Citation
Wearing the badge and the camera : a sociomaterial perspective on police use of body-worn cameras

Material Information

Title:
Wearing the badge and the camera : a sociomaterial perspective on police use of body-worn cameras
Creator:
Sesay, Abdul
Place of Publication:
Denver, CO
Publisher:
University of Colorado Denver
Publication Date:
Language:
English

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Degree:
Doctorate ( Doctor of philosophy)
Degree Grantor:
University of Colorado Denver
Degree Divisions:
Department of Computer Science and Engineering, CU Denver
Degree Disciplines:
Computer science and information systems
Committee Chair:
Oh, On-Ook
Committee Members:
Ramirez, Ronald V.
Guzik, Keith
Ra, Ilkyeun

Notes

Abstract:
Over the past decade, wearable technology has proliferated and pervaded many facets of human endeavor, thanks to the digitalization and miniaturization of computer and communication devices, and their integration into everyday artifacts and activities. From fitness bands that encourage physical activity for a healthy lifestyle, to medical patches that track ingestion of life-saving drugs, to augmented reality glasses that download reams of information to the pupil of our eyes, and to wearable cameras that provide raw, unfiltered, and objective audio-visual information from a first-person perspective, wearable technology has become the go-to elixir for many contemporary challenges and opportunities. Wearable technology increasingly operates to blur the boundaries between human and non-human performativity, ushering non-trivial improvements in specific tasks and performance outcomes. Fundamentally, wearable technology affords digitally mediated experiences of everyday actions and outcomes. This thesis documents and reports results from an empirical investigation of the use of a new wearable technology by police officers in six police organizations. The substantive focus is to find out what phenomena are constitutive of the use of a wearable digital technology (Body-Worn Camera) by police officers in the performance of an organizational function or practice (police patrol); and to further elaborate the process of entanglement of the social and material agencies of these phenomena. Informed by a grounded theory approach, the data are obtained over a two-year period, from dozens of interviews with police officers at various strata of the organization, and civilians who manage related data and technology artifacts. The interviews are complemented with 117 hours of direct observation of police work involving the use of BWCs, and policy documents and manuals related to their implementation. The analysis identifies three phenomena—wearability, situationality, and contextuality—as constitutive of the relationship between a wearer and a wearable technology; and co-functioning as the process of entanglement of the wearer-wearable relationship. Together, the phenomena and entanglement process form the building blocks of a performative model to explicate the sociomaterial entanglements of the wearer-wearable relationship. The research also developed a comprehensive definition of wearables, and a generalizable classification system, encompassing three domains of wearable technology is provided.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Colorado Denver
Holding Location:
Auraria Library
Rights Management:
Copyright Abdul Sesay. Permission granted to University of Colorado Denver to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.

Downloads

This item has the following downloads:


Full Text
WEARING THE BADGE AND THE CAMERA:
A SOCIOMATERIAL PERSPECTIVE ON POLICE USE OF BODY-WORN CAMERAS
by
ABDUL SESAY
B.Arch., Tsinghua University, 1993 M.Arch., Tsinghua University, 1995 MCP., University of Cincinnati, 1997 M.S., University of Colorado Denver, 2001
A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
Computer Science and Information Systems Program
2018


©2018
ABDUL SESAY
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED


This thesis for the Doctor of Philosophy degree by Abdul Sesay
has been approved for the
Computer Science and Information Systems Program
by
On-Ook Oh, Chair Ronald V. Ramirez, Advisor Keith Guzik Ilkyeun Ra
Date: May 12, 2018


Sesay, Abdul (Ph.D., Computer Science and Information Systems Program)
Wearing the Badge and the Camera: A Sociomaterial Perspective on Police Use of Body-Worn Cameras
Thesis directed by Associate Professor Ronald V. Ramirez
ABSTRACT
Over the past decade, wearable technology has proliferated and pervaded many facets of human endeavor, thanks to the digitalization and miniaturization of computer and communication devices, and their integration into everyday artifacts and activities. From fitness bands that encourage physical activity for a healthy lifestyle, to medical patches that track ingestion of life-saving drugs, to augmented reality glasses that download reams of information to the pupil of our eyes, and to wearable cameras that provide raw, unfiltered, and objective audio-visual information from a first-person perspective, wearable technology has become the go-to elixir for many contemporary challenges and opportunities. Wearable technology increasingly operates to blur the boundaries between human and non-human performativity, ushering non-trivial improvements in specific tasks and performance outcomes. Fundamentally, wearable technology affords digitally mediated experiences of everyday actions and outcomes.
This thesis documents and reports results from an empirical investigation of the use of a new wearable technology by police officers in six police organizations. The substantive focus is to find out what phenomena are constitutive of the use of a wearable digital technology (Body-Worn Camera) by police officers in the performance of an organizational function or practice (police patrol); and to further elaborate the process of entanglement of the social and material agencies of these phenomena.
IV


Informed by a grounded theory approach, the data are obtained over a two-year period, from dozens of interviews with police officers at various strata of the organization, and civilians who manage related data and technology artifacts. The interviews are complemented with 117 hours of direct observation of police work involving the use of BWCs, and policy documents and manuals related to their implementation.
The analysis identifies three phenomena—wearability, situationality, and contextuality—as constitutive of the relationship between a wearer and a wearable technology; and co-functioning as the process of entanglement of the wearer-wearable relationship. Together, the phenomena and entanglement process form the building blocks of a performative model to explicate the sociomaterial entanglements of the wearer-wearable relationship. The research also developed a comprehensive definition of wearables, and a generalizable classification system, encompassing three domains of wearable technology is provided.
The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication.
Approved: Ronald V. Ramirez


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Everything is difficult in middle age. Your body starts complaining with inexplicable aches and scratches. Your brain gets porous and retains less than you are accustomed to. Amid all this, you persevere, not only by your own grace, grit and grind, but also by the sacrifice of countless others. Most especially, the ones you love so dearly, and whose precious time you have lost in missed sports activities, school meetings, performances, and film nights. When I started my PhD journey almost six years ago, my youngest child, Sekou was six, Saran, the middle child was 10, and Abi, the eldest was 14. Like Alice in Wonderland, they kept growing, getting bigger, getting older, and hopefully, also getting wiser. Together, with their mother, my wife Diefadima, they gave me the space that I needed and pushed me to do the things that I can’t even dream of. They are the rock of all the successes I have enjoyed, and the shoulders I lean on to carry me through. I am very happy to have the opportunity to thank you all. You are simply the best!
I have been blessed with an engaging and energetic thesis committee. Ronald Ramirez, On-Ook Oh, Keith Guzik, and Ilkyeun Ra, are rock stars in their own right, and amongst the finest scholars you can work with. Thank you for taking me under your wings and insisting on nothing but the best. I must single out my advisor, Ronald Ramirez, for his unwavering support, encouragement, and steady hands in guiding me throughout this journey. Ron opened doors and let me tap into his network. I look forward to a lifetime of close friendship and collaboration.
I broached a hot topic and asked incisive and sometimes inquisitive questions of strangers. Through it all, the fine men and women of six police departments in Colorado, opened their work environment and let me in. They showed me what they do, how they do it,
VI


and why they do it with a new technology that many did not care for at first. I am grateful for your candor, thankful for your protection during some of the scary moments in my ride-along observations with you. I wish I could name you, but you chose to remain nameless. Nothing that I wrote in this thesis could have stood any test without the data and insights you freely shared with me. I am forever grateful to all of you. Thank You!
Special thanks to our department head, Jahangir Karimi, for your support and encourangement over the years. Cliff Young, for supporting my research and facilitating my conference travels, and Linda Booker, for my course registrations. Thank you also, Michael Mannino for instilling the love of data in me many years ago in the MIS program. And to Jiban Khuntia, our fearless PhD program director, for the fun and camaraderie during conferences. Over the years, I have relied on the adminstrative staff for a lot of things. Terri Vasquez and Linda Theus-Lee have been there for my every call. Thank you most sincerely for your kindness.
And for my colleagues and classmates, of course. We shall always be working together. Thank you everyone, for letting me go off-script, sometimes. A life of work and friendship awaits us. I look forward to meeting you all again.
This dissertation research is partially supported by the National Science Foundation under Grant No. 1656239. Permission to interview human subjects was sought and granted by the IRB under protocol number: 15-2426.
Vll


TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER
I. INTRODUCTION............................................................1
Motivation: The Rise of Wearables in Organizations.......................3
Research Questions.....................................................9
Summary of the Findings.............................................. 11
Overview of the Thesis................................................13
II. LITERATURE REVIEW.....................................................15
Defining Wearable Technology............................................15
What Makes Technology/Computers Wearable............................. 17
Mobility:...........................................................17
Context Sensitivity:................................................19
Augmentation:.......................................................20
Technology Context: Body-Worn Cameras...................................21
Basic BWC Operations..................................................23
Theoretical Foundation..................................................27
Sociomateriality......................................................29
Conceptual Framework and Research Questions...........................32
III. RESEARCH CONTEXT.....................................................36
What We Know............................................................39
What We Don’t Yet Know
41


Wearing the Badge and the Camera..........................................43
Sociomaterial Entanglement of Police-BWC Technology.......................47
Applying Theory to the Context of Police Practice............................50
Types of Calls............................................................52
IV. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY......................................................55
Research Design and Methodology..............................................55
Qualitative Case Study.......................................................58
Case Site Selection and Approach..........................................59
Site PD-1.................................................................60
Site PD-2.................................................................61
Site PD-3.................................................................62
Site PD-4.................................................................63
Site PD-5.................................................................63
Site PD-6.................................................................64
Entry into the Field......................................................64
Case Selection............................................................65
Data Collection—Semi-structured Interviews..............................66
Data Collection—Archival Documents......................................69
Data Collection—Direct Observation......................................70
Rigor and Validity......................................................73
Ensuring Credibility:...................................................74
V. ANALYSIS AND RESULTS.......................................................76
Using Grounded Theory........................................................77
IX


Analytical Approach
78
Analysis of Interview Data....................................................79
Characteristics of Informants...............................................80
Coding Steps................................................................83
Analysis of Observation Data..................................................91
Activation of BWCs..........................................................95
Results.........................................................................96
Wearability (Don-and-Doff) in Police Practice.................................99
Performing Wearibility (Don-and-Doff)......................................104
Situationality (Situation-Tending) in Police Practice........................106
Performing Situation-Tending...............................................110
Policy-Minding in Police Practice............................................115
Performing Policy-Minding..................................................118
Police-BWC Entanglement in Practice..........................................124
VI. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION....................................................137
Research Contributions..........................................................140
Implications for Theory......................................................141
Implications for Practice....................................................146
Future Research Opportunities................................................149
Limitations of the Study.....................................................152
BIBLIOGRAPHY
154


APPENDIX
A. INTERVIEW QUESTIONS...................................169
B. RIDE-AI.ONG OBSERVATION FORM......................... 172
C. SAMPLE BWC POLICY.....................................173
D. RIDE-ALONG AUTHORIZATION FORMS........................182
E. HISTORY OF WEARABLE COMPUTING.........................184
F. ELABORATING THE DEFINITION OF WEARABLES...............189
G. SUMMARY OF SELECT STUDIES ON WEARABLES................203
H. AGENTIAL AND CRITICAL REALIST SOCIOMATERIALITY........205
XI


LIST OF TABLES
TABLE
1.1. Studies on Wearables in IS and Related Journals.............................8
3.1. Examples of Sociomaterial Practice in Police Body Worn Cameras..............49
4.1. Sociomaterialist Perspective of Research....................................56
4.2. Case Study Sites............................................................60
4.3. List of Interview Participants/Informants...................................67
4.4. Ride-Along Dates and Shifts.................................................71
4.5. Techniques for ensuring trustworthiness.....................................74
5.1. Data Analysis Framework Using NVivo 11 Pro..................................79
5.2. Color Coding Scheme of Nodes................................................85
5.3. Dimensions of Axial Coding..................................................89
5.4. Categories Resulting from Axial Coding......................................90
5.5. Ride-along Observation Shifts and Duration..................................93
5.6. Core Categories and Exemplar Quotes.........................................96
5.7. Causal Mechanisms of Person-Environment Correspondence......................107
6.1. Changes and Impacts of BWC Program..........................................149
xii


LIST OF FIGURES
FIGURE
2.1. Components of the Axon Flex BWC..............................................22
2.2. Axon Body Camera 2 Front View and Top View...................................23
2.3. BWC Ecosystem................................................................24
2.4. Axon Flex BWC Operations.....................................................25
2.5. Smart Phone Viewer and Video Tagging.........................................26
2.6. BWC Evidence Transfer Manager and Docking Station............................27
2.7. Conceptual Framework.........................................................32
3.1. Officer with Collar-Mounted BWC..............................................43
3.2. Officer with Chest-Mounted BWC...............................................44
3.3. Police Cruiser with Mobile Data Terminal.....................................45
3.4. Bathroom Reminder for BWC....................................................46
3.5. Steps in the Practice of Police Patrol.......................................53
3.6. Decision Making Model of a Typical Police Officer............................54
4.1. Case Sites and Informants....................................................57
5.1. Demographic Characteristics of Informants....................................80
5.2. Job Rank/Title of Informants.................................................81
5.3. Distribution of Roles among Informants.......................................82
5.4. Average Years of Service by Rank.............................................82
5.6. NVivo Screen with List of Codes and Color Stripes............................84
5.7. Coding Procedures and Data Structure.........................................87
5.8. Coding Segments of a Coding Category or Node.................................88
xiii


