! ! ! ! EXAMINING THE ACCULTURATION GAP IN LATINA/O FAMILIES AND ITS IMPACT ON ADOLESCENT AUTONOMY GRANTING AND ATTACHMENT by MARINA GARCIA B.S. New Mexico State University, 2013 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the School of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado Denver in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Counseling School of Education and Human Development 2018
! ! ! ! "" ! This thesis for the Master of Arts in C ounseling degree by Marina Garcia has been approved for the School of Education and Human Development by Carlos Hipolito Delgado , Chair Shruti Poulsen, Advisor Diane Estrada Date: December 15 th , 2018
! ! """ ! Garcia, Marina (Master of Arts in Counseling, School of Education and Human Development) Examining the Acculturation Gap in Latina/o Families and its Impact on Adolescent Autonomy Granting and Attachment Thesis directed by Associate Professor Carlos Hipolito Delgado ABSTRACT This qualitative study examined the experience of the acculturation gap in Latina/o families and the ways in which cultural value discrepancies impact the process of adolescent autonomy granting. This study also examined the subjective experience of secure atta chment between caregivers and adolescents through a cultural lens and how this impacts the autonomy granting process . From this perspective, the researcher found that variables of attachment, including trust, attuned communication, and a balance of dependi ng on caregivers and independence play ed a role in the autonomy granting process as well as how these variables bridge that gap in perceptions of autonomy expectations between generations in the family, especially in instances when cultural value discrepan cies do arise. T his research expands the understanding of how attuned communication functions in the family when it comes to support ing adolescent independence, setting clear limitations to independence, which in turn impacts trust , and finally how it can impact the overall perception of value discrepancies brought on by the acculturation gap . Finally, the researcher argue s that counselors should focus on attuned communication, mutual empathy, and the strength of cultural values in working with Latina/o fam ilies as they adapt to changes brought on by adolescence and the acculturation gap rather than looking at the acculturation gap as negatively impacting family cohesion . This form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication Approv ed: Carlos Hipolito Delgado
! ! "# ! Acknowledgements This work would not have been possible without the support and mentorship of Dr. Carlos Hipolito Delgado who has guided and challenged me throughout this process and since the beginning of graduate school has wo rked to make me a better writer and researcher, whose invaluable support always let me know that I could achieve more academically than what I ever imagined for myself, I am forever indebted to him and have more respect for than can be expressed here. I wo uld also like to thank the other two members of my committee and my biggest role models in the counseling profession , Dr. Diane Estrada, who also bolstered me as a researcher, challenged me to be a better writer and imparted her knowledge to help me reach my goals as a counselor but more importantly who often took the time to let me know my voice matters and challenged me to find that voice. Finally, a special thanks to Dr. Shruti Poulsen, who from the beginning informed my thesis topic through her vast kno wledge and compassion when it came to thinking about my own familial experiences and giving me the perspective I needed when I started this program. To all three of these amazing and compassionate individuals, thank you for empowering me to get to this poi nt in my life, I am forever grateful. One can only be so lucky to have three mentors who dedicate their time truly to helping one reach their goals. Nobody has been more important to me in the pursuit of this project than my family. I would like to thank my beautiful mother and my brother who have both instilled in me the value of hard work and education, my greatest role models and my safety nets. And last but certainly not least, I would also like to thank my fiancÂŽ, who stood by my side throughout grad school even when he was not physically by my side, whose strength and convictions always echoed in my head in the face of self doubt and told me that this was all for a reason.
! ! # ! TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I. ! INTRODUCTION Autonomy in Latina/o Immigrant Fam ilies .............. ............................... 1 Attachment in Latina/o Families ................................ .............................. 2 Intergenerational Acculturation Gap ................................ ........................ 3 Research Questions ................................ ................................ ................. 5 Definition of Terms ................................ ................................ ................. 5 II. ! REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Perspectives on Autonomy ................................ ................................ ...... 8 Autonomy as Psychosocial Development ................................ ...... 9 Adolescent Autonomy Develop ment ................................ ........... 1 0 Self Determination Theory ................................ ......................... 1 1 Research on Autonomy ................................ ................................ ......... 1 3 Attachment Theory ................................ ................................ ................ 1 6 Internal Working Models of Attachment ................................ .... 2 0 Attachment During Adolescence ................................ ................ 2 2 Research on Latina/o Family Attachment ................................ .............. 2 4 The Acculturation Process ................................ ................................ ..... 2 7 Acculturation Ga p ................................ ................................ ...... 3 1 The Acculturation Distress Model ................................ .............. 3 2 Research on Intergenerational Acculturation ................................ ......... 3 3 III. ! METHODOLOGY Ontology ................................ ................................ ............................... 3 7 Phenomenology ................................ ................................ ..................... 38 Theoretical Framework ................................ ................................ ......... 4 0 Participants ................................ ................................ ........................... 4 2 Setting ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 4 4 Purpose ................................ ................................ ................................ . 4 5 Research Questio n s ................................ ................................ ............... 4 5 Instrumentation ................................ ................................ ..................... 4 6 De mographic Questionnaire ................................ ........................ 4 6 Protocol Questions ................................ ................................ ..... 4 6 Research Procedures ................................ ................................ ............. 47 Positionality ................................ ................................ .......................... 5 0 Data Analysis ................................ ................................ ........................ 5 1 Trustworthiness ................................ ................................ ..................... 5 4 IV. ! RESULTS T he Process of Autonomy Granting in Latina/o Families ................................ ................................ .............. 57 The Influence of S ecure A ttachment on the
! ! #" ! process of A utonomy G ranting ................................ ............................. 67 T he Impact of the I ntergenerational A cculturati on G ap on S ecure A ttachment and A utonomy G ranting in Latina/o F amilies ................................ ................................ 7 5 V. ! DISCUSSION Discussion ................................ ................................ ............................. 8 0 Implications ................................ ................................ .......................... 8 4 Limitations and Future Research ................................ ........................... 87 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ............................ 88 REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 89 APPENDIX A. ! Participant Flyer ................................ ................................ ................... 10 0 B. ! Participant Flyer Spanish Version ................................ ....................... 10 1 C. ! Recruitment Script ................................ ................................ ............... 10 2 D. ! Recruitment Email ................................ ................................ ............... 10 3 E. ! Demographic Survey ................................ ................................ ............ 10 4 F. ! Demographic Survey Spanish Version ................................ ................ 10 5 G. ! Authorization to Recruit ................................ ................................ ....... 10 6 H. ! Parent Consent Form ................................ ................................ ............ 10 7 I. ! Parent Consent For m Spanish Version ................................ ................ 1 09 J. ! Adolescent Assent Form ................................ ................................ ....... 11 1 K. ! Adolescent Assent Form Spanish Version ................................ ........... 11 3 L. ! Protocol Question s ................................ ................................ ............... 11 5 M. ! Protocol Questions Spanish Version ................................ ................... 11 7 ! !
! ! ! $ ! CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION Autonomy in Latina/o Immigrant Families Inevitable interactional cha nges occur in the family system as children move into adolescence, testing the family's ability to adapt and maintain cohesion. This is a time when the family life cycle is pushed to reorganize itself to accommodate the adolescent's reach for autonomy (Car ter & McGoldrick, 1998). Autonomy development is considered a significant task during adolescence (Steinberg, 2002; Silverberg & Gandoli, 1996) that impacts various aspects of the self, such as identity development, social competence, decision making, and self reliance (Allen et al., 1994). According to Steinberg (2002), autonomy is defined as independence in the way one behaves and makes decisions without reliance on others. Although autonomy is a developmental task that begins during childhood, where boun daries are tested and the environment is explored (Erikson, 1950), adolescence is when the demand for autonomy is at the forefront in family interactions (Sylwester, 2007). Adolescent autonomy development is particularly important because behavioral regula tion, responsibility, and self sufficiency become a greater social expectation during this stage of life (Feldman & Rosenthal, 1990). Adolescents are viewed as emerging adults and are thus encouraged to become fully independent and autonomous beings in U. S. culture (Lee, Beckert, Goodrich, 2010). However, this mainstream definition of autonomy is based on the individualistic ideals of the U.S. and may be inconsistent with the traditional cultural values of the growing U.S. Latina/o population. The valuing of autonomy is based on the acculturation of an individual to U.S values and customs (Khawaja, Moisuc, & Ramirez, 2014) and adolescents tend to be more acculturated than caregivers in Latina/o families (Cu ÂŽllar, Arnold, & Maldonado, 1995) . Since Latina/o f amilies tend to hold more collectivist values of interdependence and connection (Falicov, 1998), there is
! ! % ! likely to be a distinct difference between adolescent autonomy expectations and caregiver autonomy granting. As such, there is a call within the ment al health field to understand these cultural value differences, to provide more cultural ly responsive family counseling, and better meet the needs of the growing Latina/o population by supporting families in the process of maintaining cohesion as they adap t to the adolescent's emerging need for autonomy. It should be noted that Latina/o caregivers are more likely to grant autonomy instrumentally, such as in the context of school but are less likely to grant this type of autonomy behaviorally, such as indepe ndence to interact with other social systems (Schofield, Parke, Kim, Coltrane, 2008) . Therefore, different expectations around autonomy and independence may emerge between the generations in Latina/o families . Further, the limitations in instrumental auto nomy granting may not fit with the autonomy demands of the adolescent who is forming a social identity, specifically with peers (Sylwester, 2007). In order for the family to adapt to the adolescents' autonomy demands, it becomes valuable to understand how Latina/o families experience and define autonomy. Attachment in Latina/o Families There is a sudden shift in the family system as the adolescent demands more autonomy, however each family must adapt to this developmental milestone in their own way. One f amily variable that moderates the family's ability to adapt to adolescent autonomy is the caregiver adolescent secure attachment pattern (Siegel, 2012). According to Bowlby's working model of attachment (1988) securely attached infants feel safe to explor e and socialize knowing they have a secure base to fall back on. This model serves throughout the family life cycle and is a more cult urally responsive theory that may have greater relevance to cultural values of connection and interdependence in Latina/o families. Specifically, the Latina/o adolescent has an increased need
! ! & ! for support, guidance, and interconnection with caregivers as he or she interacts with other social systems and develops a bicultural identity (Noom, Dekovik, Meeus, 1999). Autonomy is a n inevitable developmental task for the adolescent to transition into adulthood (E rikson, 1950 ) but a healthy adaptation to this transition is likely to occur through secure attachment to primary caregiver/s (Bowlby; 1988). Secure attachment also serves a s a variable that allows Latina/o caregivers to work with the changing interactions in the family life cycle (Siegel, 2012) and can be seen as an internal strength that is already present in the caregiver adolescent relationship. Latina/o families experien ce secure attachment through seeking proximity with one another, attuned communication, and cohesiveness (a balance of interdependence and independence; Siegel, 2012; Price, Bush, Price, 2017). Given this definition, it is clear that the adaptation to the adolescent's emerging autonomy demands is contingent upon secure attachment patterns and should not be seen as separate family variables but interconnected family variables (Bowlby, 1988; Ainsworth; 1993). Intergenerational Acculturation Gap Intergenerat ional acculturation can be an issue in Latina/o families due to the conflicts between collectivist and individualist cultures (Schofield, Kim, Parke, Coltrane, 2008). Specifically, U.S. culture emphasizes autonomy, independence, and individuality (Lee, Bec kert, Goodrich, 2009), whereas collectivist cultures, such as Latina/o cultures, emphasize interdependence and value group cooperation and unity (Falicov, 1998; Lee, Beckert, Goodrich, 2009). The intergenerational acculturation gap can then be defined as t he different rates in which adults and children, or adolescents, acculturate to the host culture (Phinney, 2003). Since norms of a culture are internalized at an early age (Feldman & Rosenthal, 1990), adolescents who are
! ! ' ! deeply immersed in U.S. social syst ems such as school will more likely internalize those norms to the dismay of Latina/o caregivers. In this way, family members experience the acculturation gap differently, where adolescents value autonomy more than their less acculturated caregivers. Car egivers of a different generation in Latina/o immigrant families tend to be the less acculturated generation in the family, as they tend to hold onto the values of their homeland and can have less contact with U.S. social systems (Berry, 2010). Latina/o ad olescents on the other hand are the younger generation who are at greater risk of losing their cultural identity and community pride due to pressures to assimilate to dominant culture (Falicov, 1998; Berry, 2010). Typically, intergenerational acculturatio n differences begin to impact the family life cycle when first and second generation children become adolescents in the family due to both emerging independence and newly defined value systems (Noom, Dekovik, Meeus, 1999). These differing values may impact family attachment patterns, making it difficult for the family to adapt to value discrepancies of autonomy. Understanding these changing conditions could provide a framework for counselors to work with Latina/o families. The purpose of this study was to explore the lived experience of the acculturation gap in Latina/o immigrant families by using a phenomenological methodology . Further, by using a social constructivist len s , this study aimed to un derstand the process of interaction between caregivers and a dolescents of a different generation through the autonomy granting process and the subjective ex perience of family attachment through this process . This study also aimed to fill a gap in the existing literature by using a qualitative approach and Critical Race Theory as a theoretical framework in order to raise t he voices of Latina/o families and create a narrative of cohesion as families adapt to changes brought on by the acculturation gap .
! ! ( ! Research Questions â€¢ ! Research Question #1: What is the process of autonomy granting in Latina/o families ? â€¢ ! Research Question #2: Does secure attachment influence the process of autonomy granting? â€¢ ! Research Question #3: Does the intergenerational acculturation gap impact secure attachment and autonomy granting in Latina/ o families? Definition of Terms For the purposes of this study, the following terms and definitions were used. The researcher is pulling from the existing literature to define the terms that will be referred to in the subsequent sections. Acculturation: A process that occurs when individuals who arrive in a host society experience first hand contact with different cultures, resulting in changes in original cultural patterns (Berry, 2010). Attuned Communication: Through all developmental stages ease of comm unication, otherwise known as attunement , is a key to securely attach ment . Attunement creates a flexible and empathic relationship that can easily alternate between engagement and autonomy (Siegel, 2012; Bowlby, 1973). Autonomy: The ability to regulate dec ision making, emotions, and behaviors independently (Silverberg & Gondoli, 1996). Further, autonomy is the ability to direct one's life through competent decision making both socially and behaviorally (Noom, Dekovic, Meeus, 1999). Family Adaptation: The wa y in which members within the family system alters its internal functions, such as behaviors, rules, roles, and other interactions for the family or individual to achieve a fit with the environment (Henry, Morris, & Harrist, 2015). The demands of the famil y
! ! ) ! system, such as cultural values, are met by external resources and can function with the demands of the environment (Henry, Morris, & Harrist). Family Cohesion: This is both the family members' ability to see oneself as a part of a unit while also balanc ing a sense of separateness (Price, Bush, Price, 2017). Latina/o: " a term that encompasses Puerto Ricans in the Northeast, Mexican Americans in the West, Cubans based in Florida, and a host of nationalities scattered throughout the United States" (Pastor, 2016). Additionally, the Latina/o population is the largest growing ethnic group in the United States that is used to typically identify individuals who have origins from Spanish speaking countries (Ennis, RÂ”os Vargas, Albert, 2011). The Latina/o conventio n will be used as the researchers intent is to move away from the male dominant identification and towards a more gender neutral identification. Intergenerational Acculturation Gap: The different rates in which adults and children acculturate to the host culture (Phinney, Ong, & Madden, 2000). Specifically, younger generations acculturate faster to a host culture due to greater exposure to social systems than older generations in the family who have more of a choice to separate from the host culture (Phinn ey et al.). Secure Attachment: The caregiver and child relationship is securely attached when caregivers are emotionally available, perceptive, and responsive to the child's needs and internal mental states (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978). This c onsists of reciprocal communication that results in the child's ability to seek proximity with the caregiver while remaining untroubled when apart from the caregiver (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall ; Bowlby, 1988) .
! ! * ! Sec ure B ase : When c aregivers become a place the c hild can return to for security, knowing that this place will be welcoming, physically and emot ionally nourishing , safe, and comforting. A caregiver creates this space by being available, responsive, and predictable (Bowlby, 1988). I nternal R epr esentations : According to Bowlby (1988), a child's interactions with their caregiver are internalized, thus guiding future behavior and expectations of how future attachme nt figures will respond to that behavior . Immigrant F amily : Family in which the careg iver was not born in the U.S. and the child is U.S. born (Zagelbaum & Carlson , 2011) . (Note: this term will be included once in each chapter and t hereafter will be referred to as Latina/o families).
! ! + ! CHAPTER II: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Perspectives on A utonomy T he dominant view of autonomy stems from the westernized value of independence and individuality first as a developmental milestone in childhood , then as an adolescen t expectation (Erikson, 1950; Lee, Beckert, Goodrich, 20 09 ) . Yet, the value and e xperience of autonomy granting in Latina/o immigrant families, in which the caregiver was born outside of the U.S. and an adolescent was born in the U. S. is going to vary depending on time exposed to this westernized value, age of exposure, and other famil y and cultural variables . As such, this study filled a gap in the existing li terature by looking at the subjective experience of the autonomy granting process and the role of attachment as families navigate emerging cultural value differences regarding aut onomy and independence. This is important for Latina/o youth development because it normalizes the cultural differences that may arise during the autonomy granti ng process, raises the voices of Latina/o families and their intersubjective experience of the autonomy granting process, and aims to increase the understanding of how families maintain cohesion during the adolescent stage of the family life cycle. A utonomy is often described a s a developmental milestone during early childhood , a result of physical maturation , and is expressed by children test ing their capabilities to explore their surroundings independently (Erikson, 1950) . Autonomy is known to be an important part of childhood behavioral development because it sets the stage for how children will make their own decisions and build self efficacy in the process. A utonomy r emerge s during adolescence and is defined as the process in which adolescents seek further independence (Sylwester , 2007 ; Blos, 1979 ) . According to Steinberg & Silverberg (1986), au tonomy during adolescence is a process of individuation and increased independence from caregivers , which is a process that continues to
! ! , ! be maintained throughout the lifespan. Autonomy from adolescence and beyond becomes less predictable and hold s differen t meanings depending on many contextual and cultural factors ( Sylwester, 2007) . The ways in which autonomy is maintained and expressed is highly dependen t upon th e individual's ecological circumstances and life experiences (Bronfr enbrenner, 1979), resultin g in various perspectives on the importance and universality of this construct at different stages of li fe and across cultures. The existence of autonomy and its perceived value across cultural groups has been widely disputed (Wichmann, 2011 ). A ccording to Self Determination Theory (SDT) , autonomy is not only un iversal across cultures, but is a basic human need that has a positive impact on overall functioning and subjective well being of an individual (Ryan & Deci, 2000). SDT states t hat autonomy is acti ng in accordance with one's genuine interests, values , and desires (Deci & Ryan , 1985 ) , meaning that if one values dependence and interconnection within their culture, acting in accordance with that is in fact acting autonomously . Given the varied perspect ives, autonomy can hold many functions d epending on theory, culture, stage of development, and other ecological factors . Autonomy as Psychosocial Development According to Erik Erikson's (1950) stages of psychosocial development, autonomy is defined as the child's will to take control of his or her movements , resulting in matured movement and mobility . The signific ance of these actions is that they become means for new endeavors (Maier) leading to an increased mastery of eve nts (Erikson, 1950) . This form of autonomy expression is strengthened thr ough child play and contributes to ego development , as children begin differentiating between what they want to do and what they should or should not do ( Maier, 1965).
! ! $! Erikson (1950) formed psychosocial theory to un derstand the context and development of autonomy through clinical observations , finding tha t at this stage of the life cycle, parent child boundaries are made clearer and children can adopt the behaviors that ca regivers once handled for them . It is underst ood that a utonomy development in the early stages of life is largely influenced by socialization and can only be attained in the context of a trusting environment (Erikson, 1950). Erikson argues that autonomy develop ment is an irreversible task exemplifyin g maturity based on childrearing efforts of Western society (Maier, 1965). A utonomy as t he only psychosocial solution during this stage of life is widely disputed, including whether it is sup ported the same way in all social contexts in all cultures ( Sylw ester , 2007; Graves & Larkin ) . This psychosocial task has also been argued to emerg e again in adolescence and beyond (Graves & Larkin, 2006) , going against Erikson's (1950) notion that once autonomy is attained the individual is to move on to the next deve lopmental task . Adolescent Autonomy Development According to Steinberg & Silverberg (1986) the development of autonomy during adolescence is a process of individuation in which children become less dependent on caregivers and shift that dependence to their peers. This pr ocess , known as emotional autonomy development , is typically equivocated with emerging individualism and independence from caregivers Ã‘ creating distance in the caregiver child relationship (Steinberg & Silverberg , 1986) . Within the context of the family, emotional autonomy entails an increased sense of self outs ide of caregiver bonds and less idealized perceptions of caregivers (Steinberg & Silverberg). In other words, adolescents begin to see caregivers as people outside of the family in the same way they begin to view themselves as individua ls outside of their family , resulting in an increased sense of identity (Blos, 19 79 ).
