises the cost of living, which pushes lower wage workers "down valley" away from their place of work. Concurrently, land use policies that regulate the location of affordable housi ng and occupancy limits as well as immigration policies all contribute to furthering the vulnerability of those involved in the servicing the tourist economy (Park & Pellow, 2011) . Often, these forces lead to workers living in areas of increased environmental risk including floodplains and at the wildland urban interface (WUI) and in unsafe housing, which increases their overall vulnerability . The narratives above depict the daily lives of two women who work in the resort service industry in Colorado . However, tourism, immigration, and developme nt interact in ways that shape these narratives while also contributing to the vulnerability and resilience of this workforce to environmental hazards. The ways in which these macro processes interact to shape vulnerability and resilience is the focus of t his chapter. I begin with an examination of ea ch macro process, touri sm, employment and development, and then tie them together via a conceptual model which elucidates a framework for better understanding the relationship between resilience and vulnerabili ty and which provides a road map for subsequent chapters. The Tourism Industry: From Global to Local As defined by the World Tourism Organization, tourism is a social, cultural and economic phenomenon which entails the movement of people to countries or places outside their usual environment for personal or business/professional purposes. These people are called visitors (which may be either tourists or excursionists;

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! ! 33 residents or nonresidents) and tourism has to do with their activities, some of which i nvolve tourism expenditure (World Tourism Organization, n.d.) . This phenomenon occurs glob ally and across multiple scales whether a tourist is visiting their local state park, traveling abroad or exploring iconic museums . Further, tourism encompasses a broad range of industries and services that either directly or indirectly contribute to the G ross Domestic Product (GDP) of local, national and global economies . Figure 3 .1 below provides an overview of the direct, indirect, and inferred contributions of the tourism sector to the economy. Figure 3 .1 . "The Economic Contribution of Travel and Tourism". Source: World Travel and Tourism Council: Economic Impact 2017 March 2017. All rights reserved. Licensed under the Attribution, Non Commercial 4.0 International Creative Commons Licence.

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! ! 34 As a worldwide phenomenon, the tourism sector contribut es significantly to the global economy . Tourism generates close to 10% of Global GDP and promotes socio economic development through creating diverse employment opportunities and supporting local economies (United Nations World Tourism Organization, 2017) . As of 2016, the global tourism industry (including travel) generated $1.2 trillion in revenue, contrib uted $2.31 trillion directly to the economy and provided jobs for just under 300 million people worldwide ("Statista," 2017; World Travel and Tourism Council, 2017a) . These numbers include the impacts of accommodation, transportation, recreation opportunities, food provisio n, construction and other services. Figure 3 .2 illustrates the impacts of tourism on the global economy through job creation, exports and GDP . Figure 3 .2 . Why Tourism Matters (World Tourism Organization, 2017). Importantly, while Figure 3 .2 shows the global scale of tourism, each of these numbers represents the combined contribution of national and local scale tourism destinations to the global economy . Every resort or attraction around the world contributes, on a micro scale, to the globa l tourism sector through both the indirect and direct sectors highlighted in Figure 3 .1 .

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! ! 35 Accommodation, transportation and recreation services in a resort town in the Rocky Mountain West, for example, support the local economy while also contributing to th e state and national economy. Tourism in the United States, which ranges from mountain resorts in the W est, to beach attractions on the coasts, to museums and other cultural institutions throughout the country, accounts for 8% of the nation's GDP (total c ontribution). In 2016, in the United States, the tourism sector employed (directly and indirectly) just over 14,000,000 people and earned $206 billion from tourism (World Tourism Organization, 2017; World Travel and Tourism Council, 2017b) . Projected to increase to 11.3% of total employment by 2027, the tourism sector is, and will continue to be an important economic driver in the United States through the direct impacts and supporti ng linkages outlined in Figure 3 .1. Home to fifty two peaks over 14,000 feet and picturesque mountain valleys, Colorado provides an abundance of sightseeing and recreation activities to locals a nd visitors alike. Whether interested in skiing, biking, hiking, fishing, rafting or climbing, towns and resort areas across the state are dedicated to supporting visitors in their tourism and recreation endeavors through a variety of services including tr ansportation, food, accommodation and more luxu rious options focused on health and wellness . From cultural institutions to environmental amenities the United States offers tourists a diverse array of tourism destinations and travel options to domestic and international visitors alike. The tourism sector in the state of Colorado, home to premier destinations including ski resorts, national parks/monuments, hot springs, museums, casinos, festivals, shopping areas, breweries and fine dining establishments, is expansive and illustrates the importance of tourism to the nation's overall GDP (Colorado Tourism Office, 2018). In 2015, Colorado's amenities

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! ! 36 attracted over 77 million visitors to the state, contributing $19 billion to the economy and bolstering employme nt and job creation around the state (Blevins, 2018) . Since the 2008 recession, employment in the travel industry in Colorado has experienced steady growth from about 140,000 jobs in 2010 to over 165,000 in 2016 with all signs indicating that the industry will continue this trend in coming years (Dean Runyon Associates, 2016). While many of these resort areas have been a fixture in the state for decades, the Colorado mountains did not always offer the current array of amenities now included in the traditional conceptualization of resorts (Dorward, 2006) . The transformation of forested mountains, with limited access in to modern day ski resorts began following WWII (Rothman, 1996) . After the war many of the soldiers who had been a part of the 10th Mountain Division, a military unit developed for winter and high altitude action, returned home and became driving forces in the ski industry (Pennington, 2006; Rothman, 1996) . Their expertise, combined with technological innovations in equipment and increasing popularity of the sport lead to the development of many of the ski resorts that still exist in Colorado today (Fry, 2017; Rothman, 1996) . Initially, these ski areas only offered lift access, but over time they have been tr ansformed into the destination resorts that they are today offering not only access to prime ski terrain, but also (often) luxury accommodation and food services . Indeed, Colo rado's ski resorts (see Figure 3.3), including Aspen Snowmass, Telluride, Vail Re sorts, Crested Butte, and Steamboat Springs are well known for both their skiing and their resort amenities. Subsequently, the ski industry contributes a significant amount to the state and local economies , contributing close to $5 billion to the state eco nomy (Blevins, 2015). For example, Summit County, home to Arapahoe Basin, Breckenridg e, Copper, and Keystone Resorts earned $228.6 million from tourism in 2015.

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! ! 37 Further, Eagle County, home to Vail Resorts, brought in $251.5 million (Dean Runyon Associates, 2016) . Figure 3 .3. Map of Colorado Ski Areas. ( Source "Colorado Downhill Skiing & Snowboarding," 2014) Traditionally, the winter months have acted as the main attraction for both locals and visitors alike to mountain resorts in Colorado . Increasingly however, these resort destinations are expandin g their summer offerings to attract visitors year round . Since 2011, when Congress passed the Ski Area Recreational Opportunity Enhancement Act, which allowed mountain resorts on National Forest Land to operate year round, mountain resorts around the count ry have made significant investments in summer time recreation and entertainment opportunities (Barber, 2017) . Vail R esorts' $25 million Epic Discovery mountain park, for example, offers bungee trampolines, tubing, roller coasters, bike and hike trails and more in the hope of luring summer visitors to their slopes. While these activities are offered on a daily basis thro ugh the summer season, resorts across the state have also integrated entertainment into year round activities that bring in revenue to resorts and nearby towns. The Telluride Bluegrass Festival, for example,

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! ! 38 brings in over $12 million in revenue and attrac ts nearly 12,000 visitors on an annual basis (Wolf, 2018) while the GoPro Mountain Games in Vail earns $7.2 million and draws close to 70,000 visitors every summer (Blevins, 2017) . These summer attractions and events ha ve resulted in higher revenue for mountain resorts and towns in Colorado from increasing sales tax revenues and hotel rates across the state (Blevins, 2016) . While lo cal Colorado towns and counties receive the economic windfall of the tourism industry, its impacts are not contained to the mountain regions that are home to many of these resorts . Hotels, gas stations, retail establishments and food providers along the I 70 corridor and other routes to tourist attractions and resorts all benefit from visitors to the Front Range of Colorado and beyond. Additionally, while the Eagle County Regional airport supplies limited and more expensive direct routes to Vail, the Denver International Airport (DIA) is the gateway for most out of state skiers and snowboarders to access the mountains. Ski and snowboard visitors traveling through DIA not only spend money on flights, they also rent cars, take public transportation, and/or tra vel by shuttle to get to their final destination . Visitors might also decide to stay a night in Denver before heading up to the mountains, thereby contributing to lodging and food revenues in the Denver area as well . In addition to contributing to state an d local economies, the travel industry in Colorado also provides employment opportunities, with the ski industry, for example, providing 46,000 year round jobs, including those in the food, retail, and real estate, service and construction industries (Colorado Ski Country USA (CSCUSA) & Vail Resorts Inc, 2015) .

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! ! 39 The Tourism Supply Chain Whether in a beach town in the Dominican Republic or a ski area in Colorado, the tourism industry depends on a wide variety of services and resources. Michel (2001) outlines the Tourism Supply Chain in Figure 3 .4 below, which portrays the multitude of fact ors upon which the tourism industry depends . The economic benefits of tourist attractions and resorts, as illustrated in the sections above, thus hinges on the successful operation of this supply chain, which itse lf depends, as shown in Figure 3 .4, on seve ral factors human resources, a conducive environment for tourism and a continual flow of visitors and their monetary inputs into the chain. Figure 3.4. Tourism Supply Chain Links (Michel , 2001). The section above touches on the latter aspect of the supply chain flow that of the economic impacts of tourism. The next chapter details the risks that a changing climate and environmental hazards can have on the tourism industry. For the remainder of this chapter, however, I focus on the third facto r of the supply chain , that of human resources and the importance of a steady workforce to the supply chain and the overall tourism industry .

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! ! 40 Employment in the Tourism Industry While the focus of my research project is on those employed in the accommodati on sector namely Hispanic women, many of whom work as custodians for hotels their importance to, and dependence on, other sectors in Figure 3 .4 is important to highlight. If one of these sectors is unable to function, this has a cascading impact on the su ccess of the other factors to which it is connected . Teasing apart just a few of these linkages shows the dependence of one on the other . Disrupted transportation systems, for example, leading to the inability of guests to arrive at resorts could lead to r educed occupancy rates at hotels and therefore to curtailed work hours for hotel cleaners . Further, each of the aspects detailed in Figure 3 .4 are almost entirely dependent on a reliable workforce one that, in the state of Colorado, consists of a conglomeration of seasonal, part time, temporary and full time employees. Tourism and Immigration The tourism industry in Colorado relies on local and foreign workers to fill its employment needs . Often, these foreign employees are temporary workers who are in the United States under the auspices of a variety of visa programs the J1 program and the H2 B program . J1 visas allow individuals to travel to the United States for "work Ð and study based exchange programs" for different durations depending on the program (U.S Department of State, 2017) . Doctors completing their medical residency, for example, can stay for their entire residency, while summer workers have a 4 month time limit (U.S Department of State, 2017) . H2 B visas are available for temporary, seasonal, unskilled workers who might wor k in landscaping or ski resort jobs. In the ski industry, seasonal lift operator and ski instructor jobs are often filled by university students on their "summer break" from the southern hemisphere on J1 visas . Service

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! ! 41 industry jobs are more often filled by Hispanic migrants . While there are H2 B visas available, the current cap on these visas remains at 66,000 annually (split evenly between the summer and winter seasons). However, as of late September 2016, Congress did not authorize the renewal of the H 2B returning workers program, which effectively cut the number of available visas for summer employment by 50% as many returning workers would now count towards that 66,000 visa cap (Blevins, 2017; Jordan, Angeles, Security, Diment, & Inn, 2017) . In mid July of 2017, John F. Kelly, the Homeland Security Secretary, decided to release an additional 15,000 seasonal visas for the remainder of 2017 in response to this redu ction in available visas. Concurrent to the limited availability of H2 B visas, a low unemployment rate across Colorado motivated the ski industry to advocate for an increase of the 66,000 cap (in addition to exempting returning workers from this number ( Blevins, 2017)). This lobbying effort is in response to the stringent regulations that the resorts must follow in order to apply for and receive H2 B visas for their workers. These include paying a fee for the visa application, demonstrating that the resor ts are unable to fill the positions with the available workforce, demonstrating that the job is temporary, that the employee will work 35 hours a week, and paying for the travel and application fees of the employee (Blevins, 2017; Bray, 2017; U.S Department of Labor, 2016 ; U.S Department of Homeland Security, 2017) . The needs of the ski resorts for example Vail resorts requires 10,000 seasonal laborers and Aspen Skiing 2,500 every year coupled with low unemployment rates in Colorado and the H2 B visa cap means that the resorts often struggle to fill needed positions (Blevins, 2016) . The fact that the ski industry in Colorado is lobbying for an increase in foreign worker visas would seem to suggest, based on the requirements of the H2 B visa, that there are in fact jobs available that are not being filled by loc al workers . Filling the Gap

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! ! 42 Many of the women who I spoke with for this research project worked as custodians for resort hotels . However, many of them are not in the United States on J1 or H 2B visas. Rather, as Dukakis and Minor (2017) detail in their ne ws article on housing affordability in the Vail Valley, many of the workers filling service jobs in the area are undocumented. For obvious reasons, the exact number of undocumented workers employed for the ski industry in Colorado, is difficult to find. Ho wever, statistics indicate that across the United States and in Colorado, undocumented workers are filling available jobs in the recreation and leisure industries. In 2016, the Pew Research Center estimated that there were 11.3 million undocumented immigr ants across the United States with just over 200,000 of those in Colorado (as of 2015) (PEW Research Center Center, 2014; Krogstad, Passel, & Cohn, 2014) . Further, as of 2014, 9% of the undocumented workers in the U.S worked in the hospitalit y and leisure industry (Krogstad, Passel & Cohn, 2016) . Focusing specifically on Hispanic and Latino workers , in the United States 21.1% work in construction, 23.1% work in a griculture, forestry, fishing and hunting , and 22.3% work in the leisure and hospitality industry (U.S Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2015) . The Michigan P olicy Institute lists the "unauthorized population" at 163,000 in Colorado (as of 2015) with 85% of this number hailing from Mexico and Central America (Migration Policy Institute, 20 15) . Further, 23% are employed in the construction industry while 22% are employed in the "Arts, entertainment, recreation, accommodation, and food services" industry (Migration Policy Institute, 2015). Further, many of these immigrants have set down ro ots in the U.S with approximately 73% having lived in the U.S 5 19 years (5 to 9 years: 20%; 10 to 14 years: 33%; 15 to 19 years: 20%) (Michigan Policy Institute, 2015) . In Colorado, 67% of the undocumented residents who live in the state have been there for over a decade (Migration

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! ! 43 Policy, 2015) . While this does not necessarily mean that that 67% of undocumente d residents are filling the employment gap in the ski industry -it does suggest that there is an assured workforce that might come free of the strings required of visa regulations. Contrasting Narratives A low unemployment rate of 2.3% in Colorado may be one reason why the workforce is not meeting the employments needs of the state's ski resorts . Another reason may be, as Dave Bryd, the Director of Regulatory Affairs for the National Ski Areas Association, mentions below, that Americans are not willing, or do not want, to fill the types of jobs that the ski industry needs filled . As quoted in a 2017 Denver Post article, Dave Byrd states: We are going to continue to hit up Congress for more access to foreign workers because Americans want year round jobs that come with benefits and we have a lot of seasonal business and need more access to labor (Blevins, 2017) . Here, Byrd explicitly notes that Americans do not want the seasonal jobs that need filling because they lack benefits . This is in contrast with the discourse surrounding immigration policy that was highlighted during the 2016 presidential campaign, where American jobs are threatened by an influx of immigrant labor. A report in 2016 by t he National Academy o f Sciences disputes this discourse noting that immigration contributes to economic growth through supplying new ideas, as well as a demographically diverse work force (Blau, Mackie, & National Academies of Sciences, 2017) . The report further states that the "literature on employment impacts finds little evidence that immigration significantly affects the overall employment levels of native born workers" (Blau, Mackie et al. 2017) . An alternative storyline to that of the dominant narrative of immigrants taking jobs away from US born workers is that of immigrants filling those jobs that US born workers do not want

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! ! 44 to do. As noted above, the ski industry struggles to fill seasonal positions with US born employees, leading them to turn towards immigrant labor to fill their vacancies. Enchautegui (2015) delves further into the data where she finds immigrants and US born workers without a high school diploma tend to fill different occupations, suggesting tha t the competition between US born workers and immigrants for specific jobs might be less fierce than is assumed in the normative discourse. The top occupations that immigrants fill, for example are housecleaning/maid, cook and agricultural positions, where as US born workers fill cashier, driver and janitor positions (Enchautegui, 2015) . However, there is some overlap in occupation around maid and janitorial positions, which suggests that in certain ins tances both US born workers and immigrants are willing to do the same type of work and that the jobs they tend to fill have less to do with want and more to do with other factors, including documentation requirements, language skills, benefits etc., (Encha utegui, 2015) . Indeed, many of the women who I interviewed for this project reported their occupation as a housekeeper for hotels . This aligns with a Colorado Tourism and Outdoor Recreation Profile report, which lists maids and housecleaners as the top occ upation within the industry (Colorado Office of Econo mic Development and InternationalTrade, 2016) . Affordable Housing in Resort Towns While a dependable workforce is vital to the success of tourist destinations around the world and in Colorado, for many of the women I spoke with for this project, their work in the industry had less to do with a desire to work in the tourism industry and more to do with the relatively higher wages available to them than in their home towns. However, many of these jobs are still low wage jobs and the high cost of living in resort towns can be a hardship for many of these workers to the point where they can no longer afford to live where they work, especially as

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! ! 45 affordable housing options become more and more limited . Instead they are pushed "down valley" to commuter communities where, because they lack a resort or main attraction, the cost of living is cheap er. Thus, at the same time that resorts across the country and in Colorado are seeking to fill labor shortages, other broader scale development trends in these areas are pushing the scarcity of affordable housing into the limelight. When I asked participa nts their reasons working far afield from their work, most of them mentioned the high cost of living in their places of work . While affordable housing would, ideally, fill the gap between wages and housing costs, in resort towns what is "affordable" is oft en relative. According to the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), those who put more than 30% of their income towards housing would qualify for affordable housing as paying more towards housing has a cascading impact on people's ability to pay for other key essentials such as food, health care and auto upkeep (U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, 2017) . In some cases, as in mountain resort areas in Colorado, median incomes are often insufficient to cover the costs of housing alone. In Summit County, for example, there an approximate $250,000 dollar difference between the median price of a home and what is affordable for a family who earns 100% of the median i ncome in that area (Town of Breckenridge, 2017) . In Vail, the affordability ga p is at about $230,000 for 100% of the annual median income (Vail Valley Partnership, 2017) , where the annual median income is at about $67,000 (United States Census Bureau, 2015) -well over what many of the women with who m I spoke . Had they lived in Vail, their incomes would be insuffic ient to cover their living expenses as the monthly rent for a two bedroom apartment is, on average, $2,200 (Alligood, 2017) . At $10

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! ! 46 an hour (on average), their salary is just unde r $21,000 a year, which is well under the annual cost of renting a 2 bedroom apartment ($26,400) . The towns of Avon and Edwards, which are 15 and 20 minutes further west of Vail provide a slightly more affordable option, but for many of the study particip ants, Avon is still too expensive . Mobile home parks offer an affordable option for many workers. However, within the Vail Valley (including Avon, Edwards and Eagle) these are few and far between with one located on the edge of Edwards and one in Avon . Oft en workers can buy the mobile homes they live in with monthly installments, but even after they have purchased the mobile home, they continue to pay rent for the land that their home sits on . In the vail valley , the cost of purchasing a mobile home is in t he range of $18,000; however, the rent for the land be as much as $1 , 600 $2 , 000 per month. In contrast, apartments and mobile homes in the community where they study participants live are less expensive than their neighbors . On average, two bedroom apartments rent for $1040 a month (Rent Jungle, 2017) and the cost of renting land for a mobile home is approximately $500 a month (from interview notes). This lower cost of housing makes this community an attractive option for those workers who wo uld end up putting more than half (if not more) of their income into housing in the Vail Valley or Summit County. However, there are tradeoffs to living in a commuter community, one of which is the significantly riskier and longer commute over treacherous mountain passes. While Vail and other resort towns have made notable efforts in recent years to expand the available affordable housing stock for their workers (Pace, 2017; Renoux, 2017) , issues remain. For example, Summit County's Board of County Commissioners recently approved adding bunk beds at an apartment complex in Keystone, Colorado (Fixler, 2016) . However, dormitory style

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! ! 47 living may suffice for college students who travel to work at mountain resorts for a season on a J 1 visa, but for those workers who may be supporting families, dormitory style housing most likely will not suit their needs. In some places, towns have placed deed restrictions on land in order to make housing available to workers who work and live in their community. The resort town of Breckenridge, Colorado, for example, has a "workforce housing program," which includes deed restrictions on 1000 properties with both work (local and full time) and income requirements (Town of Breckenridge, 2017) . With public private collaboration, over the past two years Breckenridge has put $45 million into workforce housing (Pace, 2017) . In cont rast, Vail has committed $30 million to workforce housing across multiple states Ð Colorado, Utah and California (Pace, 2017). As recently as the fall of 2017, Vail had received approval for developments in Silverthorne (Pace, 2017) and East Vail (Town of Vail, 2017) to expand their workforce housing. While deed restrictions and workforce focused programs pro vide housing for those who fit the criteria, for others who do not work full time or who may not be able to apply because of documentation requirements, this raises the question of who so called "affordable housing" and "workforce" housing developments are for, especially as some "affordable" houses are still unaffordable for many. For example, a recent affordable housing development west of Vail offered for sale its 32 townhomes with prices ranging for $399,000 to $739,000 (Renoux, 2017) . While this may help middle income earners to purchase and invest in homes, these types of developments do less to alleviate the stress on the housing market for renters. Further, requirements that an employe e be full time in order to qualify for deed restricted housing, as is the case in the Town of Breckenridge, omits an essential part of the workforce -namely those that might be seasonal or part time . Requirements might also leave out those without docume nts

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! ! 48 or identification forms such as undocumented immigrants, even if they are working full time or fulfill other stipulations . The increasing affordability gap between wages and housing costs in Summit County, Vail Valley and Eagle County is due, in par t, to an increase of well off "amenity migrants" and second home buyers who can afford to both purchase and rent in these areas and because of the shift from extractive based industries (mining and agriculture) to service and tourism based economies in the se regions (Power & Barrett, 2001) . Indeed, the opening of the first ski areas in the 1940s and the growth of these mountain towns into prime outdoor recreation and luxury vacation spots has shifted the demographics of these towns from mining to an influx of both amenity migrants who come to play and migrants who come to work in construction, cleaning, landscaping and other industries created by the amenity migration boom (Nelson et al., 2009) . While Summit County, Vail and Eag le Counties have experienced the dividends from this growth over the past several decades, leading to a housing crisis for many local residents, smaller mountain towns such as Leadville, CO, Eagle, CO an d Rifle, CO have remained less affected . For example, Summit County (home to Arapahoe Basin, Breckenridge, Copper, and Keystone ski resorts) earned $228.6 million from tourism in 2015 and Eagle County (home to Vail Resorts) brought in $251.5 million (Dean Runyon Associates, 2016) . In contrast, Lake County, which is not home to a ski resort, yet houses many of the employees that work in nearby Summit and Eagle Counties, earned $10.8 million from the travel industry ( Dean Runyon Associates, 2016). This economic difference is evident in their popul arity as "bedroom communities," i.e., places where resort workers can afford to live and still have access to their pl aces of work, even if this means a longer and riskier commute .