5.9. Ride-Along Observations Database..............................................92
5.10. Duration of Police-Civilian Contacts...........................................94
5.11. Type of Calls..................................................................94
5.12. Location of Police-Civilian Contacts...........................................95
5.13. Coded Responses on Age-Related Use of BWCs...................................99
5.14. Dress Code of a Professional Police officer..................................102
5.15. Increase in the Amount of Equipment Carried by Patrol Officers...............103
5.16. Code Segments Identifying Program Goals.......................................125
5.17. Code Segments Identifying Goal Attainment.....................................126
5.18. Code Segments Identifying Impacts on Police Work..............................128
5.19. Code Segments Identifying Impacts on Policing—Thinking vs. Work...............130
5.20. Performative Model of Constitutive Wearer-Wearable Relationship..............134
6.1. Summary Research and Analysis Design..........................................138
XIV


CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Wearables are generally recognized as a class of digitally enhanced technology devices (e.g., glasses, watches, shoes, bands, clothes, cameras, etc.) that can be worn on the human body (Robson et al. 2016). This includes body-worn computing devices that are integrated with electronic components, such as watches and wristbands, and smart clothing or textiles that are interwoven with sensing devices (Baber 2001, Page 2015). The last decade has witnessed a proliferation of wearable technology devices, with 2014 heralded as the “Year of Wearable Technology” (Forbes 2013). The International Data Corporation (IDC) estimated that over 125 million devices were shipped in 2017, marking a 20.4% annual increase. IDC also forecasted that in the next five years, the wearables technology market will grow at a compounded annual growth rate of 18.2%, resulting in nearly doubling the number of devices shipped to 240 million in 2021. While this growth is representative of the general consumer market for wearables, companies with niche products and applications have fared even better. For example, Axon (formerly Taser International), a company specializing in wearable technology for law enforcement, recorded an annual revenue growth rate of 26% from 2016 to 2017.
The growth in the number and diversity of wearable technology devices has generated awareness and interest among the public, and stimulated research and development of several applications, especially in medical care, sports and fitness, security and surveillance, big data, and the “quantified self.” Wearables are also projected to play a central role in the development and realization of a world of ‘smart objects’, involving people and things (Cirani and Pi cone 2015). They have the potential to mediate how people interact with so
l


called smart objects—tiny devices equipped with a microcontroller, wired or wireless communication interface, power supply, sensors and actuators that are used to interface with the surrounding environment—using voice, gestures, or touch controls (Cirani and Picone 2015). Little wonder that major technology companies have jumped on the wearables band wagon, with Xiaomi, Apple, Fitbit, Samsung and Garmin, accounting for more than half of the market share of wearables in the first half of 2017 (IDC Wearable Quarterly Device Tracker, June 5, 2017).
There is also a strong business case for wearables to be used in organizations. Wearables can be leveraged to eliminate managerial risk, elevate the performance of the wearer (employee), extend the competencies and capabilities of employees, and enrich and expand the user experience (Robson et al. 2016, p.173). In addition to internally-focused employee and workplace benefits, wearable applications can be applied externally for activities, such as direct marketing and consumer advertising. Consumer and media companies, for example, could embrace wearable technologies as an inclusive channel for existing advertising-based revenue business models. For example, Google is positioning Android as the preferred OS and platform for wearable technology applications to supplement dwindling cost-per-click advertising revenue that was based on a desk/laptop computer model (MarketLine 2014). In the context of Customer Relationship Management (CRM), Bhat et al. (2014, p. 1) observed: “By integrating wearable computing devices with CRM systems, organizations across industries can have real-time access to account data, engage more effectively with customers, systematically identify opportunities for crossselling and up-selling, and enrich customer relationships at every encounter.” Specifically, Smart Glass, Smart Watch, and Wrist Keyboard are identified as the top three wearable
2


devices with the highest impact on CRM, through collection of market intelligence, discovery of purchase intent, message relevance, loyalty programs, incentives, rewards, etc. (Bhat et al. 2014). Marketers can leverage context-aware features of wearables to target specific customers for direct marketing through customers’ wearable devices, and service providers could leverage the ubiquitous connectivity of wearables to improve customer service relationships by proactively and expeditiously responding to customer demands and complaints before, during, and after service requests.
Motivation: The Rise of Wearables in Organizations While the current growth in wearable technology is driven mainly by hardware shipments for the individual consumer market (MarketLine 2014), sustained growth into the future is expected to be driven by what Ramon Llamas (2017), research manager for IDC’s Wearables team, described as: “getting the experience right—from the way the hardware looks and feels to how software collects, analyzes, and presents insightful data” (IDC 2017 (no page number)). It is in this evolution of wearables from stand-alone hardware devices to a connected ecosystem of devices, applications, and analytics, that their use in businesses and organizations will find greater acceptance. Salesforce, a leading vendor or CRM software, has developed a toolkit to allow users of smartwatches like the Apple Watch, Android Wear, and Samsung Gear 2 to connect directly to the Salesforce 1 platform (Salesforce Wear Developer Pack). Once connected, sales representatives are able to access customer data in real time on the device. With this connectivity, they can plan and place customer calls at the convenience of the customer, receive notifications and alerts about appointments and meetings directly from the wearable device, access products and pricelists to generate price quotes from the CRM database in real time, and get customer feedback and approval, update
3


customer account information and interactions, and view key performance indicators and metrics. Thus, through the wearable device, the sales representative can provide a single view of the customer across products and geographies, identify sales opportunities, and maintain long-term customer relationships (Bhat et al. 2014). In addition, in the logistics and warehousing industry, wearables provide “desk-less” employees, who are always on the move, and require the use of both hands, the ability to access enterprise information through wearable devices. Whereas popular and social media can have a major influence on consumer adoption of technologies, businesses, which focus on gaining competitive advantage and improving the bottom line are more likely to adopt wearable technologies as a value proposition rather than as a fleeting fashion statement (Longitudes 2015). Therefore, studying wearables in organizations will provide the opportunity to appraise their value proposition to businesses and assess their competitive advantage to organizations.
Wearables have the potential to transform employees and organizations into quantified dashboards, and sources or instruments of data collection (Prasopoulou 2017, Chaffin et al 2017, Rawassizadeh et al. 2015) to improve the bottom line. Many organizations have introduced or piloted wearable technology in the workplace. For example, in 2015, the Hitachi Corporation in Japan announced the introduction of a wearable badge that tracks employee movements, job functions, and interactions with co-workers, to determine interactions between individuals, teams, and work (Hitachi Press Release 2015). Tesco, a retail company in the UK, and UPS, have used wearable technology to improve employee productivity in warehouse operations (Spicer and Cederstrom 2015). The use of wearables in organizations is not limited to the private for-profit sector. Public sector police organizations in the US and elsewhere, have provided body-worn cameras for their officers
4


to record and document evidence of interactions with citizens, and introduce an element of mutual accountability and transparency in work practices.
As the use of wearables in organizations is increasing, so too are the concerns about their use. Employees required to wear wearables have demurred at the requirement to wear the device after work hours (Spicer and Cederstrom 2015). In one organization, the employee union, while not resisting the use of a wearable technology, filed a lawsuit to renegotiate the terms of their employment contract1. The union considers the requirement to wear a wearable technology device as a material breach of the existing employment contract. Mills et al. (2016) summoned attention to the security implications of wearables, including the potential to even harm the wearer. Their study discussed three security perspectives regarding location of threat (the device and/or the individual), the role of the wearable device, and how a holistic security strategy can be developed and monitored from the point of view of the role that wearables play, and the security goals of the organization. Ultimately, they argued, it is up to the firm to determine the risk-benefit trade-off between security and wearable devices, and to develop appropriate wearable security strategies. Spicer and Cederstrom (2015) urged companies to ask six questions before embracing wearables: 1) will employees voluntarily use the wearables, 2) will wearables invade employees’ privacy, 3) will wearables blur the boundaries between work and everything else, 4) how will the data created by wearables be handled, 5) will wearables lead to increased employee stress, and 7) are managers willing to become life coaches? These issues and questions are profound and require serious thought and consideration.
1 Author discussion with informant for this research. Name and identification of the organization withheld to uphold confidentiality.
5


As a recent phenomenon in organizations, studies examining wearables from an IS and organizational perspective are few and mostly preliminary. For example, as of 2017, the EBSCO Business Source Premier database lists only one wearables-related article published in the scholars’ basket of eight IS journals2. The study provided a first-person account of the relationship between a wearable technology (Fitness Tracker), and the wearer (Prasopoulou 2017). Using the lens of enchanted materialism, Prasopoulou (2017, p.288) recounted how recording “both the mundane, repetitive actions and the extraordinary moments of life with wearables” allowed her to “capture the raw experience of humans in a systematic effort to analyze their encounters with digital devices and data in the Internet of Things.” Written as a memoir and latched onto the frame of experiential computing (Yoo 2010), the study calls for a shift in current sociomaterial research “in the form of algorithms (Orlikowski and Scott 2014), robots (Beane and Orlikowski 2016) and computer grids (Venters et al 2014)” (p. 288) to a focus of the body. Within mainstream IS conference proceedings and other allied publications, preliminary studies on wearables are beginning to appear. Benbunan-Fich (2017) used an affordance framework to investigate whether the absence of visible interaction cues in minimalist wearable devices, such as the Fitbit Flex, affects the user experience. Describing minimalist as the absence of visible interaction cues, the study concluded that minimalist designs engender complex user experiences due to data inaccuracies and inconsistences and contradictions in integrating the devices with the web
21 conducted the literature search on EBSCO Business Source Premier on Saturday, March 3, 2018 for each of the basket of eight journals. I used a generic search term (wear*) to search for anything related to the root word: wear. The only relevant article returned was published in 2017 by European Journal of Information Systems, titled: “A half-moon on my skin: a memoir on life with an activity tracker.” On the other hand, a general search of the same database using the same search term yielded 3,13 6 articles published since 2010. A cursory review of the titles and publication outlets reveal that most of the articles are product-specific working papers, consultant or practitioner white papers, and IEEE conference proceedings or reports.
6


platform. Another interesting finding of the study is that motivational effects (such as feedback and goal setting with teams) may outweigh minimalist design concerns among certain users.
Focusing on firms and practitioners, Gu et al. (2015, p. 84) found that trust propensity and hedonic motivation had significant positive influences on wearable commerce, while privacy concerns constitute the main negative factors. A common thread stitching these studies together is their reflexive focus on the utilitarian aspects of wearables. That is, the overriding concern was to determine what the wearable device did for humans on a personal or business perspective. Table 1.1 provides a summary of studies on wearables published in IS or allied discipline journals, categorized by level of analysis. As the table shows, overall there is a dearth of IS-related studies on wearables, and almost none in the discipline’s top academic journals. At the level of analysis, 13 of the studies are focused at the individual, leaving the organization, an important unit of analysis for IS research with a limited focus. This has significant implications that extend beyond the intellectual realm to the practitioner space. When viewed from the context of organizations, where the use of wearables may be mandatory rather than voluntary, examining how wearables affect core business processes to generate business value or competitive advantage is an important area of inquiry. For example, in the Salesforce CRM example above, examining how the process of generating business value from sales leads using wearable technologies differs from, or complements, traditional sales methods, will be beneficial. Also, questions about the placement of wearables on the human body and the rights of employees to the data generated from the “self’ are pertinent for organizations. Not to mention perennial issues about privacy, security, and work-life boundaries.
7


While these studies have contributed to our nascent understanding of wearables, questions about the constitutive relationship between wearables and wearers have not been explored. This ignores a salient feature of wearable technology, which is integration into the performance of everyday activities. As Yoo (2010, p. 220) observed: “digitalized artifacts play decisive roles in shaping and mediating all dimensions of our lived experiences. Yet, there is a serious intellectual void that needs to be filled to understand exactly the nature and the consequences of the digital mediation of human experiences.” In a similar vein, Prasopoulou (2017, p. 288) invites Information Systems research to “focus on the body (flesh, feelings, and thoughts) for sourcing knowledge on human-non-human encounters in emerging cyber-physical spaces like the Internet of Things.”
Table 1.1. Studies on Wearables in IS and Related Journals
Context of Use Level of Analysis Author (Year), Journal Focal Device
Business and Commerce Organization Robson et al. (2016). MIS Quarterly Exec. Wearables in general
Mills et al. (2016). Business Horizons Wearables in general
Gu et al. (2015). J. of Comp. Info. Systems Wearable commerce
Consumer Organization Wu et al. (2016). Electronic Commerce Rsch. Fitness Trackers
General Research Individual Deng, N., Christodoulidou, N. (2015). ICIS 2015, Fort Worth Google Glass
Billinghurst and Stamer. (1999). IEEE General
Mann, S. (1997). IEEE Flead-Mounted Disp.
Yang et al. (2016). Telematics & Informatics Wearables in general
Wilson, G. (2017). Int’lJ. of Social Research Methods Wearable Camera
Nasiopoulos et al. (2015). British Journal of Psychology Eye tracker / Wearable glasses
Chaffin et al. (2017). Org. Research Methods Badge worn around the neck with lanyard
Fitness Individual Benbunan-Fich, R. (2017). AMCIS 2017, Boston FitbitFlex
Prasopoulou, E. (2017). EJIS Fitness Tracker
Canhoto, A., Arp, S. (2017). J. ofMkt. Mgmt. Fitness tracker/Apps
Zhang et al. (2015). Comp, in Human Beh. Smart watch/bracelet
Review of Research Individual Baber, C. (2001). Int’lJ. of Hum-Comp Int. General
Baber et al. (1999). IBM Systems Journal General