! ! $$ ! It is widely accepted in the literature that as adolescents form an autonomous sense of self , the ir rel iance on peers increases as well (Sylwester, 2007; Steinberg & Silverberg, 1986). Since adolescents are susceptible t o peer influence and depend on peer socialization (Sylwester, 2007), the level of emotional autonomy is low during early adolescence and increases as they develop a greater sense of self apart from peers, this entails a greater sense of identity during later adolescence (Steinberg & Silverberg, 1986). However, according to Steinberg & Silverberg (1986), adolescents who become self reliant and resistant to p eer pressure do so because they experience a balance of autonomy support and relatedness with caregivers. A dolescent autonomy developme nt is dependent on other family level variables such as cohesion (Walsh, 2012) and other contextual factors such as the c ultural values and socialization in th e adolescent's ecological system. In addition, it is less clear how this definition of emotional autonomy can be applied to cultures that do not value individualistic orientati ons. Since Steinberg & Silverberg provide a westernized theory of adolescent autonomy based on individuality as a normative process, there is no theory explaining how Latino /a adolescents develop autonomy. Self Determination Theory Rather than viewing autonomy as a dev elopmental milestone measur ed through behavioral observation, Self Determination Theory (SDT) regards autonomy as a basic psychological need that is maintained throughout the lifespan (Ryan & Deci , 2000 , 2006 ). According to SDT, autonomy is simply defined as self regulation (Ryan & Deci, 2006) , independent of external control (Wichmann, 2011) . E xtrinsic motivation, or internalization of external values without evaluation and consideration of personal values is acting non autonomously (Ryan & Deci , 2006 ). If an individual internalizes a value that is not in congruence with one's genuine personal values, then they are acting in accordance with
! ! $% ! heteronomy, which means to act without volition , being prone to pressure of external influences (Chirkov, Ryan, Kim & Kaplan, 2003). Therefore, c aregivers who push children toward particular behaviors and cultural values may not be autonomy supportive , especially if they are not able to integrate those values according to their own internal values (Ryan & Deci, 2000). For adolescents who are suppor ted in being autonomous agents may also rise above peer pressure because they already have the volition to guide their behaviors. SDT a lso regards secure attachment as a variable that allows for integration of values and regulatory behaviors, resulting i n active embodiment of individual and family cultural values and a stronger sense of identity (Wichmann, 2011). A ccording to Ryan & Deci (2000), a utonomy is intended to produce adaptive outcomes for individuals but can only be adaptive through the mutual r einforcement of attachment and relatedness. The presence of secure attachment in the family system becomes particularly important during adolescence when values begin to be challenged by outside systems (Van Petegem & Vansteenkiste, 2013). If the adolescen t has already been supported as an autonomous agent within the family system, then there is already a trusting environment to fall back on when his or her volitional thinking is challenged in other social systems. In other words, securely attached adolesce nts have less fear to be autonomous individuals because this condition has been strengthened in a secure environment . SDT regards autonomy as a n innate human condition regardl ess of collectivistic or indivi dualistic cultural orientations (Ryan & Deci, 200 0) . H owever , little is known about how autonomy is supported and expres sed within di fferent cultures ( Sheldon & Bettencourt, 2002; Wichmann , 2011 ) . That being said, a utonomy , defined in this way , is volition in action rather than detachment or independence from the group ( Ryan & Deci, 2000) , and , therefore , may be a more culturally adaptable definition Ã‘ particularly for Latina/o youth .
! ! $& ! Research on Autonomy Autonomy and Attachment Samuolis , Hogue, Dauber & Liddle (2005) studied the different functions of au tonomy and relatedness in adolescent well being and problem behaviors . R esults showed that Autonomy and Relatedness (AR) was negatively correlated with conflict , whereas p arental acceptance / involvement also moderated the relationship between AR and intern alizing behaviors for adolescents . A second analysis then showed that parental involvement moderates confl ict that can arise as adolescents begin to exercise their autonomy . Autonomy relatedness was also linked to positive adolescent development, self este em, and attachment securit y . This lends evidenced to the relationship between autonomy granting and variables of attachment serving as a protect ive factor for adolescent adjustment and cohesion. Lacking in the research is what autonomy and relatedness look s like in Latina/o families, including how families define and experience cohesion. Autonomy G ranting /Expectations in Latino/a F amilies Roche et al. (2014) investigated the relationship between cultural orient ation s and parental practices with Latin a /o ad olescent autonomy/ independence . S pecifically , how parental belief s directly or indirectly influence youth behavioral autonomy granting. First, results showed differences in parental and youth reports on perceived youth autonomy in decision making . This is an example of the generational difference in value orientations , implying t h at acculturation to the value of autonomy as independence creates different perceptions of what is a suitable level of adolescent autonomy granting . Another interesting finding wa s that Latin a /o parents perceived themselves as higher in autonomy grantin g than adolescents actually thought they received. A dditionally, Latino oriented parents granted youth autonomy at a later age compared to U.S.
! ! $' ! oriented parents , again confirming a d iscrepancy in the cultural value of autonomy . Finally, results indicated that boys experienced more autonomy in decision making and less parental supervision than girls , consistent with the literature emphasizing the impact of prescribed gender on the auto nomy granting process. Sher Censor, Parke, and Coltrane (2011) also examined discrepancies in Mexican American adolescent parent perceptions of parental autonomy promoting and whether those perceptions have a relationship with adjustment . First, results sh owed that adolescents perceive d their parents as less autonomy promoting compared to their parents perceptions . Finally, sons perceived their mothers as less autonomy promoting compared to daughters . The results are additional evidence of the gender social ization in Mexican American families where boys are granted greater behavioral autonomy while girls have greater obligation to familial relationships. The above studies ide ntified discrepancies in Latin a /o families regarding autonomy expe ctations and auto nomy granting . Again, results indicated that there was less of a discrepancy between caregivers and adolescents regarding psychological autonomy, yet adolescents did value and expect behavioral autonomy to a much higher degree than caregivers . However, t he re is still a lack of research examining how Latin a /o caregi vers and adolescents find a fit between autonomy gr anting and autonomy expectations much less an exploration of the contexts or times when discrepancies regarding autonomy granting emerge in the f amily system. Latino/a Adolescent Autonomy Based on Age and Gender B Â‡maca Colbert, UmaÂ–a Taylor, Espinosa Hern Â‡ndez, and Brown (2012), examined differences in behav ioral autonomy age expectations, as well as an examination of the variability in autonomy age expectations in relation to nativity and maternal education level . M other's reported much later behavioral autonomy expectations than their daughters , mothers who were
! ! $( ! born in the U.S. reported earlier behavioral autonomy expectations than mother's bo rn in Mexico. Overall, results confirmed that there are intergenerational differences in behavioral autonomy expectations between Mexican origin mothers and their daughters . Romo, Mireles Rios, and Lope z Tello (2014) also examined mother daughter behavior al autonomy expectations t hat exist in Latin a /o families in a qualitative study with Mexican immigrant mothers and their early adolescent daughters. First, mothers and daughters were asked what a quinceaÂ–era means to a girl's family . For mothers, this mean t girls become ado lescents and for adolescent daughters it meant an entry into womanhood. Further, mothers still held the expectation that daughters would follow all rules once they turn ed fifteen, whereas daughters expected and hoped for rules to change. Mothers granted person al freedom, given that daughters take care of familial resp onsibilities, behave properly, and monitored daughter's social activities . For daughters, personal freedom meant less monitoring and doing things independently. Mothers and da ughters had different perceptions around age expectations for out of home autonomous behaviors . These findings lend further evidence to how m others socialize their daughters to fulfill familial obligations and have greater limitations when it comes to beha vioral autonomy based on the traditional gender roles of their culture . Love and Buriel (2007), examined the relationship between language brokering duties, perceived autonomy, parent child bonding, biculturalism, and self reported depression among Mexica n American adolescents. Results demonstrated that Latino adolescents reported higher autonomy in the form of privileges than Latina adolescents and Latin a /o boys and girls in this study reported having the same level of psychological autonomy. This is cong ruent with the other research indicating that Latina adolescents receive less autonomy in the form of independence (privileges) due to the familial gender norms of their culture. Finally, results
! ! $) ! showed that Latino adolescents are granted behavior al autono my only when there is a balance of interdependence and obligation to the family, strongly rooted in values of familismo . Although this study outlines the gender and cultural influence on the autonomy granting process, there still lacks an exploration of ho w families find a balance of cultural values such as interdependence and obligation to the family, more so protective factors that help families attain this balance. Based on the above studie s, results indicate that Latina/o adolescents are more likely to be granted psychological autonomy (volition) than behavioral autonomy . Additionally, adolescents who are granted psychological autonomy are also reported to hold attachment to the family's cultural values such as interdependence, familial responsibilities , and obligations based on gender roles. Although the research emphasizes limitations to autonomy granting based on age and gender, there still remains a lack of understanding of the process of interaction in the autonomy granting process in Latina/o fa mil ies, including the communication and understanding of limitations to autonomy. Additionally, l ittle is known about ho w Latina/o adolescents experience psychological autonomy support in the context of the family or how Latina/o caregivers define and support psychological autonomy , much less how this process facilitates secure attachment within the family. Attachment Theory Attachment theory is a widely regarded universal framework for human development throughout the lifespan. Beginning at birth, there is an affectional bond between caregiver and infant that creates an environment of security that serves an adaptive function (Bowlby, 1969). From an evolutionary standpoint, secure attachment increases the infants chance for survival because of the responsive ness to the infants needs and safety provided by the attachment figure, also known as a secure base (Siegel, 2012; Bowlby, 1969; Ainsworth, Behar, Waters, & Wall,
! ! $* ! 1978). According to Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall (1978) there are three predominate a tta chment patterns that evolve from interactions between the caregiver and infant. E motionally unavailable, imperceptive, rejecting, and unresponsive caregivers are associated with avoidant attachment and c aregivers who are inconsistently available and who te nd to project their emotional states onto their children are associated with ambivalent attachment (Siegel , 2012 ). Conversely, caregivers who are emotionally available, perceptive, responsive and able to make sense of their infant's mental states are assoc iated with secure attachment (Siegel). Infants who are securely attached and fully interact with caregivers in a secure base are likely to internalize representations that attachment figures are available, responsive, and helpful, increasing proximity seek ing behavior (Ainsworth, Blehar, & Wall, 1978; Bowlby, 19 7 8). Secure attachment during infancy becomes a crucial aspect of a child's socialization, and these patterns set the foundation for social competence and temperamental regulation as the child begin s to interact with social systems outside of the caregiver bond (Marvin & Britner, 2008). Secure attachment also entails the infant's emotional regulation, mastery of the environment; interpersonal closeness and competence; a balance of dependency, self re liance and self efficacy; and self worth (Bowlby, 1969 & Ainsworth). Secure attachment behaviors become increasingly important as the child reaches adolescence and becomes less dependent on the safety of their secure base (Bowlby, 1988). Although secure at tachment has been identified cross culturally in the caregiver infant bond (Ainsworth, 1990), less consideration has been given to contextual and cultural universality of secure attachment patterns later in life. According to Bowlby (1973) humans have i nternal working models of attachment that are formed through intergenerational transmission. Internal working models have a cognitive component referred to as representations (Bowlby, 1973) that allow individuals to anticipate the
! ! $+ ! future, influencing how s ituations and interactions are evaluated, including the emotions attached to them (Bowlby, 1980). T he infants internal working model is formed through interpersonal interaction and a dependence on the functions of the caregivers (Siegel, 2012). Dependable and responsive interactions with a caregiver eventually becomes a secure internal working model. It is important to consider how culture and experiences across the lifespan influence the individuals working model of attachment (Siegel) and are formed throu gh interpersonal interaction during infancy as well as subsequent stages of development (Talbot & McHale, 2003). Beginning in childhood, secure internal working models of attachment are marked by goal corrected behavior with the caregiver, meaning tha t children have a greater ability to adjust and respond to caregiver behavior (Talbot & McHale, 2003). Secure working models create quality interaction, open discussion of emotion, and set up expectations of one's social world (Bowlby, 1973). Since an inte rnal model of attachment remains stable regardless of context (Siegel, 2012), this becomes particularly important as the child transitions into adolescence. Though internal models of attachment are argued to be contextually universal, little is known about how internal models are transmitt ed within generations in Latin a /o families. During adolescence, the development of autonomy directly pushes against the attachment system, yet at the same time the secure attachment relationship makes this developmental t ransition easier both for the adolescent and the family (Cretzmeyer, 2003). Recognizing autonomy development as a process that inevitably changes attachment patterns is a Eurocentric perspective of development and less is known about how this process looks across cultures. According to Allen (2008), secure attachment in adolescence is marked by a balance of safety and exploration with outside social systems, and although overt attachment behavior toward a caregiver decreases, adolescents still depend on th eir caregivers in times of stress (Steinberg,
! ! $, ! 1990). Internal working models of secure attachment during adolescence are marked by goal correction, expressed through increased communication and perspective taking skills with caregivers (Kobak and Duemmler, 1994). Goal correcting patterns allow the adolescent to develop autonomy and social competence because of the stability of the internal working model formed in the safety of a secure base (Allen, Hauser, Bell & O'Connor, 1994 ; Bowlby, 1988). Further, esta blished secure attachment patterns provides what Allen (2008) regards as epistemic space, which allows adolescents to have emotional freedom and hold less idealized perceptions of caregivers (Steinberg & Silverberg, 1986). This becomes especially significa nt as adolescent's balance emerging autonomy needs while still depending on caregivers for attachment needs. Attachment Theory Bowlby (1949, 1969) asserted that attachment theory should apply to all human beings in all times and places as it is an explan ation of the evolutionary pressures to survive and adapt beginning in infancy. Activation of the attachment system begins with an emotional bond to a caregiver, who is perceived as safe and reliable (Bowlby, 1988; Ainsworth, 1990). Caregivers who demonst rate an acceptance of the infant's emotions and sensitivity to a child's signals and negative emotional states reduce the child's uncomfortable emotions (fear and sadness). Over time this process is anticipated, creating a schema of secure attachment (Sieg el, 2012) and what Bowlby (1988) termed a secure base. No concept within attachment theory is more central to human development than the secure base, which allows for the child and adolescent to explore the outside world knowing that he or she will re turn to a welcoming and nourishing environment and when distressed or afraid will be comforted and reassured (Bowlby, 1988). The infant regards their secure base as a responsive space in which the caregiver assists and encourages the infant's behavior, yet the
! ! %! caregiver only intervenes when necessary (Bowlby, 1988). In other words, the infant has a sense of confidence that the caregiver is a reliable figure to fall back on while autonomy is developing. Although Bowlby and Ainsworth have explored mother chil d attachment and the protective role of a secure base, there is still a lack of understanding of attachment in the microsystem with other family relationships (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Internal Working Model of Attachment According to Bowlby (1969, 1973, 198 8) and Ainsworth, Bleh ar, Waters, & Wall (1978) early attachment relationships with caregiver's shape expectations for late r relationships (e.g . friendship, parenting, and romantic love) because attachment patterns are internalized, providing a model for h ow relationships will or should be . Mary Ainsworth's classification of attachment patterns emerged from her observational study, the Strange Situation ( Ainsworth, Blehar, Wate rs, & Wall, 1978) , which became the standard by which attachment patterns at late r stages of development are judged (Marvin & Britner, 2008). In these studies, infants were placed in uncomfortable situations in which they were to balance exploration of the new environment with a need for reassurance from the caregiver (Ainsworth, 1990) . I nfants who explore the environment, embrace their caregivers upon return, then quickly return to exploration after being soothed are classified as securely attached ( Ain sworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall). Similarly, securely attached caregivers are percep tive to the infants needs and have a clear understanding of their child's emotional states, creating ease of communication in the dyad (Bowlby, 1973). Throughout all developmental stages, ease of communication, otherwise known as attunement is a key proces s within the securely attached relationship, defined as an alignment of states of mind (Bowlby, 1973) or a "resonance of energy" (Siegel, p. 95, 2012). Attunement is a significant process because it creates a flexible and empathic attachment relationship t hat can
! ! %$ ! easily alternate between engagement and autonomy (Siegel). Attunement also helps skills such as autonomous coping, problem solving, and tolerance of a spectrum of emotional expressions (Siegel, 2012; Bowlby, 1973). Tolerance of emotional expression s of the self and other is a result of the goal corrected nature of the attachment relationship, or learned reciprocal interactions in which attachment figures and children can consider one another's perspective and adjust (Bowlby, 1973). Therefore, a secu re internal working model of attachment entails attunement in the attachment relationship regardless of age and context. Secure internal working models of attachment also hold the same adaptive functions throughout the lifespan (Bowlby, 1973). Secure mode ls facilitate emotional regulation, social relatedness, access to autobiographical memory, empathy, and coherent narratives (Bowlby, 1969; Siegel, 2012). Although these functions serve great importance across the lifespan, internal working models do shift beginning in adolescence from secure attachment to a caregiver to autonomous secure attachment (Main, Kaplan, & Cassidy, 1985). It is important to note that caregivers who have a clear and coherent narrative of early attachments (positive or negative) are classified as autonomous secure as this is a process that should influence objectivity regarding events and relationships (Main et al.). An autonomous secure pattern in adulthood entails a disposition of having little attachment related worries about the f uture due to a long pattern of security in past attachments (Siegel, 2012). Due to attunement in the attachment system, children with secure attachment have caregivers who are classified as secure autonomous (Main, Kaplan, & Cassidy, 1985) confirming the n otion that internal models of secure attachment are transmitted from generation to generation. Secure attachment is viewed as a protective factor for mental health (Srouf, England, Carlson, & Collins, 2005) and creates a type of emotional resilience depen dent upon culture and
! ! %% ! life experiences (Siegel, 2012). Internal models of attachment influence what caregivers expect in child attachment relationships and should be looked at through the lens of the culture. Little is known about how internal models of at tachment inform interactions between Latina/o caregivers and their children nor how these models are transmitted generationally. It becomes especially important to understand this process as families are pushed to adapt to change and maintain cohesion in t imes of stress and transition as Latina/o children move into adolescence. Attachment During Adolescence According to Allen (2008), attachment security in adolescence is marked by a balance of autonomy and connection in the face of disagreements. Securely attached adolescents should be able to adapt behaviors when needed and have learned to do so from the goal directed partnership of the caregiver adolescent dyad (Allen). Secure attachment is linked to greater leadership abilities, healthier sexual behavior s and relationships, less impulsivity, and less externalizing behaviors during adolescence (Allen, 2008). Conversely, adolescents who are ambivalently attached can be anxious and demanding in social settings, which could eventually lead to developmentally inappropriate immaturity and sensitivity to failure (Srouf, England, Carlson, & Collins, 2005). Early patterns of ambivalent insecure attachment are marked by increased dependence on the attachment figure while rejecting any responsiveness from the caregiv er (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978). Ambivalently attached adolescents could become overly dependent on peers, have a negative self concept, and mistrust in oneself , hold ing implications for the adolescents' susceptibility to peer pressure (Srouf, England, Carlson, & Collins, 2005). I t should be noted that these patterns of attachment begin with the child's internal model of attachment and continue to be internally represented from adolescence and beyond.