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! ! 49 Unfortunately for these workers, within the last couple of years, even these more remote towns are becoming less immune to the development boon . In the fall of 2016, a Japanese investment comp any spent over $13.5 million on a 164 unit apartment complex in Leadville, CO and the average home price is up 23% from the year before (Blevins, 2017) . Relative to its resort counterparts , Leadville continues to remain an affordable location for workers to live . However, with its increasing home sales and interest from second home buyers and investors, it's affordability will most likely follow that of its more expensive neighbors leaving those who moved there for its lower housing prices searching even f urther "down valley" for places to live . Tourism, Immigration, Vulnerability and Resilience In addition to the larger underlying processes that influence the options available for housing, social characteristics such as gender, legal status, employmen t and education contribute to vulnerability and resilience. The literature on social vulnerability highlights the role that social disparity and political and economic forces play in people's daily lives and how individual level characteristics, such as ge nder, SES, education and race/ethnicity play a role in a person's ability to cope with a disaster. The focus of resilience is on the ability of a person, system or community to bounce back from trauma or stressors such as disasters or other disruptions (Bonanno, 2004; C. S. Holling et al., 2002; Norris, Stevens, Pfefferbaum, Wyche, & Pfefferb aum, 2008) . While Bonnano (2004) and Norris et al. (2008) examine resilience within the fields of psychology and community mental health respectively, most often within disaster research the focus on resilience is at a system wide level. At this level, the tension b etween vulnerability and resilience arises when pockets of vulnerable people continue to be vulnerable, even within a system that is deemed to be resilient (Friend & Moench, 2013; Moench et al., 2015) . This mismatch between resilience at the systems level and vulnerability at the group or individual level has implications

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! ! 50 for the practical app lication of using resilience to help vulnerable groups prepare for and recover from disasters, as any effort at the systems scale, may not address the needs of those at the group/individual scale. Vulnerability The concept of vulnerability arose out of a shift in perspective of how and where disasters occur. From a focus on disasters as an "act of god" or as a random event of nature against which humans could do little to prepare for or mitigate (Scandlyn et al. 2013) , the emphasis shifted to the idea that rather than separate from society, disasters are actually endemic to everyday life and are rooted in the social and economic patterns of a given community (Blaikie et al., 2014; Hewitt, 1983) . Literature on vulnerability thus examines the role that social characteristics such as s ocio economic status (SES), gender, education, ra ce/ethnicity play in influencing individuals' capacity to cope with the impacts of disasters and other stressors (Blaikie et al., 2014; Cutter et al., 2003; S. Hoffman & Smi th, 2002) . Research reveals that income plays a role in an individual's ability to recover from the impacts of hazards (Blaikie et al., 2014; Cutter et al., 2003; Fothergill & Peek, 2004) . In the case of Hurricane Katrina, for example, car ownership was not accounted for in the response plan, and , as a result, many lower income individuals who were dependent on public transportation were unable to evacuate the city due to limited services and drivers (Litman, 2006) . While Fothergill and Peek (2004) note that some research shows contradictory findings, in general, individuals living in poverty an d those with lower incomes are more susceptible to the impacts of disasters. Ethnicity and race can also limit or promote individuals' access to key resources during recovery following a disaster, either because of language barriers (Cutter et al., 2003, R . Bolin &

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! ! 51 Stanford, 2006), because of where and how people receive key disaster information (Rivera & Miller, 2010) , or because of distrust in government officials and other authorities (Peguero, 2006; Rivera & Miller, 2010) . In the recovery phase of the Northridge Earthquake in Californi a in 1994, for example, language barriers and legal status issues were a significant obstacle in the recovery of migrant workers in Ventura County as uncertainty about their rights to disaster assistance was exacerbated by red tape and misunderstandings (R . Bolin & Stanford, 2006). In the case of Hurricane Katrina, the influence of income and ethnicity were evident in the recovery and differential impacts of the disaster with, for the most part, lower income and African American individuals left on their o wn to figure out their recovery (B. Bolin, 2007) . Moreover, where these vulnerable groups are located and how they receive information can contribute to, or undercut, the distribution of risk information (Rivera & Miller, 2010). Results of one study fol lowing Hurricane Katrina, for example, show marked differences in perceptions of the potential for harm, with African Americans perceiving less danger from the storm than whites (Lachlan, Burke, Spence, & Griffin, 2009) . Access to key information during disasters also highlights differences in knowledge according to both gender and ethnicity, implicating underlying structural inequalities that perpetuate une qual use of and access to information (Rivera & Miller, 2010; Spence, Lachlan, & Burke, 2011; Spence, Lachlan, & Griffin, 2007) . Additional research shows that in some cases, friends and family members are often preferred to more main stream sources of information during disasters, which becomes problematic when the means of communication during disasters are limited to mass media modes of communication (Peguero, 2006; Rivera & Miller, 2010) .

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! ! 52 Resilience Similar to vulnerability, res ilience focuses on those characteristics that can contribute to an ability to recover or bounce back from a disaster, but with a focus on the level of a system, rather than on a specific vulnerable group. In a landmark paper within the field of ecology, Ho lling (1973) first explicated two approache s for understanding resilience: one which emphasizes the ability of a system to return to a "stable state" after a disruption (the engineering approach) and another, which emphasizes the ability of a system to mai ntain both function and its core relationships after a disruption even if the "state" of the system is altered (1973; C. Holling, 1996) . Since 1973, research on resilience has moved beyond ecology to include both social and ecological systems with much of the systems literature focusing on explicating the human environment lin k between resources and ecosystems (Adger, 2000; Burby, Deyle, Godschalk, & Olshansky, 2000) . However, the development of the idea of p anarchy, which describes the nested and interconnected aspects of social and ecological systems within complex and adaptive cycles, effectively moved the focus to how resilience could be utilized to help cities and communities prepare for the impacts of disasters and other disruptions ( Holling et al., 2002) . Concurrent to the deve lopment of resilience within nested complex systems and cities/communities, scholars began to incorporate and apply the concept of resilience to psychology (Bonanno, 2004) and mental health (Norris et al., 2008) . Bonanno (2004) applies the concept to individuals who experienced significant trauma, but who were able to continue functioning after such a disturbance. Within the community mental health literature, Norris et al., (2005) utilize the concept of resilience to explore how communities can better prepare for disasters by strengthening their adaptive capacities through economic growth and social capital

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! ! 53 and , in so doing , lessen the impacts disasters may have on the mental health of community members. Community mental health is no less important than the resilience of cities , and yet these examples demonstrate two approaches that emphasize resilience at different scales, while maintaining similar characteristics such as adaptive capacity. This overlap between ch aracteristics at each level, yet distinction across scales, is an important aspect of the research on resilience as the resilience of community health and well being could play an important role in t he overall resilience of a city, but again, this depends on the definition of resilience that guides the framework or study. For example, does resilience consist solely of survival, or is it more than just survival, but rather overall well being and health? Thus, questions of resilience for whom, and the specifi c resilience framework communities utilize, have implications for the scale and type of resilience that occurs across the state and within specific communities. Overlap between Resilience and Vulnerability Similar to the discussion around vulnerability, research on resilience is partially focused on attempts to measure and charact erize the concept, with differences in methods and definition often appearing between fields as diverse as psychology and engineering (Bonanno, 2004; Cutter et al., 2008; C. Holling, 1996) . Specific to natural haza rds, for example, resilience is framed as a characteristic, along with exposure and resistance, of vulnerability (Pelling, 1999) . However, within the socio ecological field, resilience is recognized as a characteristic of complex adaptive systems (C. S. Holling et al., 2002) and an element that can be strengthened through an emphasis on agents, institutions and systems (such as transport and power) (Adger, 2000; Tyler & Moench, 2012) .

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! ! 54 The resulting confusion and overlap between the two concepts has contributed to three differe nt approaches for examining the relationship between vulnerability and resilience (Fordham, Lovekamp, Thomas, & Phillips, 2013) . The "flip side" approach argues that resilience and vulnerability are two sides of a coin with vulnerable individuals considered to be less resilient and less vulnerable individuals to be more resilient (Fordham et al., 2013) . However, the "inclusive" approach sees resilience as a characteristic of vulnerability, along with exposure, resistance, risk and susceptibility (Pelling 1999, Fordham et al., 2013). The third approach views resilience as distinct from vulnerability (Fordham et al., 2013) with those attributes that make us vulnerable distinct from those that make us resilient (Fordham et al., 2013) . S ome authors argu e that because current conceptualizations of resilience are rooted in systems thinking and side step is sues of power and social inequ ity, that the construct itself is less useful (Cannon & MŸller Mahn, 2010) . This is especially important for issues of adaptation when individuals may have adapted, but might still be vulnerable, o r when a system may be considered resilient, but the individuals within those systems may not be . In conclusion, Fordham et al., (2013) argue for an approach which prioritizes the social vulnerability paradigm for disaster risk because the concept recogni zes the social causes of disasters. However, they do not do away with resilience altogether, but instead advocate for the use of resilience as a counterpoint for the potentially negative consequences of th e label of "vulnerable" and to transform the view of vulnerability from that of a "problem" to that of a solution (Fordham et al., 2013, p. 220). The tension between vulnerability and resilience remains far from settled. Further, while research highlights the relationships between vulnerability and resilience at a conceptual level, there is limited research on how the two concepts relate on the ground and in practice. This

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! ! 55 research project fills this gap through a case study of a specific vulnerable population, which explores how they understand resilience and if and how their recovery needs align with resilience efforts occurring in their communities and at the state level . Tourism Industry, Vulnerability, and Resilience Framework Resilience focuses on those characteristics that can contribute to an ability to recover or bounce back from a disaster, but with a focus on the level of a system, rather than on a specific vulnerable group. However, this systemic focus can often further the vulnerability of groups who live and work within the system, or who fall between systems by inadvertently omitting their needs and concerns . Rising housing costs may push lower income service workers into floodplains or substandard housing that increases their risk. Moving them out of a floodplain increases resilie nce overall, but does little to help these workers unless their housing needs are first taken into account . However, these dynamics do not occur within a vacuum. Larger scale economic, demographic and environmental processes influence how the relationship between resilience and vulnerability is configured on the local scale, and also how, and if, these configurations are aligned with conceptualizations of resilience at the macro level. The conceptual model presented below (Figure 3 .5) provides a guide for u nderstanding local conceptualizations of resilience as shaped by external interacting processes and components . It also shows how these linkages and processes influence the distribution of resilience resources for vulnerable communities . Importantly, whi le each of these components and processes is contained to a singular layer within the model, they influence and are influenced by each other. Thus, while macro level drivers shape environmental risk, which interacts with social characteristics to influence the experiences of vulnerable communities and their perceptions of resilience, these perceptions of

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! ! 56 resilience filtered through social structures and environmental risk, can inform and strengthen the macro level processes and policies. The Tourism Indu stry: Constructing Vulnerability and Resilience The model envisions the impact of the tourism industry on vulnerable populations as a set of macro scale processes that interact to form conditions of both subjective and objective resilience and risk . While the tourism industry consists of, and is influenced by, many fact ors, here I conceptualize its impact as the product of its interaction with development, tourism , and land use and immigration policy . Collectively, these processes provide a context within which to exam the perceptions of risk and resilience of a vulnerable population. Tourism, a phenomenon where people travel to places other than their home either for business or leisure, drives economic growth and job creation within and across multiple scales (local, regional, national and global). A resort's success depends on several factors including an attraction ( i.e., a ski slope), a stream of visitors, and a consistent and steady workforce to provide key provisions and services to its visitors . As indicated in Figure 3 .4 above, each of these components is critical to the tourism industry . A lack of workers, for example, can lead to gaps in services that can cascade across the tourism supply chain . While the tourism industry creates jobs, often th ese jobs remained unfilled by the local labor market causing businesses to look farther afield for their workers . As described in the section on tourism and immigration above, the J 1 and H2 B visa programs provide some resorts in the United States with th e labor needed to fill these employment gaps. However, many other positions are filled by undocumented workers ( Dukakis and Minor, 2017).

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! ! 57 While tourism encourages economic development, which provides key em ployment opportunities and is a boon to resort co mmunities, the very success of a resort can often lead to negative consequences for locals and lower wage workers . For example, the increased cost of living in most resort mountain towns across Colorado in combination with policies limiting density and occ upancy, makes affording housing increasingly difficult for lower income earners . As result, these workers often end up living far from where they work, often in substandard housing and in areas of environmental risk including floodplains and areas of wildf ire risk . The first layer in the model thus guides an exploration of the processes that generate economic opportunity and wealth for local communities, but that also, taken together, ultimately increase the risk of those workers who can no longer afford to live where they work . Exposure to risk One outcome of the interactions conceptualized in the outer most circle of the model is that lower wage workers often live in commuter communities that are situated within particular configurations of environmental risk . As illustrated in the framework, both the natural and built environment can contribute to the exposure of vulnerable communities to risk through both the direct impacts of a hazard ( i.e., flooding) and its more removed impacts ( i.e., a wildfire destroying a hotel, which results in employment cuts). Thus, environmental risk is conceptualized as having both a direct and indirect impact on vulnerable communities. As indicated in the Colorado Natural Hazards Mitigation Plan (State of Colorado, 2013) , mountain towns in the Rocky Mountains of Colorado are vulnerable to a multitude of environmental hazards . These include wildfires, floods, drought, avalanches, hail, extreme temperatures, windstorms, and blizzards . All of these pose a direct physical risk to

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! ! 58 communities' wellbeing as well as an indirect risk if jobs are disrupted or cut as the result of disaster. In addition to the risk of natural hazards, Colorado's mining past and the toxic tailings it left behind pose a risk to the health of nearby communities through water, soil and air pollution. While the EPA is now the process of cleaning up many of these dilapidated and abandoned mines, many of these superfund sites remain a threat to human health and the environment. In 2008, for example, high snow pack and ever increasing water levels in a mine drainage tunnel near Leadville, Colorado, which holds 1.5 billion gallons of contaminated water, reached a peak with officials declaring a state of emergency and instigating measures to divert water away from the mine because of the threat or catastrophic flooding (Frosch, 2008; Lipsher, 2008a, 2008b) . Additional hazards that pose a risk to resort service workers include substandard housing . Mobile h omes are an affordable option for low income workers, however research shows that mobile homes often increase people's vulnerability to hazards (Cutter et al., 2003; Fothergill & Peek, 2004) as they may be in areas of environmental risk for both health and wellbe ing including floodplains and along highways (Park & Pellow, 2011) . Moreover, older mobile homes may have been grandfathered in to older code regulations, which highlights this vulnerability, as many of them lack insulation and other key infrastructure and safety features (Klick, 2015; interviews with officials) . Additionally, while many inhabitants of trailer parks own or are working to purchase their home, ultimately the land belongs to the landlord, which brings with it uncertainty about whether or not she will sell it to developers (Brasch, 2018; Park & Pellow, 2011) . If the land is sold this means that mobile home owners would have to decide between leaving it behind or

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! ! 59 investing a significant amount of money in order to move their home to another mobile home community. Environmental risk is a real and pres ent threat for communities t hat live in the rural mountain W est. However, social and economic factors also influence the differential vulnerability and/or resilience of populations to these hazards. Research shows, for example, that certain social and economic characteristics race, gender, immigration status, and income level can influence a population's vulnerability and/or capacity to be impacted, respond and recover from a disaster ( Blaikie, Cannon, Davis, & Wisner, 2014; Enarson, Fothergill, & Peek , 2007; Fothergill & Peek, 2004) . Lower income women, for example, may experience economic losses which makes it harder for them to recover following a disaster (Enarson, 2000) . Whereas, language barriers and documentation conc erns following the Northridge earthquake, for example, prevented migrants workers from applying for and receiving needed recovery assistance (R. Bolin & Stanford, 2006) . These social and economic factors are located in broader societal structures that either facilitate or limit people's access to key resourc es during and following a disaster and thus, ultimately, influence people's vulnerability to disaster as compared to others . As conceptualized in the framework, the first three layers of the model shape the lived reality and perceptions of resilience and risk of vulnerable populations . Both large and small scale processes, the environment within which they live, and socio economic factors influence how populations view risk and define resilience. The center layer in the model illustrates the embedded natu re of people's experiences. However, it's centrality in the model also shows the importance of including the viewpoints and grounded experiences of vulnerable populations in conceptualizations of risk and resilience. Standpoint theory, which emphasizes the value of

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! ! 60 marginalized viewpoints in informing knowledge, and the theory of intersectionality, which examines how social characteristics interact to influence people's lived experiences, provides a lens for identifying and examining understandings of risk that are grounded in these experiences . Understanding how and what vulnerable communities view as a risk, is key to creating holistic policies that aim to build resilience . Ensuring that resilience polices are both relevant and effective for vulnerable co mmunities calls for approaches that recognize marginalized viewpoints as well as approaches that acknowledge the particularities of people's experiences. That is to say that Hispanic women living in an area of environmental risk may have distinct needs and concerns from those of white women living in an area of environmental risk. The theory of intersectionality, which posits that social characteristics intersect to form particular experiences of vulnerability, provides a guide for analyzing how and if resi lience frameworks and polices account for the lived experiences of people that live at this intersection of vulnerability and whether they address the identified risks that come with these lived experiences . Taken together, the different layers in the mode l portray a framework that can be used to guide the development of policies and plans that incorporate larger scale processes, hazards, and grounded experiences . Using such a model to build resilience focused policies and plans can help to ensure that they are relevant to vulnerable communities' needs, while also including measures that are effective in protecting them from environmental hazards .

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! ! 61 Figure 3 .5. Conceptual Model of Environmental Hazards, Tourism, Resilience, and Vulnerability ! Tourism, Resilience, and Environmental Justice As conceptualize d within the model (see Figure 3 .5), macro level drivers, interacting with environmental hazards, shape vulnerable populations' risk and resilience. Specifically, income and social inequities contribute to disparate environmental burdens for those who live and work within the tourism industry . That the outermost layers of the model contribute to disparate social and environmental burdens and benefits underscores issues of environmental justice . However, this research project goes beyond examining solely the inequitable impacts of environmental risks near or next to poor, non white communities (Bullard & Wright, 1993; Schlosberg, 2004) to questioning how resilience efforts implemented to mitigate these risks account for vulnerable populations' viewpoints and so licit their participation. This focus corresponds with Schlosberg's (2004) call to expand environmental justice beyond solely a distributive justice focus, to one that includes to an awareness of population's differential experiences and the need for their participation in the creation and management of policy.

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! ! 62 Expanding environmental justice to include these foci thus provides an approach that acknowledges the diverse experiences of vulnerable populations while recognizing the social and economic forces th at shape class differences and the distribution of hazards. Further, it emphasizes a critical approach to policies and plans to ask for whom and by whom resilience frameworks are made. Such an approach is useful for analyzing these questions within the co ntext of vulnerability and the tourism economy in the Rocky Mountains of Colorado and for highlighting pathways towards building just and resilient communities. Conclusion Figure 3 .5 shows the dynamic processes that shape the lives of the women who work in the resort service industry. Tourism, immigration, economic development and affordable housing all influence the lived experience of the resort service worker, their social vulnerability, and exposure to environmental hazards . These hazards have the po tential to impact the wellbeing of workers directly and through disruptions to the industry and its supply chain. The Colorado Natural Hazard Mitigation Plan (CNHMP) details the environmental hazards to which those living and working in the Rocky Mountains of Colorado are at risk. While mitigating and preparing for these hazards is important, knowing the perceptions of risk of vulnerable populations is of equal import for creating resilience plans that are relevant and of value to not just systems as a who le, but to those groups living and working within the system as well . The following chapters reviews the environmental hazards that place communities in the Rocky Mountains of Colorado at risk and examines the perceptions of risk and resilience of a vulner able population who live in these areas of risk specifically, Hispanic women, many of whom work in the resort service industry, and who live in a rural mountain town in Colorado.

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! ! 63 CHAPTER IV VULNERABILITY, RISK, AND RESILIENCE Esas [tormentas de nieve} si est‡n peligrosas, bueno para mi no, para mi ya noÉ Porque yo salgo aunque este nevando, y aunque este la nieve atora yo camino. ( Those [snowstorms] are dangerous, well for me they aren't, for me not any moreÉbecause I go out even when it is snowing, and even though the snow blocks my way I walk). ! Excerp ted from interview with Alicia 4 Aqu’, pues yo pienso -la amenaza ahorita como ahorita como est‡n las leyes esÉ Como que te -la polic’a. Como que si ve s que te agarran o algo puedes ir a caer a la c‡rcel y ya de la c‡rcel te vas para MŽxicoÉEsa es una amenaza ahorita que estamos viviendo fuerte. Here, I think the threat right now, like right now how the laws areÉit's like Ñ the police. Like if you see t hat they detain you or something you can end up in jail and from there you go to Mexico. This is a threat right now that we are experiencing strongly.) Excerpte d from interview with Macarena The Colorado Natural Hazards Mitigation Plan (CNHMP) provides a baseline for understanding the potential impacts of an environmental hazard on a community. However, as the two excerpts above illustrate, there exist alternative narratives of risk which reveal those processes or hazards that vulnerable communities vie w as a top concern . While the State Plan provides an overview of environmental hazards, the risks they pose to residents across the state, and actions for mitigating their impacts, it does not provide insight into vulnerable communities' perspectives on r isk. Subsequently, actions taken to mitigate or to build resilience to these risks are only addressing a part of the whole . Understanding vulnerable communities' conceptualizations of risk provides a more holistic view of the concept of risk and as such, c an !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ! % ! To protect participants' privacy and identities all names used throughout this report are pseudonyms. Please see Chapter I for a discussion of human subjects' issues and protection. !