In light of the foregoing discussion, this thesis is premised on the idea that wearable technology holds the promise to engender a better appreciation of the intimate relationship between humans and technology in organizations. And that a correct and faithful appraisal of that relationship is essential to advancing our knowledge and understanding of current and future developments in fields and applications, such as artificial intelligence (AI), biotechnology, synthetic biology, augmented/embodied/virtual reality, Internet of Things (IoT), etc. To contribute to this endeavor, this research conducts an empirical study of the implementation of a wearable technology (body-worn camera) in police organizations with the following objectives:
1. Provide a comprehensive understanding of wearable technologies, what they are, and how they function
2. Interrogate existing notions about wearable technologies, especially the ontological basis of their relationship with humans in organizations
3. Develop an understanding of the intimate relationship between humans and wearable technologies in organizations
4. Advance new theoretical understandings about how people (users) relate to wearing a technology (as opposed to just using it) in the organizational context
Research Questions
This thesis undertakes an effort to advance a proper understanding of the intimate relationship between humans and wearable technology in organizations by addressing the following research questions:
RQ1: What phenomena are constitutive of the relationship between a wearer and a wearable technology?
RQ2: How are the phenomena of the social and material agencies of the wearer-w ear able relationship enacted in practice?
9


These questions find currency in the on-going search for solutions to improve the outcomes of police services, especially as they relate to police-civilian encounters. Following several high-profile civilian killings3by the police in recent years, and subsequent civic protests in response, use of police body-worn cameras (BWCs) has become the popular prescription to remedy the ills of police-civilian encounters. This prescription is laden with the expectation that audio-video recordings of BWCs would expose officer misconduct when it happens and eliminate ambiguity when there are discrepancies between an officer’s and a civilian’s account of an interaction. As such, BWCs have become an integral part and parcel of the practice of police work. They are not simply a technology separate and apart from the police officer, they are a constitutive and inseparable part of the police officer in the practice of police work. These issues come to the fore in the implementation of BWCs in police organizations. Over a two-year period, I was granted unprecedented access to six police organizations who have implemented BWC programs. During this time, I embarked on extensive field work, interviewing rank-and-file officers, sergeants, command staff, and civilian employees. In addition, I directly observed the practice of police work involving BWCs, and reviewed policy documents and procedure manuals.
Clearly, the image of a police officer wearing a BWC is constitutive of the practice of police work. It is also quite evident that the outcome of a police-civilian encounter is not determined a priori, but emerges from its enactment in practice. For these reasons, the research questions stated above are derived and addressed through the lens of Sociomateriality. Sociomateriality is a practice perspective that supports the notion that the
3 See, for example, the shootings of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, on 8/9/14; Alton Sterling in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, on 7/5/16; Philando Castile in Minnesota, on 7/6/16; Keith Lamont Scott in Charlotte, North Carolina, on 9/20/16; and Jordan Edwards in Balch Springs, Texas on 4/29/2017.
10


relationship between humans and technology must be understood as constitutive and inseparable, rather than as discrete and determinate entities. Consistent with the sociomaterial approach, my research is qualitative, seeking to develop theoretical understandings of phenomena, and explain how their enactment unfolds in practice, rather than predicting any particular outcome.
My research approach also accounts for the novelty of the phenomenon under study. BWCs are unlike any other technology in police organizations. The manner of their introduction, and nature of their operation are both revolutionary and unprecedented. Unlike other technologies, such as cell phones and radios that are important in police work, BWCs are integrated with it. In fact, in the police organizations that I studied, police officers are prohibited from participating in patrol practice without a BWC. And if their BWCs malfunction during patrol work, they are required to exit practice immediately. And because BWCs are not implemented as a centralized command and control system, their operation is rhizomatic. During my first ride-along to observe the practice of police work, the radio system for the entire police department went down, but officers still remain on patrol duty, initiating contacts with civilians. They use BWCs to record interactions and update the CAD system after the fact.
Summary of the Findings
This research reports three important findings that make significant and novel contributions to theory and practice:
1. It identifies three phenomena— wearability (.Don-and-Doff), situationality (,Situation-Tending), and contextuality (.Policy-Minding)—that are constitutive of the relationship between a wearer and a wearable technology. These phenomena are not
11


only descriptive of the constitutive entanglement of police work, they also bear significant implications for the very practice they enact. For example, the phenomenon of policy-minding, often interrupts the phenomenon of situationtending. This happens when an officer second-guesses their actions in the course of a fluid and dynamic situation, and can lead to mistakes and devastating consequences.
2. It identifies and develops the concept of co-functioning as the process entanglement of the wearer-wearable relationship.
3. It develops a performative model to explicate the sociomaterial entanglements of the wearer-wearable relationship. The research also developed a comprehensive definition and classification of wearable technologies.
In addition to the theoretical contributions, this study also identifies several organizational impacts of BWC technology, including:
1. Changes in core organizational processes and procedures in policing, such as formal training at the academy, inter-departmental management and exchange of digital evidence, development of new policies and procedures and their fit within existing organizational operations, such as when and where to turn the BWC on, and how that action is incorporated within rules of engagement and officer safety.
2. Cost of procurement of the BWC technology, ongoing maintenance of the equipment, personnel, and cloud-sourcing of the evidence management infrastructure.
3. Trade-offs between officer discretion and personal innovativeness to address situations at the practice level, and the need for standardized rules and policy prescriptions at the organizational level.
12


4. Strategic alignment of organizational goals with officer perception of the implementation of BWC technology at the practice level.
Overview of the Thesis
In this, the opening chapter of the thesis, I have presented an introduction to wearable technology and its growing popularity and use by individuals and by businesses. I provided glances of its history, motivated the case for studying it, and posited two research questions to guide the rest of the study. The remainder of the thesis is presented as follows:
Chapter II: I conduct a literature review of wearables, provide a working definition, and situate the technology within the perspective of Sociomateriality. This allowed me to derive theoretically-focused research questions. I also summarize the technology context of Body Worn Cameras in police organizations.
Chapter III: Here, I provide a context for my research through a detailed description of the organizational context. The chapter sets the stage for our understanding of the practice of police work that is the subject of investigation.
Chapter IV: I sketch out my research design and describe the routes I took to enter the field. My approach to developing theory follows the paradigm model of Strauss and Corbin (1990). I describe in detail how the method of constant comparison guided the development and subsequent refinement of my research instruments, interview sequences, data coding, and determinations of saturation points for data collection.
Chapter V: This is the crux of the thesis, the culmination of two years of field research. After three iterative and successive rounds of coding, and application of the coding paradigm, I present the findings of my research and provide evidence of my theoretical discoveries by mostly showing, but also telling, the stories of my informants. I package all
13


the sweat and tears, and the aha moments of discovery into a theoretical model. The answers to the research questions are contained in the model and explicated in this chapter.
Chapter VI: I conclude the thesis by summarizing the critical points in my research journey. I also provide the implications of the research for various constituencies of interest, sounded notes of caution, and provide a roadmap for future research.
It is worth noting that although I have presented this thesis in a sequence of chapters that flow in the typical order of a scientific project, the discovery and intellectual progression unfolded quite differently. There was constant back and forth between my research methodology in Chapter IV, and Analysis and results in Chapter V. This is not accidental. It is the way and messiness of theory development. But all that messiness is swept away by the high currents of the “joy of discovery.”
14


CHAPTER n
LITERATURE REVIEW
In business and in personal applications, wearable computers are distinguished from more traditional forms of portable computers, such as laptops and portable digital assistants (PDAs) by their integration into the personal space of humans (Billinghurst and Stamer 1999, Baber 2001). Whether affixed to clothing, worn directly on the body, or ingested into the body (Mann 2014), wearables afford easy access to the wearer, and maintain operational and interactional constancy (Billinghurst and Stamer 1999) for the duration of the relationship, compared to portable device, such as a laptop computer or notepad, which remain in a passive relationship apart from the human user.
Defining Wearable Technology
Many definitions of wearable computers/technology abound. While this is acceptable for general discourse, it poses challenges for researchers interested in diving beneath the patina of wearables, to understand the deeper relationships between wearers and wearables. Some definitions attempt to be broad and inclusive by treating technology and computers as synonyms. This is the view taken by the Encyclopedia of Emerging Industries (Wearable Computing 2017, p. 669):
“Wearable computing, also known as wearable technology or wearable electronics, encompasses a unique category of smart devices. These items are designed to be worn on the body, thereby freeing the user’s hands, eyes, voice, and primary attention to participate in other activities while maintaining constant access and interaction with a computing device.”
15


Steve Mann (2014, p. I)4, a founding member of the MIT Media Lab, and pioneer of the wearables revolution5, provides this definition: “Wearable computing is the study or practice of inventing, designing, building, or using miniature body-borne computational and sensory devices. Wearable computers may be worn under, over, or in clothing, or may also be themselves clothes.”
Yet, others focus on where the technology or computer is worn. An example is the definition from Robson et al. (2016, p. 168), which states: “Wearable technologies (“wearables”) refer to the technological enhancement of products that can be worn on almost any part of the anatomy.” As evident from the above sampling of definitions, there is a wide array to choose from depending on how narrow or expansive one wants to be. Given this state of affairs, I propose and elaborate below, the following working definition:
â–  A wearable technology is a body-worn device (digital or otherwise) that can complement, constitute, or supplement a human or non-human capability.
â–  A wearable computer is a digitally enhanced body-worn device that can complement, constitute, or supplement a human or non-human capability.
A key aspect to the above definitions is that they explicitly account for the three functional domains within which any wearable technology or computer functions. That is, these
4 According to the official profile at the University of Toronto, Department of Electrical and Computer Engineering website (https://www.ece.utoronto.ca/people/mann-s/), “Steve Mann has been recognized as “the father of wearable computing” (IEEE ISSCC 2000) and “the father of augmented reality (AR)” for his invention of “Digital Eye Glass” (EyeTap) and mediated reality (predecessor of AR). He also invented the Chirplet Transform, Comparametric Equations, and HDR (High Dynamic Range) imaging (U.S. Pat. 5828793).”
5 According to the first director of the MIT Media Lab, Nicholas Negroponte: "Steve Mann ... brought the seed" that founded the Wearable Computing group in the Media Lab and "Steve Mann is the perfect example of someone ... who persisted in his vision and ended up founding a new discipline." In 2004 he was named the recipient of the 2004 Leonardo Award for Excellence for his article "Existential Technology," published in Leonardo 36:1
16


definitions make clear that wearables are not just for wearing, but also for performing specific functions within one of three domains (complementing, constituting, or supplementing). Appendix F provides further elaboration of the definition of wearables and develops a classification scheme for wearable technology.
What Makes Technology/Computers Wearable
The above working definitions are not meant to draw a hard line between technology and computers per se. Rather, the intention is to provide a basis for establishing lower and upper bounds on the working definition of wearable technology/computers. In that regard, a discussion of the elements that make a computer or technology wearable is pertinent. Billinghurst and Stamer (1999, p. 57) identified three elements that a wearable computer must satisfy—mobility, augmented reality, and context sensitivity. These elements roughly correspond with the Mann’s (1998) three operational modes of wearable computing— constancy, augmentation, and mediation. In the discussion that follows, I will simultaneously address these elements and operational modes, pointing out areas of overlap and extension. Mobility:
For computers to be mobile, they must be small and lightweight, and ideally, unnoticeable, so that the wearer can carry them from place to place and maintain a constant connection with them. This element of mobility and mode of constancy both align with the vision of ubiquitous computing (Weiser 1991), which envisages a future where computers become so ubiquitous that they disappear. “They weave themselves into the fabric of everyday life until they are indistinguishable from it” Weiser (1991, p. 94). Incidentally, there is a subtle similarity here between Weiser’s goal for ubiquitous computing and
17


Heidegger’s notion of equipment.6 That is, equipment is encountered when, during engagement with an activity, the object withdraws into the background to enable a more fluent experience (Riemer and Johnson 2017, p. 1064). It is for this reason that miniaturization is so important for wearable computing and computers in general. Through miniaturization, computers can be by untethered from the lab and attached to the user. As (Mann 1997, p. 25) observed: “Miniaturization of components has enabled systems that are wearable and nearly invisible, so that individuals can move about and interact freely, supported by their personal information domain.”
The invention and popularization of laptops, personal digital assistants, and other portable computing devices in the 1980s, and now, the ubiquitous smartphones, has undercut the case for mobility and constancy as an important element of wearable computers. But this development is dismissed as “only a transitional step toward achieving the real potential of information technology, [which is to] ... truly make computing an integral, invisible part of people’s lives” Weiser (1991, p. 94). An important difference is that wearable computers are designed to permit hands-free operation in a way laptops and smartphones are not. Unlike smartphones that require constant human attention for interaction, wearables permit digitally-mediated experiences through hands-free operation (Brin 2013). As Mann (1997, p. 26) argued in favor of his wearable personal light imaging system: “My invention differed from present-day laptops and personal digital assistants in that I could keep an eye on the screen while walking around and doing other things.” Billinghurst and Starner (1999, p. 58) echoed
6 Equipment has a precise meaning in Heidegger’s philosophy apart from its everyday connotation as physical implements or tools. For a discussion, see Riemer and Johnson (2017, p. 1064).
18


similar sentiments after observing the intimate integration of a generation of wearables in the wearer’s daily life. As they put it:
“When you sit in front of a computer at a desk, you and the computer have a very weak (sometimes adversarial) personal relationship. The computer is very much apart from you. Laptops and PDAs, although more convenient, still exist obviously apart from their users. Wearable computers, in contrast, create an intimate human-computer symbiosis in which respective strengths combine.”
Nearly two decades later, Gandy (2017, cited in Hegel 2017) observed that, “the next era of computing is about elegantly integrating virtual information into our world without having to seal ourselves off from the physical world.” Thus, it appears that more than mobility, associated hands-free operation is an important element of wearables.
Context Sensitivity:
A wearable computer can be made to be aware of the user’s state and environment (Billinghurst and Stamer 1999), a situation that can then be exploited to provide appropriate responses to environmental stimuli. Context sensitivity of wearable technologies falls into two broad categories. Wearables that can provide information about the wearer and the world around them are said to be situationally-aware7, and those that provide information relevant to the task at hand, but are not computationally aware of their surrounding are situationally-unaware8 (Haniff and Baber 1998). Situational awareness, perceptual intelligence, and a first-
7 Situationally-aware wearables or objects are classified as: activity-aware objects, policy-aware objects, and process-aware objects. An ontological approach to classify and manage these objects recognizes four fundamental dimensions, which are: Identity, Processing, Communication, and Storage (see Mathew et at 2013, p. 8). For example, most fitness trackers and smartwatches are able to directly connect to the Internet and communicate with web services.
8 Situationally-unaware wearables could have potential information that could be made available to the Web, but do not have the necessary capabilities to communicate over TCP/IP or HTTP. However, if they are uniquely identifiable, they could be affordable additional resources to communicate (see Mathew et at 2013, p. 11). This is the case with the current class of police body-worn cameras. The cameras lack the native capability to directly communicate to the Internet. However, they are uniquely identified, and are provided with docking stations which allow them access to connect and communicate to the Internet.
19