! ! %& ! Adolescent attachment representations hold importance for social and emotional development because early attachment relationships with multiple caregivers are internalized and provide a framework for future attachment experiences (Main, Kaplan, & Cassidy, 1985). As a result, adolescents are predis posed to expect certain attachment behaviors and will begin to compare attachment relationships (Allen, 2008). As adolescents explore other social systems and form new attachment relationships, they still expect the caregiver to be available if needed. Thi s behavior is a marker of secure attachment at this age ( Allen, Hauser, & O'Connor,1994) and is also referred to as secure base behavior (Bowlby, 1988) because the adolescent is revisiting and maintaining the attachment bond even as they explore autonomy f rom caregivers. Autonomy at this age plays a role in the reconstruction of the adolescents thought processes regarding attachment and is difficult to negotiate for most families as it pushes the system to adapt to change (Allen, 2008). The capacity to thi nk autonomously about attachment is also termed epistemic space (Allen), which allows the adolescent to reevaluate the nature of the caregiver attachment bond and may also entail transferring greater dependencies to peers (Steinberg, 2002). For families to attain a balance of attachment and autonomy the caregiver and adolescent must be attuned to one another . When attunement is present in the caregiver adolescent bond , caregivers respond to their adolescent s emerging need to move in and out of the family sy st em with greater independence and are available for guidance when needed , while the adolescent is able to depend on the secure base of a caregiver. Less is known about how caregivers and adolescents balance autonomy and attachment across cultures. Psycho social development during adolescence, including emerging autonomy and independence brings about drastic changes in how attachment is expressed and what it means for both the adolescent and caregiver in the family (Allen, 2008). It is important to
! ! %' ! consider and gather racial and ethnic differences in caregiver adolescent attachments a s well as the sociocultural contexts that influence the transmission of internal models of attachment within generations. Particularly, little is known about how Latin a /o famili es experience and define secure attachment and what they regard as securely attached behavior, specifically as children transition into adolescence. M ore importantly, little is know n about what a balance of autonomy and secure attachment looks like through a cultural lens in Latina/o families. Research on Latina /o Family Attachment Internal Models of Attachment in Latino/a Culture Armenta, Knight, Carlo, and Jacobson (2011), examined the relationship between ethnic group attachment and prosocial behavior (i.e. altruistic, emotional, dire, and compliant help). Their findings appear to indicate that beginning in early adolescence, attachment is linked to culture of origin, likely due to the values of their primary attachment figure(s) that were internalized early on. Adolescent attachment to Mexican American cultural values based on group cooperation, helping, and collectivism serve as a protective factor in adolescent socialization in different social contexts. It is important to consider this research as i t indicates a transmission of cultural values between generations, going against other research emphasizing the impact of the acculturation gap on secure attachment in Latina/o families. Another study by TacÂ—n and Caldera (2001) examined attachment, attac hment styles, and acculturation among Mexican American/Hispanic and non Hispanic undergraduate college females. One interesting finding indicated a significantly different level of acculturation between Hispanic females whose parents were born in Mexico an d whose parents were b orn in the U.S. B ased on the overall high acculturation of Hispanic participants, over fifty percent were classified into a secure attachment style. This is an important finding consistent with previous
! ! %( ! studies confirming the value th at Hispanic youth place on secure attachment to caregivers. Interestingly, Hispanic adolescents who scored high on secure attachment reported having fathers who were high on warmth. Further, participants who scored higher levels of dependence on others als o possessed a higher capacity to trust others and have a sense of security to fall back on others when needed, which is the basis of a secure attachment relationship. This is an important finding in the literature because it links cultural values in Latina /o families with patterns of secure attachment, also indicating that the acculturation gap does not necessarily impact secure attachment. Howes, Vu & Hamilton (2011) specifically examined the intergenerational transmission of attachment representations be tween Mexican immigrant mothers and their children. Individual differences in attachment representations was examined among children and their Mexican heritage mothers . R esults showed that mothers who held coherent narratives about their childhood experien ces also scored high in security scores with their children. This finding confirm s the relationship between caregiver attachment representations and child attachment patterns. Another important finding indicated that mothers with secure representations als o viewed their relationship with their children as secure. This appears to confirm that internalized attachment patterns from childhood set expectations later in life in attachment relationships and set s the expectations for children in their future attach ment relationships. This is important evidence regarding the adaptability of internal representations of attachment in Latina/o families . The above studies provide insight into what internal models of attachment in Latina/o families might entail. First, Latina/o adolescents not only attach to parental figures, but hold attachment to cultural values as well. Second, Latina/o adolescents experience secure attachment through parental involvement, support, and warmth. Cultural values are also related to inter nal
! ! %) ! models of attachment transmitted between Latina/o caregivers and adolescents. Further, it is important to consider the relationship between internalized secure attachment patterns and autonomous behaviors because it promotes and supports Latina/o youth to adapt to transitions in new environment s . However, there still lacks research in how Latina/o experience and attach meaning to secure attachment to caregivers especially through the autonomy granting process. Caregiver Adolescent Attachment and Autono my Melendez and Melendez (2010) examined the influence of mother daughter attachment on college adjustment. Result s showed that attachment in the form of parental support strongly correlated with institutional attachment for Latino/a and Hispanic studen ts , meaning that already established atta chment patterns provide Latina/ Hispanic youth with a sense of security to transition and attach to other social systems. Attachment in the form of parental support also allows students to adjust to new environments, which is a significant example of attachment patterns influencing Latina autonomy outside of the family system. S ecure attachment provides Latina/o adolescents a secure base to depend on during times of stress such as the transition in to young adulthood a nd college. These results are important because they show not only how Latina/o adolescents positively perceive caregiver attachment but also indicate how adolescents balance dependence on caregivers and autonomy in outside social systems. However, t he lit erature lacks an exploration of how secure attachment is expressed and defined in Latina/o families. Further, evidence in the existing literature suggests that secure attachment plays a significant adaptive function in adolescent development. Specifically, adolescent autonomy development entails a presence of secure attachment to caregivers and the balance of the two holds significant importance for family cohesion. Yet, there is little understanding of how secure attachment influences the process of autono my granting in Latina/o families.
! ! %* ! The Acculturation Process Acculturation is widely known as the change in cultural patterns such as values and practices occurring as a result of groups or individuals from two distinct cultures coming into continuous fir st hand contact (Redfield, Linton and Herskovitz, 1936). According to Berry (1980) acculturati on occurs at two levels, the group level which entails changes in social structure or political organization and the individual level which entails changes in ide ntity, values, practices, and beliefs. The process of acculturation at the individual level also entails a commitment to patterns of one's culture of origin in social contexts, while facing choices to adopt the new values and practices of the host culture; these changes might occur at different rates depending on level of contact with both cultures (Berry, 1980). Acculturation can occur between both a giving and receiving culture that are in a reciprocal relationship, but must entail cultural equality betwe en both cultures (Berry & Sam, 1997). However, for individuals who immigrate into the United States, cultural equality is not the norm, and therefore impacts the way immigrants acculturate to the dominant culture and how they choose to maintain the values of their culture of origin. The way one interacts with the dominant culture will impact how one chooses to keep the language, values, and traditions of their home culture (Berry & Sam, 1997). Therefore, the acculturation process varies among individuals, f amilies, communities, and cultural groups, where some choose to hold on to their culture of origin and others acculturate more towards American culture (Berry & Annis, 1974; Berry & Sam, 1997). Acculturation is also a phenomenon that affects individuals in different ways, at all levels of functioning, in various times and contexts (Cu ÂŽllar, Arnold, & Maldonado, 1995; Berry & Annis, 1974). Therefore, how one acculturates can also be dependent upon one's generational status, age, and cultural orientation with in the host culture. When the acculturation process is looked at in the family context, individual interactions
! ! %+ ! with the dominant culture become more complex (Telzer, 2010). According to Phinney, Ong, and Madden (2000), adults and children in the same fam ily may acculturate to the host culture at different rates, leading to what is known as an acculturation gap. The acculturation gap exists because the amount of time an individual is in contact with the host culture and age of arrival to the host culture i mpact the acculturation process (Berry & Sam, 1997). Therefore, as immigrant families balance their culture of origin with exposure to the host culture, intergenerational discrepancies in values, practices, and beliefs can arise between caregivers and chil dren (Phinney et al., 2000). Cultural discrepancies can be more evident as children in immigrant families enter adolescence, especially because the microsystemic level is the primary level in which caregivers and adolescents differ most ( Coatsworth, Pantin , & Szapocznik, 2002; Bronfrenbrenner 1979). In other words, adaptation to the host culture varies contextually and generationally because adolescents have interactions with different social systems than their ca regivers (Phinney et al. , 2000). It is impor tant to consider the dominant U.S. discourse on adolescent autonomy development and how this may go against the collectivist values of interdependence in many immigrant families. According to Szapocznik et al. (1978), children in immigrant families accult urate to the host culture at a quicker rate than their caregivers, leading to family conflict and youth maladjustment. Intergenerational discrepancies in cultural values, practices, and beliefs as a source of family conflict is the foundation of the accult uration gap distress model (Szapocznik et al., 1978). The acculturation gap distress model is based on the conflicts that arise when the child is more acculturated to the host culture than the caregiver because the two generations are essentially living tw o different cultural realities, creating acculturative dissonance (Portes & Rumbaut, 1996). Acculturative dissonance implies that intergenerational value discrepancies can
! ! %, ! make caregivers and children feel alienated from one another because children are pe rceived as rejecting their culture of origin in favor of the host culture (Szapocznik et al., 1978; Portes & Rumbaut, 1996). Again, it is important to consider that if acculturation is a phenomenon that affects individuals in different ways and in various times and contexts (Cu ÂŽllar, Arnold, & Maldonado, 1995; Berry & Annis, 1974), then certain immigrant families in specific contexts may not experience family conflict. For example, Latina/o immigrant youth have been known to hold onto cultural values of fam ilial obligation and interdependence while also adapting to the autonomy expectations of the host culture (Phinney, Ong, & Madden, 2000). Therefore, it seems essential to understand how Latina/o youth adjust to a new culture and maintain ties to their cult ure of origin and the family level variables that increase cohesion in Latina/o immigrant families as they experience the acculturation gap. Acculturation According to Berry (1980), there are two important components to the acculturation process, the firs t is the extent to which individuals retain involvement with their culture of origin and second is the extent to which individuals become involved in the host culture. Given these considerations, the acculturation process can be seen as entailing a degree of choice as to which cultural behaviors and values one decides to adopt and retain (Berry, 2006), however it is also imp ortant to consider that certain cultures perceive the acculturation process not to be a choice at all. It becomes clear then that based on these two important components of the acculturation process, there exists a variety of possible outcomes as individuals interact with both cultures. Berry (1980), created a bidimensional model of the acculturation process explaining the ways in which immigrant individuals strive to develop a desired balance between preserving their home cultural identity and acquiring a new identity with the host culture. This model addresses variations to the changes in personal values, beliefs, practices, and ways of living that
! ! &! an immigrant or minority individual makes as a result of adapting to the mainstream cultural and behavioral norms (Berry et al., 1987) all while retaining that of their culture of origin. Based on the bidimensional model, Berry (1980), disting uished four possible strategies to the acculturation process. The first strategy, call ed biculturalism, is where individuals integrate into the host culture, meaning they adopt high mainstream involvement and retain high culture of origin involvement. Seco nd, individuals may choose to assimilate, which entails an adoption of high mainstream involvement and low culture of origin involvement. The third strategy is called separation, in which individuals choose to adopt very little or no involvement with the h ost culture while maintaining high involvement with their culture of origin. The last outcome would be an experience of marginalization, resulting in low involvement with both the host culture and culture of origin (Berry, 1980). According to Berry (1980), assimilation, separation, integration, and marginalization are not fixed outcomes but can vary depending on the individual's interactions with both cultures, meaning that strategies can change because each serve a specific adaptive purpose both contextual ly and temporally throughout the lifespan. These strategies consist of two components, attitudes and behaviors that are a part of everyday intercultural interactions (Berry, 1997). This means that individuals might have preferences as to how they would li ke to interact with both cultures and then there is how one is actually able to behave, both of which are rarely congruently embodied (Berry & Sam, 1997). In other words, a discrepancy arises when the norms of the dominant culture inform intercultural inte ractions as do the experience of one's culture of origin, context, amount of time exposed to the host culture, and age of immigration.
! ! &$ ! Acculturation Gap Phinney, Ong, and Madden (2000) have specifically focused on the intergenerational value discrepancies that exist due to the different intercultural interactions that adolescents and caregivers in immigrant families experience. Since immigrant caregivers and their children adapt to a new culture at different rates, intergenerational cultural differences al so known as the acculturation gap may emerge in the family context (Phinney et al. ). Regarding how caregivers and adolescents experience cultural value discrepancies , Phinney et al. contend that Latina/o immigrant families need to be understood through the context of their cultural history and immigration experience, this includes considering adolescent development in the context of both the culture of origin and the host culture. The acculturation gap in Latina/o immigrant families also implies in that the collectivist values such as group interdependence, cooperation, and family needs are prioritized over individual needs, and loyalty given to family unity and traditions otherwise known as familismo ( Cu ÂŽllar, Arnold, & Maldonado, 1995 ) will eventually come up against the individualistic values of the U.S. dominant culture. According to Phinney et al. (2000), the acculturation gap exists based on place of birth, generational status in the host culture, or length of time in the host culture. This means that a n adult who has been predominately socialized in their culture of origin is less likely to adopt values, practices, and beliefs of the host culture ( Cu ÂŽllar, Arnold, & Maldonado, 1995) . Conversely, adolescents who have been socialized longer periods of tim e within the host culture, through significant developmental stages will have naturally adopted some aspects of the host culture while being immersed in their culture of origin in the family context, all of which influences identity dev elopment (Phinney et al., 2000 ). Going back to the strategies of acculturation (Berry, 1980), this would be an example of an acculturation gap in which
! ! &% ! caregivers may choose to separate from the host culture, while adolescents may integrate or possibly assimilate into the hos t culture. According to Phinney, Ong, and Madden (2000), the value discrepancies that may arise in this example would be that of differing expectations regarding family obligations and adolescent autonomy expectations. Acculturation Distress Model Accordi ng to Szapocznik et al. (1978), caregiver child acculturation discrepancies create conflict which arise when differing values, beliefs, and practices emerge in immigrant families. The differential rates of acculturation as a source of conflict and youth ma ladjustment in immigrant families is the foundation of the acculturation gap distress model (Szapocznik et al.). The acculturation gap distress model entails a clash between generations in immigrant families that typically emerge when youth are seen as act ively interacting with the mainstream culture (Szapocznik et al.). Therefore, conflicts may arise when adolescents begin to expect greater levels of autonomy as a result of interacting with the dominant culture and Latina/o caregivers may view this as a re jection of their culture of origin and a threat to home values and beliefs. Szapocznik et al. (1978) believed that acculturative dissonance involves conflicts stemming from any discrepancies in values, beliefs, and practices directly associated with the a cculturation process. An example of acculturative dissonance is when youth in Latina/o families learn English and caregivers hold on to their Spanish language. Over time caregivers have less understanding of how their children are socializing due to the di ssonance in language use, which then causes a dissonance in expectations and family obligations (Szapocznik et al.). It is important to note however, that while Latina/o youth may adopt the language of the mainstream culture, this can also be context speci fic and may not influence cultural values differences within the context of the family. Further, if intergenerational discrepancies around autonomy values in
! ! && ! Latina/o families emerge, it may not always be the case that youth are rejecting their family of o rigin values of interdependence, family obligation, and familismo. It then becomes important to gain a deeper understanding of how Latina/o families who experience the acculturation gap reduce any values conflicts based on autonomy expectations and autonom y granting. Further, it stands to reason that Latina/o families possess specific family level variables such as secure attachment patterns that provide an additional role in the experience of the acculturation gap. Research on Intergenerational Acculturat ion Family Dynamics and the Acculturation Gap In a study investigating how adolescent and parent acculturation influenced family dynamics, Smokowski, Rose, and Bacallao (2008) conducted a longitudinal study with 402 Latino adolescent parent dyads. A t the f amily level, the gap between parents' culture of origin involvement and adolescent's U.S. cultural involvement was positively related to family cohesion , adaptability , and famili smo . This may be indicative of the protective role that culture of origin invo lvement has on overall positive family dynamics, especially those based on values of connection and interdependence. More important ly, these findings also raise the question as to whether the acculturation gap , when adolescents have high U.S. cultural invo lvement increase family conflict due to increased value differences. Lau et al. (2005) also conducted a study testing the acculturation gap hypothesis by exploring the relationship between parent adolescent acculturation gaps with greater family conflic t and youth conduct problems. R esults indicated that youth perceptions of intergenerational conflict w ere a significant predictor of later youth conduct problems. It should also be noted that parent youth dyads who fell under a marginalized acculturation m atch had more conduct problems at a two year follow up. However, acculturation match variables and acculturation discrepancy variables were not associated with youth perceptions of parent youth
! ! &' ! conflict. These are significant findings that r eject the accul turation gap distress hypothesis but also indicate that if any conflict occurs as a result of the acculturation gap , it may be due to experiences of marginalization. This is again consistent with the literature on attachment emphasizing the generational t ransmission of cultural values. In a study conducted by Telzer et al. (2016), the acculturation gap distress model was tested among 428 Mexican American adolescents and their primary caregivers in Los Angeles by assessing their levels of American and Mexi can cultural orientations, family functioning, and youth adjustment. First, adolescents in the study who reported adopt ing the behaviors, language, and values of their culture of origin report ed better family functioning and overall adjustment regardless o f parental orientation toward American or Mexican culture. This finding indicates that adolescent values of cultural of origin has great impact on family attachment than the acculturation gap . Further, p atterns indicated that adolescent cultural maintenanc e and involvement with their culture of origin is a protective factor for family functioning and adolescent adjustment even when adolescents reported low American cultural involvement. In a qualitative case study by Buckingham and Brodsky (2015), semi str uctured interviews were done with two mixed generation Salvadoran immigrant families to explore their description and understan ding of the acculturation gap , and whether this was seen as problematic or useful. Results for both families indicated that tensi on arose when the acculturation gap caused value differences related to religious practice. However, both families reported tension to be a temporary occurrence, reported high cohesion, mutual values of family unity, indicat ing family resilience. Family or ganization also seemed to facilitate navigation of the acculturation gap, where both families reported flexibility of rules, connectedness in times of tension, and avoiding conflicts by respecting the other family members' values. Based on these variables, it
! ! &( ! appears that cohesion itself impacts the experience of the acculturation gap. Finally, both families shared factors that facilitated communication and problem solving when conflicts around value differences arose such as clear and congruent messages ab out one's values, open emotional expression, collaborative problem solving, discussion, humor, and empathy. These results are a significant step in identifying the protective factors that help families navigate the acculturation gap and the steps immigrant families take to avoid value conflicts. It becomes clear that greater attention must be given to how adolescents and caregivers experience the acculturation gap, with greater depth in to how families adapt and maintain cohesion through any emerging cultur al differences. It may also be important to understand the subjective perceptions of value discrepancies for Latina/o youth and how cultural values, practices, and beliefs serve as protective factors for caregivers and adolescents as families navigate the acculturation gap. First, it is important to broaden the definition of the acculturation gap beyond generational acculturation style differences with greater focus on the unique family dynamics that occur within the context of the acculturation gap.. It is important to investigate the family level variables that Latina/o families possess as caregivers and adolescents are confronted with value discrepancies due to emerging adolescent autonomy and the acculturation gap. Moderators on the Effects of the Accul turation Gap Wang et al. (2013), investigated the role of attachment in acculturation towards dominant culture , in the endorsement of Latino/Hispanic cultural beliefs, and further assessed how anxious and avoidant attachment influence perceived discriminat ion and psychosomatic complaints among 160 Latino/Hispanic American undergraduate and graduate students. The most significant of the results showed that attachment anxiety was a significant predictor of acculturation towards mainstream culture . This prelim inary research can lend evidence to how attachment styles may
! ! &) ! provide an additional framework for understanding the acculturation process and psychosocial outcomes experienced by Latino/Hispanic youth. It is also important to consider how attachment can fu rther serve as an adaptive variable in the acculturation process. Schwartz et al. (2012) examined the effects of parent adolescent acculturation gaps, perceived discrimination, and perceived negative context reception on adolescent problem behaviors. Resu lts indicated that d ifferential collectivist values in the parent adolescent dyad were negatively related to adolescent reported communication and positively related to parents reported communication . These results are significant because they lend evidenc e to the acculturation gaps negative influence on parent adolescent perceptions of communication. This begins to explain the role of parent adolescent communication as a protective factor for immigrated Hispanic adolescents who are more Americanized than t heir parents. Based on the literature review on the acculturation gap in Latina/o families, it seems necessary to move away from the acculturation gap distress hypothesis and acknowledge that Latina/o adolescents may not be impacted negatively by the accu lturation gap and having different cultural orientation s than caregiver s may not necessarily be a result of the acculturation gap. There should also be an increased focus, based on the above studies, on promoting communication, parental involvement, and se cure attachment behaviors in Latina/o families to maintain cohesion as they navigate the acculturation gap. It is important to note that much of the research done on the acculturation gap is quantitative in nature and fails to reflect the lived experiences of the acculturation gap in Latina/o families. Theref ore, th is study aim ed to explore how Latina/o immigrant families experience the acculturation gap , the process of autonomy granting and secure attachment through a cultural lens as families are pushed t o adapt to emerging adolescent autonomy demands and changes brought on by the acculturation gap.