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! ! 64 inform resilience plans and mitigation policies that are even more pertinent to the groups they purport to support. Beyond this, understanding the concerns of vulnerable communities and taking steps to address them can foster trust between those impleme nting the plan and local communities. Doing so can contribute to the effectiveness and overall success of the plan through both horizontal (at the community level) and vertical integration (between higher level stakeholders and the community) of stakeholde rs, the community and resources (P. R. Berke, Kartez, & Wenger, 1993 ; Lindell & Prater, 2003 ) . This chapter explores risk from multiple perspectives. Specifically, I examine those risks that state officials and stakeholders identify in the CNHMP and compare them to those risks that phase I participants identified during our conversations . Ultimately the risks identified in the state plan and by participants are rooted in their differing standpoints. The CNMHP's goal is to "to identify natural hazards and to evaluate the risk to the State of Colorado, the health and safety of its citizens, property, and e conomy" (State of Colorado, 2013, pp. 3 Ð 3) , using a hazards and risk assessment tool do to so. In contrast, the women's standpoint on risk is structured by their past experiences, emotions, logic and their socioeconomic status (Fothergill & Peek, 2004; Slovic & Peters, 2006; Wachinger, Renn, Begg, & Kuhlicke, 2013) . Thus, while I expected women to identif y some natural hazards as a risk to themselves and their families, I also expected that ther e might be additional concerns, i.e., immigration, that they estimate to be as risky, if not more, than the natural hazards present in their community . I use stand point theory to analyze how perceptions of risk and resilience grounded in people's experiences can add to a more enco mpassing understanding of risk, specifically, one that includes hazards identified by a hazards assessment as well as those that are roote d in the lived experiences of vulnerable populations . As such, this chapter addresses Aims I a nd II of this

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! ! 65 research project, to (a) explore the perceptions of resilience and risk of Hispanic women living and working in hazardous areas, with the goal of ga ining a more thorough understanding of how they characterize their risk ; and (b) to understand how Hispanic women living and working in hazardous areas and within the resort service industry in Colorado identify with resilience and what their recovery need s are. This chapter begins with a review of the hazards outlined in the CNHMP. I then provide a brief literature review regarding risk perception and natural disasters and then segue into an exploration of participant's concerns and stories of risk as well as their understandings of resilience and their recovery needs. To conclude, I argue that while participants' view certain environmental hazards as a risk ( i.e., winter storms) ultimately it is daily stressors Ð immigration laws, job and financial conc erns that pose a greater risk to their resilience and wellbeing . Environmental Hazards As described in previous chapters, research participants are vulnerable to the impacts of a disaster because of certain socio economic characteristics (being female, o f lower income and Hispanic) as well as because of their physical exposure (living in the mountains of Colorado) . Being female, non white, undocumented and of lower SES can all contribute to furthering communities' vulnerability to disasters through, for e xample, limiting access to key services or by reducing affordable housing options in less hazardous areas . Co nversely environmental hazards, avalanches, wildfires and snowstorms, also have the potential to contribute to vulnerability through short and long term disruptions to underlying economic contributions provided by the tourism industry with implications for the livelihoods of its workers. Colorado is well known for its natural resources, access to the outdoors and environmental amenities . Indeed, the allure of the natural environment and the breadth of the

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! ! 66 recreational opportunities it provides are fundamental to the success of the tourism industry in Colorado . However, this environment also brings with it a multitude of hazards that pose a serious th reat to the tourism industry . As the tourism industry drives economic vitality for many of the resort based towns in the Rocky Mountain West, disruptions in access and service provision have very real consequences for those who depend on this sector for th eir livelihoods. Implications of Hazards on the Tourism Industry A spate of hurricanes in the fall of 2017 in the southern United States, flooding in September 2013 and wildfires in 2002 provide insight into the impacts of an extreme event on tourism b ased economies . Residents of the Florida Keys, for example, witnessed the cascading impacts of Hurricane Irma on their $90 billion tourism industry in September 2017, when the hurricane caused power outages, damaged water systems, and destroyed infrastructure across the state (Luscombe and Glenza, 2017) . In 2013, flooding from the Big Thompson river cut off access to Estes Park, Colorado during their peak tourism season. The town, which acts as the gateway to Rocky Mountain National Park and prov ides accommodation and food to visitors of the park, ultimately lost over $400,000 in sales tax due to the impacts of the flood (Grant, 2014) . Similarly, after the Hayman Fire in 2002 devastated 138,0 00 acres over 4 counties southwest of Denver, Colorado, recreation areas were closed resulting in reduced revenues for businesses whose businesses depended on visitors to the area (Musiol & Ekarius, n.d.) . These examples illustrate the direct and indirect dangers that di sasters can pose to workers who live and work in tourist destinations. Direct risks include the threat of bodily harm as well as damages to homes, private property and businesses. Indirect risks include disrupted access and the cascading impacts these disruptions have on the tourism supply chain . As happened in Estes Park, access to resorts may be cut off and tourists may be unable to visi t local

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! ! 67 hotels and restaurants . Or workers may have difficulty getting to work, and restaurants and grocery stores may be unable to stock up on food and supplies, thereby disrupting key services within the tourism industry . Hazards in Colorado Both large and small scale events could threaten communities' wellbeing and livelihood. From lightning to drought, to avalanches and floods, Colorado is home to many different types of hazards that pose a risk to Colorado's tourism ind ustry. As listed in Table 4 .1 below, the Colorado Natural Hazards Mitigation Plan details the atmospheric and geologic hazards present throughout the state . In subsequent sections, I provide an overview of these hazards and their impacts on the local touri sm economy . Table 4 .1: Hazards Identified in Colorado (Source: Colorado Natural Hazards Mitigation Plan, State of Colorado, 2013) Atmospheric Hazards Geologic Hazards Other Hazards • ! Drought • ! Extreme Heat • ! Flood • ! Hail • ! Lightning • ! Severe Wind • ! Tornado • ! Winter Storm • ! Avalanche • ! Earthquake • ! Erosion and Deposition • ! Expansive Soil • ! Landslide, Mud/Debris Flow, Rockfall • ! Subsidence • ! Wildfire • ! Pest Infestation Unique geographies The geography of mountain towns, nestled in valleys at the base of mountains and with limited points of access, makes them vulnerable to multiple hazards, in multiple ways. As the Colorado Resiliency Framework (CRF) (2015) points out, this geographic configuration, where towns depend on just a few roads for access, can restrict their ability to evacuate and/or receive key emergency relief during a disaster . A wildfire could impact the infrastructure of ski areas, as

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! ! 68 the Spanish Peaks fire almost did at Big Sky Ski Resort in Montana in 2008, while also shutting down major interstates , as did the Coal Seam Fire in Glenwood Springs, CO in 2002 . Denuded land from a wildfire could lead to landslides, as hap pened in Mitchell Creek, near Glenwood Springs, following the Coal Seam Fire . This led to further closures and damages to businesses and homes . A roc k slide on Red Mountain Pass, on U.S 550, in 2014, blocked the town of Silverton 's northern access point for three weeks (Lofhom, 2014) . As the town is only accessible via two roads, one to the north and one to the south, this closure resulted in up to 90% of local businesses losing their customer base for t hose three weeks (Lofhom, 2014) . Thus while wildfires, floods, avalanches, extreme temperatures, droughts, soil and water contamination, and rockslides all pose a threat to mountain communities as hazards unto themselves, they often interact synergistically to amplify damage (Thomas, Wilhelmi, & Hayes, 2006) Further, i mpacts on key infrastructure to the functioning of a ski area would have cascading impacts on the tourism supply chain and those employed in the industry, thus impacting the livelihoods of workers. The effects of the wildfires on the northern California wi ne region in October 2017 illustrate this phenomenon. While many of the grapes had already been harvested before the fires started, the wildfire s reduced the harvesting season and therefore the amount of work needed (Sesin, 2017) . Additional hazards that have the potential to impact the tourism industry in mountain towns include rockslides and avalanches . In February of 2 016, for example, a rockslide in Glenwood Springs canyon, near Aspen, CO, resulted in a week long closure of I 70 . This closure caused significant detours and wait times for workers commuting from one side of the canyon to the other . While the one lane pilot car service, where a police car leads a line of traffic in one direction and then turns around and leads a line of tra ffic in the opposite direction, provided one

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! ! 69 option for commuters, often the wait time lasted 3 hours or longer (Kroschel, 2016) . These delays also had impacts on the local economy , with visitors cancelling hotel reservations and employees who commute through the canyon having to add 140 miles to their daily commute (Kroschel, 2016) . Even snowstorms, which many residents and communities along the I 70 corridor are used to dealing with, can disrupt the day to day operations of both the ski resorts and local towns . Multiple times a year the Colorado Depa rtment of Transportation (CDOT) has to shut down parts of I 70 due to inclement weather. The ensuing delays can leave motorists stranded either on the h ighway itself, or in towns that are not their ultimate destination . While these delays can provide a boo n to those hotels and restaurant s in towns that host stranded visitors, road closures can economically impact local workers through travel delays, vehicle wear and tear, loss of personal downtime, and increased accommodation and gas costs (Development Rese arch Partners, 2007) . Indeed, in a study on the economic impacts of congestion on I 70, Development Research Partners estimated that individuals lost $85 million worth of personal time because of congestion (2007). Further, they estimated that the state r isked losing around $25 million in tourism revenue if visitors decided to skip trips to the mountains because of closure s and delays on the interstate. This impacts not only local industries, but the livelihoods of local employees as well (Development Research Partners, 2007) . Drought also poses a risk to the tourism sector and mountain communities . While compared to other faster onset events, drought does not have as obviou s an impact on the environment. However, decreased snowpack and reductions in water levels have broad impacts on water supply and can contribute to wildfire risk (Thomas et al., 2006; Wilhelmi, Hayes, &

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! ! 70 Thomas, 2008) . A low snowpack, for example, may deter visitors to ski slopes, as happened recently at Vail Ski Resort, which reported that visits were down over 10% from the previous year (Snowsports Industries America, 2018) . In addition to influencing the number of winter visi t s, low water availability may also reduce summer visits as opportunities to recreate on water bodies may be impacted (Thomas et al., 2006; Wilhelmi et al., 2008) . Fu rther, with the increased risk of wildfires and ensuing ban on campfires, visitors may be less likely to travel to state parks and other camping areas. The 2002 drought in Colorado illustrates the economic impacts that a drought can have on the tourism sec tor with state parks experiencing reduced revenue and camping reservations and reservoirs experiencing decreased revenue from boating fees (Colorado Water Resources Research Institute & Colorado Water Conservation Board, 2002) . Climate Change While climate change is not directly mentioned in the Colorado Natural Hazards Mi tigation Plan, it has the potential to cause economic and social disruptions around the world, the nation, and locally in Colorado due to an increase in extreme temperatures, heavy rain/snowfall and drought (State of Colorado, 2013; van Aalst, 2006) . Further, these climatic changes have negative implications for human health and wellbeing. Table 4 .2 (see below and Appendix F for larger version) ou tlines the potential climatic changes from climate change globally, as well its projected impacts . Higher m aximum and minimum temperatures, increased precipitation events, and more intense floods and droughts due to climate change are all changes that will impact the tourism industry and mountain communities in Colorado. If visitors to the area decrease as a re sult of low snowpack, this could impact the livelihoods of many residents of mountain towns across Colorado and the nation .

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! ! 71 Increased precipitation events could mean more flooding leading to similar disruptions to t ourism revenue as Estes Park experience d following the September 2013 floods. More intense droughts could exacerbate dry conditions throughout the state leading to wildfires and water restrictions, both of which could lead to a decreased desire to visit the state, due to air quality for example , or because of reduced options for summer recreation . These decisions have implications for the economic success of hotels and restaurants in tourism based communities that depend on visitors for their survival . Table 4 .2: "Examples of p rojected changes in extreme climate phenomena, with examples of project ed impacts" (Source: van Aalst, 2006, pp.9 )

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! ! 72 Fewer cold days and higher minimum temperatures could also mean shortened ski seasons . Colorado is home to 25 ski resorts, all of which depend on snow for t heir livelihoods. While Color ado has experienced several low snow and abbreviated ski seasons since the first ski area opened in the 1940s, on a national scale, scientists predict that over the next several decades, winter seasons will get shorter and shor ter in length (Wobus et al., 2017) . These shortened seasons will result in reduced skier visits and thus decrease the revenues of both the ski areas and surrounding towns. While increased population growth in the Rocky Mountain Region may offset some of the negative economic impacts of climate change on ski areas (Wobus et al., 2017), a lack of economic diversity in the region may place this area at even greater risk (Kelman and Lewis 2005, Kelly and Adger 2000). A changing climate may impact the entire tourism supply chain w ith cascading effects on many of the sectors that depend on the industry for their continued success . A steady flow of visitors to a resort area who require accommodation, food and transportation services, ensures the continued provision of key services an d the infrastructure that supports them. A reduction in the number of out of town visits, however, has a corresponding negative impact across the supply chain and on the individuals that fulfill those key services . Importantly, the CHNMP includes a sectio n highlighting that vulnerability involves more than just exposure to environmental hazards (State of Colorado, 2013) . Specifically, it highlights that social and economic factors can influence a community's vulnerability to a disaster (State of Colorado, 2013) and utilizes the Social Vulnerability Index (SoVI) developed by Cutter et al. (2003) to review those census tracts in Colorado that are more socially vulnerable to hazards than others . Using age, special needs, ethnicity, race, class, p overty and wealth as indicators to assess social vulnerability across the state, the authors found that the census tract where the

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! ! 73 research site is located is a highly socially vulnerable area (top 20%) (State of Colorado, 2013) . Thus, the research site is not only physically vulnerable to environmental hazards but is also socially vulnerable to the impacts of a disaster. Tourism and Disaster Management Mo untain towns are vulnerable, bo th physically and economically, to a number of environmental hazards, many of which are inter related. An awareness of the potential impacts of hazards on the local economy and plans to address their negative consequences are key steps towards ensuring the continued success of the touris m industry in Colorado . While Faulkner (2001) first highlighted the lack of research wit hin tourism disaster management, in recent years researchers have made inroads into developing conceptual frameworks (Faulkner, 2001; Hystad & Keller, 2008; Ritchie, 2004) and on examining disaster recovery within specific tourist locales (Cioccio & Michael, 2007; Hystad & Keller, 2008; Miller & Ritchie, 2003) . However, less research focuses on the impacts a disaster might have on the people who provide key services within the tourism industry. Indeed, while loss of life and actual d amage to infrastructure are perhaps the most apparent human impacts of a disaster, the less obvious impacts, such as a slow down in areas of local tourism and recreation, have the potential to undercut a large portion of the economy by furthering the vulne rability of already vulnerable populations. Jobs may be lost, for example, following a wildfire in Vail . T hose who will be affected, including service workers, are those who may be the least able to absorb and recover from a break in employment. Viewpoint s of Risk An examination of the physical environment within which study participants live reveals that mountain environments in Colorado are home to many different hazards that alone, and in

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! ! 74 combination, have the potential to cause harm to local communiti es and the tourism industry. While the identification of these hazards and enactment of mitigation measures is important for ensuring the safety of communities, an aspect that remains unexamined is what hazards these communities view as a risk . By seeking their perceptions of risk, we gain a fuller picture of what risk means to vulnerable communities living in hazardous mountain environments as well as expand our knowledge about the social situations and processes that influence their daily lives and their vulnerability. Research indicates that logic, emotions, exposure, past experience and other characteristics such as socioeconomic status influence how people view risk and what they perceive as risky or a risk (Fothergill & Peek, 2004; Slovic & Peters, 2006; Wachinger et al., 2013) . Past experiences with disasters do seem to increase people's perception of risk (Miceli, Sotgiu, & Settanni, 2008; Wachinger et al., 2013) . Moreover, women tend to view disasters or hazards as riskier than do men (Flynn, Slovic, & Mertz, 1994; Fothergill, 1998; Wim, Zaalberg, Neutens, Vanneuville, & De Maeyer, 2011) . Similarly, economic factors such as home ownership and class influence risk perception (Burningham, Fielding, & Thrush, 2007) . However, research also indicates nuances to these findings with Burningham et al. (2007) finding, for example, that gender played no significant role in awareness of flood risk and Wim et al. (2011) finding contrary results for home ownership . The complexity of the rel ationship between these characteristics and risk perception remains an ongoing question for risk perception researchers. While these inquiries are vital for bolstering effective disaster response and management, the goal of this research project is to unde rstand what the risks are, from the viewpoints of participants, rather than on what characteristics or experiences may be influencing their perceptions.

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! ! 75 R isk can also mean different things to different people (Lindell & Nam, 2008) . It could refer to the probability of an event occurring, whether an indivi dual will be impacted, or refer to a sense of fear or relative amount of control someone might have over a hazard (Lindell & Nam, 2008; Slovic & Peters, 2006; Slovic & Weber, 2002) . Rather than providing participants with a set definition of risk, I left it up to them to decide what they deemed as a risk in response to my questions about thei r daily concerns, and threats to their safety. While these questions asked participants to estimate their risk within the context of their day to day lives, or within their work environment, or during their commute, I kept it open ended to ensure that thei r viewpoints of risk emerged. With this in mind, the goal of this project is not to add to the research that exists around the many factors that influence people's risk perceptions . Rather, the goal is to understand what hazards participants identify as a risk, with the aim of ultimately assessing whether plans and policies that seek to mitigate these hazards include hazards as outlined in state level plans in addition to the risks identified by participants . Doing so provides an alternative view of risk f rom that presented in the Colorado N atural Hazards Mitigation plan; namely, one that is situated in people's experiences . Participant Viewpoints Characteristics such as gender, ethnicity and class can all influence the creation of knowledge (Bowell 2015) and contribute to social vulnerability . Thus, they are also important in constructing the lived experiences of those who are imbued with certain of these characteristics. Being female, Hispanic and of lower SES, for example, influences how the study popul ation experiences risk and vulnerability . Including their viewpoints in our understanding of vulnerab ility, risk and resilience provides a space for understanding these concepts as grounded

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! ! 76 in people's experiences and perspectives (Harding 2004) rather tha n solely as identified in state level mitigation plans. In the subsequent sections I describe those factors that Hispanic women who live in a rural mountain town and who work in the resort service industry view as contributing to their vulnerability, res ilience and to their recovery needs. Admittedly, these factors are specific to the case study. However, focusing on such a specific population provides insight into their day to day life and provides an alternative narrative from that of the dominant disco urse, for understanding their concerns and recovery needs. Environmental Concerns While I expected responses to my questions about risk and threats to wellbeing to touch on social and economic issues, I also expected to hear more about how the natural e nvironment posed a risk to their wellbeing than I did . This was surprising given the hazardous natural environment within which they live. However, these findings are in line with research on risk perception which shows that direct experience of hazards in fluences people' s increased view of risk (Wachinger et al., 2013) . And while, i n response to direct questions about the risks posed by snowstorms, wildfires, avalanches, landslides and floods , participants noted that the se happened and were of concern compared to pressi ng economic and social issues which these individuals faced on a daily ba s i s , these hazards were not viewed as a risk. In response to my question about the risk of a wildfire, for example, Perla Garcia responded "Si, podr’a ser que si. No pero -bueno pero solamente para verano que vienen acampar o algo." (Yes, it could be. But no Ñ well only i n the summer when they come to camp or something) . However, when my questions asked about the risk of their daily commutes, participants identified that their trips to nearby ski resort towns did put them at risk to snowstorms,

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! ! 77 avalanches and landslides . As Perla Garcia notes, "Pues no, lo œnico -los œnicos riesgos naturales que pueda haber es la nieve." ("Well no, the only, the only natural risks that there could be is the snow) . That said, many of them seemed to have accepted this risk as a necessary evil. As Macarena notes about her drive to work, "es un riesgo que tenemos que tomar todos los d’as. Es un reto que tenemos que llevar siempre, diario, diario." ("It's a risk that we have to take every day . It is a challenge that we always have to deal w ith, d aily, daily") . Additionally, when I asked them if they could a relate a time when they could not get to work or were delayed in arriving because of environmental factors, many of them told stories about how these hazards disrupted their commute inclu ding road closures due to accidents, landslides, and avalanches . Valeria describes how an avalanche disrupted her commute: fue una avalancha la que -la que se vino... Y se vino una avalancha. Entonces, el trafico se paro porque desgraciadamente se perdi — la vida tambiŽn de una persona porque le callo a ella la avalancha. Y era mucho, era con tierra, nieve y rocasÉ (It was an avalanche that that cameÉAnd an avalanche came. Then, the traffic stopped because someone unfortunately lost their life because t he avalanche fell on her. And it was a lot , it was soil, snow and rocksÉ). Taking the risks of their commute in stride is also indicative of their approach to the winter weather in general. While most people would find living in such harsh conditions (w inter storms, cold temperatures and high altitude living) challenging to say the least, through my conversations it seems that participants are, for the most part, adapted to their living conditions. Yes, it snows, but winter storms happen often enough tha t they are part of the day to day for women I spoke with. As Isabelle comments, "Bueno aqu’ -aqu’ esta uno acostumbrado a que nevŽ porque es...Es Colorado verdad." ("Well here, here one is accustomed to snow becau se it'sÉ It's Colorado, right".