person perspective makes it possible for wearables to augment human capabilities, and assist with day-to-day activities (Mann 1997, p. 31).
Context sensitivity and situational awareness allows wearables to “sense” various kinds of environmental stimuli that, depending on specific applications, make it possible for appropriate interception and mediation of signals to be effectuated. For example, using a geographic positioning system (GPS) application, a wearable can allow the interception and processing of location signals. These signals can then be used to provide location-specific information to the wearer (for example, giving them directions from a particular location to another location). Similarly, wearables designed to make bodily contact with the wearer can sense and process physiological signals. Through the intercepted signals, the wearable can mediate between the wearer and a specific or programmed response.
Augmentation:
Wearables are designed to augment human capabilities over and beyond the primary task of computing (Engelbart 1962, Mann 1998, Billinghurst and Starner 1999). Much of the foundational work for the use of computing devices to augment human capabilities was laid by the eminent computer scientist, Doug Engelbart.9 In his seminal report: “Augmenting Human Intellect: A Conceptual Framework,” Engelbart (1962, p. 1) defined “augmenting human intellect” to mean:
“increasing the capability of a man to approach a complex problem situation, to gain comprehension to suit his particular needs, and to derive solutions to problems. Increased capability in this respect is taken to mean a mixture of the following: more-rapid comprehension, better comprehension, the possibility of gaining a useful degree of comprehension in a situation that previously was too complex, speedier solutions,
9 In today’s language and sensibilities, Engelbart’s framework can be construed as overly anthropocentric and patriarchal. However, the thought and content of his framework remains a powerful incentive in the study of human-machine interactions (see for example, Baber 2001).
20


better solutions, and the possibility of finding solutions to problems that before seemed insoluble.”
According to Engelbart (1962, p. 3), the quickest strategy to implement such a framework involves: “giving the human the minute-by-minute services of a digital computer ... and developing the new methods of thinking and working that allow the human to capitalize upon the computer’s help.” As he puts it (p. 9): “The ways in which human capabilities are thus extended are here called augmentation means, and we define four basic classes of them:
1. Artifacts—physical objects designed to provide for human comfort for the manipulation of things or materials and for the manipulation of symbols.
2. Language—the way in which the individual parcels out the picture of his world into the concepts that his mind uses to model that world and the symbols that he attaches to those concepts and uses in consciously manipulating the concepts (“thinking”).
3. Methodology—the methods procedures strategies, etc., with which an individual organizes his goal-centered (problem-solving) activity.
4. Training—the conditioning needed by the human being to bring his skills in using Means 1, 2, and 3 to the point where they are operationally effective.”
Although Engelbart did not specifically speak of wearables, his framework for providing humans with minute-by-minute access to electronic aids, is believed to presage the era of wearables (Baber 2001). An example of a wearable technology that fits Engelbart’s framework is the Body-Worn Camera (BWC) recently implement by police organizations.
Technology Context: Body-Worn Cameras The focal technology of this dissertation is a BWC donned by a police officer in the
practice of police patrol. A BWC is a small video camera—typically attached to an officer’s clothing, helmet, or sunglasses—that can capture, from an officer’s point of view, digital video and audio recordings of police activities, including traffic stops, arrests, searches,
21


interrogations, and critical incidents such as officer-involved shootings. Technically speaking, a BWC is a simple device. It consists of a camera, a controller/battery pack and connector cable. Figure 2.1 shows the components of the Axon Flex BWC, which has a separate camera that can be mounted on collars, eye glasses, helmet, or headband, a battery pack or controller that is the processing unit of the BWC, and a connector cable that connects the camera to the controller.
Camera Controller/Battery Pack Connector Cable
Figure 2.1. Components of the Axon Flex BWC
Depending of the manufacturer and type, the battery pack/controller may be integrated with the camera, eliminating the need for a connector cable. Figure 2.2 shows the Axon Body 2 camera in frontal and top view. Both the Axon Flex and Axon Body 2 are manufactured by Axon10, formally known as Taser, International. According to the company’s website (https://www.axon.com/company), more than 17,000 law enforcement agencies in more than 100 countries are part of the Axon network. There are many other
10 In April 2017, TASER, International changed its corporate name to Axon, reflecting the company’s shifting focus from Tasers to Axon Body-Worn Cameras. “Our mission to protect life endures, but we're going about it in new ways—with Smart Weapons that protect life in the moment of conflict, cameras that depict the truth and help prevent civil unrest, and automated reporting and evidence management that will triple the amount of time officers can spend serving their communities” (www.axon.com/company; accessed 10/31/2017).
22


manufactures of BWCs, including Motorola, Vievu, L3, Data Guard, Digital Ally, etc., However, Axon is the largest and most popular among police departments.
Figure 2.2. Axon Body Camera 2 Front View and Top View
Basic BWC Operations
Before BWCs are deployed in the field, the police department works with the vendor to set up the support infrastructure and configure the cameras according to department’s specifications. The infrastructure may include set up and configuration of a cloud-based digital evidence management system, evidence management sync software, viewer sync software (App), evidence transfer manager modules, etc. This infrastructure supports the BWC ecosystem depicted in Figure 2.3 below. The BWC system comprises of the officer, BWC, smartphone with app, and Digital Evidence Management System (DEMS)11.
11 Digital Management System (DEMS) is a workflow platform for managing data uploaded from BWCs. It can be configured as an on-premises server system, or as a cloud-based system, such as Axon’s evidence.com. The current study does not extend to DEMS.
23


Each officer is typically assigned BWC, and smartphone or viewer. The main operations allowed on the BWC are quite minimal. The following steps indicate the basic operations an officer can perform on the field with a BWC (see Figure 2.4).
1. Properly mount the camera
2. Use the connector cable to connect the controller to the AXON flex camera (this step is not necessary with the Axon Body 2)
3. Turn the camera on by moving the power switch to the on position
4. Wait until the LED starts blinking green
5. To start recording, double-tap the EVENT button on the AXON body camera or AXON flex controller
6. To stop recording, hold the EVENT button on the controller or body camera for 3 seconds
24


TopView
Operation LED
On/Off Indicator
Battery LED EVENT Button
Battery Button
Front View
Figure 2.4. Axon Flex BWC Operations
The BWC provides no capability for officers to edit, copy, or delete videos. At various intervals during the shift, or at the end of an officer’s shift, the officer has the option to use an iPod viewer or smartphone, which is paired wirelessly via Bluetooth with the controller. The viewer or smartphone allows the officer to view recorded videos and tag or categorize them before they are uploaded to a server. Figure 2.5 shows a smartphone and iPod viewer, with various categories for tagging videos. The viewer is an important accessory to the BWC, as it allows officers to view videos synchronously or asynchronously. Although videos can be viewed and tagged on a viewer, they cannot be downloaded or stored on the device. Also, the viewer does not have a logging or audit feature to track how many times a video has been assessed on the device. Tagging is necessary feature of the viewer
25


app, and a required task for officers. It is the means by which the retention period for videos is determined. Different police organizations may use different tagging categories, and different retention schedules. For example, a video tagged as “non-event” may be stored on the server for one month before it is automatically deleted, whereas a video tagged as “sexual assault” may be retained on the server forever.
At the end of an officer’s shift s/he is required to dock the camera on an evidence transfer manager (ETM), which automatically uploads the camera’s data to a cloud-based evidence management system or a local department server (see Figure 2.6). After successfully uploading BWC data through the ETM, the videos are automatically deleted from the BWC, and are no longer available for viewing through the smart phone app. In order to view and tag uploaded videos, officers must log on to a cloud-based Digital Evidence Management System (DEMS).


Figure 2.6. BWC Evidence Transfer Manager and Docking Station
Theoretical Foundation
The above discussion on the characteristics of wearable computers/technology has
provided insights on what sets wearables apart from other technologies. It is axiomatic to say
that technology is not, in and of itself, wearable unless it is donned by a human host. And, for
the human host, donning a wearable technology is often not done as an end in itself, but as a
means to an end (Engelbart 1962, Nye 2006, Arthur 2009). Thus, a good way to start a
theoretical discussion on wearables is to interrogate their ontological status and relationship
with humans. As Faulkner and Runde (2009, p. 443) observed:
“Given how deeply our taken-for-granted world is impregnated by technological objects, it is easy to assume that there is nothing particularly difficult or mysterious
27


about the nature of their existence. Yet there is more to the ontology of such objects than meets the eye.”
Until recently, the dominant theoretical perspectives in IS subscribe to an ontology
that hold humans and material things as separate entities with inherent properties and defined
boundaries. Now, improvements in computing power, wireless broadband connectivity, and
enabling Internet technologies have availed new opportunities for conceptualizing the
relationship between technology and organizations. In particular, a constellation of wearable
technologies, the “social” Web, Artificial Intelligence, augmented/embedded/virtual reality,
synthetic biology, etc., promotes an image of a tangled web of roles and relationships
between humans and technology that makes it difficult to demarcate where one entity ends
and the other begins, and vice versa. Thus, the hitherto view of entitative separateness
between humans and technology is no longer taken for granted. Rather, researchers are
urged to challenge that view. As Orlikowski and Scott (2008, p. 434) wrote:
Going forward, we suggest that further work is needed to theorize the fusion of technology and work in organizations, and that additional perspectives are needed to add to the palette of concepts in use. To this end, we identify a promising emerging genre of research that we refer to under the umbrella term: sociomateriality. Research framed using the tenets of a sociomaterial approach challenges the deeply taken-for-granted assumption that technology, work, and organizations should be conceptualized separately, and advances the view that there is an inherent inseparability between the technical and the social.
Drawing on the analysis of “Project Wonderland,” an online, three-dimensional, immersive environment for workplace collaboration within Sun Microsystems, known as MPK20, Orlikowski (2009, p. 13) indicated that:
A perspective of entanglement would focus on understanding MPK20, not as the necessary result of a powerful technological infrastructure, or as principally reflecting the interpretations and interactions of the human developers or users, but as a dynamic sociomaterial configuration performed in practice. Rather than attributing
28


agency either to individual actors (designers, engineers, team members) or particular technologies (computers, algorithms, graphics engines, networks), capacities for action would be studied as relational, distributed, and enacted through particular instantiations of the MPK20 synthetic world. ... A sociomaterial perspective would highlight how synthetic worlds are not neutral or determinate platforms through which distributed collaboration is facilitated or constrained, but integrally and materially part of constituting that phenomenon.
Thus, this research, which seeks an understanding and explication of the intimate relationship between humans and wearable technology, necessarily acknowledges the interplay of human and non-human agency, and seeks to advance theorizations that subscribe to a sociomaterial understanding of reality.
Sociomateriality
Sociomateriality is a practice theory developed in Information Systems and Organization Science that describes how human subjects and non-human objects function together to drive experiential phenomena. Sociomateriality moves beyond traditional social science research approaches to studying technology that privileges either the material object (i.e., technological determinism) or human subject (i.e., social constructivism) (Leonardi and Barley 2008, 2010). A sociomaterial approach advances the view that there is an inherent inseparability between the material and the social (Orlikowski 2007), and that privileging one over the other constrains the power to explain the mutually constitutive and emergent relationship between humans and technology in organizational work. This practice obfuscates the process of how one entity (e.g., human or technology) contributes in changing, shaping, and constituting another entity (e.g., technology or human).
Before diving deeper into a discussion of sociomateriality, it is necessary to acknowledge that there are two contending strands of sociomateriality in IS, each drawing
29


conceptual resources from a different philosophical tradition. The strand of sociomateriality that draws upon the philosophical foundation of Critical Realism (CR) adheres to a stratified ontology of reality consisting of three hierarchical layers—the empirical, the actual, and the real (Volkoff and Strong 2013, Bygstad et al. 2014). The other view, which draws on the philosophical foundation of Agential Realism adheres to a relational view of reality. This strand of sociomaterial is the one pursued in this research.12
Agential realist Sociomateriality draws predominantly on the philosophical work and writings of Barad (2003), who proposes a fully relational ontology in which entities only exist in their relation to others, and ‘phenomena’ rather than ‘things’ are the basic unit of analysis. Barad, in turn, drew inspiration for her relational ontology, called “Agential Realism,” from the views and writings of Nobel Prize-winning Physicist, Niels Bohr13. This ontology rejects representationalism or Thingification (the turning of relations into “things,” “entities,” “relata”), in favor of relationality and intra-action (in contrast to the usual “interaction,” which presumes the prior existence of independent entities/relata) (p. 815). Barad (2003) wrote:
What is needed is a robust account of the materialization of all bodies—“human” and “nonhuman”—and the material-discursive practices by which their differential constitutions are marked. This will require an understanding of the nature of the relationship between discursive practices and material phenomena, an accounting of “nonhuman” as well as “human” forms of agency, and an understanding of the of the precise causal nature of productive practices that takes account of the fullness of matter’s implication in its ongoing historicity. My contribution toward the development of such an understanding is based on a philosophical account that I have been calling “agential realism.
12 Although the focus here is on the Agential Realist strand of sociomateriality, an attempt will be made to summarize the areas of divergence and convergence of both strands.
13 Niels Bohr (1885-1962) won the Nobel Prize in physics for his work on quantum physics and development of quantum theory and the uncertainty principle.
30