! ! &* ! CHAPTER III: METHODOLOGY Ontology Th is study include d research questions and methodology informed by a social constructivist worldview. Social constructivism is a philosophical approach that aligns with the researcher's personal understanding of the world Ã‘ that individuals create subjective meanings of their experiences, which are informed by the social, cultural, and contextual discourses with which they inter act (Creswell, 2014). The researcher sought to understand how the acculturation gap between caregivers and adolescents produces subjective meanings regarding autonomy values and secure attachment. In congruence with the social constructivist worldview, the researcher believes that the meaning of the acculturation gap is constructed through the process of interaction between Latina/o caregivers and adolescents. This study was approached with a social constructivist lens so the researcher c ould gain a better understanding of the processes of interaction influenced by the acculturation gap, including how caregivers and adolescents navigate discrepancies in autonomy values. Further, the researcher s ought to understand how secure attachment in Latina/o families i nfluences processes of interaction brought on by the acculturation gap, specifically during a time in which the family is pushed to adapt to emerging adolescent autonomy. Since Latina/o families may not fit into the dominant Western perspectives regarding adolescent autonomy and secure attachment, the social constructivist approach fits with the researchers' intent to explore the unique experiences of this specific population. According to Ponterotto (2010), constructivism can be a well suited research app roach with non western populations because the researcher holds an empathetic stance, values all socially constructed worldviews, and suspends any previously held conceptions or stereotypes about a certain group. Since the social constructivist approach is founded on the notion that
! ! &+ ! knowledge and understanding is built on previously held beliefs and experiences (Ponterotto), the researcher may inductively understand participants' construction of meaning while valuing and acknowledging sociocultural beliefs and non western discourses. Therefore, the social constructivist approach was particularly important in this study because it emphasize d a focus on context and culture of participants to create a theory (Creswell, 2014) without the assumption that Latina/o families fit into the dominant discourses that currently exist. Phenomenology Phenomenology, strongly rooted in philosophy and psychology, also holds the belief that reality is socially constructed (Schutz, 1967; Creswell, 2014). A phenomenological appro ach in research acknowledges that experiences of a single event are interpreted differently depending upon one's frame of reference and therefore aims to understand the subjective perspective of a participants experience (Giorgi, 1970; Moustakas, 1994). Ac cording to Moustakas (1994), to capture the essence and meaning of a phenomenon one must eliminate all prejudgments and describe things as they are, as it appears in consciousness. A key tenet of phenomenology is to view experiences as intersubjective beca use we experience the world with and through others (Creswell, 2014; Moustakas, 1994; Husserl, 1931). Therefore, the study sought to understand the acts of consciousness directed towards the acculturation gap and intersubjectivity within Latina/o families as they share the experience of the acculturation gap. Phenomenology came to be an approach to scientific research because there was little focus on conscious experiences of the natural world in research during that time (Moustakas , 1994 ). According to Gi orgi (2009), the steps to phenomenological research are as follows: assume a position as an investigator of consciousness, analyzing participants conscious processes toward a particular phenomenon; read the participants entire account of their experience; then the
! ! &, ! researcher creates meaning units or themes from the entire account; the themes are then transformed into sensitive statements that best encompass the participants meaning using their language; and finally the researcher must create an overarching structure of that experience based on the meaning statements that emerged from participants. Another key researcher in descriptive phenomenological research, Moustakas (1994), contends that the research question should have both social meaning and persona l significance. Moustakas believes that researchers should depend on participant descriptions to discover meaning and interrelationships, by asking what the experience is of the phenomenon and what context or situations have affected the experiences of the phenomenon (Moustakas). Therefore, the researcher aimed to understand the contexts in which Latina/o adolescents and caregivers are affected by the acculturation gap, including how the experience of the acculturation gap is affected within the context of a secure attachment relationship. Since phenomenology requires validation of universally unique experiences and subjective human perspectives by asking open ended questions, participants voices were able to emerge through their interviews (Moustakas). Ther efore, phenomenology may be applied to understand a diversity of experiences as well as an approach to raise the voices of marginalized and underrepresented groups (Moustakas). A phenomenological approach and methodology was well suited for th is study as participants shared their own narratives of their experience of the acculturation gap within the family context. The researcher inductively examine d the subjective thoughts, understandings and feelings influenced by the acculturation gap, as well as behavi ors related to autonomy and attachment. The researcher did not posit any prior knowledge of the acculturation gap, adolescent autonomy, Latina/o culture, or secure attachment through the research process but d id acknowledge and bracket the personal signifi cance the emerging themes held for he r by creating
! ! '! a reflective journal, also in line with phenomenology. Further, the aim of th e study was to hear the lived experience of the acculturation gap to better understand the unique processes of autonomy and atta chment in Latina/o families. Theoretical Framework Critical Race Theory (CRT) was the theoretical foundation for this study as CRT aims to understand a marginalized group experiencing a phenomenon transformed by race and societal structure (SolÂ—rzano and Yosso, 2002; Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). By following CRT, the study aim ed to understand Latina/o immigrant families experiencing a phenomenon shaped by immigration and acculturation within the societal structure of the U.S. CRT is an academic discipline which contends that society is divided along racial lines and challenges the separate discourses on race, gender, and class by examining how these discourses intersect and affect the experiences of marginalized groups (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). A critica l race methodology is focused on the experiences and knowledge of people of color by using their stories and raising their voices (Mastuda et al., 1993). By using a CRT framework, the researcher set the precedent that participants narratives will challenge dominant discourses regarding adolescent autonomy and family attachment, recognizing that as a marginalized group, Latina/o immigrant families experience these discourses differently. CRT is comprised of five tenets and is intended to improve understandin g of the effects of racism on people of color (SolÂ—rzano & Yosso, 2002). The first tenet of CRT is that racism is a normal part of American life and thus recognizes the societal impact it holds on people of color (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). CRT also aims to legitimize the racial experiences of marginalized groups by using counter stories, or personal narratives of people of color, which are pivotal in the research process (Delgado & Stefancic). The second tenet of CRT recognizes the permanence
! ! '$ ! of racism an d how this controls the political, social, and economic systems of the U.S. both through inherent white privilege and the exclusion of those same privileges for people of color (SolÂ˜rzano & Yosso, 2002; Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). The third tenet of CRT vi ews whiteness as a property interest, meaning that those who have white skin become a property that guarantees the possession of privilege and protection (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). The fourth tenet of CRT is that of interest convergence, which states tha t white folks primarily benefit from civil rights (SolÂ˜rzano & Yosso, 2002; Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). According to Derek Bell (1980) interest convergence is a principal of CRT stressing that racial equality and equity for people of color is only pursued when they converge with the interests, needs, and expectations of white folks. Interest convergence also states that whiteness is the majority group setting the norm in the U.S. for how things are or should be (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). It is important to note that the definition of whiteness arose in the context of immigration law courts, deciding who had the privilege to live in the U.S. (Delgado & Stefancic). It was the researchers goal to examine how this discourse has systematically impacted Latina/ o immigrant families generationally. For example, immigration analogy is a result of interest convergence stating that minority groups, especially Latina/o and Asian individuals will inevitably follow the same assimilation process as white Europeans. In re lation to this study, autonomy as it is defined in U.S. society is a norm based on individualism, a discourse that did not appear to impact the acculturation gap for participants in this study on ly when variables of secure attachment were present. Accordin g to Delgado and Stefancic (2001), CRT uses legal storytelling and narrative analysis to question why certain stories are accepted and others are not. As such, CRT uses some of narrative theory by contending that divergent stories exist because people beli eve what benefits them based on experience, which shapes their "normative universe" (Delgado &
! ! '% ! Stefancic, 2001, pg. 41). Therefore, CRT acknowledges that the norms of U.S. culture are shaped by Eurocentric standards (interest convergence) and research shou ld target those standards and search for contradictions (Delgado & Stefancic). According to Derrick Bell (1980), the goal of CRT is to challenge Eurocentric norms with well told narratives of people of color so readers may bridge the gap between dominant n arratives and untold narratives of people of color. Through storytelling, those who have been marginalized are given the opportunity to expand upon what is and should be considered normal American stories (SolÂ—rzano & Yosso, 2002). According to Delgado an d Stefancic (2001), CRT uses the power of stories and persuasion to eventually meet a larger goal of eliminating racism by understanding how Americans see race. Therefore, CRT fit with this study because the researcher raised the voices of Latina/o youth a n d mothers , attain ed their experiential knowledge of the acculturation gap and the family processes that result from the experience of the acculturation gap , while intentionally normalizing and creating a discourse of normal family processes in Latina/o fa milies in the U.S. Participants Six Latina/o immigrant famil y dyads , consisting of an adolescent between fifteen to nineteen years of age and a mother were recruited and interviewed . All participant mothers were born in Mexico and arrived in the U.S betwee n one to five years before their adolescent was born. All adolescent participants were born in the U.S. and are lifetime resident s of the U.S ; however one adolescent did live in Mexico with his older sister for one year in grade school. The mothers and ado lescent s identif ied as Latina/o, Hispanic, or Mexican American. Further, participant mothers all spoke Spanish , whereas all but one adolescent participant spoke English for the interviews . The country of birth for all participant mothers is Mexico and the country of birth for all adolescent participants is the U.S. Below is a brief description of each family dyad.
! ! '& ! Mariana, age 17, identif ies as a Hispanic female with an education level under 12 th grade and her mother, Paula, age 37, also identifies as a His panic female, has lived in the U.S. for 20 years, with an education level under 12 th grade. Anthony, age 16, identifies as a Hispanic male with an education level under 12 th grade and his mother, Nataly, age 35, identifies as Latina and female, has lived i n the U.S. for 16 years with an education level under 12 th grade. Juan, age 16, identifies as a Mexican American male, with an education level under 12 th grade and his mother Ana, age 51, identifies as a Hispanic female, has lived in the U.S. for twenty ye ars, with an education level under 12 th grade. Juan also lived in Mexico for one year. Jazz, age 18, identifies as Latina and female, with an education level under 12 th grade and her mother Olivia, did not provide her age, identifies as Latina and gender f luid, has lived in the U.S. for 19 years, with an education level under 12 th grade. Manuel, age 15, identifies as a Mexican American male, with an education level under 12 th grade and his mother Esmeralda, age 39, identifies as Latina and female, has lived in the U.S. for 20 years, with an education level under 12 th grade. Abigail, age 15, identifies as a Mexican American female, with an education level under 12 th grade and her mother Maria, identifies as a Hispanic female, has lived in the U.S. permanently for 16 years, with an education level under 12 th grade. Maria noted moving back and forth between Mexico and the U.S. for eight years before she settled down in the U.S. This subpopulation was chosen for the study because based on acculturation theory, in dividuals within the same family will go through the acculturation process differently based on factors such as age, exposure to various social systems within the host culture, duration of time exposed to the host culture, and one's culture of origin (Berr y and Annis, 1974; Cu ÂŽllar, Arnold, and Maldonado, 1995).
! ! '' ! Participants were recruited from a family counseling center in Southern New Mexico. The researcher obtained permission to recruit participants from this family counseling center (see Appendix G for letter of support from lead administrator). At the family counseling cen ter, the researcher posted flyers in the staff room (See Appendix A and B ), gave a presentation to staff and clinicians explaining the study (see Appendix C ), sent an email to staff a nd clinicians explaining the study (see Appendix D ) and made her contact information available to answer any inquiries. The researcher made herself available to answer any inquiries from staff and clinicians regarding the study both in person and through e mail. The researcher provide d additional flyers to staff and clinicians to share with potential participants. Setting Southern New Mexico Southern New Mexico is a region that is geographically near the border of Mexico, which explains the high Latina/o, Hi spanic, and Mexican American immigrant population. As of 2014, the Hispanic population in New Mexico was the ninth highest in the United States at 48% of the entire state population (Pew Research Center, 2017). According to the Pew Research Center, approxi mately 67% of Hispanic individuals who live in the state are of Mexican origin. Family Counseling Center in Southern New Mexico The researcher recruit ed participants from a family counseling center in one of the largest cities in Southern New Mexico. The researcher was associated with the counseling center as an intern and had established rapport with other clinicians and staff within the agency. There are approximately 140 therapists who work for the family counseling center and on average each therapist has a caseload of thirty clients at a time. Approximately fifty percent of the clients at the counseling center identify as Hispanic, Latina/o, Chicana/o or Mexican American. The
! ! '( ! family counseling center sees children, adolescents, and families in the comm unity, offers parenting programs, provides collaborative care with the public school system, and provides multi systemic family therapy among other services. There are several therapists and supervisors within the agency who are Spanish speaking who provid e therapy services for the Spanish speaking community. Purpose The researcher hypothesized that Latina/o immigrant families would experience the acculturation gap in a unique way in a region where the proximity to Mexico and the immersion in U.S. culture may create a bidirectional influence between two cultures, impacting the acculturation gap. According to Bills, HernÂ‡ndez ChÂ‡vez, & Hudson (1995), Latina/o individuals who reside in Southern New Mexico are much closer to their Mexican culture in their eth nicity and geographic location, influencing cultural practices such as language use. Language use, along with other behaviors, values, and beliefs are likely to be unique outcomes of the acculturation process in the Southern New Mexico region. Further, thi s subpopulation is unique in that Latina/o families possess family level variables such as adolescent autonomy granting and family attachment that serve as protective factors as the family navigates the acculturation gap. As such, this subpopulation was ch osen by the researcher to meet a goal to gain in depth knowledge from Latina/o families in a predominately Latina/o community. Research Questions The proposed study s ought to examine the acculturation gap in Latina/o immigrant families , in which in which the caregiver was not born in the U.S. and the adolescent is U.S. born, and its impact on adolescent autonomy granting and family attachment. The researcher also
! ! ') ! aim ed to understand how adolescent autonomy granting and secure attachment are family level va riables that serve as protective factors as families navigate the acculturation gap. â€¢ ! Research Question #1: What is the process of autonomy granting in Latina/o immigrant families â€¢ ! Research Question #2: Does secure attachment influence the process of auto nomy granting? â€¢ ! Research Question #3: Does the intergenerational acculturation gap impact secure attachment and autonomy granting in Latina/o families? Instrumentation Demographic Questionnaire A demographic questionnaire was used to identify key backgroun d characteristics of the participants. The demographic questionnaire addressed characteristics such as age, gender, country of birth, number of years living in the United States, level of education for both child and guardian, and the race/ethnicity with w hich child and guardian identify. The demographic questionnaire can be found in Appendix E and F . Protocol Questions In alignment with phenomenological qualitative research, the researcher asked semi structured open ended questions (Creswell, 2014) to capture the essence of participants experience of the acculturation gap in Latina/o immigrant famili es. The adolescent and parent/caregiver w ere asked their own set of eight interview questions related to adolescent autonomy, family attachment, and the acculturation gap. Two examples of the questions for adolescent participants are : "Tell me about the pa rts of your family's culture (i.e. traditions, beliefs, and values, etc.) you feel most connected with?" and " Describe times or situations when
! ! '* ! you felt supported (i.e. actions, conversations, interactions, etc.) by your parent/caregiver to be independent ?" Two examples of the questions for participant mothers are : " Please describe feelings that come up for you when you think about your adolescent having different interests, values, desires, beliefs, etc.? and " Please explain how you support (i.e. actions, conversations, interactions, etc.) your adolescent having independent interests, values, desires, beliefs, etc.?" However, the above protocol questions were asked in Spanish for all participant mothers. The protocol questions can be found in Appendix L an d M . The protocol questions were piloted with a test participant to assess the participants ability to understand the question and ensure that questions were yielding appropriately detailed responses. This test participant was chosen due to her own experi ence working with Latina/o families at the counseling center where participants were recruited , her personal experience of the acculturation ga p within her family of origin , and finally her ability to give feedback on both English and Spanish versions of t he protocol questions. According to Majid et al. (2017 ) , piloting interview qu estions allows the researcher to identify any limitations in the design of the questions so necessary adjustments can be made, including the time needed to complete the interview . The test participant reported that the questions for adolescents needed to be simplified to increase adolescent comprehen sion and considered the questions geared towards the caregiver to be thought provoking and relatable. Piloting the questions help ed t he researcher make necessary revisions to increase clarity, made the adolescent questions more developmentally appropriate, and modified questions to better assess adolescent autonomy granting and family attachment. Research Procedures Participant inte rviews began upon recruitment, once the researcher was contacted by a therapist at the counseling center with a family interested in participating. P articipant mothers set
! ! '+ ! up a time either through the therapist or called the researcher directly. For exampl e, the majority of participant mothers scheduled a date and time to meet with their adolescents through the therapist first, then met the researcher at the counseling agency , being introduce d by the therapist before interviews began. All interviews were he ld at the family counseling agency. According to Creswell (2014), research interviews should be conducted in a neutral setting and the researcher must ensure that dual relationships and coercion are avoided. Therefore, participants had no therapeutic relat ionship or previous contact with the researcher and interviews were held in a familiar and comfortable setting for participants. In the end, six family dyads participated and interviews stopped when saturation was reached. Once participants arrived at the counselin g center for the scheduled interview time and date a consent form w as provided. Participant mothers provided consent for their participation as well as the ir adolescents participation and the adolescent provide d assent for his or her own particip ation (the consent form can be found in Appendix H and I; the assent form can be found in Appendix J and K ). All participants w ere informed that they could withdraw from the study at any time and the benefits and risks w ere all listed in the consent form. Further, in the case that participants experience d any emotional discomfort as a possible risk, the counseling center was available as a resource for support. To ensure participant confidentiality, the researcher mask ed the identities of the families by u sing pseudonyms from the beginning of the research process , chosen by participants . The researcher also obtained a waiver of consent to ensure complete anonymity and participants kept their consent forms . Upon providing consent, participant mothers and ado lescent s w ere each administered a demographic questionnaire , consisting of six questions. All family dyads decided to fill out the questionnaires in the same room, without interaction . After the demographic
! ! ', ! questionnaires were completed the researcher ask e d that each interview be conducted separately, with the consent of participant mothers. All family dyads chose who wanted to be interviewed first (either mother or child) . Each interview lasted between forty to fifty minutes per adolescent and mother , for the most part interviews with mothers lasted longer than adolescent interviews . All interviews w ere audio recorded on the researcher's personal recording device, which ha d no connection to cloud based storage or any other storage device. After both intervi ews were complete, the researcher debrief ed the participants and inform ed participant mothers that a follow up interview would be needed . After interviews were completed the researcher transcri b e d the audio recordings and delete d audio files. The audio rec order, transcripts, and demographic forms w ere all stored in a locked storage box to which the researcher has sole access. Once transcriptions were completed, the researcher contacted participant mothers to schedule follow up interview s using the same sch eduling procedure. In line with phenomenology and the meaning making process , three family dyads participated in semi structured follow up interviews informed by the initial interviews, where participants were given the opportunity to ask any questions and share their insights and opinions on the extracted themes . Among the three family dyads, no participants had questions regarding the emerged themes and reported strong agreement with the themes of trust, communication, and responsibilities and expectation s in the autonomy granting process. After the interviews and follow up interviews , participants w ere debriefed, which complete d their participation in the study. Debriefing entailed thanking participants for their participation, reiterating the researcher s contact information should they have any questions or concerns regarding the study.