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! ! 78 However, the need to adapt to winter driving conditions and the acceptance of that risk is driven by the affordability of their place of residence relative to the places where they work . One woman highlighted having to make the decision to either pay more to live in the "hotel zone", with less risk, or to pay less, but with increased risk during their commute. As Rosa Maria explains, É es m‡s barato porque la zona hotelera donde vive la gente es mucho m‡s caroÉ..Y todas las personas que viven all‡, muchas si se -algunas si se vinieron pero no les gusto por la -el caminoÉDicen no esta muy feo el caminoÉAll‡ dice tengo miedo de matarnos all‡ y dice mejor ac‡ nos quedamos aunque tengamos que pagar m‡s dineroÉ Pero nosotros ya nos hab’amos acostumbrado. ( It's cheaper because the hotel zone where people live is much more expensiveÉand everybody that lives there, many if Ð some of them came but they didn't like it because of Ð the road. They say, no the road is very bad [referring to weather road conditions] there they say, I'm scared that it will kill us and they say better that we stay here even though we have to pay more moneyÉ for us, we've already adapted ). Thus, many of these women and their families have made the decision to move "down valley" to liv e even knowing that it will increase their commuting time and their risk. Immigration and economic concerns While participants noted that aspects of the mountain environment within which they live pose a risk, what emerged from the interviews that were of more pressin g concern were daily stressors such as housing, i mmigration, finances and health . Past research emphasizes the role that immigration status plays in vulnerability to disasters (R. Bolin & Stanford, 2006; Cutter et al., 2003; Fothergill & Pee k, 2004; Oliver Smith & Hoffman, 2002) . R ecent news articles and research indicate that mountain towns are often home to resort service workers and immigrants because of the high cost of living in nearby resort towns (Dukakis & Minor, 2015a, 2015b; Klick, 2015; Park & Pellow, 2011) . Therefore, going into the field I knew that immigration would most likely come up in my conversations with participants, which it did. In response to

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! ! 79 questions about what they worried about on a daily basis and what they viewed as a threat to their home or family, participants explicitly identified immigration and economic con cerns . Further, these concerns were often intertwined with each other . As I interviewed participants just two months following the 2016 presidential campaign and election, during which the then Republican nominee Donald J. Trump emphasized his support of more restrictive immigration policies, concerns around deportation and immigration status were high amongst participants . As the following comments indicate, the 2016 election and the rhetoric that then president elect Trump used to talk about immigrants and immigration policy in the United States created an environment that made this issue one of participants' top concerns both for themselves and their families as well as for thei r community at large. Bueno, de ahora mis preocupaciones son del nuevo presidente que tenemos. " (Well for now my concerns are the new president we have") ( from interview with Diana ). Bueno actualmente me preocupa mucho la situaci—n del pa’s desde que gano Trump. (Well, currently I'm very worried about the situation of the cou nty since Trump won) (from interview with Isabelle ). As I detail in Chapter I, these concerns resulted in adaptations to my IRB protocol resulting in the destruction of the signe d consent forms I had collected to date and shifting to asking for verbal consent moving forward . While I cannot say for sure what participant's concerns would have been before the 2016 presidential campaign, the political discourse on immigration certainl y shaped the conversations I ended up having with participants. For those women who I spoke with who had documentation, concerns around immigration manifested in their worries for undocumented friends and family and the havoc deportations might wreck on t he social fabric of their community . As Yaneth points out, "Digo aunque yo tenga documentos legales no quiere decir que no me preocupe la dem‡s gente." (Even

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! ! 80 though I have legal documents, that's not to say that I'm not worried about other people") (Yaneth , personal communication, March 1, 2017). Isabelle echoes this sentiment: Bueno actualmente me preocupa mucho la situaci—n del pa’s desde que gano TrumpÉEso es lo que me preocupa, me preocupa mucho de las familias y amistades que yo tengo que son ilegales . Well, currently I'm very worried about the situation of the county since Trump wonÉ that's what worries me, I worry a lot about families and friends that I ha ve that are illegal). As Sofia's story reveals, immigration also poses a threat both economi cally and socially through the separation of families. When her husband was deported to Mexico, she was left taking care of and supporting her three children. At the time, they were largely dependent on his income because she only worked part time, which p laced added stress on both herself and her children. Further, she relates the detrimental mental health impacts that having their father deported has had on her children. As Sofia relates, Now you're by yourself with three kids and your husband in anothe r country, not able to come back. Like, he was in jail. And my kids were like, the oldest one, had to get counselorÉCounseling, yeah. Cause he was bitter, and he was like, "I'm never going to see my dad again. My dad is never going to come back with us." S o he would always cry, and would always like be sleeping in the room. Like kind of depressedÉAnd my 4 year old, my 3 year old, my other boy, start peeing on the bed. ÉSo I had a part time job, and paying babysitter, and paying bills by myself. And it was h ard. That was hard. And the emotion, like it's kind of hard. Like, oh my god, our family got apart for a mistake and really it was an accident and he didn't mean to hit him. And they didn't understand that. So t hat was like the worst. While Sofia's story is just one story, it reveals the devastating impacts deportations can have on the mental health of family members as well as the stress it places on already economically burdened families . Her story echoes other participants concerns where, even without having an income earner deported, finances are a top stressor .

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! ! 81 Te preocupa la familia que esta lejos. Te preocupa el que te lleguen a quitar el trabajo porque tienes -estas alquilando casa ento nces tienes que pagar una renta. (You worry about family , who is far away. You worry that they might take your job because you have you are renting your house and s o you have to pay rent) (from interview with Sarah ). Lo econ—micoÉNo, es m’o pero no importa es mucho dinero que pagarÉComo pagar la luz, pagar e l gas, el cableÉ.Los celulares, la a seguranzaÉUm, todo eso -todo eso es un chequeÉQue se vaÉ. El otro cheque es comida. (The economic ... No, it's mine [referring to owning her home] but it does not matter, it's a lot of money to pay ... Like paying electricity, paying the gas, the cable ... The cell phones, insurance ... Um, all that Ð all that is one check ...that goesÉ. The other check is food) (from interview with Jasmine ). As these quotes show, financial concerns are a key stressor for the women I spoke with as they are directly related to concerns about being able to afford basic necessities such as food, gas, electricity, and housing . These stories thus reveal daily concerns that are intimately tied to the larger scale processes discussed in Ch apter II . National immigration policy, and large scale development trends in resort towns in Colorado are not just abstract phenomena for these women. Rather, they have immediate impacts on their ability to survive on a daily basis. Emergent Issues Whil e I explicitly asked women about their top concerns and their risk and threat perceptions, which revealed economic, immigration and environmental preoccupations, there were also issues that some identified, yet for others which came out in our conversation s. Both the concerns they expressly identified and these emergent issues social isolation, mental health, and the provision of health services are tied to factors which contribute to this population's vulnerability. Specifically, socioeconomic status, ethnicity, documentation status, gender and occupation interact to place this population at further risk. Health and W ellness

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! ! 82 Additional aspects of these women's lives that emerged from the interviews was the impact of their jobs on their health, as we ll as the ways in which living in a rural and somewhat isolated mountain town restricted their health care options. In describing their day to day existence many of the women depicted the demands of their jobs both in terms of their schedules and on their bodies . For those that work as housekeepers, their daily tasks include activities such as lifting heavy objects and the use of caustic cleaning products, both of which increase their potential for harm . Valeria touches on both of these hazards in relating her work day: Pues esta todo muy bien, solo pues ya ves los qu’micos a veces son muy fuertesÉUhum. Este, o un resbal—n que tiremos agua y nos resbalemosÉLevantar las camas tambiŽn podr’a ser algo peligroso para la salud, para la espalda." (Well, it's a ll fine, only sometimes you see that the chemicals are very strong. This or a slip, where we drop water and we slipÉ making the beds could also be dangerous for health, for the back) . Further, in response to my questions about whether their jobs gave the m protection, she responded that they received gloves, but no face masks to protect them . Women from the second group interview also brought up the physical demands of their jobs and they harm they could cause to their bodies . Participant 3: Y casi todas tenemos trabajo un poco dif’cil. Porque pues podemos quebrarnos las espaldas (And almost all of us have a difficult job. Because well, we could break our backs). Participant 1: Si, podemos lastimarnos. (Yes, we could hurt ourselves.) Participant 3: M ‡s riesgo de artritis, para las mujeres y pero pues ni modo. (Higher risk of arthritis, for the women and, but oh well.) Participante 2: M‡s que nada cuando andas con tu cuerpo caliente y estas en el frio. (More than anything, when you walk with a warm body an d you're in the cold). While these conversations highlight the physical harm from their work, being able to continue their work is related to the financial concerns highlighted earlier. Even though their jobs are

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! ! 83 difficult and demanding, they provide them with an income that is higher than in their home country, so for them, at least at this point, it is worth it to continue their hazardous commute to their physically demanding jobs . Yet another aspect of these women's lives that furthers the ir vulnerability is the fact that there is currently no local hospital equipped for labor and deliveries in their town . Having to travel over 30 minutes and over potentially treacherous mountain passes places the women seeking such services at greater ris k if complications present themselves during pregnancy. The impacts of this lack of service are, of course relevant to all women in thi s town, not just Hispanic women; however , this is yet one more example of how the environment within which they live contributes to their risk and vulnerability . These issues are of concern to this population largely because of their gender. The risk for occupational related injuries as housekee pers and within the hotel industry is supported by research which shows high levels of back and neck pain for housekeepers in the hotel industry as well as higher injury rates specifically for females and Hispanics in the industry (Buchanan et al., 2010; Krause, Scherzer, & Rugulies, 2005) . Further, the fact that there is no hospital equipped to provide delivery services to women in the area places them uniquely at risk to complications during labor and delivery, to which men are not exposed . Limited Schedule s In relating their day to day experiences to me, again and again I noted how hard these women work and how full their days are. In addition to filling mostly housekeeping positions at hotels across the industry, many of the women I spoke with are also f ulfilling a role at home, which leaves them very little social time with friends or relaxation. As Sarah emphasizes, "Éel d’a t’pico de la mayor’a de las mujeres Mexicanas -las mujeres LatinasÉEs trabajar y trabajar y

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! ! 84 trabajar." ("É A typical day for the majority of Mexican women --Latinas --is to work and work and wor k") . These at home tasks that take up hours outside of the work day include getting their children ready for school, cleaning, washing dishes and preparing meals. In the case of the women I i nterviewed, many of them are thus taking on traditionally gendered roles both at home and at work . In addition to the demands of their work and home lives, their commutes are also placing further limits on their time . On a summer day, their commute might take them an hour. With a winter storm however, it might take them over two hours one way to navigate an icy mountain highway. While taking the bus can alleviate the stress of driving, the public transportation schedule is limited, further restricting thei r already constrained schedules . The back to back nature of their work schedules adds to their vulnerability especially if something, even if it is minor, goes wrong. A sick child needing to be picked up from school, or road closures from avalanches or ca r accidents , can be a challenge if parents are away at work and have no other options for childcare . Working full time and completing tasks at home effectively curtails the time they can take for self care and building relationships with people outside of family members. Notably, however, even with the limitations placed on them by work schedules , many of the women I spoke with took the time to attend GED classes and/or English classes. While my sample was skewed towards those women enrolled in these GED a nd English classes, as these programs provided my initial entrŽe into the community, the classes provided these women with a social support group . GED classes and English classes do pro vide them with time to connect: three of the women I spoke with referred to their English class as a "second family." However, when I asked

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! ! 85 them about the ir daily schedules, most of them did not mention any downtime or social time. Either they are working, taking care of their family (co oking, cleaning, or taki ng their children to school ), or attending a class. Mental Health While external courses provide these women with a space, both literally and in their schedule to take time for themselves and to build friendships, an underlying t heme from my interviews shows the impact of the demands of their daily lives on their mental health. Some women indicated having reached out to mental health services, yet other s did not . Their stressful day to day existence, combined with the impacts of s ocial isolation suggests a need for outreach around available (and culturally oriented) mental health services. In addition to work and home schedules constraining their time, acculturation issues including language and institutional barriers also can furt her their stress and sense of isolation. As Smart and Smart (1995) det ail, this "acculturative stress " for Hispanic immigrants results from having to adapt to a new culture and its impacts are felt in many facets of life including physical and mental well being . Angelica's story is indicative of this experience. Angelica does not speak English so she depends fully on her husband to navigate the English speaking world. Although she is well educated, she cannot work the same job she used to work in her home country, which effectively nullifies the ef fort and money she put into her education in the first place. As Angelica explains, "De nada vale si estudiaste o no estudiaste, lo que sea nada vale." ("It doesn't matter if you studied or didn't stu dy, whatever it is nothing matters") (Angelica, personal communication, February 27, 2017) . While she does attend the ESL class, which helps connect her to other women who are in a similar situation, for her, her only happiness is sending money to her moth er every month. This description of the trials of

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! ! 86 adapting to a new system highlights the barriers and institutional challenges that these women face. Further, it highlights how these acculturation barriers , and her loss of the value of her education, effe ctively limited Angelica's sense of self efficacy and confidence in navigating unfamiliar systems. Perceptions of Resilience and Recovery Needs Resilience programs and policies are becoming increasingly utilized across a wide variety of fields and disciplines to recover and rebound from many of the disruptions and extreme events listed in the Colorado Natural Hazards Plan and identified by study p articipants. However, we know less about how individuals understand resilience, what their perceptions are of the concept, and how they identify with the concept on the ground. Aim II of this research project is to address this gap by understanding how His panic women living and working in hazardous areas and within the resort service industry in Colorado identify with resilience and what their recovery needs are. Recovery While many of the women I spoke with had not experienced a disaster, most had expe rienced a personal crisis . Disasters that came up in conversations included a fire, avalanches and the threat of flooding from a nearby mine . In each of these cases, police and/or emergency response came to the scene or were present in advising people abou t the potential need for evacuation . When asked to describe a crisis most of the responses focused less so on environmental hazards and more on personal or emotional crises. Responses ranged from the health impacts of car accidents, to economic challenge s, to family issues. Accordingly, responses to my questions

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! ! 87 about what recovery means to them varied as well, however they generally aligned with my a priori hypothesis that their recovery needs would ultimately be rooted in social and economic needs. Som e respondents indicated, for example, that having more work or being able to control their work schedule meant they would have recovered. As while others talked about regaining their health and yet others mentioned being able to buy a house or a car . For V aleria, for example, recovery means being stable at work and having a car: Pues seria estar estable en el trabajo Ð tener mis d’as. Este, tener ya en que moverme yoÉUm. Se se -Creo que seria eso. Ð Con que tuviera los d’as exactos para trabajar y... Y me imagino un carro o algo para moverme porque -es donde batallo. ( Well, it would be to be stable at work have my days. To have something to move around ... Um. I know I think I would be that. Ð That I would have exact day to work and ... and I imagine a car or something to move because Ð tha t's where I struggle). Or in t he case of Adriana, recovery meant be able to see her sister recover from an accident. As she says, "Pues ya verla bien verdad, verla caminando y todo" ("Well, seeing her well right, seein g her walking and everything) . In each of these cases "recovery" means either returning to a previous state (in the case of injury from a car or workplace accident for example) or getting to a better state . Further, being able to buy a car or purchase a home signifies a step towards stability and certainty. This stabili ty is especially important given the tenuous and uncertain state of immigrants in the United States today. Identifying the traditional disasters recovery needs for this population is difficult as large scale disasters occurred relatively infrequently in area where they lived in the past several years . However, economic support appears to be the most needed asset for this population as most disasters and crisis would negatively impact this population pushing them farther away from the

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! ! 88 goals they listed whe n I asked them what recovery would mean to them. A car accident or workplace injury for example, would not only have physical and mental impacts, but the effect of being unable to work would cascade into other areas of their lives including being able to a fford basic necessities and rent. Two of the women I spoke with, for example, who were recovering from injuries, are unable to go to work . One of them is a single mom and her son has stopped attending school to take care of her. While the other woman has f amily members close by, she is still grappling with the mental health impacts of her recent car accident . Resilience A diverse range of disciplines, from ecology to urban planning to psychology utilize the concept of resilience within their fields to ill ustrate, in general, the ability of a system, community or individual to adapt, recover from and grow from a disturbance or traumatic experience. Increasingly, resil ience has made its way into mainstream conversations . An online search of resilience in the news, for example, mentions the concept in relation to sports, the energy grid, neonatal care, and teamwork building. In all of these examples, resilience is a positive characteristic one that helped a newborn to survive, contributed to the energy grid w ithstanding extreme weather, and helping a sports team to overcome adversity. The state of Colorado also made the decision to integrate resilience into their recovery planning following the 2013 floods linking it to the idea of adapting and thriving follow ing a disruption (Governor's Office The State of Colorado, 2015) . Understanding these broad approaches in the Colorado State Resilience Framework, for example and the more intuitive use of resilience as an inherent quality that helps a newborn or sports team to overcome helps to then understand how these definitions may or may not contrast or conflict with participants' understanding of re silience as they both comprehend it and live it .

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! ! 89 During interviews with participants, I asked them if they had heard of the term resilience. Most of them had not. Indeed, more often than not they thought I was asking about "residencia" (residency) rather than resilience. However, once I clarified my questions and showed them a definition of resilience , if they were unable to define it, many of them seemed to grasp the concept identifying it with moving forward, overcoming, taking steps to prepare for disru ptions, "bumps in the road," and survival (see Appendix E for definition of resilience) . Others seemed to identify with the concept yet more abstractly, identifying it with increased opportunities for work, better communication, becoming more involved in t he community, and general support groups (such as for abused women). That said, none of the women who I interviewed identified resilience with any broader resilience focused framework, policy or any emergency management plans. However, while I only asked one question directly about resilience, in relating their stories, certain characteristics of resilience including adaptability and the development of social capital emerged . In response to the lack of self efficacy and social isolation discussed in the pr evious section, for example, many women related vignettes of growing self confidence and empowerment . One women, Josie, commented on feeling intimidated about having to use a computer for work, but she adapted and taught herself to use it. Yet others talke d about rising to the challenge of driving and driving long distances . Some also commented on having overcome health challenges and becoming stronger in doing so. Social Capital Intuitively, many of the women also mentioned connecting with their communit y in response to my questions about resilience . What emerged from the interviews as well, however,

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! ! 90 was the role that structured time for their own self improvement plays in building their resilience. Specifically, through the creation of social capital . T he GED and ESL courses mentioned in the sections above serve a key dual purpose for women to learn, but also for them to connect with others outside of their family and work . These classes thus cont ribute to their social capital, or the resources availabl e to individuals and communities through relationships (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992) . However, these groups, notwithstanding their Anglo teachers and classmates (for the GED class), largely consist of individuals who are from the s ame demographic thereby linking Hispanic women to Hispanic women and furthering, what scholars call bonding social capital . As Aldrich and Meyer (2014) explain, bonding social capital ties people to others like themselves , such as family members, or who share similar characteristics such as ethnicity . During extreme events or stressors, these connections are key for providing support and alleviating some of these daily stresses (Aldrich & Meyer, 2014) . For example, some women were able to prevail on friends and/or family to assist them with childcare . This example of bonding ties demonstrates one aspect of the resilience of this population at the community level. Namely, that bonding social capital can help a community to weather these "micro disasters" that can cause stress and disruptions to daily schedules However, as Aldrich points out, these bonds can, at times, further the insularity of certa in communities who might lack the bridging ties that link them to external people and groups. In this case, the GED and English teachers act as these bridging links, or as those individuals who link people to external resources and opportunities outside of their bonding groups (Aldrich and Meyer, 2014) . While students in the GED course are both Hispanic and Anglo, based on the inadvertent grouping of students into learning groups who speak similar languages, these Anglo

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! ! 91 classmates may not provide those same advantages that ties to the instructors might. However, in an interview with one of the instructors, she did mention that students (both Anglo and Hispanic) often coordinate and share rides to the GED testing centers. My interview questions about who par ticipants sought out during a crisis event further illustrates their dependence on bonding versus bridging ties . In response to this question, participants listed family members and friends for support rather than external organizations or any bridging tie s they had. An interview with a local/county stakeholder further emphasized this point of calling on bonding ties first. Maria, who is both a member of this community and a government worker, noted that in general her community tends to seek help from each other first and foremost rather that from external services and resources, even if those services come with no strings attached. At any time we find ourselves in crisis or need like emergency funds, or an emergency baby sitter or something like that, we always rely -that's one thing like we are very -a very united community as far as the Latino community. Um so we -before going out to reach out to the Department of Human Services for public assistance or looking at other resources that are out there . We rely on friends and family whether that is borrowing money or needin g a ride or anything like that (Maria, local/county stakeholder ). Conclusion Qualitative semi structured interviews provided insight into what participants viewed as a threat or risk and how (and if) they identified the same hazards as outlined in the Colorado Natural Hazards Mitigation Plan . While most of the women who I spoke with were aware of the dangers posed by living in a rural mountain town and commuting to work over mountain passes, participants did not view these hazards to be as threatening or as concerning to them and their family's safety and wellbeing as certain daily stressors that occurred on an ongoing basis such as economic strain and the threat of deportations .

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! ! 92 Thos e hazards or disasters that participants mentioned as posing a risk or threat tended to be those events that had happened in the recent past, which is in line with literature showing that past experiences with disasters increase perceptions of risk (Ming ! Chou, Daigee, Shuyeu, & Yao ! Chu, 2008; Wachinger et al., 2013) . The daily stress ors participants commented on, in contrast to the larger scale disasters with which many people are familiar with from the news, included issues or concerns that have the potential to disrupt their livelihoods and/or cause harm to their families . Further, many of these daily stressors were inter re lated, where the realization of one could have a domino effect on the occurrence of other hazards in their lives ( i.e., deportation limiting families' financial capacity) . Further, my conversations with Hispanic women revealed alternative discourses of risk and vulnerability . Specifically, participants identified immigration, the economy, and snowstorms as some of their top concerns/risks. Further, emergent themes from the interviews revealed the ways in which their d ay to day lives and physical location in the mountains impacts their mental and physical wellbeing. Ultimately, these factors contribute to the ways in which their community operates within and yet outside of the normative system . They work key jobs withi n the resort service industry, yet their immigration status and daily schedules contribute to their isolation thus shaping their position as being both part o f and a part from the system. While GED classes and ESL classes provide pathways between these sys tems, they are few and far between. Further, their liminal positions have implications for the effectiveness of polices/frameworks that seek to build resilient systems as it raises questions about whose system, and what system, is being strengthened throug h these plans . The following chapter explores these questions and examines whether actions and/or plans at the local and state level address

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! ! 93 align with the concerns and daily needs of a vulnerable community. An intersectional framework provides a lens for exploring these questions as it can help to identify those who might be left out of the system in the quest for resilience.