Agential realism encompasses a concern for the nature of materiality, the relationship between the material and the discursive and the nature of agency (Barad 1998, p. 1). In agential realism, agency is not aligned with human intentionality or subjectivity. Rather, as Barad (2003, p. 827) puts it: “Agency is a matter of intra-acting; it is an enactment, not something that someone or something has.” A sociomaterial relationship implies an exchange of agency between the human and the material technology. Pickering (1993) refers to this exchange of agency between humans and nonhumans as the mangle. That is, the pulls of “material agency onto the terrain of human agency, so it materially structures human agency” (p. 581). As he puts it:
I think that the most direct route toward a posthumanist analysis of practice is to acknowledge a role for nonhuman-or material, as I will say—agency in science. Science and technology are contexts in which human agents conspicuously do not call all the shots (p. 562).
This view also forms the point of departure for Faulkner and Runde (2009, p. 443) in their
study of the identity of technology objects, when they said: “the function of a technological
object flows from an agentive function assigned to objects of that type, where agentive
functions are functions that are imposed on entities in pursuit of the practical interests of
human beings.” Furthermore, Barad (2003, p. 815) continues:
On my agential realist elaboration, phenomena do not merely mark the epistemological inseparability of “observer” and “observed”; rather, phenomena are the ontological inseparability of agentially intra-acting “components. ”... The notion of intra-action ... represents a profound conceptual shift. It is through specific agential intra-actions that the boundaries and properties of the “components” of phenomena become determinate and that particular embodied concepts become meaningful. A specific intra-action (involving a specific material configuration of the “apparatus of observation”) enacts an agential cut (in contrast to the Cartesian cut -an inherent distinction - between subject and object) effecting a separation between “subject” and “object.” That is, the agential cut enacts a local resolution within the phenomenon of the inherent ontological indeterminacy. ... Hence, the notion of intraactions constitutes a reworking of the traditional notion of causality.
31


Conceptual Framework and Research Questions
When Barad (2003, 2007) spoke of the “agential cut” as enacting a local resolution within the phenomenon, it is an acknowledgement of the fact that “knowing does not come from standing at a distance and representing but rather from a direct material engagement with the world” (Barad 2007, p. 49). The agential cut acknowledges a necessity of “agential separability” (Barad 2003, p. 815), to mark an entry point for the researcher “to produce specific distinction, boundaries, and properties” (Scott & Orlikowski 2014, p. 880). As Barad (2003, p. 815) puts it: “the notion of agential separability is of fundamental importance, for in the absence of a classical ontological condition of exteriority between observer and observed it provides the condition for the possibility of objectivity.” Hence, the point where I enter in the conduct of this research is the in-between of the wearer and the wearable. While the necessity of the agential cut countenances this imperative, it does not give me the privilege to interpose in the exchange of agency between the wearer and the wearable. What I do is to
32


listen as attentively, and observe as keenly, as I can, always aware of my own subjective intrusions in the process. Hence, any reference to the wearer and wearable is strictly a manner of speaking rather than a manner of doing. Given Barad’s (2003, p. 815) conceptualization of phenomena as “ontologically primitive relations,” and the distributed nature of the agency (Pickering 1993, Emirbayer and Mische 1998) intra-acting among components co-constituting those relations, my first research question is stated thus:
RQ1: What phenomena are constitutive of the relationship between a wearer and a wearable technology?
Addressing this question will help clarify the ontological nature of the constitutive
components of the wearer-wearable relationship. This question also seeks to advance
theorizations from existing studies on sociomateriality, which take phenomena as given and
use sociomateriality as an explanatory framework to elaborate their enactment in practice.
For example, in studying anonymity, Scott and Orlikowski (2014) accepted the theoretical
construct of anonymity and recast it in the framework of sociomateriality. Cecz-Kecmanovic
et al. (2014) employed a similar strategy to reframe success and failure through a
performative lens. In seeking to uncover emerging phenomena, this study takes a first
principle’s approach. As Barads (2003, p. 815) noted:
the primary epistemological unit is not independent objects with inherent boundaries and properties but rather phenomena. On my agential realist elaboration, phenomena do not merely mark the epistemological inseparability of “observer” and “observed”; rather, phenomena are the ontological inseparability of agentially intra-acting “components. ” That is, phenomena are ontologically primitive relations—relations without preexisting relata
What this means from an Information Systems perspective is that we can no longer assume a discrete object of attention that preexists its enactment in practice (Jones 2014, p. 916). Instead, we need to consider contingent, “composite and shifting assemblages”
33


(Orlikowski and Scott 2008, p. 455) that coalesce only in their enactment. As technological developments continue to blur the boundaries between human and nonhuman performativity, these views are becoming more strident and much more difficult to ignore. Furthermore, in arguing against ontological separateness of humans and technology, Orlikowski and Scott (2016) admonished that if we take inseparability seriously, “the primary unit for research is not independent objects with inherent boundaries and properties but phenomena materially enacted in practice” (p. 92). Practices are clusters of recurrent human activity informed by shared institutional meanings (Schatzki et al. 2001, cited in Schultz and Orlikowski 2004, p. 88). They are dynamic and ongoing, and engaged in by people as part of the structuring processes through which organizations and networks are constituted over time (Giddens 1984).
The conceptualization of the research model illustrated in Figure 2.1 above necessarily adopts a practice perspective, which directs attention to the unfolding possibilities of everyday activities. Hence the unit of analysis of this study is the specific practice of police work related to the patrol function. The practice unfolds in the everyday interaction of an officer-civilian encounter or contact. In the normal practice of the patrol function, a typical work shift lasts from eight to 12 hours. During each shift, an officer may participate in up to a dozen civilian encounters. The advantage of adopting a practice lens is that it does not require on to choose between a macro- or a microlevel of analysis, nor a conflation of the two. Rather, “a practice lens directs attention to how macrophenomena are constituted by microinteractions, and how those microinteractions, in turn, are shaped by macro influences and effects” (Schultze and Orlikowski 2004, p. 88). This practice view leads to a consideration of my second research question, to deal with the process whereby the
34


phenomena of interest become entangled with the social and material agencies of the relationship.
RQ2: How are the phenomena of the social and material agencies of the wearer-
w earable relationship enacted in practice?
Although a sociomaterial perspective countenances the emergence of outcomes from entanglements of the social and the material, it is crucial to have an understanding of how the process unfolds so that whatever outcomes emerge, we can take a step back to explicate them or account for them in subsequent intra-actions that produce similar outcomes. This is the reason that motivates the second research question. With regards to practical applications in organizations such as a police department, understanding and explication the process or processes that lead to outcomes (intended or intended) has practical significance in designing operational policies and procedures.
35


CHAPTER m
RESEARCH CONTEXT
My research interest in Body-Worn Cameras (BWC) was fueled by firsthand experience analyzing data and compiling reports on complaints against police officers and sheriffs deputies in a municipal government agency. For a period of two years, I reviewed and analyzed patterns and outcomes for more than 10,000 complaints filed both internally and externally against sworn officers and deputies. During that time, national attention was focused on a number of high-profile shootings of civilians by police officers. The shootings provoked public protests, and amplified calls by an eclectic mix of concerned citizens and elected officials for the police to use BWCs as a technological solution to an increasingly acrimonious police-citizen relationship. My view at the time was that the arguments for and against the use of BWC technology to interface police-civilian encounters were both convincing. However, the nature of the relations between the technology, the officers wearing it, and the civilians involved in police encounters required further study and elucidation. Additionally, organizational and societal concerns about the technology needed attention. This is where my research comes in.
Following the civilian shootings14 mentioned above, calls to use of BWCs in order to record police-civilian interactions and thereby promote police accountability (Harvard Law Review 2015) became strident. The killings exposed rifts in the relationship between local police and the communities they serve (President’s Task Force 2015), and became the
14 See, for example, the shootings of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, on 8/9/14; Alton Sterling in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, on 7/5/16; Philando Castile in Minnesota, on 7/6/16; Keith Lamont Scott in Charlotte, North Carolina, on 9/20/16; and Jordan Edwards in Balch Springs, Texas on 4/29/2017.
36


impetus for the President’s Executive Order15 to establish the Task Force on 21st Century Policing. The philosophical foundation of the task force is: “to build trust between citizens and their peace officers so that all components of a community are treating one another fairly and justly and are invested in maintaining public safety in an atmosphere of mutual respect” (2015, p. 5). Proponents of BWCs highlight benefits related to core elements of police operations, such as increased transparency and accountability, reduced use of force and other misconduct by police officers, efficient resolution of civilian complaints, improved officer training, and providing effective evidence documentation for trials. Skeptics of BWCs raise concerns, such as potential breach of citizen and officer privacy, “objectivity” of video evidence, encroachments of the surveillance state, locus of control and access to video footage, and program costs (Harvard Law Review 2015).
The turn to BWCs in policing builds upon a longer trend of technological innovation in law enforcement (White 2014), including the adoption of less-lethal weapons such as TASERS16 (White and Ready 2010), forensic DNA analysis for criminal investigation (Roman et al. 2008), and Compstat17 information management for efficient allocation of policing resources, etc. This makes technology a major driving force in the provision of police services, and a force multiplier for increasing the effectiveness and efficiency of police departments (Jackson et al, 2014). Historically, also, technological innovations, such as the telephone, the patrol car, and dashboard cameras have been catalysts for reform in crime
15 On December 18, 2014, President Barack Obama signed Executive Order 13684 establishing the Task Force on 21st Century Policing.
16 Tasers were introduced as non-lethal weapons for police to use to subdue fleeing, belligerent, or potentially dangerous people, who would have otherwise been subjected to more lethal weapons such as firearms (wikipedia.org; accessed on November 6, 2017).
17 “Compstaf was a filename given to a program developed to compare crime data and became a general term for the meetings and process of crime analysis based on mapping (Manning 2008, p.39).
37


prevention and crime control strategies (Byrne and Marx 2011). For example, the introduction of the telephone and 911 call centers allowed citizens to call the police department directly for service, without the need to go to a police station. Technological innovation, accountability, legitimacy, and national coherence, are variously cited as the four elements of a new professionalism in policing (Byrne and Marx 2011), which envisages the use of outsourced third-party services and applications (e.g. red-light cameras). These elements are also cited as goals for implementing BWCs.
The video-recording of police-civilian encounters is not new. The 1992 riots in Los Angeles, were sparked in part by videotaped evidence of the beating of Rodney King by Los Angeles police officers. Since then, the power of digital evidence has loomed large in the public perception of violent encounters between law enforcement officers and community members. To some extent, BWCs represent an institutional response to the increasing incidents of video-recording and video-sharing of police-civilian interactions by civilians with smartphones and social media websites. These recordings, which are outside the control of police departments, frequently challenge accounts provided by police officers, thereby undermining officer credibility (Coudert et al 2015). For example, in the July 6, 2016 police shooting of Philando Castile, in Falcon Heights, Minnesota, the most widely circulated video of the immediate aftermath of the incident was filmed by Diamond Reynolds and streamed-live on Facebook.18 What is new about BWCs is that they afford a first-person perspective to officers. Additionally, their mobility (thanks to their officer host) and audio capabilities, sets them apart from Dashboard and Closed-Circuit Television (CCTV) cameras. By deploying
18 Diamond Reynolds was Philando Castile’s girlfriend and was in the car with her four-year old daughter when the shooting happened. Retrieved on April 18, 2018. Accessed from https://www.nytimes.com/2017/06/21/us/video-police-shooting-philando-castile-trial.html
38


BWCs, police departments will own and maintain video recordings of police-civilian interactions, and can determine if, and when, to release them to the public. The timely release of police BWC videos can help address discrepancies when civilian and police accounts of an interaction differ, and demonstrate to the public that the police are transparent and open to outside scrutiny (Harvard Law Review 2015). At the operational level, BWC recordings afford police supervisors the opportunity to review officer conduct and evaluate performance without the need for their co-presence. The extent to which these activities are occurring, and whether they are having any impact on the organization to facilitate public trust, accountability and transparency, is still an open question.
What We Know
According to the U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, of the more than 12,000 local law enforcement departments in the U.S., 32% use BWCs in 201319. With the President’s initiative20 encouraging the use of BWCs by police departments throughout the U.S., the percentage of officers wearing BWCs is expected to increase. According to a survey of 500 local law enforcement agencies conducted by the Police Executive Research Forum (PERF, an independent research organization that focuses on critical issues in policing. See, www.policeforum.org), evidence documentation, accountability and transparency are the main benefits of BWCs. Given the novelty of BWC use in police departments, studies examining their impact on police organizations are few (Barak et al 2014, 2016; Lum et al 2015; White 2014), and the findings from completed studies are
19 Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, Law Enforcement Management and Administrative Statistics (LEMAS) Survey, 2013.
20 As part of this initiative, a new Body Worn Camera Partnership Program would provide a 50 percent match to States/localities who purchase body worn cameras and requisite storage. Overall, the proposed $75 million investment over three years could help purchase 50,000 body worn cameras.
39


mostly preliminary, and sometimes contradictory. For example, Barak et al (2016), reported that BWCs are associated with an increase in “use-of-force” if officers have discretion to turn BWCs on and off. This finding contradicts an earlier study that reported a decrease in use-of-force (Barak 2014). A few studies have examined police officer perceptions of BWCs, and concluded that after an initial period of apprehension, officers are generally supportive of the technology (Katz et al. 2014). Few studies have addressed the claim that BWCs will strengthen law enforcement by producing “objective” evidence of civilian criminal conduct. Katz et al (2014) found that in the Phoenix police department, officers with BWCs produced higher numbers of arrests and higher numbers of guilty pleas on domestic violence calls than those without them. Nearly all of this work is in the Criminal Justice and Criminology literature or involves limited scope studies funded by U.S. Department of Justice grants and private foundations (Sesay et al. 2017).
In a recent Pew Research Center (2017) survey, 66% of police officers favor the use
of BWCs, although many are skeptical about their efficacy in changing how police and
civilians behave to each other. A higher percentage of administrators (52%) see more benefit
to BWCs than sergeants (34%) and rank-and-file officers (32%), who are required to wear
them. Additionally, a more recent randomized controlled trial was designed to investigate the
effects of BWCs on police use-of-force and civilian complaints. The study, which involved
2,224 Metropolitan Police Department (MPD) officers in Washington, DC., concluded:
We are unable to detect any statistically significant effects. As such, our experiment suggests that we should recalibrate our expectations of BWCs. Law enforcement agencies (particularly in contexts similar to Washington, DC) that are considering adopting BWCs should not expect dramatic reductions in use of force or complaints, or other large-scale shifts in police behavior, solely from the deployment of this technology. We would also temper expectations about (and suggest further research into) the evidentiary value of BWCs (Yokum, et al. 2017, p. 22).
40