! ! (! Positionality According to Crotty (1988), the social constructivist perspective states that the researcher acknowledges her own experiences and worldviews that will lik ely inform her approach to this study . The researcher identifies as Latina and a first generation U.S. citizen of Mexican decent. She was interested in this line of inquiry because as a Latina adolescent she experienced value discrepancies within her own f amily while navigating the acculturation gap. These experiences have informed her desire to explore and understand the protective factors that Latina/o families possess as they adapt to changes in the family life cycle. Further, the researcher hope d to gai n an understanding of how Latina/o families experience and define secure attachment as the family navigates the acculturation gap. Along with the researcher's personal interest in examining the acculturation gap, she also believes that an increased underst anding of how Latina/o families value and support adolescent autonomy is necessary. The researcher also recognizes that there are biases in her perspectives. For example, she does not believe that Latina/o immigrant parents/caregivers value autonomy as in dependence (emotional/physical) -based on the cultural values of connection and interdependence with which she was raised. Further, the researcher believes Latina/o cultural values such as interdependence, connection, and cooperation may be expressions of secure attachment. Based on the researchers own experience with her secure attachment figures, the researcher believes in the importance of cohesion and attuned communication when navigating cultural value differences and values having her own coherent nar ratives of feeling supported and depending on caregivers during times of change in her family. Conversely, the researcher also remembers moments in which discrepancies in the value of autonomy was at the forefront of her own family interactions , not realiz ing or empathizing with the cultural values of her own mother and grandparents but also
! ! ($ ! expecting a greater degree of autonomy. It was the memories of strengths and struggles during adolescence that informed the researchers interest in understanding how fa milies navigate the acculturation gap in hopes that Latina/o families learn to maintain cohesion and are empowered by the strengths of their culture . Data A nalysis The researcher followed a phenomenological tradition by using thematic data analysis, in w hich she attempt ed to capture the meaning and common features attached to the experience of the acculturation gap in Latina/o families. The researche r first familiarize d herself and dwell ed with the raw data before any interpretation or analysis was done. According to Finlay (2011) dwelling allows the researcher to uncover implicit meanings by lingering and engaging with the data. The researcher dwelled with the data by transcrib ing the interviews an d utilizing reflective field note s during and following th e interview s then again throughout the data analysis process (Finlay, 2011; Giorgi, 2009). The researcher took steps to safeguard the data from any biases and assumptions by utilizing a reflective journal in which subjective thoughts, feelings, and questio ns that arose were documented . For example, during transcription the researcher noted any strong emotions that emerged , such as feeling frustrated when a participant mother expressed not understanding her adolescent due to a language barrier . R eflective fi eld notes were also utilized after initial coding before any themes were formulated to bracket any assumptions. For example, the researcher bracketed while coding when she was reminded of a family experience . Finlay states that the relationship between res earcher and participant is much like the relationship between therapist and client. For example, the goal of phenomenological research is to empathize with participant descriptions, empower participants to share their experiences, and look at those descrip tions obje ctively and without bias . As such, the researcher moved on from
! ! (% ! dwelling with the raw data after she ha d a greater sense of empathy for participants lived experiences , which was also facilitated in the reflective journaling process . After the res earcher dwelled with participant descriptions, she focus ed on the selected passages that had greater complexity and search ed for meanings attached to the participants embodied experience . The goal of thematic analysis was to identify and conceptualize them es that were coherent and grounded in the data (Braun & Clarke, 2006). In order for the researcher to create themes grounded in the data, she labeled themes based on experiences of embodiment, such as how Latina/o youth and caregivers embody the values of their culture of origin and/or U.S. values; self identity, such as how Latina/o youth identify culturally as they experience the acculturation gap , which appeared to be predominately a bicultural identity ; sense of context, such as the different systems in which socialization and embodiment of cultural values may vary for Latina/o youth; and time, such as times in which the acculturation gap impacts adolescent autonomy granting and attachment in Latina/o immigrant families. By focusing on selected passages in this way, the researcher highlight ed the nuances of the lived experience of the acculturation gap while being cautious of over generalizing themes for all participants (Braun & Clark, 2006; Finlay, 2011). Additionally, the researcher avoid ed generalizat ions by continuously documenting her reflections from data collection through the end of data analysis, ensuring greater objective insight into participants shared lived experience . After the researcher formulated coherent themes, the next step was to be selective about identifying key findings, surprises, and points of interest (Giorgi, 2009). According to Finlay (2011), this step in thematic analysis is where the researcher searches for meaning in the selected passages of the transcripts and essentially re conceptualizes themes such as participant self identity, subjective sense of embodiment, spatiality and context, temporality, relationships to
! ! (& ! others, and motivations. For example, the researcher looked for times and contexts in which the acculturation gap appear ed most prominent in Latina/o caregiver and youth interactions . Further, the researcher aim ed to identify what ways, if any, the acculturation gap impact s family interactions and what meanings emerge from those interactions. The researcher also a im ed to find how autonomy values and the discrepancies of those values in Latina/o families are embodied as a result of the acculturation gap and how attachment is embodied as a moderator of any value discrepancies brought on by the acculturation gap. The researcher also found it important to conceptualize the motivations behind value discrepancies of autonomy such as systemic factors and what motivates feelings of secure attachment in the family system . While the researcher bec ame more selective about con ceptualizing key findings, she w as intentional about using Critical Race Theory as a guide in her analysis, acknowledging that race, identity and societal structure inevitably transform the experience of the acculturation gap. Further, the aim was to find out how Latina/o family processes are impacted by discourses of race, immigration status, and marginalization and how these discourses intersect and shape the embodied lived experience of the acculturation gap. According to phenomenology, once the researc her dwell s with the raw data, formulate s coherent themes, and re conceptualize s those themes for deeper meaning, the data analysis must be evidenced by using the voices of participants (Giorgi, 2009; Finlay, 2011). According to phenomenological methodology , evidence is considered appropriate when each theme is supported with selected passages from at least half of the participant interviews (Finlay, 2011; Moustakas, 1994; Giorgi, 2009). After themes were created, the researcher marshalled her evidence, pr ovid ed examples that illustrate d the argument being made by choosing powerful quotes from the interviews and
! ! (' ! support ed the argument with academic references (Finlay, 2011; Giorgi, 2009; Creswell, 2014). The researcher made her argument once she marshalled her evidence by showing readers significant interpretations and br ought to light participants' meaningful narratives. Making an argument w as also done by aiming to evok e understanding and empathy in the reader by providing reasons for what the researcher f ound to be meaningful narratives (Moustakas, 1994; Finlay, 2011; Reissman, 1993). Finally, the researcher develop ed her argument by answering the " so what ?" In other words, the researcher ask ed herself how the findings are important within the context of f amily counseling and increasing cultural competence in the counseling profession, what the value is in understanding the acculturation gap in Latina/o families, and whether the findings add to or differ from existing research. The findings add to the exist ing research by identifying protective factors in the identified themes, understand ing the unique family processes of Latina/o immigrant families by raising their voices and sharing their stories, and further exploring how these families adapt to changes in the family life cycle. Ultimately, the researcher found a narrative of attachment through a cultural lens that impacts the autonomy granting process and the overall experience of the acculturation gap in Latina/o families. Trustworthiness The research er uph e ld trustworthiness prior to conducting the study, during the recruitment process, during data collection and analysis, and when reporting results. According to Creswell (2014), before any data collection begins, the researcher must go through the un iversity Institutional Review Board, examine professional association standards, gain approval from the site and participants, ensure that benefits are available for all participants, and make clear the voluntary nature of the study. Therefore, the researc her follow ed the American
! ! (( ! Counseling Association code of ethics, especially ensuring confidentiality and holding the integrity of the researcher and participant relationship. In accordance with phenomenology, the researcher went through the process of bra cketing, which is intended to suspend the researcher's prior knowledge or assumptions about the participants experience of a phenomenon (Creswell, 2014; Husserl, 1931). According to Creswell (2014), the role of the analyst is to first bracket one's views t o fully and accurately identify participants' descriptions of the phenomenon and look at them with increased wonder, openness, and empathy. The researcher went through the bracketing process prior to data collection in order to listen to participant descri ptions objectively. Trustworthiness w as upheld during data collection by being respectful of the site and disrupting as little as possible, ensuring that all participants were treated the same, avoiding any deception by providing detailed informed consent with all participants, and respecting potential power imbalances (Creswell, 2014). Respecting potential power imbalances was achieved by giving participants an opportunity to reflect on the research experience, space to discuss any further issues and ensu r ing that participants le ft the experience with a sense of being understood (Creswell, 2014; Finlay, 2011). This process is also known as member checking, which was done after initial data analysis by conferring to participants for accuracy and further ins ight based on the results . One goal of member checking is to empower clients in the meaning making process in accordance with phenomenology (Finlay, 2011). Therefore, the researcher utilize d member checking during data analysis and was aware of potential p ower imbalances. Trustworthiness is especially significant during data analysis because the researchers' primary responsibility is to respect the privacy of participants (Creswell, 2014). The researcher did so by masking the identity of the participants a nd the setting of the study. The researcher ke pt all
! ! () ! identifying information anonymous by creating pseudonyms from the beginning of the interview process, using a vague description of the setting, and blanking out any identifying information that came up i n the interviews. The researcher also utilize d reflexive notes regarding each interview to increase trustworthiness. Reflexive notes are in alignment with phenomenology because it increases objectivity as the researcher uses herself as a research tool in t he interview process (Finlay, 2011). For example, the researcher reflected on any hindering questions and emotions that came up when interviews ended and during transcription, processing why those feelings and questions arose, sometimes connecting a partic ipants shared experience to her own adolescent experience. Finally, the researcher refer red to an external reviewer to overlook the data analysis process . The researcher 's thesis chair was the external reviewer who was an additional perspective to further ensure trustworthiness before any final themes were made .
! ! (* ! CHAPTER IV : RESULTS This section will introduce the findings as they relate to the three research questions of this study. For each research question three themes will be presented. The reader will find that each theme is written in both English and Spanish intentionally, demonstrating the researcher 's respect for each participant's language. Further, it was the researchers conscious decision not to italicize the quotes in Spanish due to her bel ief that Spanish is not a foreign language. T he Process of Autonomy Granting in Latina/o Families The following three themes were chosen as they highlighted narratives that spoke to the experience of autonomy granting in Latina/o families from both mothe r and adolescent. These themes were named as follows: Responsibility and expectations/Responsabilidad y expectativas, Support/Apoyo, and Limits to independence/Limites a la independencia. Responsibility and Expectations/Responsabilidad y Expectativas Si x adolescents provided 22 quotes describing their responsibilities and expectations both within the family and outside of the family. For adolescents, the theme of responsibility and meeting expectations held similar meanings as their mothers reported, inc luding going to school and graduating; attending to their chores; caring of their siblings, being role models for siblings; and translating for parents. Additionally, for several participants, meeting the expectations of school and graduating also meant ma king their parents proud. Juan explains how his older sister graduated and wants to follow that example: Pues yo soy el hermano menor, no se seguir el ejemplo, como mi hermana se graduÂ— y yo tambiÂŽn lo quiero hacerÃ‰ quiero agarrar mi bachelors degree y no se, estudiar algo no se agricultura. Yo sentirÂ’a que harÂ’a orgullosas a mis papas si hago el mismo que ellaÃ‰ y asÂ’ agarrar un trabajo con pues no se calidad, mas buen sueldo o algo asÂ’Ã‰ siento que
! ! (+ ! tengo que ayudar a mis papas tambiÂŽn. [Well I'm the younger brother, I don't know continue with the example, like my sister graduated and I want to do that tooÃ‰ I want to get my bachelor's degree and I don't know, study something I don't know agriculture. I would feel like I would make my parents proud if I did th e same as she didÃ‰ and like that get a better job, better salary or something like thatÃ‰ I feel like I need to help my parents too]. Although Juan holds a personal expectation to pursue a bachelor's degree, he expresses being motivated by his hope to make his parents proud and to be able to help them in the future. Juan, along with other participants hold personal expectations to graduate and have received messages from either their parents or other family members influencing that expectation. Further, the theme of expectations for adolescent participants often included focusing on school in order to one day support themselves and their family. Additionally, six mothers provided 21 quotes describing the role of responsibility and setting expectations for their adolescents when granting them autonomy and independence. All six mothers discussed the importance of communicating responsibilities and expectations routinely to their children as it plays a role in building trust. As such, when mothers trusted that their adolescents would meet their responsibilities and expectations inside and outside of the family, mothers were more likely to report supporting their adolescents emerging autonomy demands. For some of these families, adolescents have an additional re sponsibility of being depended upon to translate for their parents who do not speak English. Ana described how her son Juan serves as her translator and acknowledges how heavy that responsibility can be for him:
! ! (, ! Pues creo que el es lo mas pesado que tiene por ejemplo esta mi hija aquÂ’ pero cuando estamos nada mas nosotros tresÃ‰ oye mijo pues que como nosotros no sabemos inglesÃ‰ pues todo, explÂ’canos esto, ensÂŽÂ–anos esto y a veces se dice hay no es que ustedes Ã‰ a lo mejor con el tiempo si se hace pesado de cir o que me tienes que acompaÂ–arme para que me ayudes con el ingles. [Well, I think it is the most difficult one he has, for example my daughter is here but when it's only the three of usÃ‰ hey son well since we don't speak EnglishÃ‰ well everything, explai n this to us, show us this and sometimes he says oh it's because you twoÃ‰ maybe with time it does get difficult to say or that you have to come with me so you can help me with English]. Three other participants described putting the responsibility for tran slation on their adolescents. It should be noted that these parents empathized with the fact that serving as family translator can become time consuming and at times challenging, especially in social situations such as taking time to speak on the phone for them or having to accompany them to a store. It is worth noting that the role of being a translator may be a unique responsibility for Latina/o youth. In several instances, responsibility typically meant that adolescent participants kept up with cleaning and other chores; focused on school; gathered with family, cared for younger siblings, and for some, the additional responsibility of translating for parents. Maria explained how her adolescent daughter, Abigail, goes above and beyond her responsibility t o clean and Maria expressed a sense of pride in how responsible Abigail is: Ã‰ hasta me quedo mirada que es mas por que incluso nietas de mi suegra no hacen lo que mi hija haceÃ‰ Me siento orgullosa por lo que he hecho y mientras siga conmigo pues que siga a sÂ’Ã‰ le digo ya cuando te haces independizar ya depende de ti si quieres seguirlo lo mismo que estas aquÂ’ conmigoÃ‰ hasta les digo mientras tu vivas aquÂ’ vas a
! ! )! seguir con mi limpieza y la fregada ya mientras te vas a independizar y depende de ti si vas a seg uir lo mismo que te enseÂ–e o no te enseÂ–e. [Ã‰till I just stay in awe that she's more, because even with my mother in laws granddaughters who don't do what my daughter doesÃ‰ I feel proud of what she's doneÃ‰ I tell her when you become independent it will dep end on you if you want to continue with the same as you are here with meÃ‰ I tell them while you live here you will continue with my way of cleaning darnit, while you become independent it will depend on you if you will continue with the same way I showed y ou or didn't show you]. As described above, many participants spoke to this sense of being proud and feeling confident that their adolescents will meet expectations and responsibilities inside the home and in school because they have demonstrated as much t hus far. Additionally, Maria, along with other participants described the importance of communicating these responsibilities and expectations to their adolescents because it is their hope that one day they will be able to be self sufficient and depend on t hemselves for cleaning and cooking as they enter adulthood. Additionally, expectations were described in the context of adolescents being outside of the family, some of which included going to school independently; being respectful to others; keeping in co mmunication when going out with friends; and for some going to church and to their jobs. Paula provides an example of the expectation she has of her daughter, Mariana, now that she can independently drive herself to school. Bueno pues yo creo que como el p rincipio cuando le compramos el carrito este, nosotros le dijimos que mientras ella estudiara bien iba tener su carro pero sin eso se lo Â’bamos a quitarÃ‰ entonces yo creo que eso hablan las cosas... [Well I think like in the beginning
! ! )$ ! when we bought her th is little car, we told her that while she studied well she would have her car but without that we would take it awayÃ‰ I think those are the things talked about] The above quote demonstrates the link between responsibilities and autonomy granting. In this c ase Paula describes that the autonomy of having a car is contingent on her meeting academic expectations. Participants also described how trusting that their adolescents were responsible to be independent played a role allowing their adolescents to start d riving and have increased autonomy outside of the home. The theme of responsibility and expectations arose across all participants for both mothers and adolescents, several were congruent reports of what those responsibilities and expectations were, indi cating attuned communication. This role of communication will be highlighted in subsequent sections. In several instances, mothers reported a sense of knowing that their adolescents would meet those expectations and be responsible, therefore increasing the ir sense of trust and influencing their ability to support their adolescents increased independence outside of the home. Trust appears to be a protective factor in the process of adolescent autonomy granting, which is a result of responsibility. Support/A poyo Six mothers provided 31 quotes describing times and contexts in which they supported their adolescents independence. In describing their adolescents having increased independence outside of the family, several participants spoke to the notion that even if they did not agree with their adolescents views, they would still support them if it meant supporting their happiness. Further, over half of participants stated that even though they did not have the same experiences related to school or continuing education after high school, they still aim to be supportive of their adolescents and do so by asking questions about their interests; driving them or supporting their
! ! )% ! independence to drive themselves to school related activities consistently; and encoura ging them to work towards their goals while trying to empathize with their experiences related to school. Further, support among participants also means taking the time to have conversations about the importance of education so they can attain their ideal future and be independent adults. Olivia spoke to finding a balance between having conversations while understanding that her daughter, Jazz, has to learn on her own: Pues yo le he dicho a ella que en lo que ella decida yo la voy apoyar por que aunque yo n o estoy de acuerdo, pero si ella decido eso, esta bien por que tambiÂŽn asi aprendes y si se equÂ’voca asi aprende, por que no me va decir a mi por que yo le dije o este, ella va a aprender con sus acciones. [Well I've told her that in whatever she decided I would support her because even though I am not in agreement, but if she decided that, that's fine because that's how you learn too and if she makes a mistake that's how she learns, she won't tell me because I told her or something, she will learn with her actions]. Olivia's words describe participants' experience of supporting independence, which in specific situations and interactions means finding a balance between being depended upon and giving their adolescents space to make their own choices in order to learn life lessons on their own. Six adolescents provided a total of 27 quotes describing times and contexts in which they received support from their parents or other caregivers in their families. Several participants described support from their par ents as autonomy granting, evidenced by knowing that their own point of views, beliefs and values would be heard and respected while also receiving advice and having conversations. Jazz spoke to a situation when she expressed her differing religious opinio ns and was supported to hold her own beliefs:
! ! )& ! Oh yes there's been many times, like okay so once example would be, okay going back to religion, I'm not really into it and I told my mom why, like sometimes I think it's fake and she doesn't like, she doesn't disagree, she says okay that's your own belief you know, you can believe whatever you want, I have my beliefs Jazz speaks to an experience where she had a more idealized view of her mother after having a conversation about differing beliefs without disagr eement. Jazz, along with several other participants defined support as knowing they could go to their parents even if it were bringing up a point of view or interest different from theirs or other challenging conversations. Several of the mothers stated that if they want to have a strong relationship with their adolescents, they will ultimately respect and support their choices while also giving advice and having necessary conversations as they develop. Abigail described her parents understanding her need s: "Cause they understand when I want to do my own things and when I don't cause obviously I need help from them". Abigail's point is congruent with the quotes provided from mothers who described the importance of balance in supporting independence and als o being depended upon when needed. T he overall meaning of support for both mothers and adolescents is the ability to maintain cohesion in the family dyad, meaning adolescents depend on their parents for support and caretaking while also moving outside of the family system as they exercise their independence. Parents showed support through actions, by respecting their children ' s opinions and life decisions. It is important to note that communication plays a role in the theme of support as evidenced by the quotes provided by Olivia and Jazz, where there is a communicated respect for one another's beliefs, and a sense of understanding and respecting one another, a strong example of autonomy granting and support.
! ! )' ! Limits to Independence/Limites a la Independen cia Five mothers provided fifteen quotes explaining times or contexts in which their adolescents should receive limited independence. Across all participants, age played a large role in how much independence is supported, typically stating that after eig hteen years of age, more independence is considered appropriate. Further, mothers described specific activities that are considered limitations in independence, including going to places where alcohol or other vices are present. For more than half of parti cipants, past family experiences, typically with another child, informed how much independence is granted outside of the family. Esmeralda shares her perspective on wanting her son, Manuel to take his time to be a kid and not rush into adult behaviors such as going out and drinking: Ã‰porque quiere aprender muchas cosas nuevas que le digo que todo tiene su tiempo para ir aprendiendo cada paso y ÂŽl quiere ser ya un adulto y le digo no espÂŽrate poco a poco vas creciendo y vas mirando la diferencia de ser un n iÂ–o y ser un adultoÃ‰ Como ÂŽl quiereÃ‰ como salir a los bailes, tomar o lo que sea y le digo que todavÂ’a no es su tiempo para que el haga eso, todavÂ’a es un niÂ–o, tiene que esperar su tiempo. [Ã‰because he wants to learn all these new things and I tell him ev erything takes its time to go and learn each passage and he wants to be an adult already and I tell him no wait little by little you'll grow up and you'll see the difference between being a kid and being an adultÃ‰ Like he wantsÃ‰ like to go out dancing, dri nking or whatever and I tell him that it still isn't his time for him to be doing that, he's still a kid, he needs to wait his time]. Esmeralda holds strong convictions in wanting her son enjoy his youth and wait until he becomes an adult before engaging i n behaviors such as drinking and going out late. For most participants, age and curfew were mentioned together as limitations in independence. Further, for
! ! )( ! all participants with adolescent daughters, age and curfew were clear limitations due to concerns of safety and worry about the irresponsibility of others around them. Six adolescents provided 18 quotes describing their own perceived limitations in the amount of independence they were given, often providing congruent reports as their mothers, such as un derstanding the rules of going out, including behaving and getting home at an agreed upon hour. Mariana explains being allowed to go out but having expectations on how to behave if she does go out: I've asked my mom if I could go out with my friends and s he'll be like yes only if you're home on time and if you don't do just crazy things and I'll be like okay and then she'll let me. Mariana, along with several participants expressed a clear understanding of their limitations and expectations when going out as evidenced by providing examples of conversations such as the one shared above. L imitations to independence are primarily based on the age of their adolescents rather than a lack of trust, except in the counterpoint of Manuel and Esmeralda. Further, auto nomy granting as independence from the family is only limited when considering age appropriate behaviors for adolescents and was typically regarded as understandable limitations for several adolescent participants, indicating attuned communication shared w ithin the family dyad. The Counterpoint Although the theme of responsibility and expectations came across all six parent interviews, the theme held strongly for five participants but not for one participant, Esmeralda, who described situations in which her son, Manuel, did not meet communicated responsibilities and expectations both within the context of the home and at school. This counterpoint may
! ! )) ! explain how patterns of adolescents meeting expectations and responsibilities leads to trust, which therefore leads to increased communication and confidence in granting autonomy. Additionally, the theme of support held strong for five family dyads but less so in the case of Esmeralda and her son Manuel: Manuel reported not feeling supported by his mother to be independent. This family dyad was the counterpoint where independence was limited due to a lack of trust and open communication. Finally, the counterpoint to the above themes indicates that the largest limitations in independence and autonomy were for Man uel, also indicating a discrepancy in communication between him and his mom. Here he describes how his religious beliefs differ from his mother's: Like my mom used to like to celebrate a lot of like, the day of the virgin and then we used to go to [blank] a lot to see like the virgen santo she used to be so like believer and then my dad and her started separatingÃ‰ my mom I don't know what happened to her she only believes in god I guess now and like I stayed with that traditionÃ‰ I like that tradition that a ll my uncles do it and then like dance for the virgen and things like that and then my mom if she sees la virgen she burns it or she rips it and then if I have something up that's about that she burns it she don't let me have it. Manuel describes what he considers is a lack of support from his mother in having autonomous beliefs. Alas, he does not mention any conversations with his mother regarding beliefs. This being said, the theme of limitations to independence is still tenable for this family dyad as i t explains a perceived lack of support to be independent for Manuel. It is important to note that Manuel and Esmeralda do not appear to be on the same page in communicated expectations and responsibilities or perceived support. Therefore, it appears that when parents feel expectations are met, the ability and choice to support independence and autonomy will follow.