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! ! 94 CHAPTER V RESILIENCE IN POLICY AND ON THE GROUND A little -yes I have heard of it [resilience], have not done much with it. I have Ð I went -several months ago we were getting into a comp plan thing we did, pop up onto the website, look around and there was not a lot of real Ð it did not seem like there was a lot of real great stuff that we can just take and plug in." ! Excerpted from interview with Paul 5 , local/county level stakeholder 6 Cities, communities, and organizations are increasingly focusing on strengthening their ability to withstand the impacts of a shock or stressor through building resilience. The positive connotations of resilience that a city or community, for example, can bounce forward and/or recover after a disaster may play a role in its increasing popularity . However, efforts that focus on building resilience at a systems level may inadvertently ne gatively impact certain vulnerable groups within that system thereby creating resilience for some, but not for all . Figure 5 .1 illustrates these levels within the tourism industry in the Rocky Mountains of Colorado. At the system level (the outermost laye rs), efforts to build resilience may increase the resilience of that layer but may do less for the vulnerable population at the center of the model. Affordable housing policies for example, may increase the resilience of the tourism industry overall, but d ocumentation requirements to qualify for these affordable houses may exclude those that need it most ( i.e., undocumented immigrants) . The theory of intersectionality provides further insight into this discordance and the ways in which policies and processe s that aim to build resilience for certain groups may unintentionally further the vulnerability of the already !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ! & ! To protect participants' privacy and identities all names used throughout this report are pseudonyms. Please see Chapter I for a discussion of human subjects' issues and protection. ! ' Local/county l evel stakeholder refers to those individuals that I interviewed who worked for non profits, local and county governments, schools and community organizations.

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! ! 95 vulnerable. As illustrated in figure 5 .1, intersectionality, which examines the ways in which people's memberships in different social groups (ra ce, gender, socioeconomic status etc.) interact to shape their particular experiences, guides an exploration of the alignment between levels as well as provides insight into the multiple dimensions of resilience and vulnerability. Figure 5 .1 Conceptua l model & Intersectionality Such an analysis shows that while efforts to address the outermost layers of the system are important, integrating those efforts with strategies to address the needs and bolster the strengths of the vulnerable population (the inner most layer) will ultimately contribute to ensuring a more holistic approach to building resilience. This chapter addresses aim III of this research project: to understand the extent to which resilience frameworks address the experiences of Hispanic women living in a rural mountain town in Colorado and to inform a broader understanding of the relationship between resilience and vulnerability . Specifically, I examine the interplay between resilience and vulnerability through first analyzing the extent to which the concept of resilience and its characteristics, as

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! ! 96 defined in the Colorado Resiliency Framework (CRF), have infiltrated local and county level conversations. I then take a ground up approach to explore how and if Hispanic women's concerns and p riorities are showing up a) in local/county level discussions and b) in higher level resilience frameworks, namely the CRF . The theory of intersectionality guides an examination of this alignment between levels, specifically Hispanic women's priorities and needs and the CRF . An Intersectional Approach to Resilience and Vulnerability An intersectional approach provides one lens for examining the tensions between vulnerability and resilience. KimberlÂŽ Crenshaw first developed the term in 1989 following a di scrimination suit brought against General Motors (GM) alleging both gender and race discrimination in GM's hiring practices (Crenshaw, 2015) . Unfortunately, discrimination law, as it stood then, was insufficient for demonstrating both gender AND race discrimination (Crenshaw, 2015). Rather, the law had been developed to deal with discrimination one social category at a time. While gender discrimination and race discrimination were included, overlapping identities, na mely being both black and female did not fit under the letter of the law. Ultimately, the case was dismissed because GM was able to demonstrate that they hired both women and blacks, even though they were hiring mostly white women and mostly black men, the reby excluding black women. In response to this ruling, Crenshaw proposed the term "intersectionality" to emphasize that certain structural and institutional policies usually only account for one identity at a time, such as race OR gender, rather than for overlapping categories of identity such as race AND gender (Crenshaw, 2015). As she explains, focusing on one form of oppression, such as gender discrimination or race discrimination, effectively discounts the experiences of those individuals who were expe riencing gendered racism (Crenshaw, 2015). By emphasizing the intersection of

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! ! 97 multiple categories of identity, intersectionality accounts for the specific experiences of these individuals who experience multiple forms of oppression, including racism, sexis m, gender identity discrimination, as well as for those individuals who might live at the margins of society . However, as Collins (2002) notes, while these characteristics form a particular reality for a population, their experience is not necessarily identical. Rather, it indicates that there are core themes or issues that come from these experiences such that a "collective standpoint does exist, one characterized by the tensions that accrue to different responses to common challenges" (Collins, 2002, p. 28) . This understanding allows for an approach to understanding the coll ective viewpoint of Hispanic women, who live in a rural mountain town in Colorado, while also recognizing the heterogeneity of their experiences. An intersectional approach here provides a lens for examining the tensions between vulnerability and resilien ce, as any resilience efforts to support women, or minorities, or lower income populations may leave out those populations that live at the intersection of these identities namely Hispanic women of a lower socio economic status. While efforts to target di fferent sets of vulnerable populations ( i.e., women, minorities, the homeless) are important, further efforts should aim to support populations that span these set identities of vulnerability. Through examining the experiences and resource needs of Hispani c women in a rural mountain town in Colorado this research projects delves into these intersectional issues in order to provide further detail to the emerging picture of resilience and vulnerability. Global, National and Local Resilience As the concept of resilience has become increasingly popular, cities and communities at global, national and local scales have begun to integrate it into policies, programs and discussions . At the global scale, the Rockefeller Foundation launched their 100 Resilient Cit ies

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! ! 98 program in 2013, which provides support to over 100 cities worldwide in developing resilience strategies particular to their specific needs and concerns. At the national level, the United States included resilience in their National Security Strategy i n 2010, and in 2014 the Department of Homeland Security included the concept in their Quadrennial Homeland Security Review as one of their five missions (Department of Homeland Security, 2018) . Additionally, the U.S Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) encouraged a focus on resilience across the country via their National Disaster Resili ence Competition, which awarded $1 billion divided amongst several states, counties and cities (US Department of Housing & Urban Development, 2 014) . Notably, these strategies approach the concept of resilience differently. The National Security Strategy defines the concept of resilience as an ability that can be strengthened to "adapt to changing conditions and prepare for, withstand, and rap idly recover from disruption" (Department of Homeland Security, 2018) . Similarly, for their Nati onal Disaster Resilience Competition, US HUD ties resilience to a community's ability to recover as well as to their ability to be self sufficient during a disaster ( National Disaster Resilience Competition: Phase 2 Fact Sheet , 2015) . In contrast, the Department of Homeland Security identifies resilience with preparedness calling outlining one of their strategic priorities as building "resilient communities by implementing the National Prepare dness System" (Department of Homeland Security, 2014) . At the state level, following the 2013 floods in Colorado, Governor John Hickenlooper formed the Colorado Recovery Office, which in collaboration with 150 other state and national organizations, develo ped the Colorado Resiliency Framework (CRF), which lays out a structure for building resilience across the state of Colorado. On a more local level the City of Boulder,

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! ! 99 the County of Boulder, BoCo (Boulder County) Strong, Fort Collins, and the City of Long mont are a few of the communities across Colorado that have developed, or are in the midst of developing, resilience focused plans and/or policies in order to respond to and recover from slow and sudden onset disasters and crises, as well as to address vul nerabilities and identify gaps in resource delivery in their communities. An examination of if the CRF includes strategies and/or issues that are relevant to the experiences and needs of Hispanic women who work in the resort service industry in the Rocky M ountains of Colorado, and how they are addressed, is the focus of the next several sections. Methodological Approach I used a two pronged approach (Figure 5 .2) to examine the extent to which the CRF address the experiences of Hispanic women living a rural mountain town in Colorado . Step 1 involved assessing how and if resilience, as conceptualized in the CRF, has trickled down to the local/county level (1a) and if the Hispanic women I spoke with recognized the concept (1b). For Step 2, I assessed if and how women's priorities are rec ognized and addressed at the local/county level (2a) as well as in the CRF (2b).

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! ! 100 Figure 5 .2 . Approach to analysis To analyze how well local/county programs and the CRF represent the priorities of Hispanic women I conducted a plan quality analysis a nd applied the Keywords in Context (KWIC) methodology to the local/county stakeholder interviews and to the content of the CRF. Specifically, I developed the list of keywords (see Table 5 .1 below) based on the results from my analysis of the interviews I c onducted with Hispanic women . I then carried out a keyword search, based on this list, of my interviews with local/county stakeholders and the content 7 of the CRF to examine how many times women's priorities and concerns are mentioned at the local/county l evel and within the state's framework . While this first step addresses if Hispanic women's concerns are recognized at the local/county and state levels, I utilize plan quality !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! ! ( I copied and pasted the content of the CRF to a word document to facilitate the word counts. T herefore, I did not include in the count any references to organizations (aka the Colorado Department of Transportation) that were not included in the main body of the text nor any of the references or peer review commentary.

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! ! 101 analysis to examine if this recognition of these women's concerns goes beyond ju st that, a mere mention, to a substantive integration of their concerns and needs (P. Berke & Godschalk, 2009) . Table 5 .1: Keyword Lis t and Word Counts Keyword List Local/County Level CRF • ! Affordable 13 20 o ! Affordability 0 1 o ! Affordable Housing 10 14 • ! Transportation 14 26 o ! Commute/Commuters 7 0 • ! Economic 17 77 o ! Economy 10 16 o ! Finance(s) 3 2 o ! Money 32 2 • ! Job(s) 45 11 • ! Weather 2 5 o ! Snow 12 14 • ! Social 17 49 o ! Social Support 0 0 o ! Social Capital 0 0 • ! Health, healthy, healthcare 49 114 o ! Mental Health 1 10 o ! (Behavioral) Health 1 2 • ! Immigration 8 0 o ! Immigrant 12 1 o ! Deportation 1 0

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! ! 102 Plan quality analysis, which is useful for understanding the extent to which plans align with "local conditions" (Horney et al., 2017, p. 56) , also provides a framework for assessing the overall validity of the plan. Berke and Godschalk (2009) outline two criteria, internal and external, by which to me asure the effectiveness of land use plans. Internal quality includes the "content and format" ( Berke & Godschalk, 2009, p. 229) of the plan whereas external quality pertains to the "the relevance of the scope and coverage to reflect stakeholder values and the local situation" (P. Berke & Godschalk, 2009, p. 229) . The KWIC methodology assists with analyzing both the internal quality of the CRF through an initial word search, to identify key issues (Berke & Godschalk, 2009) well as through examining the external quality (fit) of the plan through evaluating the context of each word (Leech & Onwuegbuzie, 2007; Ryan & Bernard, 2000) . While some researchers restrict the context to a specific number of words around the key word (Ryan & Bernard, 2000), I kept the context more open to encompass the entirety of the conversation on th e topic. Doing so ensured that the context I examined around the keyword was sufficient for understanding the full meaning of the keywords ( Leech & Onwuegbuzie, 2007). My conversations with Hispanic women indicated limited recognition of the term resilie nce. To assess the extent to which the CRF's conceptualization of resilience has trickled down to the local/county level, I asked county/local stakeholders if they had heard of the CRF and if so, how they utilized it in their work . If they had not heard of the CRF, I asked if they had heard of resilience at all, and what their understanding and use of it was. Resilience from the Top Down In the subsequent sections I assess the extent to which resilience, as conceptualized in the CRF, is trickling down to the local/county level and examine Hispanic women's knowledge of

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! ! 103 resilience (see Figure 5 .3). To begin I review the CRF's overall approach to resilience. I then review the interviews with local/county stakeholders to assess the extent to which they had heard of the CRF and if they had, how they incorporated it into their work . Figure 5 .3. Resilience from the top down The Colorado Resiliency Framework The goals of the Colorado Resiliency Framework (CRF) are not to mitigate specific hazards or to build the capacities of specific sectors. Rather, the framework aims to examine pathways to build resilience and to identify me chanisms and strategies that can support communities across the state to create their own resilience building activities. Ultimately, with stakeholder and local engagement, the Colorado Resilience & Recovery Office (CRRO) developed a framework that include d the identification of hazards across the state, the development of resiliency sectors, and the creation of strategies to ameliorate key issues in communities across the state. These last two sections are of particular relevance to this research

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! ! 104 project b oth in regard to the hazards that are identified in the report and the risks they pose to certain populations, as well as those issues and strategies identified in each resiliency sector . The CRF includes the concepts of both vulnerability and risk . In lo oking at physical risk, the CRF includes both environmental hazards along with structural and systemic hazards including drought, floods, landslides, tornados, wildfires and winter storms amongst others . They also go further to delineate vulnerability eith er in relation to shocks (direct vulnerability) or to stressors (indirect vulnerability) that are based on "underlying economic, social, and environmental conditions" (Governor's Office The State of Colorado, 2015, pp. 3 Ð 2) . Whereas the former, direct vulnerability, can be addressed via hazard mitigation, indirect vulnerability, acc ording to the CRF can be addressed via resiliency planning (Governor's Office The State of Colorado, 2015) . In addition to defining vulnera bility, the CRF also characterizes resilience according to an ability to adapt and thrive. Specifically, the CRF defines resilience as the abilityÉ to rebound, positively adapt to, or thrive amidst changing conditions or challenges including disasters an d climate change and maintain quality of life, healthy growth, durable systems, and conservation of resources for present and future generations (Governor's Office The State of Colorado, 2015, pp. 1 Ð 2) In this definition, resilience is defined in reaction to shocks and stresses and with the goal of improving systems to be "durable ," to experience "healthy growth" and to adapt regardless of the disturbance. Here then, resilience is broadly focused on improving and strengthening systems, rather than providing support to distinct populations. Building off this definition of resilien ce the CRF identifies six resilience sectors. As indicated in Figure 5 .4, these sectors include community, economic resiliency, housing, health and social, infrastructure, and watersheds and natural resources . Within each of these sectors the framework ide ntifies issues/problems that could constrain resilience while also elucidating actions to overcome these barriers .

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! ! 105 Figure 5 .4 . Colorado Resiliency Framework Sectors (Source: The Colorado Resiliency Framework, 2015) . Further, the CRF provides an overview of environmental hazards that pose a risk to communities across the state and their potential to cause disruptions across sectors . However, the question remains as to whether or not those issues that vulnerable populations' view as haz ards are included as well. To answer this question, I assessed if and the extent to which resilience, as conceptualized by the CRF, is reaching the local/county and community levels . In examining how the CRF plays out at the local level I asked local/coun ty stakeholders if they had heard of the CRF and if so, how and if they integrated it into their plans/programs and services . Of the nine people I spoke with, only two had heard of the framework and neither of them was integrating it into their work. That said, many of the programs and services that the participants were in charge of or worked on, fall within several of the resiliency sectors outlined in the CRF including emergency management (health & social sector), family support (community sector), and affordable housing (housing sector) . Therefore, even while these local

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! ! 106 and county level programs are not specifically using the CRF to guide their programming, they are still implementing services and programs that contribute to resilience . To conclude, there is limited knowledge of the CRF at the local and county level, at least amongst the stakeholders with whom I spoke (see Figure 5 .5) . It is unclear whether this is due to geographic distance from the Colorado Resilience and Recovery Office (CRRO) in Denver or because of low outreach. However, even without following the strategies outlined in the CRF, there exists some local programming that aligns with some of the priorities outlined in the resilience sectors in the CRF as well as with women's priorit ies (mental health services, financial education classes etc.) However, there is an even bigger chasm between the state level resiliency framework and what's happening on the ground. The Hispanic women I recognized only minimally recognized the concept of resilience . Figure 5 .5. Top down Analysis

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! ! 107 Resilience from The Ground Up The following sections assess whether, and how, Hispanic women's priorities are being integrated into local and county programs and into the CRF. As illustrated by Figure 5 .6, I first examined how and if Hispanic women's concerns are integrated and addressed at the local/county level by evaluating interviews I conducted with local/county stakeholders based on two criteria. Namely, a) if participants' concerns were mentioned in the interviews (via a keyword search) and b) if so, how they were mentioned and/or integrated into plans, policies, programs and/or discussions at the local level and county level . Figure 5 .6 Analysis of the integration of Hispanic women's priorities at the local/county leve l In my keyword search I included concerns mentioned explicitly by the women with whom I spoke, such as finances, immigration, snowstorms/commute. I also included those concerns that emerged from these conversations, namely social isolation and physical and mental wellbeing . Further, I included different versions of each word to ensure that my search did not inadvertently

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! ! 108 omit results that were pertinent to each concept ( i.e., finances, economics, money, affordability, affordable et c.). The results from this keyword search are detailed in Table 5 .2 below. Table 5 .2: Keyword List and Local/County Interviews Word Count Keyword List Local/County Interviews Word Count • ! Affordable 13 o ! Affordability 0 o ! Affordable Housing 10 • ! Transportation 14 o ! Commute/Commuters 7 • ! Economic 17 o ! Economy 10 o ! Finance(s) 3 o ! Money 32 • ! Job(s) 45 • ! Weather 2 o ! Snow 12 • ! Social 17 o ! Social Support 0 o ! Social Capital 0 • ! Health, healthy, healthcare 49 o ! Mental Health 1 o ! (Behavioral) Health 1 • ! Immigration 8 o ! Immigrant 12 o ! Deportation 1 A keyword search of interviews with local/county stakeholders reveals that our conversations touched on many of the key issues that the women brought up . Words concerning health (mentioned 49 times) and occupation (mentioned 45 times) were the issues that were most

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! ! 109 discussed, with financial concerns (money appeared 32 time) the next most often mentioned issue, followed by economic (n=17), transportation (n= 14), affordable (n=13), immigrant (n=12) and snow (n=12). However, these were not mentioned as often as economic and immigration concerns. Therefore, at least as pertains to the topics of conversation, interviews with local/county stakeholders reveal that these teachers, emergency managers, planners, and service providers are in tune with the needs of this particular population, at least at a superficial level as our conversations touched on health, job concerns, financial stressors, immigrants and transpo rtation and snow . That said, word counts can only reveal the frequency of certain words, which, while valuable for analyzing the overall topics discussed in conversation, does not provide insight into the context behind each word . The context aspect of t he KWIC methodology helps to understand if the identification of key needs and concerns is purely superficial, or if understanding a) goes more in depth and b) translates to specific programming or services (or at least aims to do so) . Interdependencies In examining the context around each word, the transcripts reveal that local/county stakeholders understand the interdependent and sometimes intractable nature of these issues, where documentation issues can have a cascading impact on employment, which its elf is vital to providing a stable economic foundation. Stacey, a local/county stakeholder, specifically links her perception of Hispanic women's greatest risk to one of their main concerns noting that their "greatest security risk is just not having Ð um papers yep. So, that impacts their employment which is their biggest worry." Here then, similarly to those risks and concerns that Hispanic women identified, Stacey identifies how documentation issues place Hispanic women at risk, which directly contribut es to their concerns around employment .

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! ! 110 Kate, another local/county stakeholder, extends these interdependencies to the debate surrounding affordable housing noting how both public and private offerings often fail to account for the undocumented population . She notes that some public affordable housing may not be available to the undocumented community because of regulations around documentation, while at the same time private developments raise questions of "is it truly affordable" (Kate, local/county stak eholder) and what community/population they serve . Intersectionality provides a lens through which to view the intractability of the affordable housing problem . As Kate describes it, the current offerings for affordable housing account for low income documented residents or for higher income undocumented residents. They do not account for those communities that exist at the intersection of these two categories, namely low income undocumented residents . Furthering this vulnerability is instability in the housing market, which Paul, another local/county stakeholder, views as a greater risk to Hispanic women's security than that of losing a job. As he notes, É just the lack of security in their housing is probably the biggest concern I would say that p eople haveÉ and obviously if you lose your job that is always a concern. But I think there's actually a bigger danger of losing your housing if you are in a rental situation, that's hard. Um there's no real stability, I mean rents have increased just drama tically. Part of this instability in the housing market is, according to Paul, due to shifting rental trends where landlords are transitioning from long term to short term rentals, thereby reducing the available of housing for year round employees . Whil e the Hispanic women I spoke with did not explicitly mention this shift, increasing rental costs as a result of these changes will have an impact on the tenuous balance between housing, utilities and food that many of the women I spoke with are currently j uggling.