Preliminary evidence thus appears to suggest that the likely impact of BWCs on law enforcement is mixed or minimal at best. Also, as the Pew Survey shows, there is a difference in perceptions about the “civilizing” effect of BWCs between police administrators who formulate organizational goals and policies, and the sergeant and patrol officers who implement them. This difference highlights areas of tension that relates to the traditional exercise of discretion by patrol officers, and the potential to restrict that discretion with a surveillance technology in a highly controlled context. This tension presents a unique opportunity to investigate the interplay of agency, technology, and organization in police work through the use of a wearable technology (BWC).
What We Don’t Yet Know
A common theme among the studies cited above is that they have either relied on self-reported data through semi-structured interviews, or randomized trials using secondary data obtained from police department databases on civilian complaints (Yokum et al. 2017, Barak et al. 2014, 2016). None appears to have conducted any fieldwork or observations to find out how BWCs are used by police officers in the field. This is a critical gap, because as a wearable technology with the capacity to affect the agency of police officers, and vice versa, it is difficult to quantify BWC impact on police work without understanding: 1) how the BWC technology affects the discretion of officers to conduct ordinary police functions, 2) conversely, how officer discretion to turn the BWC on/off affects the evidence documentation capability of the camera, and 3) how department policies, including metrics used to punish and reward performance, constrain or enable police practice. Additionally, to the best of my knowledge, no study has advanced a theoretical framework on BWCs that ground empirical work and explicate findings, especially considering the distributed nature of
41


the agential relationship between the officer and the camera. It is therefore a necessary exercise to examine how an officer relates to wearing a BWC as part of the practice of police work.
In the last chapter, I presented the technological context of the BWC and argued for a
sociomaterial accounting of its relationship with officers. Here, I take the same view to
balance the equation and argue for an accounting of the human officer’s relationship with the
BWC. In arguing for the effects of material agency on human agency, Pickering (1993),
makes an important clarification regarding intentionality. That is:
We humans differ from nonhumans precisely in that our actions have intensions behind them, whereas the performances (behaviors) of quarks, microbes, and machine tools do not. I think that this is right. I find that I cannot understand scientific practice without reference to the intentions of scientists, though I do not find it necessary to have insight into the intensions of things (p. 565).
This clarification accords with Gidden’s position on agency and intentionality. Giddens (1984, p. 9), defines agency in terms of the “capability of doing things”, rather than “the intentions people have in doing things.” Divorcing agency from intentions thus allows the possibility to account for the capability of artifacts (such as BWCs) to do things that affect human agency, just as humans do things to artifacts with or without intentionality. Thus, we are again confronted with the notion of inseparability of human and nonhuman agency in the arena of human endeavors, and to consider their entanglement in practice. As Orlikowski and Scott (2016) argued, if we take inseparability of humans and technology seriously, “the primary unit for research is not independent objects with inherent boundaries and properties but phenomena materially enacted in practice” (p. 92).
42


Wearing the Badge and the Camera
As the title of this thesis suggests, the introduction of BWC technology in police departments has created what can be called a “hybrid” police officer. That is, a human police officer fitted with a BWC, resulting in a constitutive and entangled human-machine relationship (see Figures 3.1 and 3.2).
Figure 3.1. Officer with Collar-Mounted BWC
43


Figure 3.2. Officer with Chest-Mounted BWC
While a distinct boundary can be discerned between material and human components of the hybrid police officer, this boundary dissolves in the practice of police work during a
44


police-civilian encounter. During such an encounter, the officer, cognizant of the entanglement with the BWC, performs certain actions meant to acknowledge and coordinate with the materiality of the BWC. For example, reading out loud certain information so that the BWCs audio can capture the words and sound, scanning the surroundings and altering or modifying the “bladed” stance so that the BWC captures the scene, and asking questions of third-parties so that evidence is captured for storage and playback. In addition, the officer may simply make known his/her entanglement with a BWC to elicit certain responses from third-party interactions.
Figure 3.3. Police Cruiser with Mobile Data Terminal
45


The agential intra-actions between the officer and the BWC extend beyond the immediacy of civilian interactions. As time permits throughout the period of patrol, the officer often retreats to the relative safety of the police cruiser to further engage with the materiality of the BWC to co-produce reports that are an integral part of practice. Through connectivity with the cruiser’s Mobile Data Terminal (MDT) (see Figure 3.3), the sociomaterial assemblage of the Cruiser-Officer-BWC-MDT function together to co-produce any number of reports relevant to the practice in the field, and at the police station. Figure 3.4 shows the sign on the bathroom door of one police station. The sign is a constant reminder to anyone passing through that bathroom door (which is just about any officer in the station) of the entangled nature of the relationship between officers and BWCs.
Figure 3.4. Bathroom Reminder for BWC
46


More generally, the very nature of the relationship between police officers and BWCs depends on who you ask. From a police department’s point of view, BWCs are a law enforcement tool (material), useful for identifying and documenting evidence that could be used for prosecution in a court of law, or adjudicate the merits of citizen complaints against police officers. From a community activist’s point of view, BWCs are a legitimization (social) tool, needed as a check and balance mechanism to ensure that police authority is not exercised at the expense of individual rights and freedoms. Hence, the essence of BWC is not given, but emerges from its constitutive entanglement in the practice of police work. For instance, prior to the sociomaterial entanglement of the police-BWC assemblage, police interactions with citizens have, for the most part, been verified solely by accounts narrated by police officers based on their memories. In most cases, if there is a discrepancy between the officer’s and the citizen’s account of an interaction, the officer’s account has been taken for granted. Now, with the record and playback capability of BWC, the human’s capability to memorize and narrate interactions is not taken for granted unless it is corroborated by BWC’s audio-visual evidence.
Sociomaterial Entanglement of Police-BWC Technology
In order to appreciate just how entangled the sociomaterial relationship between and officer and a BWC can become, the following scenario, adapted from Sesay et al. (2016, p. 13) is instructive:
Imagine a police officer (“Officer P”) on foot patrol in the downtown of a great American city. Leering through an alley, Officer P noticed what seemed like a drug deal in progress. He adjusted his glasses and walked in the direction of the two suspects, one of whom is a notorious drug dealer known to police. A sentry informed the two men about the approaching police officer. The dealers bolted in different directions and Officer P gave chase. After two quick turns, Officer P lost track of the
47


suspects. Exhausted and exasperated, he went back to his police cruiser and typed in a report. That was three years ago.
Now, imagine Officer P again in the same alley, observing the same transaction with the same suspects. This time when he adjusted his glasses, he activated the attached BWC. The camera automatically saved the last 30 seconds of recording in the buffer, which captured the exact moment that the drug exchange occurred, and snapped a picture of the drug dealers. At the end of his shift, Officer P unclipped the camera from his uniform, docked it to a charging station, which autonomously uploaded the audio/video footage to a cloud-based Digital Evidence Management System. Officer P tagged the uploaded video as a “case” and titled it as “suspect at large.”
At the computer room in the investigations department, a detective (“Detective D”) was browsing uploaded videos tagged as “case” when Officer Ps video flashed on her computer screen. Using the image-matching software on her computer, Detective D queried the suspect’s image against millions of images stored in a centralized image database and obtained a perfect match. This gave her the contact information of the suspect as well as other details, including criminal history. Armed with this record, the suspect was apprehended and charged to court. At the trial, the prosecutor called no human witnesses. Instead, the attention of the judge and jurors was focused on a 60” flat screen monitor connected to the Digital Evidence Management System in the Cloud. On the basis of the clarity of the video images and the self-identification of the suspect on the screen, a conviction was returned. Welcome to the era of BWCs in law enforcement.
The above scenario, though fictional, encapsulates how the implementation of BWC technology alters the sequence of investigative events. First, the availability of video evidence from BWC technology serves to corroborate officer accounts of events. Second, the officer now dictates a more accurate report based on a review of the video evidence and references the footage, which expedites the work of detectives. Third, knowledge of the existence of BWC evidence convinces the suspect to plead guilty instead of face trial. Thus, officer patrols and investigative processes have become reconstituted by the entanglement of the officers and the materiality of the BWC technology. Table 3.1 adapted from Sesay et al. (2016) identifies three specific examples of sociomaterial entanglement in police practice. These examples demonstrate how the deployment of BWC technology in a police department, transforms and reconstitutes the practice of police work.
48


Table 3.1. Examples of Sociomaterial Practice in Police Body Worn Cameras
Before Use of BWC With BWC Technology Sociomateriality
Evidence-Chain of Custody: Physical evidence is stored in a property room with labelled shelves and bins. Users need authorization for access. Once authorized, they have access to other evidence not necessarily pertaining to their case. The integrity of the evidence depends on the integrity of the authorized user Digital evidence is stored in the Cloud. Digital Evidence Management System (DEMS) provides audit capabilities for verification. When an officer needs access to digital evidence, they must first be configured with a username and password, and granted appropriate access rights and privileges. After that, the DEMS authenticates the configuration before granting access. In order to meet the needs of the criminal justice system, neither human nor technology is privileged in their configurations for managing digital evidence. The system is configured to allow access to particular configurations of users. Users leave a trail for whatever they access and how they access it (e.g. copy, print, download etc.). Chain of custody can be audited
Citizen-Officer Interaction: Officer prepares report of an encounter after the fact through recollection from memory and linguistic narration of verbal and non-verbal communication during the encounter. This account is privileged and taken for granted even though the citizen also has capabilities for recollection and narration Officer reorients posture to ensure that encounter is captured by BWC. After the encounter, officer reviews the encounter through an app on a blue-tooth connected mobile phone. A synopsis is dictated as report and the BWC footage is tagged, titled and referenced in the synopsis. With the record and playback capability of BWC, police officer’s capability to memorize and narrate interactions is not taken for granted. It requires corroboration from BWC’s audiovisual evidence. As such, trust for a police officer is now challenged and reconstituted by the technological capability of BWC and its inseparability from the evidence documentation and presentation processes.
Officer Training and Supervision: Training and supervision were separated in time and space. Training was standardized for all officers, and performance evaluations are mostly subjective based on generalized criteria Training is targeted based on actual performance of officer on the field. The supervisor is “virtually” present at all times during an officer’s shift, and can objectively evaluate performance by reviewing BWC footage Need for spatial proximity or co-presence between supervisor and officer is eliminated. Relationality of officer and supervisor is mediated by the technology
Adapted from Sesay et al. (2016)
The above examples demonstrate how the introduction of BWC has reconstituted the everyday practice of police work, and attests to the amenability and usefulness of a sociomaterial perspective to investigate the entanglement of the police officer and the BWC technology in practice. The accords with the observation of Orlikowski and Scott (2008) that “a sociomateriality lens may be particularly valuable in helping to research the expansion of management knowledge” (pp.463-464).
49


Applying Theory to the Context of Police Practice
In the United States, police departments are chartered and managed under local control of the jurisdiction constituting the force (Maguire 2003). The doctrine of local control explains why there are a variety of organizational structures utilized by the hundreds of police agencies across the U.S. Notwithstanding the variety, police organizations have generally maintained a quasi-military organizational structure with a strict rules-based bureaucracy enforced through top-down hierarchical command and control (Williams 2003, Jones 2009). This traditional structure emphasizes centralized decision-making enacted through standard operating policies and procedures. While centralization is largely credited with professionalizing the police force and constraining arbitrary discretion by police officers (Jones 2009), it has also been faulted as being undemocratic (Angell 1971) and a bulwark against effective police reforms (Williams 2003).
Manning (1992, p. 354) defines a police organization as a “traditional form of work organization, legitimated in part by charisma and in part by rational bureaucratic authority.. .and it is deeply resistant to rapid and overt change.” Organizational goals and policy prescriptions represent structural elements within which police officers are confined to ply their trades for the benefit of the organization. In this hierarchical arrangement, technology is viewed as a tool (Orlikowski and Iacono 2001) at the beck and call of social actors (Manning 1996, 2008). Behavior expected of police officers is codified in detailed and elaborate standard operating procedures, and compliance is extracted through prescribed disciplinary measures tailored to each infraction (Manning 1992). As such, deviance and entrepreneurship on the part of police officers is discouraged.
50