! ! )* ! The Influence of Secure Attachment on the Process Of Autonomy Granting The following three themes were identified as they highlighted narrativ es speaking to the relationship between secure attachment and autonomy granting in Latina/o families. These themes were: Communication/ComunicaciÂ—n, Depending on parents/ Dependiendo en los padres, and Trust/Confianza. The following section will detail the se themes. Communication/ComunicaciÂ—n Six adolescents provided 20 quotes describing the role of communication in relationships with parents and caregivers. Participants described communication as receiving advice about future goals and making education a priority; responsibilities of having greater independence; and overall expectations related to age. Jazz, shared a conversation in which her dad explained the responsibilities she will face now that she has reached eighteen years of age: Ã‰it's always mai nly my dad, he was like you're eighteen now, you're going to be making important decisions in your life so always think about them before taking any decisionÃ‰ every action has a response so it will either be positive or negativeÃ‰ Even though Jazz had thi s conversation with her father, she also noted that her mother respects her own personal beliefs, indicating open communication and autonomy support with both parents. Several participants described communication as receiving clear expectations from their parents along with the message to be accountable because of their age. Mariana describes a conversation in which her parents wanted to ensure she understood her expectations with school: I think one time I got a bad grade and they were like mad at me, talk ed to me telling me I had to bring it upÃ‰ they were mad but they just wanted to be sure I understoodÃ‰ I don't know how to explain and I wasn't mad, I was like okay I could do it
! ! )+ ! Mariana, among other participants described how conversations with parents led to an understanding of why those expectations needed to be said. Further, most participants noted that communication resulted in an increased understanding of one another. Participants also expressed being responsive to those conversations due to the way expectations were communicated by their parents. These conversations often led to a realization that they are responsible for their choices and that their parents wanted them to have greater opportunities. Additionally, six mothers provided 31 quotes des cribing the importance of open and clear communication with their adolescents, especially as they begin to exercise their autonomy. Several participants described communication as occurring consistently as they support their adolescents in having independe nce. For all participants, communication included conversations with their adolescents about the importance of education; their goals and interests; expectations on how to behave when outside of the home, as well as the responsibilities of getting older. A dditionally, several mothers noted that conversations with their daughters included talking about sexual development, safe sex, and relationships. Paula took this further by stating that she has those conversations with her daughter, Mariana because she di d not have those conversations with her own mother and wishes she had: No es lo mismo porque mi mama era como mÂ‡s reservadaÃ‰ cuando anduvo mi menstruaciÂ—n yo ni sabÂ’a ni que eraÃ‰ [nombre] sabÂ’a que era la menstruaciÂ—n porque ya habÂ’a hablado con ella y yo ya le hablo directamente de la sexualidadÃ‰ es que [Mariana] es mi hija pero tambiÂŽn es como mi amiga yo le hablo muy directamenteÃ‰ [It isn't the same because my mom was very reservedÃ‰ when I started menstruating I didn't know what it wasÃ‰ [Mariana] knew wh at menstruation was because I had talked to her about it
! ! ), ! and I talk to her directly about sexualityÃ‰ it's because [Mariana] is my daughter but she is also like my friend and I speak with her very directlyÃ‰] For Paula, communication entails being open with Mariana and having conversations that she knows are important based on her own experiences during adolescence and is able to empathize with her daughters experience at this stage of her life. Additionally, most participants mentioned finding a balance of h aving a parent child relationship and a friendship, allowing for greater open communication. Additionally, many mothers defined open communication as being honest with their adolescents. For Ana, open communication with her son, Juan, is important due to p ast experiences with her oldest son and not wanting Juan to go down the same path: Pues no se a lo mejor mi manera de serÃ‰ tenemos la comunicaciÂ—n pues muy abierta por lo que hemos pasadoÃ‰ decirle oye hijo pues si vas a salir con una niÂ–a te tienes que cui dar o no se que ya este pasando verdad por que su hermano de muy chiquito tuvo una niÂ–aÃ‰ le digo tu no quieras volver a ver esa pelÂ’cula. [Well, maybe because of how I amÃ‰ we have communication well very open because of what we've been throughÃ‰ I tell him hey well if you're going out with a girl you have to be careful or I don't know if it's already happened right because his brother had a baby girl when he was very youngÃ‰ I tell him you don't want to watch that movie again]. In this example, Ana shares an experience in which she is open and honest with Juan about a difficult family experience. For several participants, communication served as a protective factor when mothers were promoting their adolescents independence while also connecting and empathizing with them. It is important to note that the theme of communication emerges in relation to the experience of autonomy granting and secure attachment, indicative of how integral communication is as families begin to adapt to changes in the family system dur ing adolescence.
! ! *! Among five mother and adolescent dyads, there are congruent reports from both mother and adolescent describing times and contexts in which they have depended on communication through the autonomy granting process and congruent reports on w hat communication looks like, indicating that there is attunement and empathy in those family dyads. Depending on Parents/ Dependiendo de los Padres Four adolescents provided seven quotes describing how they depend on their parents and caregivers. Adoles cent participants often described depending on parents for basic needs such as food and shelter; help with school and cleaning; and having them to talk to. Abigail described depending her parents: "They're always there to talkÃ‰ and they're not going to ign ore you." It is important to note that although Abigail is talking about depending on her parents to talk to them, she is also expressing a sense of knowing they will be there, as they have provided this degree of support consistently. Additionally, Juan e xplains how he still depends on his parents even though he has independence in other areas of his life: Ã‰todavÂ’a dependo mucho de ellosÃ‰ ya me vuelto poco independiente como ya compro mis cosas pero ellos tambiÂŽn me ayuden en limpiar, me lavan mi ropa, me cocinan y me preparan para escuela. [Ã‰ I still depend a lot on themÃ‰ I have become more independent like I buy my things now but they also help me with cleaning, they wash my clothes, they cook for me and prepare me for school]. For Juan and several parti cipants, depending on their parents in these basic areas occurs while also having a greater degree of independence in other areas such as having their own job, driving, and taking care of younger siblings. It seems that when parents have shown adolescent p articipants consistent support and communication, there is predictability in the relationship
! ! *$ ! allowing them to depend on their parents while simultaneously moving in and out of the family system and maintaining cohesion. Six mothers provided 19 quotes des cribing times and contexts when their adolescent has depended on them and memories of when they depended on their own caregivers in their youth. Several participants described being depended upon by their adolescent for basic needs such as food and a home, in addition to moments of being depended upon for advice. Nataly, describes being depended upon by her son, Anthony, for cooking even though he already knows how: "Si ÂŽl sabe preparar para desayunoÃ‰ cuando tiene ganas, cuando no quiere que la mama lo haga (riendo)." ["Yes he knows how to make breakfastÃ‰ when he's up for it, when he isn't then mom will do it (laughing)."]Nataly provides a simple yet strong example, in a joking manner of how Anthony depends on her while acknowledging that he has independence to take care of himself and do other tasks on his own. This shared experience among several participants indicates that they are able to support their adolescents independence while still being depended upon. Further, several participants had clear narr atives of times during their childhood in which they depended on one or both parents. Additionally, participants shared memories of times when they depended on parents in the face of a challenging moment and knowing things would work out. Ana speaks to a m emory when her father communicated to her that she would be okay: Ã‰ acuerdo que me encantaba andar con mi papaÃ‰ a lo mejor me tuvo mucha paciencia por que el sabÂ’a que era muy vagaÃ‰ una vez se me metiÂ— el caballo en un canal y cercaba el caballo yo estaba llorando asustada y el parado viendo como no te va pasar nada, no te va pasar nadaÃ‰ [I remember that I loved being with my dadÃ‰ maybe he had a lot of patience with me because I was a trouble makerÃ‰ one time the horse threw me in
! ! *% ! the ditch and the horse go t close to me I was crying scared and he was standing there looking like nothing is going to happen to you, nothing is going to happen to youÃ‰] Ana, among other participants described narratives in which they had a felt sense of security and trust in their relationship with one or both parents. It is important to note that several participants compared how they support their own children with how they were supported, either stating similarity or having chosen to do so differently based on what they needed a t one time. It is the researchers interpretation that participants who shared a clear narrative of a time in which they depended on a caregiver also shared their motivation to try to empathize with their adolescents increased independence and have more ope n and honest communication to support them. Trust/Confianza Four adolescents provided twelve quotes describing the role of trust both in being granted independence and in being honest with their parents. Several adolescent participants made a connection between greater independence, such as watching younger siblings and being trusted to have that role. Jazz described being trusted by her father to have the responsibility of taking care of the family: "knowing he can leave you with anything, like he trust ed me to take care of the house, my mom, and my siblingsÃ‰" Jazz, along with several participants considered taking care of family as a sign of greater independence and acknowledging that they needed to be trusted to have that responsibility, which was clea rly communicated to them by their parents, emphasizing the relationship between trust and communication. Additionally, Anthony defined trust as knowing he could approach his parents with anything due to past experiences where he depended on them in the fo llowing quote: "I think I have that trust with them, I'm able to tell them anything you know. Like if anything is wrong I can tell them somethings wrong and I need to talk to you about it." Anthony, along with several
! ! *& ! participants considered open communica tion to be a result of trust, knowing their parents would not judge them and would try to help them. Similarly, participant mothers considered open communication to result in greater trust with their adolescent. C onsistent and predictable communication fro m both mother and adolescent results in greater trust and therefore, greater support in the autonomy granting process. Additionally, five mothers provided ten quotes describing clearly that trust influences how and when to grant their adolescents greater autonomy. Several participants defined trust as a sense of knowing their adolescents will behave, make responsible choices, and meet obligations without needed supervision. Paula explained that trust influenced her level of confidence in her daughter, Mar iana, in the decision of when Mariana was given the independence to drive: Ella agarro su licencia y se empezÂ— a manejarÃ‰ fue cuando ella se hizo mas independiente, se fue a escuela solaÃ‰ su trabajo, y en realidadÃ‰ como tengo mucha confianza Ã‰ no me preocu pa que anda por allÂ‡ porque yo sÂŽ que es muy responsable. [She got her license and started drivingÃ‰ that's when she became more independent, she went to school by herselfÃ‰ her work, and in realityÃ‰ I have a lot of trustÃ‰ I don't worry that she's out and ab out because I know she's very responsible.] Paula, along with several participants had no worries when it came to their adolescents increased independence because of their demonstrated and consistent responsibility. As such, just as adolescents predict tha t they can depend on their parents, mothers are able to predict their adolescents will be responsible with their increased independence. When mutual communication is present, there is greater likelihood of mutual trust in the parent adolescent dyad. Furthe r, trust and communication are the themes describing the experience of secure attachment in the family dyad that seem to influence the autonomy granting process for Latina/o youth.
! ! *' ! The Counterpoint Although the themes of communication and depending on p arents came across all six parent interviews and most adolescent interviews, they did not hold strongly for Esmeralda and her son Manuel. First, the theme of depending on parents did not emerge for Manuel or hold strongly for Esmeralda. However, the theme of communication did emerge as the counterpoint, in Manuel's description of communication with Esmeralda as argumentative and limited. However, Manuel did share times in which he communicated with his uncle and father. Manuel takes his description further by sharing his opinion on how a parent should listen to a child: Like a parent listening to their kid, hearing what they say, and then like them helping out like not getting mad like listening to them and give em like adviceÃ‰ like if I tell my mom somethin g she usually will start yelling at me and she won't let me talkÃ‰ Manuel is again indicating that he and his mother are not congruent in their communication style nor are they understanding one another, causing Manuel to perceive being unheard by his mom a nd limiting communication with her. Additionally, Manuel and Esmeralda shared incongruent reports on how often they come to agreements. Esmeralda shared that there are moments when they do come to agreements and the challenges of communicating with Manuel: "Tratamos de llegar a un acuerdo de cÂ—mo hacer las cosas y ya al final a veces llegamos a un acuerdo a veces no pero despuÂŽs devuelve a una conversaciÂ—nÃ‰" ["We try to reach an agreement on how to do things and in the end sometimes we reach an agreement so metimes we don't but after we go back to a conversationÃ‰"]. Since Manuel reported the contrary, there is evidence of a lack of attunement and empathy in this family dyad, leading to a lack of mutual trust and therefore challenges in supporting Manuel's aut onomy demands.
! ! *( ! As such, the themes of trust and communication are shown to be the counterpoint for Manuel, who stated: "I mostly don't talk to her cause I don't have that trust with her ." Similarly, Esmeralda explained that trust is rebuilding with Manu el after experiences in the past when trust was broken: Porque ha tenido problemas en la escuela y ÂŽl se ha ido portando mal casi lo que va el aÂ–o pasadoÃ‰ ya tiene tiempo, casi un mes portÂ‡ndose ya mÂ‡s bienÃ‰ ya poco a poco agarrando la confianza otra vez. [Because he's had problems in school and he was misbehaving most of last yearÃ‰ now it's been some time, about a month behaving betterÃ‰ now little by little gaining trust again.] Esmeralda speaks to past experiences in which Manuel did not demonstrate respo nsibility, which is currently impacting her level of trust in him. However, it is important to note that Esmeralda recognizes and communicates how trust can be rebuilt to Manuel. Since there is a barrier in communication and a lack of trust in the relation ship, the autonomy granting process for Esmeralda and Manuel is impacted. The Impact of the Intergenerational Acculturation Gap on Secure Attachment a nd Autonomy Granting i n Latina /O Families The following section will detail the counterpoint that has b een described in above sections as it is the family dyad with the most evident acculturation gap and the example of how the acculturation gap may impact secure attachment and autonomy granting in Latina/o families. Through data analysis it seemed that fiv e families had the smallest acculturation gap as evidenced by congruent reports of cultural values, language use, and practice of cultural values and traditions. For example, five out of six family dyads provided congruent reports regarding the value of re spect, which entailed for mothers a sense of knowing that their adolescent would practice respect outside of the home and feeling content with the level of respect their adolescent
! ! *) ! practices inside the home and with family. Additionally, adolescent partici pants provided congruent reports on the value of respect, which entailed respecting parents, elders, belongings, and being helpful, all of which they reported were values instilled by their parents. Further, all five family dyads shared the same reports th at adolescent participants spoke Spanish inside the home. It is important to note that each mother reported understanding or trying to empathize with their adolescents experience of language use. Juan and Ana appeared to have the smallest acculturation ga p, as evidenced by Spanish being Juan's dominant language inside and outside of the home; congruent reports on practice of cultural traditions and connection to their Mexican culture; and holding similar values of respect, loyalty, caring for family, work ethic and spending time with family. Further, Esmeralda and Manuel appear to have the largest acculturation gap, as evidenced by their incongruent perceptions around the value of respect and helping the family; discrepancies in cultural beliefs and practic es, such as different interests in both U.S. and Mexican cultural traditions; and finally incongruent reports regarding Manuel's use of Spanish inside the home, ultimately leading to a lack of understanding of one another. Additionally, in the dyads where there appears to be congruent reports on cultural values, practices, and beliefs there are also congruent reports regarding expectations and responsibilities, trust, communication, support, and depending on one another (themes discussed in the previous re search questions ). However, Esmeralda and Manuel have provided incongruencies in both cultural values and perceptions of one another. First, Manuel reported speaking Spanish in the home whereas Esmeralda expressed feeling desperate at times because she nev er understands Manuel or his siblings when they choose to use English around her:
! ! ** ! Se siente uno desesperado a vecesÃ‰ no entiendo el idioma de inglÂŽs muy bienÃ‰ ellos tratan de hablar puro inglÂŽs para que no entienda muchas de las cosas y eso mÂ’ me desesper a, me frustraÃ‰ [I feel desperate at timesÃ‰ I don't understand the English language very wellÃ‰ they try to speak only English so that I don't understand much of what they're saying and that annoys me, it frustrates meÃ‰] For Esmeralda, cultural differences a re experienced outside of and within the family, increasing her feeling of frustration and posing as a barrier in communication with Manuel. This example of limited communication between Manuel and Esmeralda may show how the acculturation gap can impact se cure attachment. Esmeralda also reports struggling to instill her cultural value of respect even though Manuel expressed holding that value: "Like be kind to older peopleÃ‰ when I'm talking to people don't joke around or be funny, be respectful." Yet, Esme ralda reported times when Manuel has not shown respect to his elders, leading to arguments at times: Hay veces cuando ÂŽl no tiene respecto por las personas mayores, le digo es que, en MÂŽxicoÃ‰ siempre a las personas mayores se les habla de oiga, yo nunca de oye y ÂŽl dice noÃ‰ y siempre estamos peleando un poco por esa parte. [There are times when he doesn't have respect for elderly people, I tell him it's because, in MexicoÃ‰ you always address elders with excuse me, never with hey and he says noÃ‰ and we're al ways fighting a little about that.] Although Manuel reports valuing respect, there is clearly a discrepancy between Manuel's and Esmeralda's perceptions on his actions. Further, Esmeralda shares a conversation in which Manuel is telling Esmeralda that thin gs are different here in the U.S: "Que yo no sÂŽ, que ya no es el tiempo de antes (riendo)Ã‰ dice que tÂœ te creaste en otro lugarÃ‰ es diferente." [That I don't
! ! *+ ! know, that it's no longer the same time as before (laughing)Ã‰ he says that you were born in a diff erent placeÃ‰ it's different."] It is important to note that the acculturation gap is playing out in this conversation because it is true that Esmeralda does not understand, both in language and when it comes to Manuel's experiences living in the U.S., howe ver there is no communication as they both navigate these cultural differences. It may be that w hen the themes of communication, trust, responsibilities and expectations, and support are not present, then the acculturation gap can impact secure attachment and autonomy granting Ã‘ as is evidenced in the counterpoint of Manuel and Esmeralda. As noted in the previous research questions it seems that participants were largely congruent in regard to secure attachment and autonomy granting, however Manuel and Esmer alda did in fact serve as the counterpoint to the first two research questions, which then gave insight to contexts and interactions where the acculturation gap is evident for them. For example, the language discrepancy noted above does appear to lead to a lack of communication and possibly trust, which therefore has negatively impacted attachment between them. To take the point further, Esmeralda and Manuel may hold a cultural discrepancy as to how respect should be practiced, which does appear to impact h ow and when Esmeralda thinks Manuel should be granted autonomy . This is an example of how the acculturation gap can impact support and communication as variables of secure attachment and autonomy granting. It is important to note that the researcher is not making the argument that the acculturation gap leads to a lack of attachment. Rather , that the variables of support, communication and empathy play a role in how Latina/o families experience the acculturation gap. When language and value discrepancies are present, as a result of the acculturation gap, communication appears facilitate family cohesion and adaptation to change. Therefore, communicating cultural differences and understanding one
! ! *, ! another's experience of those differences impacts secure attachm ent and autonomy granting. As such, the researcher is not drawing any specific conclusions about how the acculturation gap itself impacts autonomy granting and secure attachment.
! ! +! CHAPTER V : DISCUSSION The goal of this study was to exa mine the experience of the acculturation gap, the process of adolescent autonomy granting, and the role of attachment in this process for Latina/o families. More so, the goal was to create a narrative of the intersubjective process of autonomy granting and attachment as families navigate the acculturation gap. First, the researcher found that the process of autonomy granting entails supporting independence by discussing goals, values, beliefs and interests; communication of expectations and responsibilities inside and outside of the family; and communication of limitations to independence. Second, trust, an ability to depend on caregivers, and consistent communication emerged as variables of secure attachment that positively impacted the autonomy granting pr ocess. Finally, the counterpoint in the results indicated how the absence of the above variables can impact the perception of cultural value discrepancies brought on by the acculturation gap and in turn negatively impact family cohesion. Discussion Perhap s the most important finding from this study was the importance of communication for secure attachment and autonomy granting in Latina/o families. The role of communication between parents and adolescents was evident in participants congruent reports of pe rceived autonomy support; adolescent expectations and responsibilities inside and outside of the home; mutual understanding of one another despite cultural differences; depending on and connecting with one another; and a sense of mutual trust within the fa mily dyad. The role of communication also highlights how secure attachment is experienced in Latina/o families and how it potentially reduces tension associated with the acculturation gap. The role of secure attachment could help families better adapt to v alue discrepancies that could potentially arise during adolescence.
! ! +$ ! Although the existing literature highlights the importance of communication, this study highlighted attuned communication , or ease of communication that creates a flexible and empathic att achment relationship (Siegel, 2012; Bowlby, 1973). This form of communication serves as a protective factor as it helps the family to maintain cohesion while they experience emerging cultural differences. Also unique to this study is the emerging narrative in which adolescents connected communication to feeling supported in their independence, while mothers connected open and consistent communication to a greater sense of trust and connection to their adolescents despite their increased independence. Theref ore, attuned communication, mutual trust and connection are patterns of secure attachment found in this study that also appeared to impact the autonomy granting process for both mothers and adolescents. Additionally, the findings associated with this stud y differed from the existing literature as related to perceptions of autonomy granting and the impact of the acculturation gap on independence granting. Unlike the studies by Roche et al. (2014), Sher Censor, Parke, and Coltrane (2011 . / and SolÂ’s, Smetana, and Tasopoulos Chan (2016) who found that adolescents and caregivers had different perceptions of youth autonomy granting in regards to decision making and physical independence, this study found no incongruencies regarding autonomy expectations in all bu t one family dyad Ã‘ the majority of parents and youth reported similar expectations as related to autonomy. BasÂ‡Â–ez et al. (2014) and Dennis, BasaÂ–ez, and Farahmand (2010) also found that the acculturation gap caused discrepancies in the amount of autonomy a dolescents thought they received with what caregivers perceived they granted, causing a decrease in family cohesion, increased conflict, and preferred culture conflicts. However, adolescent participants in this study stated that they felt supported in thei r independence; understood their expectations, responsibilities, and limits related to independence; connected
! ! +% ! trust and responsibility with having greater autonomy; and aligned cultural values and practices with their family. As such, these findings diffe r from previous research, with the exception of one family who did report cultural value discrepancies in regards to autonomy, responsibilities and expectations, and respect in addition to reported barriers in communication and lack of mutual trust. It may be that all , but the one family dyad had fewer perceptions of cultural value discrepancies due to better intergenerational communication , which appears to be a protective factor for how family interactions are impacted by the acculturation gap. Also, f ewe r discrepancies in cultural values and practices could be a result of geographic setting , specifically the close proximity to Mexico and large Mexica American population . Also differing from the existing literature were similarities in responsibilities, ex pectations, and limits to independence for male and female adolescents in this study . Whereas , Sher Censor, Parke, and Coltrane (2011) and Roche et al. (2014) found that Latina adolescents were not granted as much physical autonomy as Latino adolescents , t here were no gender differences in limitations to independence for participants in this study. This difference might be due to an underrepresentation of males in this study, only two adolescent males participated, and possibly due to the emphasis family dy ads placed on trust and communication in granting autonomy. As such, when mothers were consistent in communication they typically had increased trust in their adolescents to be responsible with their independence Ã‘ regardless of the adolescents gender. Addit ionally, the existing literature found that chores and caregiving duties were uniquely assigned to Latina youth ( Sher Censor, Parke, & Coltrane 2011; B Â‡maca Colbert et al., 2012) ; however, all participants in this study were found to have responsibilities for household chores, caring for younger siblings, prioritizing school, and spending time with family Ã‘ regardless of gender.