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! ! 111 Building Community Contextual analysis of the word "social" shows that many of the references were in regards to social media use. However, that of building community is yet another aspect that emerged from my conversations with local/county st akeholders . Specifically , in regards to the social isolation and mental health concerns that emerged from interviews with Hispanic women, two of the local/county stakeholders , Ashley and Karen, seemed to recognize the ways in which their programs provided the women with a space to build community, even though this was not the intended outcome of their programming. As Ashley and Karen relate below, Karen: I almost feel sometimes we were better at building community and making that structure than actually tea ching them English. Ashley: RightÉ it was parties and social hour. Karen: Yeah, which I think is equally beneficial for someone who's Ð learning to be in a community in an English speaking environment . Karen and Ashley's sense that their programming p rovided their students with a community aligns with what emerged from my conversations with Hispanic women . For example, a student in the ESL class, Rosa, assert ed that the class was like a "second family" to her. In a sense, this story highlights the h idden benefits of connecting Hispanic women to community resources and programming. Indeed, while learning English is the overt goal of the course, the fostering of bonding and bridging capital is a secondary outcome. Not only do the Hispanic women form bo nding capital by building relationships with each other, but they also build bridging capital through their relationships with their teachers (Aldrich & Meyer, 2015) . Notably, viewed through an intersectional lens this course inadvertently acknowledges the particular needs and experiences of this group of Hispanic women. While men were more than welcome to join the class , it consisted of solely women. Further, because the goal of the

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! ! 112 course was to learn English, all of the wom en who were a part of the class were native Spanish speakers. As a result, the course became a program that provided for the particular social and educational needs (both overt and not) of Hispanic women who lived and worked in the community . Other Concer ns Aside from the confirmation of the importance of these classes for social support, there was less mention of the physical and mental health of these women during the local/county stakeholder interviews. The only mention of health was in regards to publi c health programs and in navigating complexities around health insurance. Similarly, while I discussed snow, weather and transportation issues with local/county level stakeholders, our conversations about these topics were dissimilar from the ones I had w ith Hispanic women . In talking about transportation, our conversations focused more on transportation as a system (i.e ., the impacts of drivers on the infrastructure of the roads and the desire to offer more public transportation options to community members). While , local/county stakeholders did acknowledge many people in the high country commuted for work, our conversatio ns focused less on the impacts of weather and snowstorms on daily commutes. This lack of a focus on mental and physical health issues, as well as less emphasis placed on the impacts of weather on commutes , does not necessarily mean a corresponding lack of attention to these issues overall in the community. Rather, because of the high number of people who commute, it could be that commuting long distances in the snow is businesses as usual and as such does not emerge as a top concern. Further, because I was unable to connect with health providers, it could be that my results were skewed towards the topics that the local/county

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! ! 113 stakeholders I interviewed were most familiar with because of their occupations (housing, planning, emergency management, public heal th etc.) While compared to other issues immigration appears less often in conversations, local/county stakeholders recognize that the immigrant population is a part of their community. As Linda, a local/county stakeholder, says, "I think we are very open to our immigrant populations because we know we can't run the services that we run without them." Here, she recognizes the importance of the immigrant population to the successful operations of programs and services throughout the area. Further, as discuss ed above in regards to documentation issues and affordable housing, participants showed an awareness of how immigration can shape this population's housing options. To conclude, local/county stakeholders' responses via both a word count and contextual ana lysis show that they are aware of many of the concerns that emerged from my interviews with Hispanic women. However, while this analysis revealed recognition of these issues it also highlighted a need to explore how and if efforts to address these concerns were underway in the area . In order to address this gap, I examined programming and services offered in the research site and within nearby towns (many of which were identified by the Hispanic women I spoke with earlier in the year). Programs Based on the programs and organizations Hispanic women and local/county stakeholders mention, as well as via an online search, there exist a variety of organizations and services within the area that do at least nominally address some of the issues the women raised including immigration, housing, mental health and financial concerns . These services include mental health services, such as SolVista in Leadville, CO, housing affordability programs in Breckenridge, CO

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! ! 114 and Summit County, CO, family and youth services, En glish as a Second Language (ESL) and General Education Development (GED) classes, budgeting and finance tutorials, public health initiatives such as Lake County Build A Generation, church and women's groups and emergency management outreach . In addition t o programming offered by community non profits and local governments, the local communities themselves are also seeking ways to support participants . Stacey brought up one local effort where the community brought in several immigration lawyers to talk with the community regarding immigration concerns. As she relates, We've been -as a community talking about ways to Ð help families. And we've had several community meetings where they could um get information from immigration lawyers and have a list of what they should do in that case . So, what do you do with your bank accounts, and your cars and your trucks, and your houses, and your children and things like that. Further, the Family & Intercultural Resource Center in Summit County, organized a similar "Know Your Rights" event with the local sheriff's office focused on providing information to community members and clarifying rumors regarding immigration policy (Lamb, 2017) . Even given the existence of these pr ograms, there is less information about their effectiveness and who and if vulnerable populations are actually accessing them. While I know, based on my interviews, that many of the women I spoke with are accessing some local mental health services and att ending ESL and GED courses and women's groups, I know less about how they might be accessing governmental social services, their involvement in public health initiatives or their knowledge of workforce housing programs, as they did not mention them in our conversations when I asked about the resources they utilized for support on a daily basis. Therefore, while there exist services that address participants' concerns at the local level, outside of my sample, it is a challenge to assess overall uptake and re ach of the services offered . Further,

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! ! 115 while community programs can provide services to address issues at the local level, ultimately, the genesis of many of these issues stems from larger scale policies and processes, making communities' capacity to deal w ith them somewhat limited . In contrast, many ski resorts across Colorado, as compared to local non profits, could have the economic wherewithal to address some of these issues at a larger scale . With a few exceptions ( i.e. , providing employee bus passes) , most of their involvement is in developing affordable housing for employees. However, this "affordable housing" does not often address the specific needs ( i.e., a family with children) of the Hispanic women I interviewed for this research project . Again , intersectionality highlights here how programming that addresses only one issue, in this case housing for lower income individuals, rather than housing for lower income individuals with families, is limited in its effectiveness . M any ski resorts in Colorado have a corresponding philanthropic arm which works with local community organizations and offers employee grants. The Telluride Foundation (Telluride Ski Resort), the Epic Promise Foundation (Vail Ski Resorts), and the Environment Foundation (Aspe n Ski Resort) are a few of these philanthropic entities . However, while these initiatives are laudable, an intersectional perspective illustrates how the structure of such efforts may inadvertently leave out those they are trying to help, even if they are targeted to a specific population. For example, the Vail Valley Charitable fund "provides assistance to individuals who live or work in the Vail Valley who are experiencing a financial hardship due to a medical crisis or a long term illness that impacts th e individual's ability to provide su pport for himself or his family " (Vail Valley Charitable Fund, 2013) . Perla Garcia, one of the Hispanic women I interviewed, would benefit from this fund as she is unable to work as the result of her inju ries from a work accident. However, to qualify, she must be "a U.S. Citizen or Documented Resident

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! ! 116 of the U.S", which she is not (Vail Valley Charitable Fund, 2013 ) . Therefore, while the fund would provide support to someone suffering a medical crisis, it does not support an undocumented individual suffering a medical crisis. Additionally, knowing about these types of efforts and grants may requires a certain amount of know how on the part of the applicants to a) be a ble to find and identify grants that they are able to apply for and b) to be able to navigate the application process. The fact that such programs and services exist speaks to the fact that community organizations and resorts recognize, to a certain exten t, some of the daily issues that these Hispanic women face. However, that these are continuing issues for these women suggests that there remains a gap between the provision and uptake of these services . This raises the question of how to best support thes e women in navigating a complex philanthropic and non profit system while also figuring out the most effective way to get the word out about available services so as to close the gap between services offered and community needs. Many of the issues identif ied by the Hispanic women I spoke with show up in my interviews with local/county stakeholders and in local and community programming. However, while these concerns show up in name, questions remain regarding the uptake of services addressing these issues, at least amongst the women interviewed for this project . Whether or not their priorities continue to show up at the state level, and the extent to which they are integrated into the CRF is the focus of the following section . Alignment with the Colorado Resiliency Framework The following section examines how and if Hispanic women's priorities are integrated into the CRF (see Figure 5 .7) . In exploring this issue, I considered two questions: a) do participants' top concerns appear in the CRF, and if so b) are they addressed in a way that is

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! ! 117 relevant to participants . As Table 5 .3 shows, many of their priorities do, at least in looking at the word count, in fact show up in the framework . Health (n=114), economic (n=77), social (n=49) top the word counts, wit h transportation (n=26) and affordable (n=20) following . Figure 5 .7. Analysis of the integration of Hispanic women's priorities within the CRF That health, economic and social are the most frequent words (at least from my word search list) in the document is most likely due to the fact that "economic" and "Health and Social" are the names of two of the six resiliency sectors in the CRF . At the same time however, that they are the focus of two out of six sectors suggests, beyond their frequency, the ir importance overall to resilience as outlined in the CRF .

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! ! 118 Table 5 .3: Keyword List and CRF Word Counts Keyword List CRF • ! Affordable 20 o ! Affordability 1 o ! Affordable Housing 14 • ! Transportation 26 o ! Commute/Commuters 0 • ! Economic 77 o ! Economy 16 o ! Finance(s) 2 o ! Money 2 • ! Job(s) 11 • ! Weather 5 o ! Snow 14 • ! Social 49 o ! Social Support 0 o ! Social Capital 0 • ! Health, healthy, healthcare 114 o ! Mental Health 10 o ! (Behavioral) Health 2 • ! Immigration 0 o ! Immigrant 1 o ! Deportation 0 The number of times the Hispanic women's priorities showed up in the framework indicates that the CRF recognizes, at least at the broadest level, many of the issues that are pertinent to their lives. However, while a keyword search turns up matching words and phrases, a more in depth analysis, looking at context, shows only a partial and superficial treatment of Hispanic women's specific concerns and more of a focus on the broader scale processes and phenomenon outlined in the conceptual model (see Figure 5 .1) . This limited approach may be due to the framework's use as a guide for communities to implement their own resilience efforts, rather than as a manual for how to address specific issues. The economic and housing sections in the CRF discuss concerns re garding the increased costs of living across the state and the potential economic implications of a disruption to the tourism economy on communities across Colorado. Specifically, the economic section defines economic resiliency as "the ability of a system or market to maintain function and absorb and

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! ! 119 rebound from immediate stress or shock" (Governor's Office The State of Colorado, 2015, pp. 4 Ð 9) . The focus is on building the capacity of a system and not on the needs of populations within the system that may need to "maintain function and absorb and rebound from immediate stress or sh ock" in order to be resilient. To build economic resilience the authors identify strategies to support workforce development, economic diversification, and support for local businesses impacted by disruptions. However, while these solutions may be slightly more specific to the needs of a vulnerable population than a general focus on building a resilient system, here and now these strategies do little to assuage Hispanic women's daily financial stressors regarding balancing housing, food and utility costs. Kristy's story of unemployment illustrates the importance of addressing these pressing needs along with workforce development. For a fourth month period both she and her husband were unable to find work. Faced with mounting bills for rent and elect ricity and needing money to pay for their young son of 8 months, she and her husband resorted to pawning their jewelry for less than it was worth and to collecting aluminum cans to sell. While ultimately, she found a job, years later these 4 months of scra ping by stick with her. W hile workforce development and businesses continuity plans would support recovering from disruptions, an intersectional approach raises questions about the assumptions on which these efforts are based . Would this workforce de velopment include undocumented immigrants in need of training, or would their lack of papers exclude them from the program? Further, while continuity of operations plans would help businesses to maintain their functioning throughout and following a disast er, which would be key to providing economic support to their employees, if their employees are already struggling financially, these plans do less to address these more pressing issues.

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! ! 120 However, the CRF does recognize the financial burdens facing Colorad oans specifically due to limited affordable housing options and commuting costs (Governor's Office The State of Colorado, 2015) . Further, m any affordable housing units, because of the relatively cheaper price of land, are located in environmentally hazardous areas (Governor's Office The State of Colorado, 2015) . To addresses these issues the CRF calls for housing located outside of hazardous areas, and built with "durable construction materials and design features that limit the impacts of natural disasters" (Governor's Office The State of Colorado, 2015, pp. 4 Ð 17) , as well for personal preparedness, the involvement of the community and the government in providing resilient infrastructure . Again, while these efforts would contribute to creating a housing system that is more resilient, it is less clear how these solutions would manifest at the local lev el . While mobile homes are an affordable option for many Hispanic women, due to location and structure, they can increase people's vulnerability (Cutter et al., 2003; Fothergill & Peek, 2004) . Would creating a resilient housing stock do away with mobile homes alt ogether thereby reducing affordable housing stock, or could the mobile homes be retrofitted with durable construction materials? If the latter, whose responsibility would it be to implement these upgrades . The Hispanic women I spoke with are already econom ically burdened and so their financial capacity to pay for these types of upgrades is quite limited . In regards to health, while there is one mention of "individual health" (Governor's Office The State of Colorado, 2015, pp. 3 Ð 11) as a characteristic of a resilient community within the CRF, the focus is largely on health as a s ystem. Indeed, the first sentence of the Health and Social Section of the CRF highlights this focus stating that "a resilient health and social service system is one in which the health and well being of a community is a shared responsibility among all lev els of society (Governor's Office The State of Colorado, 2015, pp. 4 Ð 12) .

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! ! 121 Notably, the CRF highlights the importance of both mental and physical health both in regards to chronic stressors and following disasters (2015). It also calls for programs designed for vulnerable populations in particular (2015) . The authors go on to not e that "within vulnerable populations there may be unique chronic stresses" (Governor's Office The State of Colorado, 2015, pp. 4 Ð 14) . However, there is less of a focus on these issues as tied to economic, immigration and work related stressors and the ways in which these stressors might contribute to social isolation. As a result, there is limited analysis of the mechanisms to address these stressors and their root causes, beyond a mention of low income communities having "persistent u nmet behavioral health needs" (Governor's Office The State of Colorado, 2015, pp. 4 Ð 14) . Any mention of immigration and deportation and its impacts on the financial stability or mental health of families is absent from the CRF. Given the importance of the threat of deportation to the Hispanic women I spoke with, and the interco nnected nature of this phenomenon ( i.e., deportation can contribute to added financial stress), even if financial concerns and health concerns are nominally addressed in the CRF, omitting immigration effectively excludes this population's particular experi ence from the framework. Their financial and health concerns may be addressed through the strategies identified in the CRF, but if they are ultimately rooted in immigration policy, these strategies will fall short. In regards to environmental hazards, the CRF mentions many of the same hazards ( for example, winter storms, a changing climate, drought, wildfires, and floods ) identified in the Colorado Hazards Mitigation Plan . Pertaining to the concerns that emerged from interviews with Hispanic women, the CRF specifically mentions winter storms and their role in disrupting commutes and causing traffic accidents resulting in injury and/or death (2015). While there is an awareness of road safety, the solutions proposed for this issue are more focused on the

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! ! 122 infr astructure that supports transportation and options for public transportation than on how to reduce the specific risks of commuting that emerged from my interviews with Hispanic women . Further, in regards to environmental hazards, the CRF details the eco nomic vulnerability of the tourism industry to environmental hazards writing that, Although resort areas and areas with strong tourism based economies have achieved economic success, these areas remain very vulnerable to the impacts of years with below n ormal precipitation and snow pack, as well as the real and perceived effects of other disasters such as floods and wildfires (Governor's Office The State of Colorado, 2015, pp. 3 Ð 12) . These issues the economic vulnerability of the tourism industry to a changing climate and extreme events did not emerge in my conversations wi th Hispanic women. Indeed, they pertain more to the interconnected and broader scale processes tourism, development and hazards detailed in the conceptual model detailed above (see Figure 5 .1) than to the concerns of the women I interviewed . To conclude , a ground up analysis reveals that Hispanic women's priorities are nominally addressed at the local and county level . As Figure 5 .8 indicates below, even given local and county stakeholders' recognition of many of these priorities, gaps remain in program uptake and access at the local level. Further, there is limited acknowledgement of these priorities with the CRF and limited success in holistically addressing their concerns within the framework .

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! ! 123 Figure 5 .8. Ground up Analysis Plan Quality Evaluation In seeking to assess the overall alignment between the CRF and Hispanic women's needs and priorities, the main criteria I utilized stemmed from Berke & Godschalk's (2009) plan quality evaluation criteria. While they outline seven characteristics of internal plan quality and three pertaining to external plan quality (See Table 5 .4 below) to assess overall plan quality, I selected two criteria that I determined as relevant to guiding my evaluation of alignment between the CRF and Hispanic women's p riorities .

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! ! 124 Internal Characteristics • ! Issue identification and vision • ! Goals • ! Fact base • ! Policies • ! Implementation • ! Monitoring and evaluation • ! Internal consistency External Characteristics • ! Organization and presentation • ! Interorganizational coordination • ! Compliance Table 5.4: "Characteristics of Plan Quality That Serve as Evaluation Criteria" (adapted from Berke & Godschalk, 2009) Specifically, I evaluated the CRF using the characteristics of issue identification and vision (internal). As Be rke & Godschalk describe these criteria, issue identification and vision pertain to: Description of community needs, assets, trends, and future vision Assessment of major issues, trends, and impacts of forecasted change Description of major opportunitie s for and threats to desirable land use and development A vision that identifies what the community wants to be (2009, pp. 231) . For the purposes of this research project, I assessed the CRF using the first two criteria listed above . Further, while I did not specifically assess the external characteristics of the plan as outlined in Table 4.4, I did so broadly and in line with Berke & Godschalk's overall description of external plan quality, which "accounts for the relevance of the scope and coverage to r eflect stakeholder values and the local situation to maximize use and influence of the plan (2009, pp . 229). While this latter criteria is aimed towards increasing the overall reach of the plan, whether or not it reflects the local situation and stakeholde r values is an important characteristic outside of the aim to "maximize its use." According to the issue identification and vision characteristics, the CRF, at least in name, describes community needs and major issues. Specifically, it identifies similar issues and needs

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! ! 125 as emerged from my interviews with Hispanic women including affordable housing, finances and environmental hazards (snowstorms) . However, according to the external criteria, the CRF is less successful at aligning with Hispanic women's need s because of the scale of its focus. Specifically, within the CRF these key issues and concerns are framed as broader system processes ( i.e., transportation as a system) rather than as specific issues relevant to Hispanic women's particular experiences ( i .e., transportation as commuting). This suggests that, as illustrated in the conceptual model (see Figure 4.1), that the CRF includes strategies that address the outermost layers of the model, rather than the experiences described by Hispanic women and rep resented by the innermost layer of the model. Bringing them together Figure 5 .9 (see below) summarizes the findings from both a ground up and top down analysis. An examination of resilience from the top down and from the ground up reveals limited integration between the sample population's concerns, the local/county level, the CRF and vice versa. In applying the women's priorities to the CRF and local level, their priorities are addressed to some degree at the local/county level and in the CRF, although rather superficially. That a number of Hispanic women's top concerns were touche d on in the conversations I had with local/county stakeholders shows that those responsible for providing programs and services to their local communities are, to a certain extent, aware of their constituents' concerns. However, barriers to uptake and acce ss of these programs remain.

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! ! 126 Figure 5 .9 . Combined Approaches to Resilience From the top down, the CRF's approach to resilience has made limited inroads amongst county and local level stakeholders and has limited recognition amongst the Hispanic women I spoke with . The CRF highlights the difficulty in connecting populations to resources, noting that A fast growing population is often transient and has various cultural and language differences that make it difficult to connect these new residents to existing community networks that provide support services and resiliency education (Governor's Office The State of Colorado, 2015, pp. 4 Ð 19) . Relevant to the women with whom I spoke, cultural and language differences ( i.e., not speaking English or und erstanding how to access key services) influence these missed connections, which contributes to the isolation of one system from the other and to the lack of true alignment between the CRF and women's needs. These limited connections exist between the syst em envisioned with the CRF and the women's system within which they live and work not only because of language differences but because of the misalignment between levels and identified strategies at one end and emerging needs at the other end .

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! ! 127 The CRF ide ntifies strategies that could ultimately benefit the women I spoke with. Yet, if they are not adapted to the women's particular needs, then ultimately these strategies will result in resilience for some, but not for all. The CRF identifies, for example, wo rkforce development as one strategy for building economic resilience (2015) . However, for the women I spoke with, their needs are focused more on pressing and emergent financial concerns linked to residency status than on long term career planning . On one hand, workforce development can go a long way towards building a resilient economy. However, on the other hand, it can only be effective if it is of value and relevant for the workforce involved. Structuring the workforce training program so as to incorpor ate these needs can contribute to the resilience of the system and the vulnerable populations embedded in it . Spanish speaking programs, for example, that accommodate women's work schedules and do not require residency documents would be one way to connect the overall strategy to the needs on the ground. Further, these misalignments offer an opportunity for leveraging the local and county level to transfer knowledge both from the top down and from the bottom up to connect vulnerable populations to needed se rvices and resources and, conversely, to connect resources to vulnerable populations. As indicated in Figure 5 . 10 , efforts or opportunities at the local/county level can be leveraged to connect these two systems. GED and ESL classes provided a mechanism fo r connecting the women with whom I spoke not only to each other, but to resources within the normative system. More of these types of connections should be implemented, yet with careful consideration of the issues they aim to address and the mechanism thro ugh which they are offered . The teachers of both of these courses, for example, were key in the success of connecting these women to the services.

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! ! 128 Identifying individuals that straddle both systems and who can facilitate engagement can help to build these connections. These so called cultural brokers (Jezewski, 1990) would ideally be able to foster connections through solicting the priorities and needs of community members and addressing them through leveraging resources at the county/local level. Alternat ively, if resources already exist for a particular issue or program, the cultural broker could apply their knowledge of community member's needs to structure the programming or services so that they are effective and relevant (i.e workforce training offere d in Spanish, and which accomodates people's work and home schedules) . Starting with the needs and perceptions of said vulnerable group is one way in which to ensure that the connections created and the resources that flow through them are of value and rel evant to that group . Ultimately, as the workforce training example illustrates, what these connections look like and how they are structured should be culturally appropriate and based on priorities that are relevant to the vulnerable population . Figure 5 .10. Linkages Between Systems

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! ! 129 Vulnerability & Resilience Efforts to incorporate populations that live at the intersection of social categories that influence their risk and vulnerability should be addressed, but currently fall short. Social vulnera bility research shows that the poor, women and minorities are most at risk from disasters because of a variety of social and institutional forces that push lower income populations and communities of color, for example, to live in hazardous areas and which influence the amount of capital they have available to recover following a disaster . In following an intersectional approach, any efforts to support women, or minorities, or lower income populations may leave out those populations that live at the interse ction of these identities namely Hispanic women of a lower socio economic status. While efforts to target different sets of vulnerable populations ( i.e., women, minorities, the homeless) are important, these efforts could be expanded to address and support those populations that fall between the cracks of set identities of vulnerability . A ground up approach (see Figure 4.9), can support creating connectio ns and initiatives that account for these populations. Further, grounding these programs and services within vulnerable communities allows for the resilient aspects of their communities to be a part of the expanded system conceptualized in Figure 5. 1 . The se communities may have developed mechanisms that allow them to be resilient within their own system . The bonding ties the women had with their extended family is an example of one such mechanism that contributes to this population's ability to weather the ir day to day stressors as are the connections they created with each other and their teachers during their ESL and GED classes. However, even given that vulnerable populations may have developed characteristics and mechanisms that contribute to their resilience, their vulnerability may persist. As Perla Garcia's

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! ! 130 story below illustrates, sometimes resilience is conflated with surviv al . As such, surviving does little to lesson people's vulnerability . I heard Perla Garcia's traumatic story in her mobile home. When I arrived, because she was still recovering from a work accident that had occurred seven months earlier, she was seated on her couch with crutches lying next to her . Her son, who had dropped out of school to help care for his mom, was crouched over a large bird cage cleaning it out with gloves and a newspaper . Over the course of our hour long conversation, she related her sto ry to me . In the last year, she had fallen at her work as a housekeeper, which resulted in multiple injuries that prevented her from returning to work right away. Just two months later she was involved in a car accident in which she was injured and, sadly, the friend she was with passed away. While she is receiving limited financial support from disability benefits and assistance from local wrap around services, which is an " intensive, individualized care planning and management process " (National Wraparound Initiative, 2018) , she is struggling to pay the rent and cover expenses for food and other necessities. Addit ionally, these trials are just what had happened to her in the past year. She also has a son with schizophrenia and was granted a U Visa, which is designated for victims of abuse, because this same son was abused when he was a child. Perla Garcia's story was hard to hear. Not only is she physically suffering, but the ripple effects of these accidents are apparent in the financial stress her family is under and in her son's disrupted education . Even with support from extended family and social services, the y are barely making it . However, even given the challenges her life presents, in response to my explanation of the concept of resilience, Perla Garcia responded, "Pues yo digo que si soy (I would say that I am)". She goes on to explain that she considers h erself resilient because, "he aguantado muchas cosas" (I have endured many things) and because she continues to fight and endure .