The primary function of a police officer is to preserve the peace, protect life and property, prevent crime, apprehend criminal suspects, recover lost or stolen property, enforce criminal and traffic ordinances and regulations of the jurisdiction and the laws of the State in a fair and impartial manner, and uphold the Constitution of the United States of America. In discharging these responsibilities, the officer can make a forcible arrest and perform other necessary physical tasks. A patrol officer is responsible for carrying out police functions in a specifically assigned district, precinct or area, in readiness at all times to answer calls for service.21
The introduction of BWC technology to record and memorialize police actions, has challenged traditional practice of police work. For example, patrol officers who occupy the lowest rung of the police professional ladder, have traditionally exercised significant discretion in the execution of their tasks, away from the gaze of supervisors (Manning 1992, 1996). They respond to dispatch calls, decide when to take police action and enforce the law on their own accord. They patrol significant distances and geographical areas, thanks to police cruisers and communication devices. This unparalleled exercise of human agency is now challenged by a surveillance technology (BWC) that records and memorializes every encounter a police officer initiates with a civilian, and every police action taken as a result.
Conceptually, police functions can be categorized into support services, service delivery or operations, and strategy (Jackson et al 2014). These categories have been used to identify three broad areas of strategy for police work: Support functions, Reactive policing,
21 Information about police functions, responsibilities and operations is summarized from the operations manual of the Denver Police Department, which is available at:
https://www.denvergov.org/content/dam/denvergov/Portals/720/documents/OperationsManual/OMSBook/OM_ Book, pdf
51


and Proactive Policing (Jackson et al 2014). In reactive policing, officers respond to citizens’ calls for service and emergencies, while proactive policing focuses on intelligence-driven operations, such as hotspot analysis and community interactions. Through its capabilities to gather and document evidence in real time, as well as asynchronously, BWCs cut across all three areas of policing strategy. However, the vast majority of police encounters with civilians are initiated through calls for service, or officer-initiated stops during patrol.
Types of Calls
There are two types of calls that a patrol officer is required to respond to—Dispatch or Class 1 calls, and Self-Initiated or Class II calls (Operations Manual DPD). Dispatch calls are a higher priority, and are made through a centralized (9-1-1) call center. These calls are considered an order from the Chief of Police. Self-initiated calls are made by officers in order to respond to on-sight police activity without delay. At their earliest convenience, and at the conclusion of every call, officers are required to give a disposition to the dispatcher. Figure 3.1 depicts the typical sequence of what a patrol officer does once the receive or initiate a call for service.
52


f f > f \
1. Service Call: Dispatch/lnitiate c> 2. Arrive at Scene: Activate BWC 0 3. Contact Party
V J ^ k ✓
Figure 3.5. Steps in the Practice of Police Patrol
(Source: Author, based on field observations)
This sequence is part of the decision-making framework of a police officer depicted in Figure 3.6 below.
53


Collect Information
LEGAL
NECESSARY
REASONABLE
APPROPRIATE
PROPORTIONAL
fi£0S20{£B EffllOXfcnb ©GEOS, cm3 (Me


@ioE0M(3^aiGinaiC [jGffl^Gm3CIK3iaiQ3 GUQDSHB
*
COLLECT INFORMATION:
When possible, slow the situation with a calm, centered, respectful, and confident presence. To understand the situation, gather any and all information within practical limitations. Confirm that police service is warranted and within the control and ability of department personnel to address.
ASSESS THE SITUATION, THREATS, AND RISKS:
Use available resources to make the immediate area safe or provide assistance as needed. Look for things that may explain the situation. If time permits, attempt to identify the root cause and avoid decisions based on inadequate information. Avoid judgmental or damaging statements.
CONSIDER DEPARTMENT POLICY AND AVAILABLE OPTIONS:
Develop options based on available information, ethics, values, and policy. Examine the feasibility, effectiveness, and consequence of each action and evaluate as necessary. TAKE ACTION:
From the Identified options, apply the most reasonable and viable course of action. Continually assess effectiveness, and when possible, develop contingencies.
The sanctity of human life is paramount.
REVIEW AND REASSESS:
Assess the outcome and consider whether the issue was addressed and/or corrected. If not, start over and consider the following:
* Is new information available?
* Was the initial assessment accurate and/or was information missing?
* Is there a more appropriate and reasonable option?
Figure 3.6. Decision Making Model of a Typical Police Officer,
Source: Operations Manual, DPP
54


CHAPTER IV
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY Research Design and Methodology
Wearable technologies remain intimate and personal to the wearer even when used in an organizational context. As such, to study their material-discursive enactment as part of the practices of an organization, demands a primordial understanding of how wearable technology is constitutive of, and inseparably entangled with, organizational actors (the wearers). By focusing on practice, this research is grounded in terms of phenomena that are actually done through organizational activities (Miettinen et al. 2009). “A practice is a routinized type of behavior which consists of several elements, interconnected to one another: forms of bodily activities, forms of mental activities, ‘things’ and their use, a background knowledge in the form of understanding, know-how, states of emotion and motivational knowledge” (Reckwitz 2002, p. 249). According to Neuman (1994), the research paradigm that is most aligned with a practice logic is qualitative research. As he puts it: “qualitative research arises more ‘in practice’” (p. 318). The practice of interest in this research is a specific and bounded aspect of police work, referred to as “patrol.” Patrol work is carried out by a patrol officer who is assigned specific functions in a police department. During the performance of those functions, the patrol officer is required to wear a BWC, constituting the basic sociomaterial entanglement of the practice. In addition to wearing a BWC, the patrol officer wears a uniform, carries other equipment and drives an official vehicle (police cruiser). All these components (social and material) are integral to the practice of police patrol. In order to account for how these sociomaterial entanglements are enacted in practice, I adopted a sociomaterial perspective that subscribes to the notion of
55


ontological inseparability. Table 4.1 shows guidelines that are compatible with the conduct of
research using a sociomaterial perspective.
Table 4.1. Sociomaterialist Perspective of Research
Sociomaterial Principle Guideline for Inquiry
Onto-Epistemological inseparability Focus on relationality
Phenomena are basic units of relations Identify the phenomena entangled in relations
Phenomena are instantiated in material-discursive practices Seek to understand phenomena/relations within which practices occur
Practices produce performative outcomes Investigate material-discursive enactments
Adapted from Aron Lindberg, ICIS 201722
As stated above, a qualitative approach is most suited to a study about practices. Hence, it is the approach that I used to address the two research questions. A qualitative approach considers the social context as an important element for understanding the social world (Neuman 1994, p. 319), and “produces findings not arrived at by means of statistical procedures or other means of quantification” (Strauss & Corbin 1990, p. 17). Figure 4.1 depicts the social context of this research, including the relationships among the case sites, functions, roles and ranks of informants engaged in the research.
22 Aron Lindberg, Ph.D., is an assistant professor at the School of Business, Stevens Institute of Technology, Hoboken, New Jersey. The chart was part of a presentation at the Grounded Theory Workshop on December 13, 2017, at the International Conference on Information Systems (ICIS), in South Korea.
56


i Organizations
Synchronic Analysis â–º
Figure 4.1. Case Sites and Informants
In this dissertation, I consider that the process of investigating and analyzing the relationship between a new digital technology and agentic action by actors in the course of performing the institutional practice of patrol work is best accomplished by: 1) gaining significant understanding of the context and characteristics of the actors—both social and material—that are engaged in relations; and 2) deriving explanations for the observed
57


characteristics of the relationship. The following section provides a detailed discussion of the methods and procedures used to conduct the research. Specific details of how the qualitative research is conducted, including data collection, analysis, theory development, data controls and validity will be addressed.
Qualitative Case Study
Qualitative research is a set of techniques for data collection and analysis that can be used
to describe phenomena, build and test theory (Van Maanen, 1979). As Shah and Corley
(2006, p.1830) noted: “When done rigorously and reported clearly and concisely, qualitative
research is a powerful tool for management researchers, providing many advantages above
and beyond what traditional survey research can provide.” One of the techniques for
qualitative research is the case study method. This method is particularly suited for
examining new practice-based phenomenon, where the experiences of the actors and the
context of action is crucially important (Benbasat et al 1987).
A case study examines a phenomenon in its natural setting, employing multiple methods of data collection to gather information from one or a few entities (people, groups, or organizations). The boundaries of the phenomenon are not clearly evident at the outset of the research and no experimental control or manipulation is used (Benbasat et al (1987, p.370).
Furthermore, Benbasat et al (1987, p. 371) listed eleven characteristics of case studies:
1. Phenomenon is examined in a natural setting.
2. Data are collected by multiple means.
3. One or few entities (person, group, or organization) are examined.
4. The complexity of the unit is studied intensively.
5. Case studies are more suitable for the exploration, classification and hypothesis development stages of the knowledge building process; the investigator should have a receptive attitude towards exploration.
6. No experimental controls or manipulation are involved.
7. The investigator may not specify the set of independent and dependent variables in advance.
8. The results derived depend heavily on the integrative powers of the investigator.
58


9. Changes in site selection and data collection methods could take place as the investigator develops new hypotheses.
10. Case research is useful in the study of "why" and "how" questions because these deal with operational links to be traced over time rather than with frequency or incidence.
11. The focus is on contemporary events.
Many of these characteristics are present in the context of the current study. The implementation of BWCs in police departments is a recent phenomenon, and the impact on police practice is not yet understood or appreciated. Through the case study approach, I was able to utilize multiple methods of data collection and analysis to investigate how the informants and the technology relate to one another in six police organizations. The study advances no hypothesis or propositions to test, instead, it seeks to develop theory through induction.
Case Site Selection and Approach
The study was designed and implemented as a multisite case study involving six police departments. Using multiple case sites has several advantages over single case research. Multiple case sites provide a stronger base for theory building (Yin 1994, 2003), grounding propositions in varied empirical evidence, enabling broader exploration of research questions and theoretical elaboration, and yielding more generalizable and testable theory (Eisenhardt and Graebner 2007). Table 4.2 lists the six police departments that participated in the study (names are withheld to assure confidentiality). In each department, I contacted the senior leadership and scheduled meetings, where I explained the research objective to the leadership and asked for permission to enter the department as a case research site.
59


Table 4.2. Case Study Sites
Characteristics PD-1 PD-2 PD-3** PD-4 PD-5 PD-6
Political Context Council- Manager Mayor- Council Mayor- Council Council- Manager Mayor- Council Council- Manager
Chief Executive City Mgr. Mayor City Mgr. City Mgr. City Mgr. City Mgr.
Population Size 105,270 705,000 19,944 154,570 29,148 13,671
Identity University Major City Town University Town Suburban
Civilian Monitor Yes Yes No No No No
Total Strength* 292 1,749 38 306 51 52
Sworn Officers+ 179 1,434 37 200 47 47
Number of BWC 150 800 29 61 50 34
YearBWC++ 2016 2016 2015 2013 2014 2013
Video Storage On-Site/ Cloud Cloud Cloud Cloud On-Site Cloud
*Total Strength: Total number of employees in the police department. +Swom Officers: Officers who have arrest powers. ++ Year when the BWC program was or will be officially implemented. The PD-2s pilot program started in 2014, PD-4 in 2012, and PD-1 in 2015. **PD-3: Pilot City
Site PD-1
Site PD-1 (a pseudonym) provides police services for a city of more than 100,000 residents with a large university student population. In recent years, the city has been dealing with a growing homeless population, and a rise in theft and property crimes. A citizen group has also recently emerged that follows the police and record their actions with personal cell phone cameras. Although the police department had not fully considered the implementation of a BWC program, the city administration provided funds to start one. To expedite the implementation of the program, the department contracted with a vendor providing in-car video services and equipment. The contract was sole-sourced, and implementation was top-down. The equipment provided by the vendor frequently malfunctioned, and ultimately proved unreliable. The BWCs lacked Bluetooth capability, and can’t be paired with a
60


smartphone viewer in the field, which makes it difficult for employees to review footage and write reports in the field. Because the vendor did not offer a cloud-based storage service, the city’s IT department was relied upon to provide dedicated servers and build out the infrastructure required to operate the BWCs. The department also hired a dedicated staff person to handle the increasing workload, regarding issues of equipment malfunctions, and coordinating with the vendor. The department subsequently decided to “suspend” their program until they can select a new vendor and acquire new equipment. This was done midway into the research process. Fortunately, the process of selecting a new vendor and installing new equipment was completed two-to-three months prior to the start of the second phase of my data collection efforts, which included field observations. The new implementation included an unlimited cloud-based Digital Evidence Management System (DEMS). The former in-house server storage system was eliminated, and the new BWCs have Bluetooth capabilities and automatic tagging of videos. I re-interviewed three informants who participated in my initial data collection efforts, and three new informants. The informants regard the new BWCs as better than the previous ones in terms of reliability and ease of operation. In particular, they liked the feature of the new system that uses timestamp metadata from the CAD system and the BWC to automatically label and tag videos, thus eliminating the need for officers to do this manually. However, according to the re-interviewed officers, a downside of the new BWCs is that they are heavier and bulkier than the old ones.
Site PD-2
Site PD-2 (a pseudonym), is a major urban city with a large police department. The city is also ethically-diverse and has had recent issues of violent civilian encounters with
61


police officers that were captured on personal cell phones or High Activity Location Observation (HALO) cameras deployed in the downtown area. The city is divided into six policing districts dispersed throughout the city, and a headquarters and central administration in According to some informants familiar with the history of the BWC program, the department began discussing implement a program as early as 2010. However, it was not until 2014 that a decision was made to implement a pilot program in one of the districts. A six-month pilot was concluded in December 2014, and the roll-out of a full program started in 2015. The final implementation in the last police district was completed in the fourth quarter of 2016. The department negotiated an unlimited cloud storage and management plan. PD-2 also issued officers with either an iPod or a smartphone that contain a vendor-supplied app, which provides Bluetooth connectivity to the BWC. The app allows officers to view BWC footage in real time, and to tag and label videos before uploading them to the cloud-based DEMS.
Site PD-3
Site PD-3 (a pseudonym), is a small-size police department, whose mission is to provide public safety for all. The department has 30 - 45 sworn police officers, serving a community of less than 30,000 residents. The development of a valuable natural resource has catalyzed economic development, attracting a diverse population and putting strain on police resources. Due to the foresight of the police chief and recent complaints of biased policing by civilians, PD-3 decided to pilot a BWC program, and went live with full implementation in 2014. Each of PD-3s sworn officers is issued a BWC. Because the city lacks a formal IT department, it opted for cloud storage of its BWC data through a third-party vendor.
Recently, PD-3 also issued officers with smart phones that contain a vendor-supplied app,
62