! ! +& ! In another study, Romo, Mireles Rios, and Lopez Tello (2014), found that mother's held rules related to the personal freedom grante d to their adolescent daughters. Similarly, adult participants in this study described the limitations to adolescent independence and the role of communication in creating an understanding of those limitations. What differed from the previous research was that both sons and daughters were subject to limitations. Further, Mothers who participated in this study also reported being intentional about changing familial patterns of communication from what they experienced as youth. By creating more open communica tion, mothers who participated in this study found they were able to support their adolescent's increased autonomy and maintaining cohesion when it came to limiting independence. Additionally, the findings of this study are consistent with previous researc h in the emphasis on the role of attachment in the autonomy granting process for Latina/o families. Sher Censor, Parke, and Coltrane (2011) Jensen and Dost GÂšzkan (2014) , TacÂ—n and Caldera (2001) , and Arbona and Power (2003) all indicated that parental inv olvement played a role in how adolescents perceived autonomy granting and exercised their independence. This is consistent with the findings associated with this study, that parental involvement, operationalized as clear consistent communication of adolesc ent responsibilities and expectations, led to congruencies in perceived autonomy support . Further, the participants in this study seemed to describe how secure attachment led to prosocial behaviors and adolescent adjustment. Specifically, mothers spoke to a sense of trusting that their adolescent would be responsible when exercising their independence outside of the home and youth spoke of knowing they could count on their mothers support in exercising their independence. Therefore, the findings of this stu dy are consistent with the literature emphasizing the protective role of parental involvement and dependence in the autonomy granting process.
! ! +' ! Implications Based on the narratives shared by mothers and adolescents in this study, the researcher argues th at counselors should consider the following in working with Latina/o families in a culturally responsive way. First and foremost, in regard to the acculturation gap experienced between caregivers and adolescents, counselors should not assume that cultural value differences will emerge and lead to a lack of cohesion in the family system. As was evident from the mothers who participated in this study, immigrant parents can fully understand the contexts and situations in which their adolescent will confront va lue differences, without having experienced it themselves, as long as communication between the generations is clear, consistent, routine, and predictable. Further, participant mothers described the connection between communication and increased trust, whi le adolescent participants described the connection between communication and perceived autonomy support Ã‘ this example of attuned communication is a variable of secure attachment that could serve as a family strength through the autonomy granting process. Therefore, counselors might consider fostering a space and aid Latina/o families in developing skills for caregivers and adolescents to communicate cultural values, life experiences, and changes associated with emerging adolescent autonomy. It is also not eworthy to mention the emphasis participant mothers placed on changing communication patterns, from what the mother's experienced in their youth, with their adolescent daughters regarding sexual health and development Ã‘ mothers emphasized how such topics wer e more openly addressed with their daughters. This is an important point to consider when working with Latina/o families as there should be a greater focus on empowering mothers to have these types of conversations with their daughters, exploring the impli cit and explicit cultural messages regarding emotional, sexual, and physical development and creating a
! ! +( ! mutually empathetic and trustworthy dynamic to maintain cohesion through changes in the family. Additionally, in regard to mutual empathy, several part icipant mothers expressed trying to understand their adolescents experience of being language brokers and several adolescent participants considered the experience of translating for their parents to be an opportunity for connection as well as meeting a cu ltural value of helping family. It is the researchers belief that opportunities to have these types of discussions can facilitate the maintaining and increasing of familial cohesion. As such, it is recommended that counselors focus on communication to prom ote attachment and overcoming the acculturation gap, not on language or cultural differences as a barrier to cohesion. Further, based on the findings of this study, it appears that normalizing value differences during adolescence is crucial, especially fo r families experiencing the acculturation gap. Value differences between the generations should not be pathologized as a conflict of cultures or the adolescents ' rejection of the culture of origin. More so, adolescent participants all reported greater conn ection to their family's Mexican culture and shared connection to specific U.S. values such as independence and education. Although, it may be that adolescents held greater connection to the cultural values and traditions of their mothers due to the region participants live in and the cross cultural interaction of Mexico and the U.S. Still, the coherent narratives in which adolescents described their connection to aspects of two cultures and overall positive outlook on language brokering duties and differin g cultural experiences indicate that participants of this study proudly held a bicultural identity. Therefore, adolescents need support as they are navigating two cultures and are still dependent on caregivers while exercising greater autonomy.
! ! +) ! An explorat ion of values can result in increased cohesion especially when families are consistent about communication. As a result of this study, the researcher can conclude that when familial communication is consistent, clear, honest, and reliable, the chances of maintained familial cohesion are more likely to occur Ã‘ despite any value discrepancies that may arise. Due to the findings of this study, the researcher will approach her own work with Latina/o families by first establishing that the acculturation gap does not necessarily signify value discrepancies in the family. Additionally, the researcher believes that establishing consistent and clear communication for families increases mutual trust. It is also imperative that caregivers attempt to engage with the soci al systems that their adolescents regularly interact in order to bridge the gap between two cultures and increase their understanding of their adolescent's experiences. Further, as noted above, existing theories of autonomy granting for Latina/o families d o not align with the findings of this study. This is due to adolescents in this study expressing firm connection to their family's culture and reporting being validated by their caregivers in their experience of independence and autonomy. As such, the comm on notion that the acculturation gap causes value differences and negatively impacts autonomy granting may be misleading; specifically when familial communication and attachment are considered. Therefore, when attuned communication is present, families are more likely to have increased trust when it comes to disclosing differing cultural practices, beliefs, values, and experiences: potentially nullifying the impact of the acculturation gap, promoting attachment and increasing adolescent autonomy granting. T heories of autonomy granting for Latina/o youth should have a greater focus on looking at the intersubjective experience of attuned communication and cohesion through a cultural lens as adolescents begin to exercise their autonomy and still depend on careg ivers.
! ! +* ! Finally, the theory of attachment does appear to be valid for Latina/o families. Through the reports of participants, it appears that in Latina/o families attachment can be operationalized as attuned communication, mutual trust, and a balance of in dependence and connection. Further, based on the findings of this study it appears that communication becomes crucial in maintaining cohesion during the adolescent stage of the family life cycle. Therefore, counselors should focus on attuned communication and the strength of cultural values in working with Latina/o families rather than looking at the acculturation gap as negatively impacting family cohesion. Limitations and Future Research A limitation to this study was the sample size. Though the research er attempted to recruit more family dyads, only six families responded to the researcher's recruitment efforts. Another limitation was the lack of representation of fathers and limited participation of male adolescents in this study. For a more in depth ex amination of the autonomy granting process and the experience of the acculturation gap, future research should include fathers, mothers, and other caregivers. Further, a limitation of this study is the region in which interviews took place. It may be that the acculturation gap did not emerge as an impact on autonomy granting and secure attachment because of the proximity to Mexico and the possibility that participants culture of origin may be perceived as the dominant culture in this region. It should also be noted that attuned communication present in several family dyads which might be due to their previous involvement in counseling . Overall, future research should include greater geographically and demographically diverse samples in order to obtain more t horough conclusions. Future research may also be a focus on the experience of family counseling for Latina/o families and the efficacy of specific therapy models.
! ! ++ ! Conclusion Although additional research will be needed to confirm the findings of this stud y, the narratives shared by participants provided a more in depth exploration of the process of autonomy granting in Latina/o families and an understanding of secure attachment through a cultural lens. T he goal of this research study was to explore how the acculturation gap impacts adolescent autonomy granting and cohesion but instead, this research study shed light on narratives of attuned communication, trust, and support as protective factors to maintaining cohesion while families adapt changes brought o n by the acculturation gap.
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! ! $-! Appendix A ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! Examining the Acculturation Gap in Latina/o Families and its Impact on Adolescent Autonomy Granting and Attachment Purpose of Research: The reason for this study is to understand how differences in acculturation between parents and adolescents impact Latina/o families. Specifically, the researcher is interested in how acculturation impacts adolescent autonomy granting and family attachment. Further, I aim to understand how autonomy and attachment look through a cultural lens (behaviorally, emotionally, cognitively) in these families as a result of the acculturation gap. Specific Procedures to be Used: Upon providing consent, yo u and your adolescent will be asked to fill out a demographic questionnaire followed by participating an eight question interview. The parent/caregiver and adolescent will participate separately in the interview portion of the study, which will last no lon ger than an hour each. There will also be a follow up interview that will last no more than half an hour per caregiver and adolescent. All interviews will be audio recorded. Eligibility : Must be a parent/caregiver who has immigrated into the U.S. and an a dolescent who is a first generation U.S. born, between ages twelve to nineteen. The parent/caregiver and adolescent must identify as Latina/o, Hispanic, Chicana/o, Mexican, or Mexican American. Potential Benefits and Risks : The Parent/caregiver and adoles cent can share an experience that may increase understanding of one another inside and outside of the family system, including values and beliefs. The risks are no greater than those ordinarily encountered in daily life such as sharing emotions related to familial experiences that can be distressing. Contact : Marina Garcia, graduate student at University of Colorado Denver at firstname.lastname@example.org or by phone at xxx xxx xxxx ! COMIRB protocol number ( 18 0256)
! ! $-$ ! Appendix B ! ! Examinando la Diferencia en la Aculturaci ! n de Familias Mexicanas y el Impacto del Apegue y el Consentimiento de Autonom " a hacia el Adolescente. Prop " sito de la Investigaci " n : El prop " sito del estudio es para comprender las diferencias en el conexi " n entre padres y adolescentes y el impacto a la familia. Espec # ficamente, la investigadora est $ interesada en como la aculturaci " n impacta el conceder de autonom # a al adolecente y el apegue a la familia. A dem $ s, quiero entender como la autonom # a y el apegue del adolescente se ve en familias a consecuencia de aculturaci " n. Uso de Procedimientos Espec # ficos: Al conceder consentimiento, usted y su adolescente tendr $ n que contestar un cuestionario demogr $ fic o y participar en una entrevista de ocho preguntas. Los padres/cuidador y el adolescente participaran separados en la porci " n de entrevista, que durara no m $ s que una hora cada uno. Seguir $ con otra entrevista que no durar $ m $ s de media hora por adolesce nte y padre/cuidador. Todas las entrevistas ser $ n audio grabadas. La Elegibilidad: Debe ser un padre/cuidador que haya inmigrado a los Estados Unidos y un adolescente de primera generaci " n, nacido en los Estados Unidos, entre la edad de 12 a 19 a % os. El padre/madre y adolescente debe identificarse como Latino/a, Hispano/a, Chicano/a, M & xicano/a, o M & xico Americano/a. Potenciales Beneficios y Riesgos: El padre/cuidador y el adolescente pueden compartir una experiencia que puede aumentar su entendimiento del uno al otro dentro y fuera del sistema familiar, incluyendo valores y creencias. Los riesgos son los mismos que tenemos en la vida ordinaria como compartiendo emociones relacionadas a experiencias familiar que pueden ser angustiosas. Contactar: Marina Garc # a, alumna de posgrado de la Universidad de Colorado en Denver, en email@example.com o por tel & fono al xxx xxx xxxx ! COMIRB protocol number (18 0256)
! ! $-% ! Appendix C The following is the script that will be used when asking faculty and staff for permission to recruit their clients at the agency: I want to thank you for taking the time to attend this meeting. First, I would like to take the time to ask you in person for the permission to recruit participants from your agency for my master's thesis. I want to be considerate of what you all feel is appropriate and give you the information yo u need to make an informed decision. The participants I seek to recruit for my study are Latina/o, Hispanic, Mexican American, or Chicana/o identified immigrant families. The families I wish to interview must consist of one parent/caregiver who has immigra ted into the U.S. and the adolescent in the family must be between ages twelve to nineteen and must be a first generation U.S. born. The purpose of my study is to examine the acculturation gap in Latina/o immigrant families and understand the impact this h as on adolescent autonomy granting and family attachment. Further, I aim to understand how autonomy and attachment look through a cultural lens (behaviorally, emotionally, cognitively) in these families as a result of the acculturation gap. I need to recru it a minimum of four families to interview and the questions are based on the acculturation gap, adolescent autonomy, and family attachment. Each interview will last no more than an hour per adolescent and parent/caregiver. There will also be a demographic survey and consent form provided before interviews begin. There may also be one follow up interview after the first round of interviews that will last no more than half an hour per parent/caregiver and adolescent. I will not use any identifiable informati on to protect the clinic and the participants confidentiality and participants will be free to leave the study at any point. If you have any questions regarding my methodology, including how I will protect participant confidentiality I am happy to provide you with that information. Please contact me if you have any questions and I ask that you please consider vouching for me with your clients if you think any families would be a good fit for this study. I will provide you with flyers and my contact informat ion upon your request. Thank you. ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! !
! ! $-& ! Appendix D Email that will be sent out to clinicians and staff asking permission to recruit their clients: Dear Clinicians and Staff, I hope this email finds you well. I am writing to ask you in per son for the permission to recruit participants for my master's thesis. I want to be considerate of what you all feel is appropriate and give you the information you need to make an informed decision. The participants I seek to recruit for my study are Lati na/o, Hispanic, Mexican American, or Chicana/o identified immigrant families. The families I wish to interview must consist of one parent/caregiver who has immigrated into the U.S. and the adolescent in the family must be between ages twelve to nineteen an d must be a first generation U.S. citizen. The purpose of my study is to examine the acculturation gap in Latina/o immigrant families and understand the impact this has on adolescent autonomy granting and family attachment. Further, I aim to understand how autonomy and attachment look through a cultural lens (behaviorally, emotionally, cognitively) in these families as a result of the acculturation gap. I need to recruit a minimum of four families to interview and the questions are based on the acculturatio n gap, adolescent autonomy, and family attachment. Each interview will last no more than an hour per adolescent and parent/caregiver. There will also be a demographic survey and consent form provided before interviews begin. There may also be one follow up interview after the first round of interviews that will last no more than half an hour per parent/caregiver and adolescent. If you have any questions regarding my methodology, including how I will protect participant confidentiality I am happy to provide you with that information. For now, I want you to know that any identifying information will be masked, including the setting of the study. Please contact me if you have any questions and I ask that you please consider vouching for me with your clients if you think any families would be a good fit for this study. I am happy to give you more detailed information and flyers detailing the study upon your request. My email is firstname.lastname@example.org and my ph one number is xxx xxx xxxx . Thank you, Marina Garcia ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! !
! ! $-' ! Appendix E Demographic Survey 1. ! In terms of gender, I most identify as? 2. ! What is your age?_____________ 3. ! In terms of race/ethnicity, how do you most identify? Please chec k all that apply: ! ! African American (Black) ! ! Asian American ! ! Latino/Latina ! ! Hispanic ! ! Mexican American ! ! Native American ! ! Caucasian (White) ! ! Other: ______________ 4. ! What is your country of birth? ! ! United States ! ! Outside of the U.S. (please specify): 5. ! How long ha ve you lived in the United States?______________ 6. ! What is the highest level of education you have obtained? ! ! Less than 12 th grade ! ! High school graduate/GED ! ! Trade or technical school (for example, mechanic training) ! ! Some college (one or two years) ! ! College g raduate (four year degree) ! ! Graduate education (for example, master's degree or Ph.D., etc.)
! ! $-( ! Appendix F Encuesta DemogrÂ‡fica 1. ! Ã€Con quÂŽ gÂŽnero te identificas mÂ‡s (por ejemplo, masculino, femenino, fluido de gÂŽnero, o no deseo revelar)? ___ _______________________ 2. ! Ã€QuÂŽ edad tiene? _______________________ 3. ! In tÂŽrminos de raza/etnicidad, como se identifica? Por favor escoja todos los que apliquen: ! ! Afroamericano (Negro) ! ! Americano AsiÂ‡tico ! ! Latino/Latina ! ! Hispano ! ! Mexicano Americano ! ! El Nativo Americano ! ! Americano CaucÂ‡sico ! ! Otro: ____________ 4. ! Ã€CuÂ‡l es su paÂ’s de nacimiento? ! ! Estados Unidos ! ! Fuera de Los Estados Unidos (por favor especifique): _________________ 5. ! Ã€CuÂ‡ntos aÂ–os tiene viviendo en Los Estados Unidos? ____________________ 6. ! Ã€CuÂ‡l es el mÂ‡s alto nivel de educaciÂ—n que ha obtenido? ! ! Menos del 12 grado ! ! Graduado de Escuela Secundaria/GED ! ! Escuela TÂŽcnica o vocacional (por ejemplo, trineo mecÂ‡nico) ! ! Colegio (uno o dos aÂ–os) ! ! Graduado de Colegio (Titulo de cuatro aÂ–os) ! ! Posgrado de EducaciÂ—n (por ejemplo, TÂ’tulo de maestrÂ’a o PhD. Etc.) ! ! ! ! ! ! ! !
! ! $-) ! Appendix G ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! !
! ! $-* ! Appendix H Study Title: Examining the Acculturation Gap in Latina/o Families and its Impact on Adolescent Autonomy Granting and Attachment Principal Investigator: Marina Garci a COMIRB No: 18 0256 Version Date: 3/10 /18 RESEARCH PARTICIPANT CONSENT FORM Master's Thesis Chair: Dr. Carlos Hipolito Delgado Examining the Acculturation Gap in Latina/o Families and its Impact on Adolescent Autonomy Granting and Attachment Univer sity of Colorado Denver School of Education and Human Development Purpose of Research: The reason for this study is to understand how differences in cultural values, practices/behaviors, and beliefs between parents and adolescents impact Latina/o families . Specifically, the researcher is interested in how these cultural differences impact the granting of adolescent independence/individual thinking as well as the impact on overall family patterns of connection and emotional closeness. Further, I aim to und erstand how independence and connection looks (behaviors, emotions, thoughts) in Latina/o families as a result of these cultural differences between parents/caregivers and adolescents. Specific Procedures to be Used: Upon providing consent, you and your adolescent will be asked to fill out a demographic questionnaire followed by an eight question interview. The parent/caregiver and adolescent will participate separately in the interview portion of the study, which will last no longer than an hour each. Th ere will also be a follow up interview that will last no more than half an hour per caregiver and adolescent. All interviews will be audio recorded. Eligibility : You are being asked to be in this study because you are a parent/caregiver who has immigrated into the U.S. and have an adolescent who is first generation U.S. born, between ages twelve to nineteen and you identify as Latina/o, Hispanic, Chicana/o, or Mexican American or Mexican. Potential Benefits and Risks : The Parent/caregiver and adolescent can share an experience that may increase understanding of one another inside and outside of the family system, including values and beliefs. The risks are no greater than those ordinarily encountered in daily life such as sharing emotions related to famil ial experiences that can be distressing. Contact : Marina Garcia, graduate student at University of Colorado Denver at email@example.com or by phone at xxx xxx xxxx
! ! $-+ ! Confidentiality: All informatio n in the questionnaire and interviews are strictly confidential and anonymous. Every effort will be made to protect your privacy and confidentiality by ensuring that only the primary investigator and an approved researcher will have access to the questionn aires, interview responses and consent forms. Six months after the completion of the study, all information will be destroyed. Any information provided, including personal contact information will be used only for this study. All completed questionnaire s will be stored in a locked file cabinet. Your personal contact information will in no way be connected with your specific completed questionnaire. Your personal contact information will only be used with your permission in the event that you express inte rest in receiving information on future studies in this area, and/or if you wish to receive a copy of the final report of the study upon completion. Voluntary Nature of Participation: You do not have to participate in this research project. If you do agr ee to participate you can withdraw your participation at any time without penalty. You are under no obligation to provide contact information and if you choose to do so, this is completely voluntary. CONSENT TO ANSWER SURVEYS : I HAVE HAD THE OPPORTUNITY TO READ THIS CONSENT FORM , ASK QUESTIONS ABOUT THE RESEARCH PROJECT AND AM PREPARED TO PARTICIPATE IN THIS PROJECT. Contact : Marina Garcia, graduate student at University of Colorado Denver at marina.garci firstname.lastname@example.org or by phone at xxx xxx xxxx You may have questions about your rights as someone in this study. If you have questions, you can call the COMIRB (the responsible Institutional Review Board). Their number is (303) 724 1055.