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! ! 131 Here, she conflates resilience with survival and her vulnerability persists. Perla Garcia's story illustrates the complexity of the relationship between vulnerability and resilience, revealing how individuals may be resilient (aka surviving) while, at the same time, remaining vulnerable . Further, while disability support and wrap around services are helping her to survive, these programs and other similar services that link vulnerable populations to needed support and resources do less to address the systemic inequities that contribute to their vulnerability in the first place. Rather, characteristics that contribute to the soci al vulnerability of individual and/or groups of people are rooted in broader scale structural and institutional systems that place them at a disadvantage. Initiatives that seek to build the resilience of these systems, such as resilience frameworks, that o nly address issues of vulnerability, such as gender, ethnicity or poverty and not the system itself, will be limited in their capacity to actually create real change and truly resilient systems . With this in mind, vulnerable individuals/communities may continue to live in so called "resilient" systems, thereby masking their continued vulnerability and persistent inequities in disaster resilience and recovery policy. Conclusion The CRF notes that "individuals and communities that are vulnerable to hazards can also be resilient in the face of disaster, particularly if they are empowered to drive their own recovery process" (Governor's Office The State of Colorado, 2015, pp. 3 Ð 11) . While this comment highlights empowerment as the mechanism through which individuals and com munities can be resilient, what empowerment looks like will vary by community . How empowerment and resilience are defined will also be depend on the viewpoints and specific experiences of vulnerable communities the CRF aims to support.

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! ! 132 While the goal of t he CRF is to "to serve as a road map for making resiliency an everyday practice in Colorado" (Governor's Office The State of Colorado, 2015) , a knowledge transfer gap between the local/county level and the state level exists. Further, the priorities of Hispanic women who live in a rural mountain town in Colorado are not fully addressed at the local/county level or within the CRF . Within this r oad map, efforts to link the needs of specific vulnerable populations to available resources could be, to a certain degree, based from the ground up with the needs defining the programs and services offered, rather than the resilience sectors within the CR F fully determining where and how resilience is structured . While mitigating risks from environmental hazards and recognizing their role in undercutting the success of the tourism industry is vital, so too is integrating strategies that address the inner m ost layers of the conceptual model (see Figure 5 .11) . Doing so will ensure that the entirety of the system is addressed, rather than just the outermost layers of the model . The following section discusses recommendations and mechanisms for doing so thereby ensuring that vulnerable populations' needs as well as their strengths are incorporated into resilience efforts.

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! ! 133 Figure 5 .11. Conceptual Model

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! ! 134 CHAPTER V I CONCLUSION As resilience is increasingly utilized to plan for and address disruptions from sudden events (e.g. disasters) and chronic stressors (e.g. economic downtowns) questions about resilience to what, for who, and by whom persist (Leichenko, 2011; Mee row & Newell, 2016; Meerow, Newell, & Stults, 2016) . These questions highlight issues of equity and power . Decisions regarding what resilience looks like, who implements it, and who it serves are ultimately rooted in power dynamics between communities a nd those implementing resilience from the top down . Further, building a resilient system ( i.e., a city), may have negative implications for vulnerable populations who live within said system . This research project examine d this mismatch between systems lev el resilience and resilience for vulnerable populations by eliciting the viewpoints of a vulnerable population and comparing their priorities and understandings of resilience with resilience as understood at the local/county level and as conceptualized wit hin the Colorado Resiliency Framework (CRF) with the ultimate goal of furthering our understanding of the relationship between resilience and vulnerability. Research on resilience and vulnerability illustrates that questions regarding the relationship bet ween the two concepts remain. While Fordham et al. (2013 ) review three approaches outlined in the literature including the "flip side" approach, where resilience and vulnerability are in contrast to each other; the "inclusive approach," where resilience is a characteristic of vulnerability; and the third approach where characteristics of vulnerability are altogether different from resilience, this case qualitative case study provides further nuance to this discussion though examining how the concepts relate on the ground. Specifically, the results from this case study illustrate the need to first define the scale at which resilience is applied and

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! ! 135 to identify the specific characteristics of vulnerab ility it hopes to address. Using resilience at a systems level and as a panacea for addressing vulnerability in general, for example, helps to make a community or system resilient overall, but does less to support a specific vulnerable population within th e system. However, even if the scale at which resilience is applied aligns with the specific needs of vulnerable populations challenges remain in ensuring that resilience does not mask the ongoing needs of vulnerable populations and that resilience is not conflated with survival. For this case study, I solicited the viewpoints of Hispanic women, many of whom work for the tourism industry, and who live in a rural mountain town in Colorado . Their status as women, Hispanics, and of lower income independently , and in combination, give rise to their vulnerability to hazards as these characteristics are rooted in broader structural patterns that contribute to their vulnerability. Further, w hile these women's livelihoods are tied to the success of the tourism in dustry in Colorado, the tourism industry itself benefits from employing low wage workers to fill their employment and service needs. However, because the industry depends on the amenities provided by the natural environment it is susceptible to the ongoin g short and long term disruptions of environmental hazards and a changing climate . Such disruptions would have broad economic and social consequences for the industry, as well as for the workers who support the provision of services within the industry . An avalanche, or rock slide, for example, which prevents workers from getting to work, would not only impact the workers' incomes, but also compromise the luxury services available at resorts, which itself could lead to economic disruptions, with ensuing n egative feedback to workers. Climate c hange, for example, could have cascading impacts on workers livelihoods because of the recreation based and water dependent nature of many of the resorts. Shortened ski

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! ! 136 seasons due to low snowfall and low river levels for rafting the summer due to drought could lead to a reduction in out of town visitors. As a result, hotel occupancy rates could decrease, thereby reducing the need for housekeeping services, which ultimately could result in lay offs for hotel workers ye ar round. Reduced hours or lay offs would further the vulnerability of the women I spoke with as, even with employment, they are already financially constrained. The ways in which the tourism industry chooses to address these disruptions will have impl ications for the industry as whole and for its workers as efforts that aim to build resilience within the industry overall, may not be effective for its workers . A resilience framework is commonly applied as a mechanism to address both short and long term disruptions. However , as this research project illustrates, what resilience means to the most vulnerable differs, to a certain extent, from what it means at the local/county level and how it is defined within the Colorado Resiliency Framework (CRF) . The CRF focuses on six sectors to build resilience including, community, economic resiliency, housing, health and social, infrastructure, and watersheds and natural resources (2015). For the Hispanic women with whom I spoke, while housing and economic resilien c e are important, ultimately their needs are shaped by a combination of social and economic factors that are only partially addressed in each sector of the CRF. With this in mind, any resilience efforts that focus on singular categories of vulnerability, may leave out those populations that live at the intersection of these categories . While efforts to target different sets of vulnerable ( i.e., women, minorities, the homeless) populations are laudable, further efforts should be made to address and support those populations that fall between the cracks of set identities of vulnerability. This intersectional approach illustrates how, being a woman , Hispanic, of a lower socio economic status, and undocumented (in many cases), can compound vulnerability .

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! ! 137 Wh ile the aims of the CRF and of local/county stakeholders are to integrate resilience (or aspects of resilience) in programming and services to address community needs, shared understanding of these needs is lost in translation between and across these leve ls. Regardless that they lived in an environment that exposes them to environmental hazards, the women with whom I spoke identified economic and immigrations concerns as their top priorities. While the local and county officials I interviewed recognized th ese issues and offered some programming to address them, the concerns of the women I interviewed remain, for the most part, unaddressed. Given that there is both recognition of these issues and of the importance of this population to the economy of towns t hat depend on tourism for their livelihoods, local and county stakeholders should be doing more to support this population. While lack of knowledge of available services on the part of the women , or a lack of trust in connecting with local officials and re sources, may be reasons that these issues remain unaddressed (these are questions for potential future research endeavors), stakeholders at the local/county level need to refine their engagement methods and/or their outreach with this population to ensure that their ne eds are being met. Further, while the CRF identifies concerns and strategies to address these concerns ( i.e. , workforce development and affordable housing programs) that could benefit the Hispanic women with whom I spoke, if these strategies are not adapted to the women's particular experiences, they may result in resilience for some, but not for all . Also , while the CRF identifies some of the women's concerns, not all of them are included in the framework . Immigration policy and deportation, for example, are top concerns for these women as they can impact other areas of their lives ( i.e., financial stability and family support). However, notwithstanding the

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! ! 138 women's viewpoints of immigration policy as a top concern, the CRF does not mention the threat of deportation or immigration polic y. This is a glaring omission given the importance of this population to the basic operation and provision of services with in the resort industry in Colorado. While disasters or climate change may result in nega tive economic impacts to the resort industry and to workers livelihoods, so too will current immigration policies if left unaddressed. The resort industry depends on these workers for the ir success and while incorporating undocumented immigration into a br oader risk assessment and discussion is a challenge given the current political climate, the tourism industry should make efforts to do so given their dependence on this workforce. While the local, county and state levels attempt community engagement, th ese persistent gaps in understanding between scales suggests a need to refine the methods used to integrate community members viewpoints into programs and planning processes. Standpoint theory, advocates that "knowledge is socially situated" (Bowell, n.d.) and that the inclusion of marginalized viewpoints is key to creating a more holistic understanding of phenomenon . With this in mind, a process that ensures that alternative viewpoints are fully considered and integrated to the same extent as those of the more normative discourse can contribute to more effective engagement . One mechanism for ensuring that the specific needs of vulnerable populations and the propos ed methods to address them are integrated into broader level plans is to begin from the ground up. This ongoing engagement between normative and alternative systems can be implemented through a variety of mechanisms and institutions. Ultimately finding tr usted intermediaries that can act as liaisons between these systems will be key to ensuring the effectiveness of the engagement and relevance of ensuing programming . The GED and ESL

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! ! 139 classes discussed in Chapter I V and their teachers , who have established t rust with their students are examples of this engagement . These cultural brokers, or individuals who play a "bridging" (Jezewski, 1990, p. 497) role between two systems or cultures, could play a dual role in connecting vulnerable populations with reso urces as well as in ensuring that the voices of the most vulnerable are heard at higher levels. Resilience for All , a City of Longmont initiative which interviewed those offering services at the county level regarding disaster response and recovery, as well as Spanish speaking community members, identified similar missed connections between resources and services offe red. The identification and support of cultural brokers was one strategy that they identified for bridging these systems. Along the same lines, an awareness of the effects of acculturation on immigrants on stress and furthering isola tion, as discussed in Chapter I V , can and should be incorporated into the types of services that are offered. Offering services that recognize the unique challenges that these women face on a daily basis could go a long way towards building this population's resilience. While t here are counseling services in the area, ensuring that they include someone trained in acculturation barriers, and that the communi ty is aware of this service, could provide needed support for these women in dealing with day to day stressors as well as ad apting to a new culture and system. Given the industry's dependence on these workers, the tourism industry should increase their involvement in efforts to address the needs of vulnerable populations within their broader resort community. They should focus on both strengthening and adapting existing programs to ensure their relevance to the community and on building the liaisons that can strengthen the links between systems. In thinking about how best to engage with and address vulnerable population's conce rns and needs, initial outreach and engagement efforts should be based on

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! ! 140 recommendations from community members as to the most effective way to engage with their community . Further, this engagement enhances the degree of horizontal integration (the integr ation of local government with community members and community level resourc es ) and the capacity of the community to address their community's needs . Strengthening horizontal integration can thus encourage community members to participate in decisions abou t local resources and needs. Further, in addition to enhancing horizontal integration, steps to improve engagement betwee n vulnerable populations, local authorities , and external resources, can also facilitate polices and plans that align with community's needs and that result in the effective distribution of external resources (Berke et al., 1 993; Lindell & Prater, 2003 ) . This vertical integration, or the relationship between the commu nity and systems outside of it, is key to linking the community to external funding and resources that they can then leverage via their horizontal ties to address their community's needs ( Berke et al., 1993) . These efforts can contribute to making the tourism industry, as a system, more resilient while also supporting the vulnerable populations upon which they depend for the successful provision of their key , Ultimately, what these programs look like should depend on engagement with their workers that aims to elicit their points of view while also incorporating mitigation activities ( i.e., home preparedness plans or wildfire mitigation lessons in the appropriate language) to reduce their physical risk to environmental hazards . These programs and services could range from providing employer sponsored bus passes to employees, to adapting existing grant programs to support both basic needs as well as mitigation activities and emergency relief . The recommendations detaile d above, hiring cultural brokers to act as liaisons and facilitating engagement to ensure that their workers' voices are heard, as well as offering counseling services sensitive to the issues surrounding acculturation, or adapting current

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! ! 141 programs and gran ts, are a few actions that the industry can take to support and reach out to theirs most vulnerable workers. Further, broader scale initiatives could inc lude expanding or adding worker focused initiatives to their corporate social responsibility programs. Such programs, some of which they are already implementing, might include tuition and childcare support, transportation altern atives or subsidies for housing . The benefits of implementing these types of programs would be manifold including supporting their workers as well as receiving positive publicity for their efforts . While the above recommendations target efforts at the local scale, challenging concerns persist that are extremely difficult to address because they relate to larger structural issues . Co ncerns around immigration policy and deportation, for example, can ultimately only be addressed at the highest level through national policy. Affordable housing may be able to be addressed at the community level, but again the availability of housing is l argely dependent on larger scale economic and development processes. However, even given the relative immutability of immigration policy, measures exist that can relieve the pressure and stress of immigration policy on this community's lives. What these me asures look like, however, should be based on their needs and what they identify as contributing to their resilience . For example, m ental health resources for families dealing with the stress of having a family mem ber deported or social support services ai med at providing immediate relief for food or financial stress, are effort s that could contribute to this population's resilience . This project presents a case study that reveals a disconnect between the needs of vulnerable populations, local/county programs and services and efforts to build resilient systems at the state level . This disconnect means that decisions occurring at higher levels ( i.e., state) are limited in their effectiveness because they do not incorporate the viewp oints of vulnerable

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! ! 142 p opulations about what types of efforts should be made and how resources are distributed to address certain issues . To address this misalignment , efforts should be made to connect vulnerable populations to the larger system such that there exist mechanisms through which their needs are heard and such that both systems are integrated in a way that ensures effective resilience measures are implemented and resources are distributed . Ultimately, investing in engagement processes that aim to elicit and then incor porate the viewpoints and experiences of the most marginalized into broader scale policies is an important step towards addressing this disconnect. Doing so will support building inclusive and more equitable policies and plans that do not solely aim to hel p the system, but which, in supporting the most vulnerable within the system and incorporating their needs and priorities, ultimately creates a stronger and more resilient system overall.

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! ! 151 Pace, E. (2017, September 8). Vail cleared to convert of ces into worker housing in Silv erthorne. The Denver Post , pp. 8 Ð 10. Retrieved from http://www.denverpost.com/2017/09/08/vail offices worker housing silverthorne/ Park, L. S. H., & Pellow, D. N. (2011). The slums of Aspen: immigrants vs. the environment in America's Eden . NYU Press. Pass el, J. S., & Cohn, D. (2016). Size of U.S. Unauthorized Immigrant Workforce Stable After the Great Recession. Patton, M. Q. (1999). Enhancing the quality and credibility of qualitative analysis. Health Services Research , 34 (5 Pt 2), 1189. Peguero, A. A. (2 006). Latino Disaster Vulnerability The Dissemination of Hurricane Mitigation Information Among Florida's Homeowners. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences , 28 (1), 5 Ð 22. Pelling, M. (1999). The political ecology of flood hazard in urban Guyana. Geoforum , 30 (3), 249 Ð 261. http://doi.org/10.1016/S0016 7185(99)00015 9 Pennington, B. (2006, March 10). The Legacy of the Soldiers on Skis. The New York Times . Retrieved from https://www.nytimes.com/2006/03/10/travel/escapes/the legacy of the soldiers on skis.html Power, T. M., & Barrett, R. N. (2001). Post cowboy economics: pay and prosperity in the new American west . Washington : Island Press . Retrieved from http://auraria.summon.serialssolutions.com/2.0.0/link/0/eLvHCXMwfR27igJBLNx5yNl56u ET9gdW1nk5tcuKNjZaXSO7 Y6YRtBAVG7_dhNv1BQrTZDKEDCSTB5MEQIp FD69CdZlTiFbTzRGS42IyqMZRt5pHjvJQxVGKv6TyUwmt7hxtz6xs9XfO1LCQz486pq9 sJZ7xZznFLF_6ojFe2piLt4iL5nESkTmDhiovMFTgZSPMJf Renoux, M. (2017, September 14). Yes, there is such as a thing as affordable housing Vail. 9news.com . Va il. Retrieved from http://www.9news.com/news/local/affordable housing project in vail under way/474788556 Rent Jungle. (2017). Leadville Apartments and Houses for Rent. Ritchie, B. W. (2004). Chaos, crises and disasters: a strategic approach to crisis mana gement in the tourism industry. Tourism Management , 25 (6), 669 Ð 683. http://doi.org/10.1016/j.tourman.2003.09.004 Rivera, J. D., & Miller, D. S. (2010). How Ethnically Marginalized Americans Cope with Catastrophic Disasters: Studies in Suffering and Resilie ncy . Edwin Mellen Press. Rodin, J. (2014). The Resilience Dividend: Being Strong in a World where Things Go Wrong . PublicAffairs. Rothman, H. K. (1996). Selling the Meaning of Place: Entrepreneurship, Tourism, and

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! ! 152 Community Transformation in the Twentieth Century American West. Source: Pacific Historical Review , 6533 (4), 525 Ð 557. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/3640295 Runkle, J. D., Brock Martin, A., Karmaus, W., & Svendsen, E. R. (2012). Secondary surge capacity: a framework for understanding l ong term access to primary care for medically vulnerable populations in disaster recovery. American Journal of Public Health , 102 (12), e24 Ð e32. Ryan, G. W., & Bernard, H. R. (2000). Data management and analysis methods. Scandlyn, J., Simon, C. N., Thomas, D. S. K., & Brett, J. (2011). 2 Theoretical Framing of Worldviews, Values, and Structural Dimensions of Disasters. In Social Vulnerability to Disasters (p. 27). CRC Press. Schensul, S. L. (1999). Essential ethnographic methods: Observations, interviews, an d questionnaires (Vol. 2). Rowman Altamira. Schlosberg, D. (2004). Reconceiving environmental justice: global movements and political theories. Environmental Politics , 13 (3), 517 Ð 540. Sesin, C. (2017). Wildfires in California's Wine Country Hit Vulnerable Immigrant Farmworkers Wildfires in California ' s Wine Country Hit Vulnerable Immigrant Farmworkers. NBC News , pp. 1 Ð 8. Retrieved from https://www.nbcnews.com/news/latino/wildfires california s wine country hit vulnerable immigrant farmworkers n809871 Slov ic, P., & Peters, E. (2006). Risk Perception and Affect. Current Directions in Psychological Science , 15 (6), 322 Ð 325. http://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467 8721.2006.00461.x Slovic, P., & Weber, E. U. (2002). Perception of risk posed by extreme events. Smart, J. F ., & Smart, D. W. (1995). Acculturative Stress.pdf. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences , 9 (2), 207 Ð 225. Snowsports Industries America. (2018). Vail Resorts Says Skier Visits Down 10.8 Percent . Retrieved from https://www.snowsports.org/vail resorts says skier visits 10 8 percent/ Spence, P. R., Lachlan, K. A., & Burke, J. A. (2011). Differences in Crisis Knowledge Across Age, Race, and Socioeconomic Status During Hurricane Ike: A Field Test and Extension of the Knowledge Gap Hypothesis. Communication Theory , 21 (3), 261 Ð 278. http://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468 2885.2011.01385.x Spence, P. R., Lachlan, K. A., & Griffin, D. R. (2007). Crisis Communication, Race, and Natural Disasters. Journal of Black Studies , 37 (4), 539 Ð 554. http://doi.org/10.1177/002193470629 6192 Stake, R. E. (1995). The art of case study research . Sage.

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! ! 156 APPENDIX A Example Interview Guide Phase I Personal situations • ! Can you tell me about a typical day for you? • ! In what year were you born? • ! Who do you live with? o ! How many people live in your home? o ! How old are they? ! ! Who takes care of children during the day? ! ! Childcare? ! ! Note type of home and location of home (in Wildfire Urban Interface or floodplain?) • ! Where do you work? ! ! What is your job? ! ! How long working in XXX job? ! ! Do you have different jobs in winter and summer? (seasonality of jobs) ! ! How do you get to work? ! ! Do you commute to work? • ! Where do you commute to? ! ! What hours do you work? ! ! Do you carpool or use public transportation? o ! What does your daily schedule look like? o ! How long have you lived in Leadville ? o ! Where did you live before? ! ! What caused you to move to Leadville in the first place? o ! What is your hourly wage? Income? Risk perceptions • ! What preoccupies you on a daily basis? What are your main concerns? • ! Can you tell me about a time when a XX dis aster affected you outside of work? • ! In thinking about where you live, what is the biggest threat to the safety of your home and family? • ! In thinking about where you work, what is the biggest threat to the safety of you and your fellow co workers? • ! Do you feel you might be at risk of experiencing a disaster? If yes, what? o ! How do you think it would affect you? • ! Does your commute place you at risk? o ! What are some risks you associate with your commute to work? • ! Does your living situation place you at risk? o ! What are some risks you associate with where you live?

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! ! 157 • ! Do you know if your home is in a floodplain or at risk from wildfires or avalanches? Landslides? Other hazards? • ! How do you get to work during a snowstorm? • ! Have you ever been unable to get to work because of an environmental hazard such as an avalanche blocking the road or a snowstorm? Tell me about this experience? o ! If answer no: ! ! Some people have told us about having trouble getting to work because of snows torms (or other disaster)É why hasn't this been a problem for you? o ! If answer yes: ! ! Please describe your experience(s) and the consequences of being unable to get to work Experiences with disasters/Resources utilized • ! Since moving to Leadville have you ex perienced a crisis? If yes, can you tell me about that experience? o ! Who did you turn to for support in the hours and days following the disaster? Or who do you turn to if you need help? ! ! Family? ! ! Church? ! ! Non profit? ! ! Government? o ! Do you think you're recovered from this crisis? o ! What does recovery mean to you? • ! Where do you receive most of your information about potential threats such as snowstorms? • ! What resources utilize daily? Scenarios: Mine Tailing Spill • ! How much of a risk do you think this is to you? • ! How prepared would you be if this contaminated the water supply? • ! What would you do if this happened Snow Storm • ! How much of a risk do you think this is to you? • ! How prepared would you be if this happened? • ! What would you do if this happened Wildfire • ! How much of a risk do you think this is to you? • ! How prepared would you be if this happened? • ! What would you do if this happened Flood • ! How much of a risk do you think this is to you? • ! How prepared would you be if this contaminated the water supply?

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! ! 158 • ! What would you do if this happened Perceptions of resilience (break into idea of different concepts to discuss with them hazards, disasters risks) • ! Have you heard of resilience? • ! What does the term "resilience" mean to you? • ! How would you define resilience? • ! If respondents do not know what resilience is, I will give them a to see if the concept is familiar to them and if it coincides with their experiences and perceptions of resilience. • ! Characteristics of Resilience Follow up: • ! Can you tell me more about your job? • ! What are their policies on snowstorm delays? • ! How comfortable would you be calling in sick or for a day off if you were unable to get to work because of a snowstorm? Thank them for their time. Ask if they wouldn't mind passing my name and contact information along to anybody else that would be willing to talk with me? Spanish • ! Introducciones • ! Revisar forma de consentimiento • ! Participante puede elegir su seud—nimo Situaciones personales • ! ÀPuede describir un d’a t’pico para usted? • ! ÀEn quŽ a–o naci— usted? • ! ÀCon quiŽn vive? o ! ÀCu‡ntas personas viven en su hogar? o ! ÀCu‡ntos a–os tienen? ! ! ÀQuiŽn cuida a los ni–os durante el d’a? ! ! ÀTiene alguien quien le cuide a sus ni–os? ÀLe paga a alguien porque le cuide a sus ni–os? • ! Anotar tipo de hogar y ubicaci—n (en zona de incendios o de inundaci—n) • ! ÀD—nde trabaja? o ! ÀEn quŽ trabaja? o ! ÀDesde cu‡ndo tiene este trabajo? o ! ÀTiene trabajos diferentes durante el invierno y el verano? o ! ÀC —mo se va a su trabajo?

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! ! 159 o ! ÀViaja diariamente al trabajo? ! ! ÀHasta d—nde va? o ! ÀCu‡l es su horario del trabajo? o ! ÀComparte ride con alguien o usa transporte pœblico para ir a trabajar? • ! ÀMe puede platicar de un d’a t’pico en su trabajo? • ! ÀCuantos a–os ha vivido usted aqu’? o ! ÀD—nde viv’a antes? o ! ÀPorque se vino a vivir a Leadville? • ! ÀCu‡l es su salario por hora? ÀSu ingreso? Percepciones de riesgo • ! ÀCu‡les preocupaciones tiene usted diariamente? ÀCu‡les son sus preocupaciones principale s? • ! ÀUsted cree que Leadville est‡ en riesgo de sufrir de un desastre pronto? ÀQuŽ tipo de desastre? • ! ÀPuede describir un tiempo cuando un desastre le afect— afuera del trabajo? • ! Cuando piensa donde vive Àcu‡l es la amenaza m‡s seria a la seguridad de su hogar y su familia? • ! Cuando piensa donde trabaja Àcu‡l es la amenaza m‡s seria a la seguridad de si mismo y sus colegas? • ! ÀSiente que est‡ en riesgo de sufrir un desastre? ÀQuŽ t ipo de desastre? (si responde s’) o ! ÀC—mo piensa usted que el desastre le afectar‡? • ! ÀPiensa usted que su viaje diario al trabajo le pone en riesgo? o ! ÀCu‡les son algunos riesgos que usted asocia con su viaje al trabajo? • ! ÀPiensa que su situaci—n de vida le pone en riesgo? Como el tipo de casa en que vive o el lugar donde vive . o ! ÀCu‡les son algunos riesgos que usted asocia con donde vive? • ! ÀSabe usted si su hogar est‡ en el llano de un r’o sujeto a inundaci—n o si est‡ en riesgo de fuego descontrolado o avalanchas? ÀDeslaves de tierra? ÀOtros peligros? • ! ÀC—mo llega a su trabajo durante una tormenta de nieve? • ! ÀAlguna vez ha sido incapaz de llegar al trabajo a causa de un peligro ambiental, c—mo una avalancha bloqueo de la carretera o una tormenta de nieve? Platique de esta experiencia. o ! Si la respuesta es no: ! ! Alguna gente me ha dicho sobre problemas para llegar al trabajo por tormentas de nieve (u otros desastre). ÀPor quŽ no ha sido un problema para usted? o ! Si la respuesta es s’: ! ! Por Favor, describa su experiencia y las consecuencias de no poder llegar al trabajo

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! ! 160 Experiencias con desastres/recursos utilizados • ! ÀDesde que se vino a vivir a Leadville, ha experimentado una crisis? (Si la respuesta es s’) ÀPuede describir esta experiencia? o ! ÀQuiŽn le da apoyo en las horas y d’as despuŽs de la crisis? ÀO, cuando necesita ayuda a quiŽn le pide ayuda? ! ! ÀLa familia? ! ! Àuna iglesia? ! ! Àuna organizaci—n sin fines de lucro? ! ! Àel gobierno? o ! ÀCree usted que se ha recuperado de la crisis? o ! ÀPara usted quŽ significa la recuperaci—n? • ! ÀD—nde recibe la mayor’a de su infor maci—n sobre amenazas potenciales como tormentas de nieve? Escenarios: Un Relave: Deslave (mudslide?) • ! QuŽ tan en riesgo se siente usted? • ! À QuŽ har’a si este evento contaminara el agua? • ! ÀHa planeado algo en caso de que algo as’ pase ? Una tormenta de nieve • ! ÀQuŽ tan en riesgo se siente usted? • ! À QuŽ har’a si este evento pasara? • ! ÀEst‡ preparada? ÀHa planeado algo en caso de algo as’ pase? Un incendio • ! ÀQuŽ tan en riesgo se siente usted? • ! À QuŽ har’a si este evento pasara? • ! ÀEst‡ preparada? ÀHa planeado algo en caso de algo as’ pase? Una inundaci—n • ! ÀQuŽ tan en riesgo se siente usted? • ! À QuŽ har’a si este evento pasara? • ! ÀEst‡ preparada? ÀHa planeado algo en caso de algo as’ pase? Percepciones de resiliencia (concepciones diferentes, atributos de resiliencia) • ! À Ha o’do de la resiliencia? • ! ÀQuŽ significa la resiliencia para usted? • ! ÀC—mo definir’a la resiliencia? • ! Si las participantes no conocen que significa resiliencia, le darŽ un atributo para averiguar si el concepto es familiar y si coincide con sus experiencias y percepciones de resiliencia • ! Caracter’sticas de resiliencia

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! ! 161 Otras preguntas: • ! ÀPuede platicar m‡s sobre su trabajo? • ! ÀPuede describir las pol’ticas/reglas en su trabajo cuando hay tormentas de nieve? • ! ÀPodr’a usted llamar a su jefe para tomar un d’a de enfermedad? ÀQue har’a si no puede llegar al trabajo por una tormenta de nieve? AgradŽceles para su tiempo y pregœntales si conocen a alguien mas con quien puedo hablar

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! ! 162 APPENDIX B Group Interview Guide English (Translated to Spanish) Introduce self, go over consent form, let participants know that I will be using a pseudonym (which they can choose). Risk perceptions o ! What preoccupies you on a daily basis? What are your main concerns? o ! Can you tell me about a time when a XX disaster affected you outside of work? o ! In thinking about where you live, what is the biggest threat to the safety of your home and family? o ! In thinking about where you work, what is the biggest threat to the safety o f you and your fellow co workers? o ! Do you feel you might be at risk of experiencing a disaster? If yes, what? ! ! How do you think it would affect you? o ! Can you Tell me about what it's like to get to work in the summer? Tell me about what it's like to get to w ork in the winter? o ! Does your commute place you at risk? ! ! What are some risks you associate with your commute to work? o ! Does your living situation place you at risk? ! ! What are some risks you associate with where you live? o ! How do you get to work during a s nowstorm? o ! Have you ever been unable to get to work because of an environmental hazard such as an avalanche blocking the road or a snowstorm? Tell me about this experience? ! ! If answer no: • ! Some people have told us about having trouble getting to work becau se of snowstorms (or other disaster)É why hasn't this been a problem for you? ! ! If answer yes: • ! Please describe your experience(s) and the consequences of being unable to get to work Experiences with disasters/Resources utilized o ! Since moving to Leadville have you experienced a crisis? If yes, can you tell me about that experience? ! ! Who did you turn to for support in the hours and days following the disaster? Or who do you turn to if you need help? • ! Family? • ! Church? • ! Non profit? • ! Government? ! ! Do you think you're recovered from this crisis? ! ! What does recovery mean to you?

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! ! 163 o ! Where do you receive most of your information about potential threats such as snowstorms? o ! What resources do you utilize daily? Scenarios: Mine Tailing Spill • ! How much of a risk do you think this is to you? • ! How prepared would you be if this contaminated the water supply? • ! What would you do if this happened Snow Storm • ! How much of a risk do you think this is to you? • ! How prepared would you be if this happened? • ! What would y ou do if this happened Wildfire • ! How much of a risk do you think this is to you? • ! How prepared would you be if this happened? • ! What would you do if this happened Flood • ! How much of a risk do you think this is to you? • ! How prepared would you be if this contaminated the water supply? • ! What would you do if this happened Perceptions of resilience (break into idea of different concepts to discuss with them hazards, disasters risks) o ! Have you heard of resilience? o ! What doe s the term "resilience" mean to you? o ! How would you define resilience? o ! If respondents do not know what resilience is, I will give them a to see if the concept is familiar to them and if it coincides with their experiences and perceptions of resilience. o ! Characteristics of Resilience Follow up: Can you tell me more about your job? What are their policies on snowstorm delays? How comfortable would you be calling in sick or for a day off if you were unable to get to work because of a snowstorm? Tha nk them for their time. Ask if they wouldn't mind passing my name and contact information along to anybody else that would be willing to talk with me? Spanish

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! ! 164 • ! Introducciones • ! Revisar forma de consentimiento • ! Participante puede elegir su seud—nimo Percepciones de riesgo • ! ÀCu‡les preocupaciones tiene usted diariamente? ÀCu‡les son sus preocupaciones principales? • ! ÀPuede describir un tiempo cuando un desastre le afect— afuera del trabajo? • ! Cuando piensa donde vive Àcu‡l es la amenaza m‡s seria a la seg uridad de su hogar y su familia? • ! Cuando piensa donde trabaja Àcu‡l es la amenaza m‡s seria a la seguridad de si mismo y sus colegas? • ! ÀSiente que est‡ en riesgo de sufrir un desastre? ÀQuŽ tipo de desastre? (si responde s’) o ! ÀC—mo piensa usted que el de sastre le afectar‡? • ! ÀPiensa usted que su viaje diario al trabajo le pone en riesgo? o ! ÀCu‡les son algunos riesgos que usted asocia con su viaje al trabajo? • ! ÀPiensa que su situaci—n de vida le pone en riesgo? Como el tipo de casa en que vive o el lugar don de vive . o ! ÀCu‡les son algunos riesgos que usted asocia con donde vive? • ! ÀC—mo llega a su trabajo durante una tormenta de nieve? • ! ÀAlguna vez ha sido incapaz de llegar al trabajo a causa e un peligro ambiental, c—mo una avalancha bloqueo de la carretera o u na tormenta de nieve? Platique de esta experiencia. o ! Si la respuesta es no: ! ! Alguna gente me ha dicho sobre problemas para llegar al trabajo por tormentas de nieve (u otros desastre). ÀPor quŽ no ha sido un problema para usted? o ! Si la respuesta es s’: ! ! Por Favor, describa su experiencia y las consecuencias de no poder llegar al trabajo Experiencias con desastres/recursos utilizados • ! ÀDesde que se vino a vivir a Leadville, ha experimentado una crisis? (Si la respuesta es s’) ÀPuede describir esta experiencia? o ! ÀQuiŽn le da apoyo en las horas y d’as despuŽs de la crisis? ÀO, cuando necesita ayuda a quiŽn le pide ayuda? ! ! ÀLa familia? ! ! Àu na iglesia? ! ! Àuna organizaci—n sin fines de lucro? ! ! Àel gobierno?

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! ! 165 o ! ÀCree usted que se ha recuperado de la crisis? o ! ÀPara usted quŽ significa la recuperaci—n? • ! ÀD—nde recibe la mayor’a de su informaci—n sobre amenazas potenciales como tormentas de nieve? • ! À Cuales recursos se utilizan diariamente? Escenarios: Un Relave: Deslave (mudslide?) • ! QuŽ tan en riesgo se siente usted? • ! À QuŽ har’a si este evento contaminara el agua? • ! ÀHa planeado algo en caso de que algo as’ pase ? Una tormenta de nieve • ! ÀQuŽ tan en riesgo se siente usted? • ! À QuŽ har’a si este evento pasara? • ! ÀEst‡ preparada? ÀHa planeado algo en caso de algo as’ pase? Un incendio • ! ÀQuŽ tan en riesgo se siente usted? • ! À QuŽ har’a si este evento pasara? • ! ÀEst‡ preparada? ÀHa planeado algo en caso de algo as’ pase? Una inundaci—n • ! ÀQuŽ tan en riesgo se siente usted? • ! À QuŽ har’a si este evento pasara? • ! ÀEst‡ preparada? ÀHa planeado algo en caso de algo as’ pase? Percepciones de resiliencia (concepciones diferentes, atributos de resiliencia) • ! À Ha o’do de la resiliencia? • ! ÀQuŽ significa la resiliencia para usted? • ! ÀC—mo definir’a la resiliencia? • ! Si las participantes no conocen que significa resiliencia, le darŽ un atributo para averiguar si el concepto es familiar y si coincide con sus experiencias y percepciones de resiliencia • ! Caracter’sticas de resiliencia Otras preguntas: • ! ÀPuede platicar m‡s sobre su trabajo? • ! ÀPuede describir las pol’ticas/reglas en su trabajo cuando hay tormentas de nieve? • ! ÀPodr’a usted llamar a su jefe para tomar un d’a de enfermedad? ÀQue har’a si no puede llegar al trabajo por una tormenta de nieve? AgradŽceles para su tiempo y pregœntales si conocen a alguien mas con quien puedo hablar

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! ! 166 Handout (translated to Spanish) How many people live in your home? How many children live in your home please list their ages. Do you rent or own your home? _________________________________________________ How long have you lived in Leadville? __________________________________________ Where did you live before? _____________________________________________________ Why did you move to Leadville? ________ ________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ Where do you work? ____________________________________________________________ What is your job? ___________________________________ ____________________________ How long have you been working in your current position? ___________________ What is your annual income? ___________________________________________ Please describe your commute (car, bus etc.,): What is your job in the summer (if it is different from winter/fall)? ______________________________________________________________________________ Do you know if your home is in a floodplain, at risk from wildfires, avalanches, landslides or other ha zards? Indicate below . Enter your phone number here if you would be willing to (check below): " ! Participate in an individual interview " ! Let me contact you if I have any further questions

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! ! 167 Hand out Spanish Cu‡ntas personas viven en su hogar/ casa? À Cu‡ntos ni–os viven en su hogar? Por favor mencione/ liste sus edades. ÀRenta su casa o es propietario? _______________________________________________ ÀCu‡nto ha vivido en Leadville? ______________________________________________ ÀD—nde vivi— antes? _________________________________________________ ÀPor quŽ se cambio a Leadville? ______________________________________________________________________________ ÀD—nde trabaja? _________________________________________________ ÀCu‡l es su trabajo? î ÀA que se dedica? — ÀCu‡l es su posici—n actual? _________________________________________________ ÀCu‡nto ha trabajado en su posici—n actual? _________________________________________________ ÀCu‡les son sus ingresos anuales? ______________________________ ___________________ Por favor, describa su forma de transporte (carro, cami—n, etcÉ) _________________________________________________ ÀCu‡l es su trabajo en el verano? (Si es diferente en invierno y oto–o) _________________________________________________ ÀSabe si su hogar esta en una (llanura de inundaci—n) zona de inundaci—n, en riesgo de incendios forestales, avalanchas, deslave u otro peligro? Indicar debajo Por favor escriba su numero aqu’ si esta dispuesta en (marcar debajo): " ! Participar en una ent revista individual " ! Autorizarme/Dejarme contactarla si tengo m‡s preguntas

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! ! 168 APPENIDX C Case Study Propositions Research Questions Propositions How do Hispanic women who live and work in a hazard prone communities in Colorado understand disaster risk and disaster resilience and what implications does this have for state and local level resilience plans? • ! Experiences of resilience are contextually situated. Political, social, economic and environmental factors will influence people's experience of resilience. • ! Inequalities will contribute to varied experiences in resilience. • ! Resilience will depend on the s pecific hazard and mode of adaptation or mitigation • ! Understanding of risk may be more based on social inequalities rather than physical hazards How is resilience conceptualized at the state level? • ! Resilience is a positive phenomenon with dividends for all involved • ! Centralized implementation coming from Governor's office. • ! Decision making involves communities, but ultimately comes via the Governor's office. • ! Will involve both infrastructural and s ocially based efforts, but more emphasis on infrastructural . How do Hispanic women living in Leadville, Colorado perceive and understand their resilience to disasters? What are their experiences with, and priorities for, disaster risk reduction and recovery? • ! Resilience is more linked to psychological resilience than to anything else • ! Priorities are less based on physical needs and more on economic and social inequalities To what extent do resilience guidelines at the state level speak to the experiences and resource needs of Hispanic women living in Leadville, Colorado? • ! Rebounding" and "adapting" at the level of the community could have negative implications for alread y marginalized groups (Friend and Moench 2013) • ! Winners and losers with resilience policy, policy is only accounting for some individuals' experiences • ! Focus is on resilience at the community level rather than specific groups • ! CSRF will have different under standings of resilience than Hispanic women living in Leadville, Colorado

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! ! 169 APPENIDX D Example Interview Guide Phase II Non profits General • ! What is your role/position? • ! Can you describe what you do and who you serve? Resilience Frameworks • ! Have you heard of the Colorado State Resilience Framework? o ! If yes, can you talk about how you integrate the framework into your work? • ! The Colorado State Resilience Framework lists 6 sectors that they focus on Economic, Infrastructure, Watersheds/Natural resources, Housing, Community and Health/Social. o ! How does your department/organization select the sectors they focus on? o ! How does wha t you do serve your community? • ! How do you integrate the resilience into your services? • ! How do you talk about resilience? I • ! How do you integrate mitigation/emergency management frameworks into your services? Focus on Hispanic population, service workers, women • ! Does the population they serve include Hispanic, service workers, women? How do you serve them? • ! What resources do you think this population would draw upon during a disaster? o ! What about on a daily basis? • ! What do you think their main concerns ar e? o ! How do you address these concerns in your programming? • ! What do you think the biggest threat to their security is at home and at work? County/Government level Resilience Frameworks • ! Have you heard of the Colorado State Resilience Framework? o ! If yes, c an you talk about how you integrate the framework into your work? • ! The Colorado State Resilience Framework lists 6 sectors that they focus on Economic, Infrastructure, Watersheds/Natural resources, Housing, Community and Health/Social. o ! How does your dep artment/organization select the sectors they focus on?

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! ! 170 o ! How does what you do serve your community? • ! How do you integrate the resilience into your services? • ! How do you talk about resilience? I • ! How do you integrate mitigation/emergency management frameworks into your services? General • ! What is your role/position? • ! Can you describe what you do and who you serve? Focus on Hispanic population, service workers, women • ! Does the population they serve include Hispanic, service workers, women? How do you serve them? • ! What resources do you think this population would draw upon during a disaster? o ! What about on a daily basis? • ! What do you think their main concerns are? o ! How do you address these concerns in your programming? • ! What do you think the biggest threat to their security is at home and at work?

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! ! 171 APPENDIX E Definition of Resilience Spanish: " La resiliencia es la capacidad que tiene una persona o un grupo de recuperarse frente a la adversidad para seguir proyectando el futuro. En ocasiones, las circunstancias difÂ’ciles o los traumas permiten desarrollar recursos que se encontraban latentes y que el individuo desconocÂ’a hasta el momento" English: Resilience is the capacity of a person or a group to recover from adversity and to continue towards the future. Occassionaly, difficult circumstatnces or traumas allow developing resources that were latent and that the individual does not know until that m oment.

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! ! 172 APPENDIX F Table 4.2: "Examples of projected changes in extreme climate phenomena, with examples of projected impacts" (Source: van Aalst, 2006, pp.9)