! ! $-, ! Appendix I TÂ’tulo del Estudio: Examinando la Distancia en AculturaciÂ—n de Familias Latinas y el Impacto que tiene en conceder la autonomÂ’a o el Apegue Familiar Investigador Principal: Marina Garcia COMIRB No: 18 0256 VersiÂ—n: 3/10 /18 F orma de Consentimiento Para Participar en la InvestigaciÂ—n Presidente del Tesis de MaestrÂ’a: Dr. Carlos Hipolito Delgado Examinando la Distancia en AculturaciÂ—n de Familias Latinas y el Impacto que tiene en conceder la autonomÂ’a o el Apegue Familiar Univer sidad de Colorado en Denver Escuela de EducaciÂ—n y Desarrollo Humano PropÂ—sito de la InvestigaciÂ—n : PropÂ—sito de la InvestigaciÂ—n : El propÂ—sito del estudio es para comprender las diferencias en prÂ‡cticas, valores, y creencias culturales entre padres y ado lescentes y el impacto a la familia latina. EspecÂ’ficamente, la investigadora estÂ‡ interesada en cÂ—mo estas diferencias culturales impactan el conceder de independencia y pensamiento individual al adolecente y modelos de conexiÂ—n familiar. AdemÂ‡s, la inve stigadora quiere entender como la independencia y conexiÂ—n familiar se ve (comportamientos, emociones, y pensamientos) en estas familias a consecuencia de diferencias culturales entre padres/cuidadoras y adolescentes. Uso de Procedimientos EspecÂ’ficos: A l conceder consentimiento, usted y su adolescente tendrÂ‡n que contestar un cuestionario demogrÂ‡fico y participar en una entrevista de ocho preguntas. Los padres/cuidador y el adolescente participaran separados en la porciÂ—n de entrevista, que durara no mÂ‡ s que una hora cada uno. SeguirÂ‡ otra entrevista que no durara mÂ‡s de media hora por adolescente y padre/cuidador. Todas las entrevistas serÂ‡n audio grabadas. La Elegibilidad: Le piden que participe en este estudio porque eres un padre/cuidador que ha ya inmigrado a los Estados Unidos y tiene un adolescente de primera generaciÂ—n, nacido en los Estados Unidos, entre la edad de 12 a 19 aÂ–os e identificas como Latino/a, Hispano/a, Chicano/a, MÂŽxicano/a, o MÂŽxico Americano/a. Potenciales Beneficios y Rie sgos: El padre/cuidador y el adolescente pueden compartir una experiencia que puede aumentar su entendimiento del uno al otro dentro y fuera del sistema familiar, incluyendo valores y creencias. Los riesgos son los mismos que tenemos en la vida ordinaria como compartiendo emociones relacionadas a experiencias familiar que pueden ser angustiosas.
! ! $$! Contactar: Marina GarcÂ’a, alumna de posgrado de la Universidad de Colorado en Denver, en marina.garcia@ucdenve r.edu o por telÂŽfono al xxx xxx xxxx La Confidencialidad : Toda informaciÂ—n en el cuestionario y las entrevistas serÂ‡n estrictamente confidencial y anÂ—nimo. Se harÂ‡n todos los esfuerzos posibles para proteger su privacidad y confidencialidad as egurÂ‡ndose de que solamente la investigadora primaria y un/una investigadora aprobada tendrÂ‡ acceso a los cuestionarios, respuestas de las entrevistas y a la forma de consentimiento. Un aÂ–o despuÂŽs de completar el estudio, la informaciÂ—n serÂ‡ destruida. Toda informaciÂ—n proporcionada, incluyendo informaciÂ—n personal de contacto serÂ‡ usada para este estudio. Todos los cuestionarios completos serÂ‡n guardados en un gabinete cerrado con llave. Su informaciÂ—n de contacto no serÂ‡ conectada con su cuestionario completo. Su informaciÂ—n personal de contacto solo serÂ‡ usada con su permiso en el caso que usted exprese interÂŽs en recibir informaciÂ—n en el futuro sobre otros estudios relacionados en esta Â‡rea, y si usted quiere recibir una copia del reporte al final izarse este estudio. ParticipaciÂ—n Voluntaria: No tiene que participar en este investigaciÂ—n. Si acepta participar puede retirarse a cualquier momento sin penalizaciÂ—n. No tiene obligaciÂ—n de dar informaciÂ—n de contacto, pero si desea hacerlo, es compl etamente voluntario. CONSENTIMIENTO PARA RESPONDER A LA ENCUESTA: HE TENIDO LA OPORTUNIDAD DE LEER ESTA FORMA DE CONSENTIMIENTO, HACER PREGUNTAS SOBRE EL PROYECTO DE INVESTIGACIÃ®N Y ESTOY PREPARADO/A PARA PARTICIPAR EN ESTE PROYECTO. Contactar: Marina GarcÂ’a, alumna de posgrado de la Universidad de Colorado en Denver, en marina .email@example.com o por telÂŽfono al xxx xxx xxxx Es posible que tenga preguntas sobre sus derechos como alguien en este estudio. Si tiene preguntas, puede llamar al COMIRB (el responsable Junta de RevisiÂ—n Institucional). Su nÂœmero es (303) 724 1055.
! ! $$$ ! Appendix J Study Title: Examining the Acculturation Gap in Latina/o Families and its Impact on Adoles cent Autonomy Granting and Attachment Principal Investigator: Marina Garcia COMIRB No: 18 0256 Version Date: 3/10 /18 RESEARCH PARTICIPANT ASSENT FORM Examining the Acculturation Gap in Latina/o Families and its Impact on Adolescent Autonomy Granti ng and Attachment Master's Thesis Chair: Dr. Carlos Hipolito Delgado University of Colorado Denver School of Education and Human Development Purpose of Research: The reason for this study is to understand how differences in cultural values, practices/tra ditions, and beliefs between parents/caregivers and adolescents impact Latina/o families. Specifically, this study is designed to learn more about how these cultural differences impact ways in which parents/caregivers grant adolescent independence/individu al thinking as well a s the overall impact on family patterns of connection and emotional closeness. Further, I aim to understand how independence and connection looks in Latina/o families as a result of these cultural differences between parents/caregiver s and adolescents. Specific Procedures to be Used: Upon providing consent, you will be asked to fill out a demographic questionnaire followed by an eight question interview. You will participate separately in the interview portion of the study from you p arent/caregiver, which will last no longer than an hour each. There will also be a follow up interview that will last no more than half an hour. All interviews will be audio recorded. Eligibility : You are being asked to be in this study because you are a first generation U.S. born adolescent, between ages twelve to nineteen and you identify as Latina/o, Hispanic, Chicana/o, or Mexican American. Potential Benefits and Risks : The Parent/caregiver and adolescent can share an experience that may increase unde rstanding of one another inside and outside of the family system, including values and beliefs. The risks are no greater than those ordinarily encountered in daily life such as sharing emotions related to familial experiences that can be distressing. Cont act : Marina Garcia, graduate student at University of Colorado Denver at firstname.lastname@example.org or by phone at xxx xxx xxxx
! ! $$% ! Confidentiality: All information in the questionnaire and interview s are strictly confidential and anonymous. Every effort will be made to protect your privacy and confidentiality by ensuring that only the primary investigator and an approved researcher will have access to the questionnaires, interview responses and conse nt forms. Six months after the completion of the study, all information will be destroyed. Any information provided, including personal contact information will be used only for this study. All completed questionnaires will be stored in a locked file ca binet. Your personal contact information will in no way be connected with your specific completed questionnaire. Your personal contact information will only be used with your permission in the event that you express interest in receiving information on fut ure studies in this area, and/or if you wish to receive a copy of the final report of the study upon completion. Voluntary Nature of Participation: You do not have to participate in this research project. If you do agree to participate you can withdraw y our participation at any time without penalty. You are under no obligation to provide contact information and if you choose to do so, this is completely voluntary. CONSENT TO ANSWER SURVEYS : I HAVE HAD THE OPPORTUNITY TO READ THIS CONSENT FORM , ASK QUEST IONS ABOUT THE RESEARCH PROJECT AND AM PREPARED TO PARTICIPATE IN THIS PROJECT. Contact : If you have any questions you may contact Marina Garcia, graduate student at University of Colorado Denver at marina. email@example.com or by phone at xxx xxx xxxx . You can call about questions at any time . You may have questions about your rights as someone in this study. If you have questions, you can call the COMIRB (the responsible Institutional Review Board). Their number is (303) 724 1055.
! ! $$& ! Appendix K TÂ’tulo del Estudio: Examinando la Distancia en AculturaciÂ—n de Familias Latinas y el Impacto que tiene en conceder la autonomÂ’a o el Apegue Familiar Investigador Principal: Marina Ga rcia COMIRB No: 18 0256 VersiÂ—n : 3/10 /18 Forma de Asentimiento Para Participar en la InvestigaciÂ—n Examinando la Distancia en AculturaciÂ—n de Familias Latinas y el Impacto que tiene en conceder la autonomÂ’a o el Apegue Familiar Presidente del Tesis d e MaestrÂ’a: Dr. Carlos Hipolito Delgado Universidad de Colorado en Denver Escuela de EducaciÂ—n y Desarrollo Humano PropÂ—sito de la InvestigaciÂ—n : El propÂ—sito del estudio es para comprender las diferencias en prÂ‡cticas, valores, y creencias culturales ent re padres y adolescentes y el impacto a la familia latina. EspecÂ’ficamente, la investigadora estÂ‡ interesada en cÂ—mo estas diferencias culturales impactan el conceder de independencia y pensamiento individual al adolecente y modelos de conexiÂ—n familiar. AdemÂ‡s, la investigadora quiere entender como la independencia y conexiÂ—n familiar se ve en la familia latina a consecuencia de diferencias cultural es entre adolescentes y padres/cuidadoras . Uso de Procedimientos EspecÂ’ficos: Al conceder consentimiento, tiene que contestar un cuestionario demogrÂ‡fico y participar en una entrevista de ocho preguntas. ParticipaciÂ—n serÂ‡ separado en la porciÂ—n de entrevista, que durarÂ‡ no mÂ‡s que una hora. SeguirÂ‡ otra entrevista que no durara mÂ‡s de media hora. Todas las e ntrevistas serÂ‡n audio grabadas. La Elegibilidad: Le piden que participe en este estudio porque eres una primera generaciÂ—n adolescente, nacido en los Estados Unidos, entre la edad de 12 a 19 aÂ–os e identificas como Latino/a, Hispano/a, Chicano/a, MÂŽxic ano/a, o MÂŽxico Americano/a. Potenciales Beneficios y Riesgos: El padre/cuidador y el adolescente pueden compartir una experiencia que puede aumentar su entendimiento del uno al otro dentro y fuera del sistema familiar, incluyendo valores y creencias. Los riesgos son los mismos que tenemos en la vida ordinaria como compartiendo emociones relacionadas a experiencias familiar que pueden ser angustiosas. Contactar: Marina GarcÂ’a, alumna de posgrado de la Universidad de Colorado en Denver, en firstname.lastname@example.org o por telÂŽfono al xxx xxx xxxx
! ! $$' ! La Confidencialidad : Toda informaciÂ—n en el cuestionario y las entrevistas serÂ‡n estrictamente confidencial y anÂ—nimo. Se harÂ‡n todos los esfuerzos posibles para proteger su privacidad y confidencialidad asegurÂ‡ndose de que solamente la investigadora primaria y un/una investigadora aprobada tendrÂ‡ acceso a los cuestionarios, respuestas de las entrevistas y a la forma de consentimiento. Un aÂ–o despuÂŽs de comp letar el estudio, la informaciÂ—n serÂ‡ destruida. Toda informaciÂ—n proporcionada, incluyendo informaciÂ—n personal de contacto serÂ‡ usada para este estudio. Todos los cuestionarios completos serÂ‡n guardados en un gabinete cerrado con llave. Su informaciÂ—n de contacto no serÂ‡ conectada con su cuestionario completo. Su informaciÂ—n personal de contacto solo serÂ‡ usada con su permiso en el caso que usted exprese interÂŽs en recibir informaciÂ—n en el futuro sobre otros estudios relacionados en esta Â‡rea, y si u sted quiere recibir una copia del reporte al finalizarse este estudio. ParticipaciÂ—n Voluntaria: No tiene que participar en este investigaciÂ—n. Si acepta participar puede retirarse a cualquier momento sin penalizaciÂ—n. No tiene obligaciÂ—n de dar inform aciÂ—n de contacto, pero si desea hacerlo, es completamente voluntario. CONSENTIMIENTO PARA RESPONDER A LA ENCUESTA: HE TENIDO LA OPORTUNIDAD DE LEER ESTA FORMA DE CONSENTIMIENTO, HACER PREGUNTAS SOBRE EL PROYECTO DE INVESTIGACIÃ®N Y ESTOY PREPARADO/A PAR A PARTICIPAR EN ESTE PROYECTO. Contactar: Marina GarcÂ’a, alumna de posgrado de la Universidad de Colorado en Denver, en email@example.com o por telÂŽfono al xxx xxx xxx Es posible que t enga preguntas sobre sus derechos como alguien en este estudio. Si tiene preguntas, puede llamar al COMIRB (el responsable Junta de RevisiÂ—n Institucional). Su nÂœmero es (303) 724 1055.
! ! $$( ! Appendix L Adolescent 1. ! Tell me about the parts o f your family's culture (i.e. traditions, beliefs, and values, etc.) you feel most connected with? Please provide examples of what this looks like within your family. Can you explain why you connect with these specific cultural traditions? 2. ! Tell me about t he parts of U.S. culture (i.e. traditions, beliefs, values, etc.) that you feel most connected with? Please provide examples of what this looks like within your family. Can you explain why you connect with these specific cultural traditions? 3. ! What are spec ific behaviors (i.e. values, traditions, language, behaviors, interactions, beliefs, etc.) you do differently within your family versus in other social settings, such as at school or with friends? What are the things you do the same in both family and soci al settings? 4. ! Tell me about the roles, obligations, responsibilities, and expectations your family has for you within your household. How has these been communicated to you (i.e. family conversations, interactions, experiences, etc.)? Tell me about the rol es, obligations, responsibilities, and expectations your family has for you when you are in social settings. How has these been communicated to you (i.e. family conversations, interactions, experiences, etc.)? 5. ! How do you define closeness in relationships ? How do you define independence in relationships? 6. ! Describe times or situations when you felt supported (i.e. actions, conversations, interactions, etc.) by your parent/caregiver to be independent? Please provide examples and when you have less independen ce? 7. ! Please describe times when you have been supported by your parent/caregiver to have your own interests, values, desires, beliefs, etc. even if they are different from theirs? 8. ! What makes you feel secure, confident, and safe to communicate your own in terests, values, desires, beliefs, etc. to your parent/caregiver? How and where did you learn this type of communication? Caregiver/parent 1. ! Tell me about the parts of your family's culture (i.e. traditions, beliefs, and values, etc.) you feel most connec ted with? Please provide examples of what this looks like within your family. Can you explain why you connect with these specific cultural traditions?
! ! $$) ! 2. ! Tell me about the parts of U.S. culture (i.e. traditions, beliefs, values, etc.) that you feel most conn ected with? Please provide examples of what this looks like within your family. Can you explain why you connect with these specific cultural traditions? 3. ! Please describe the feelings that come up for you when you think about your adolescent having differen t interests, values, desires, beliefs, etc. that may not align with your own. 4. ! Please explain how you support (i.e. actions, conversations, interactions, etc.)your adolescent having independent interests, values, desires, beliefs, etc .? Please provide exam ples. 5. ! Please describe times or situations when you have felt that your adolescent should be granted independence (i.e. situations, behaviors, times, etc.)? How do you express this to your adolescent (i.e. actions, interactions, conversations, etc.)? Pleas e describe times or situations when you have felt that your adolescent should have limited or no independence? How do you express this to your adolescent (i.e. actions, interactions, conversations, etc.)? 6. ! Please explain your adolescents' roles, obligation s, responsibilities, and expectations within the household. How is this communicated to your adolescent (i.e. actions, interactions, conversations, etc.)? Please explain your adolescents' roles, obligations, responsibilities, and expectations in social se ttings outside the family? How is this communicated to your adolescent (i.e. actions, interactions, conversations, etc.)? 7. ! Who were the primary caregivers you depended on as a child when you struggled with something? Please describe these relationships and examples of times/situations in which you depended on these relationships. 8. ! How do you define closeness in relationships? How do you define independence in relationships?
! ! $$* ! Appendix M Adolescente 1. ! Ã€CuÂŽntame sobre las partes de la cultura de tu familia (por ejemplo, tradiciones, creencias y valores, etc.) con las que te sientes mÂ‡s conectado? Puedes dar ejemplos de cÂ—mo se ve esto en tu familia. Ã€Puedes explicar por quÂŽ te conectas con estas tradiciones culturales especÂ’ficas? 2. ! Ã€CuÂŽntame so bre las partes de la cultura de los Estados Unidos (por ejemplo, tradiciones, creencias, valores, etc.) con las que te sientes mÂ‡s conectado? Proporcione ejemplos de cÂ—mo te ve esto en tu familia. Ã€Puedes explicar por quÂŽ te conectas con estas tradiciones culturales especÂ’ficas? 3. ! Ã€CuÂ‡les son los comportamientos especÂ’ficos (por ejemplo, valores, tradiciones, lenguaje, comportamientos, interacciones, creencias, etc.) que hace de manera diferente dentro de tu familia en comparaciÂ—n con otros entornos sociales , como en la escuela o con amigos? Ã€CuÂ‡les son las cosas que haces igual en la configuraciÂ—n familiar y social? 4. ! CuÂŽnteme sobre los roles, obligaciones, responsabilidades y expectativas que tu familia tiene para ti dentro de tu hogar. Ã€CÂ—mo se comunicaron contigo (por ejemplo, conversaciones familiares, interacciones, experiencias, etc.)? CuÂŽnteme sobre los roles, obligaciones, responsabilidades y expectativas que tu familia tiene para ti cuando te encuentres en una area social. Ã€CÂ—mo te comunicaron contigo (por ejemplo, conversaciones familiares, interacciones, experiencias, etc.)? 5. ! Ã€CÂ—mo defines la cercanÂ’a en las relaciones? Ã€CÂ—mo defines la independencia en las relaciones? 6. ! Describa los momentos o situaciones en cual te sientes apoyado (por ejemplo, acci ones, conversaciones, interacciones, etc.) por parte de tu padre/cuidador para ser independiente. Por favor de ejemplos de cuando tienes menos independencia. 7. ! Por favor, describa los momentos en que tu padre/cuidador te ha apoyado en tener tus propios inte reses, valores, deseos, creencias, etc., incluso si son diferentes de los de ellos. 8. ! Ã€QuÂŽ te hace sentir seguro y confiado para comunicar tus propios intereses, valores, deseos, creencias, etc. con tus padres/cuidadores? Ã€CÂ—mo y dÂ—nde aprendiste este tipo de comunicaciÂ—n? Cuidadores/Padres 1. ! Ã€CuÂŽntame sobre las partes de la cultura de su familia (por ejemplo, tradiciones, creencias y valores, etc.) con las que se sientes mÂ‡s conectado? De ejemplos de cÂ—mo se ve esto en su familia. Ã€Puedes explicar por quÂŽ se conectas con estas tradiciones culturales especÂ’ficas?
! ! $$+ ! 2. ! Ã€CuÂŽntame sobre las partes de la cultura de los Estados Unidos (por ejemplo, tradiciones, creencias, valores, etc.) con las que se sientes mÂ‡s conectado? Proporcione ejemplos de cÂ—mo se ve esto en su familia. Ã€Puedes explicar por quÂŽ se conectas con estas tradiciones culturales especÂ’ficas? 3. ! Por favor describa los sentimientos que tienes cuando piensa que su adolescente tiene intereses, valores, deseos, creencias, etc. diferentes que no son iguales con los suyos. 4. ! CuÂŽntame cÂ—mo apoya (por ejemplo, acciones, conversaciones, interacciones, etc.) a su adolescente con intereses, valores, deseos, creencias, etc. independientes. Por favor de ejemplos. 5. ! Por favor, describa los momentos o situaciones en que sintiÂ— que su adolescente deberÂ’a recibir independencia (por ejemplo, situaciones, comportamientos, tiempos, etc.). Ã€CÂ—mo le expresas esto a su adolescente (por ejemplo, acciones, interacciones, conversaciones, etc.)? Por favor, describa los momentos o si tuaciones en que sintiÂ— que su adolescente deberÂ’a tener una independencia limitada o nula. Ã€CÂ—mo le expresas esto a su adolescente (por ejemplo, acciones, interacciones, conversaciones, etc.)? 6. ! Por favor explique los roles, obligaciones, responsabilidades y expectativas de su adolescente dentro del hogar. Ã€CÂ—mo se comunica esto a su adolescente (por ejemplo, acciones, interacciones, conversaciones, etc.)? Por favor explique los roles, obligaciones, responsabilidades y expectativas de sus adolescentes en en tornos sociales fuera de la familia. Ã€CÂ—mo se comunica esto a su adolescente (por ejemplo, acciones, interacciones, conversaciones, etc.)? 7. ! Ã€QuiÂŽnes fueron los principales cuidadores de los que dependÂ’a usted cuando eras niÂ–a/o cuando batallabas con algo? Por favor describa estas relaciones y ejemplos de momentos/ situaciones en los cuales usted dependiÂ— de estas relaciones. 8. ! Ã€CÂ—mo defines la cercanÂ’a en las relaciones? Ã€CÂ—mo defines la independencia en las relaciones?