which provides Bluetooth connectivity to the BWC. The app allows officers to view BWC footage in real time, and to tag and label videos before uploading them to the cloud.
Site PD-4
Site PD-4 (a pseudonym), is an early adopter of the BWC program, having served as a testbed for the leading vendor of BWC systems. With a large student population and an active bar scene in the downtown area, the department opted to provide BWCs for officers that patrol the downtown area due to frequent complaints of police violence against bar patrons. The department subsequently extended the program to other patrol units, with up to one-third of officers wearing BWCs. The department initially opted for an on-premises server storage system to save and maintain costs. However, exponential growth of data storage needs caused them to negotiate an unlimited cloud storage and management plan. PD-4 also issued officers with smartphones that contain a vendor-supplied app, which provides Bluetooth connectivity to the BWC. The app allows officers to view BWC footage in real time, and to tag and label videos before uploading them to the cloud.
Site PD-5
Site PD-5 (a pseudonym), is a mid-size police department with 45-55 sworn police officers assigned to six teams. Each team is supervised by a Sergeant, and all sergeants are supervised by Lieutenants. The mission of the department is to “become a model agency across the nation by providing the highest levels of customer service, building strong community relationships and trust with our citizens and regional partners; all while maintaining complete transparency” for 30,000 - 35,000 residents. The city sits astride a busy Interstate corridor and serve as a gateway to recreational sites along the front range and eastern plains of Colorado. While the location along the Interstate is an economic advantage,
63


it is also a source of many of the city’s crime-related issues. The decision to implement a BWC was made in 2014 by the department with the support of City Council. Each of PD-5s sworn officers is issued a BWC. Because of the anticipated high storage costs for BWC data, the department opted for a local server-based storage managed by the City’s IT department. Site PD-6
Site PD-6 (a pseudonym) serves an affluent suburban community of less than 14,000 residents. As the site of a large regional shopping center, it has a much larger daytime population exceeding 100,000, hence the proportionally higher number of officers per resident population. The department has 52 employees, of which 47 are sworn officers, whose mission is “to serve and protect our community with pride, integrity, and professionalism.” The motivation for implementing BWCs is internal and may have been influenced by the role of an influential Sergeant, who is a national trainer for a BWC vendor. The departments’ BWCs are Bluetooth-enabled and come with a vendor-supplied app that allows officers to view BWC footage in real time, and to tag and label videos before uploading them to the cloud-based DEMS.
Entry into the Field
Prior to entering the field and commencing data collection, I scheduled meetings with department chiefs and/or other senior officials. Before the meeting with each police department, I conducted detailed research about the department, its policies, approach to policing, the community, and community-police relations. This preparation made me adequately informed about each department, and gave me confidence to engage in a fruitful discussion with them. More importantly, it communicated to the department a deeper interest in their operations than my immediate interest in research. Materials for such research are
64


readily available on the websites of most departments. Based on the review, I prepared a well-articulated research brief that outlines the core benefits of the research tailored to each department. In the meetings, I made repeated mention of how the research will be conducted and emphasized that I will make every effort to minimize my footprints and impact on department operations. This is a crucial point, because police departments often lament about chronic understaffing of their patrol divisions. As such, they would rather every available personnel be deployed on patrol duty, than participate on a research project, no matter how important the project purports to be. My adequate preparation and patience paid off, since all of the contacted police departments agreed to participate in the research.
Case Selection
The case selection, though not based on random statistical sampling, was not merely opportunistic. Selection of multiple case sites followed a replication logic (Yin 2003). In particular, I used a literal replication logic to select cases that could corroborate each other (e.g. two similarly-sized university towns), and selected others that exhibited markedly different conditions (e.g., urban center vs sub-urban community) based on a theoretical replication logic. According to Eisenhardt and Graebner (2007, p.27), when the purpose of the research was to develop theory, “theoretical (not random or stratified) sampling is appropriate. Theoretical sampling simply means that cases are selected because they are particularly suitable for illuminating and extending relationships and logic among constructs.”
At each case site, I collected data through a triangulation of qualitative data collection methods: 1) semi-structured interviews, 2) ride-along to observe practice involving police-civilian interactions, and 3) documents and internal statistics provided by each department.
65


Data Collection—Semi-structured Interviews
Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with informants in all case sites. The questions and interview script were developed as part of a detailed research protocol, reviewed and officially approved by the University’s Institutional Review Board (IRB). Thus, the overall design and conduct of the research was assured to be in full compliance with IRB guidelines. Appendix I lists the interview questions. In order to test the efficacy of the interview script and practice interviewing techniques, I selected one of the case sites as a pilot. The selection of the pilot case site was based on readiness of the department to immediately engage with the research. The pilot was conducted in June 2016, and analysis of the data followed shortly thereafter. Eight officers, include the police chief, sergeants and patrol officers were interviewed. The analysis revealed the need to target certain questions based on the functional role of the informant. For example, responses from patrol officers regarding questions about the motivation for introducing the BWC program were invariably referred to the command staff. Similarly, responses to questions such as:
“What has been your experience with BWCs? ” “How often do you record while on patrol? ” “What was your initial reaction when asked to wear BWC? ” “How have BWCs change the way you think about your work and policing in general? ” etc., were referred to patrol officers. The pilot also helped to estimate the length of each interview as 30 <= t <= 60, where t is time in minutes. The interviews were audio-taped and subsequently transcribed for analysis. All the interviews were conducted in the police station where the officers work. Table 4.3 is a list of the informants for the interviews. To uphold confidentiality, informants’ names are not shown.
66


Table 4.3. List of Interview Participants/Informants
# Informant Rank Division Year Employed Interview Date Duration
1 Sergeant Internal Affairs 1990 6/7/16 46:10
2 Deputy Police Chief Command Staff 1986 6/24/16 53:30
3 Civilian Evidence/Admin Mgmnt 2005 6/24/16 30:09
4 Civilian Operations/IT Support 2010 6/24/16 62:20
5 Patrol Officer Patrol 2012 6/24/16 37:12
6 Patrol Officer Patrol 2002 7/1/16 36:29
7 Sergeant Patrol 2004 7/1/16 48:36
8 Patrol Officer Patrol 2013 7/1/16 24:50
9 Patrol Officer Patrol 2005 11/11/17 30:24
10 Patrol Officer Patrol 1998 11/15/17 23:47
11 Patrol Officer Patrol 2002 10/25/17 16:24
12 Patrol Officer Patrol 1987 10/25/17 29:02
13 Civilian Operations/IT Support 2005 10/25/17 18:12
14 Police Chief Command Staff 1980 6/1/16 33:43
15 Sergeant Patrol 2003 6/1/16 55:45
16 Patrol Officer Patrol 2004 6/1/16 25:55
17 Patrol Officer Patrol 2011 6/1/16 36:34
18 Sergeant Operations/IT Support 2000 6/1/16 39:39
19 Patrol Officer Patrol 1997 6/4/16 52:18
20 Patrol Officer Patrol 2015 6/4/16 39:14
21 Sergeant Patrol 1980 6/4/16 40:42
22 Patrol Officer Patrol 2009 5/1/16 44:07
23 Patrol Officer Patrol 2012 5/1/16 20:43
24 Patrol Officer Patrol 2013 5/1/16 22:45
25 Patrol Officer Patrol 2001 5/1/16 28:44
26 Lieutenant Patrol 2000 5/1/16 33:59
27 Sergeant Patrol 1988 5/1/16 34:42
28 Civilian Evidence/Admin Mgmnt 1992 10/18/16 43:43
67


Table 4.3 cont’d
29 Deputy Police Chief Command Staff 1994 6/9/16 36:58
30 Sergeant Patrol 2001 6/9/16 43:47
31 Civilian Operations/IT Support 2007 6/9/16 20:14
32 Patrol Officer Patrol 2006 6/9/16 51:53
33 Sergeant Patrol 2006 6/9/16 29:09
34 Patrol Officer Patrol 1999 6/9/16 28:06
35 Sergeant Internal Affairs 1999 6/14/16 35:34
36 Patrol Officer Patrol 2014 6/25/16 37:30
37 Sergeant Patrol 1991 6/26/16 46:43
38 Patrol Officer Patrol 2002 6/26/16 34:09
39 Patrol Officer Patrol 1999 6/26/16 37:06
40 Commander Command Staff 1990 6/14/16 38:57
41 Corporal Patrol 2006 9/17/17 12:15
42 Corporal Patrol 2000 10/13/17 17:16
43 Patrol Officer Patrol 2012 9/16/17 27:56
44 Patrol Officer Patrol 2002 10/5/16 49:45
45 Patrol Officer Patrol 2005 10/19/16 51:53
46 Patrol Officer Patrol 2014 10/5/16 36:28
47 Patrol Officer Patrol 2014 10/8/16 33:44
48 Patrol Officer Patrol 2001 10/19/16 40:35
49 Patrol Officer Patrol 2014 9/21/17 23:51
50 Sergeant Patrol 1988 10/19/16 1:07:25
51 Sergeant Patrol 1998 10/19/16 30:30
52 Sergeant Patrol 2000 10/6/16 39:31
53 Patrol Officer Patrol 2000 9/24/17 20:32
55 Patrol Officer Patrol 2013 10/15/17 40:49
55 Lieutenant Internal Affairs 1995 6/17/16 1:12:42
56 Lieutenant Command Staff 1991 10/23/17 37:06
57 Patrol Officer Patrol 1998 9/29/17 23:43


Table 4.3 cont’d
58 Patrol Officer Patrol 2014 10/23/17 21:23
59 Patrol Officer Patrol 2015 9/29/17 16:11
60 Corporal Patrol 2007 10/8/17 41:32
61 Patrol Officer Patrol 2013 9/30/17 37:12
62 Patrol Officer Patrol 2016 9/29/17 16:10
63 Corporal Patrol 1999 10/7/17 41:37
64 Patrol Officer Patrol 2016 9/29/17 21:55
65 Patrol Officer Patrol 2013 9/30/17 20:46
66 Patrol Officer Patrol 2007 9/29/17 20:07
67 Patrol Officer Patrol 2016 11/4/17 13:19
68 Sergeant Patrol 1997 10/23/17 33:51
69 Sergeant Operations/IT Support 1996 6/22/16 51:42
Social desirability bias is a main concern in face-to-face interviews. Through the pilot, I was able to modify the wording of some questions, tweaked the sequence to help respondents recall certain events, practiced probing to elicit detailed responses from interviewees, and rephrased questions to ensure the consistency of responses from interviewees.
Data Collection—Archival Documents
In addition to interviews, I collected policy and procedures documents from each case site or police department. The primary source for documents was the website of each police department. When not available, I made direct requests for hard or electronic copies through the responsible party in each department. The policy documents were used to find out what structural constraints or enablers exist, and whether implementation of the BWC program was faithful to the policy stipulations of the department. Review of BWC policies across sites
69


revealed the level of discretion allowed officers for actions such as turning the camera on and off, and granularity of categories for labelling and tagging videos, which eventually impacts BWC retention schedules. Appendix III lists the BWC policy of one of the case sites. The name of the department was redacted to uphold confidentiality.
Data Collection—Direct Observation
The third means of data collection for the study was by direct observation of the practice of police work. Although I had been granted permission to conduct interviews, the permission to ride in a police vehicle required further authorizations. Additionally, civilians are only permitted one ride per year. Because of my role as researcher, I requested and was granted permission to participate in multiple rides for the span of entire shifts. Appendix IV lists redacted authorization forms I signed in order to participate in the ride-along observations. Also, before participating in the ride-along observations, I sought and obtained approval to participate in the training provided to police officers on how to use BWCs in one case site. The training enabled me to understand and appreciate the operational details of BWC technology and develop the necessary skills to assess the use of the technology in the field.
In all, I participated in 14 ride-along observations in two police organizations. My role as observer was “Observer as participant.” That is, I (the researcher) was a known, overt observer from the beginning who had more limited or formal contact with members (Neuman 1994, p. 345). For each observation period, I rode-along with a designated police officer in a police cruiser for an entire shift, lasting eight to ten hours. The total number of rides was not determined a priori. It was based on reaching a saturation point, when no new practice situations were observed during an eight-hour shift. To ensure a variety of contacts and
70


observations, each ride-along was taken with a different police officer patrolling a different section of the jurisdiction. In addition, I arranged the rides so that I was able to cover different time periods, starting from 6:00 AM in a day shift, to 3:00 AM in the graveyard shift (a total coverage period of 21 hours, excluding overlaps). Table 4.4 lists the different shifts and rides I participated in.
Table 4.4. Ride-Along Dates and Shifts
Date of Patrol Shift Start Shift End Duration (hrs.)
09/16/17 2:00 PM 10:00 PM 8:00
09/17/17 12:00 PM 8:00 PM 8:00
09/21/17 1:00 PM 9:00 PM 8:00
09/24/17 6:00 AM 2:00 PM 8:00
09/28/17 1:30 PM 9:30 PM 8:00
09/30/17 5:00 PM 3:00 AM 10:00
10/07/17 6:00 AM 2:00 PM 8:00
10/08/17 12:00 PM 8:00 PM 8:00
10/13/17 2:00 PM 10:00 PM 8:00
10/15/17 7:00 AM 3:00 PM 8:00
10/23/17 2:00 PM 10:00 PM 8:00
10/25/17 3:00 PM 1:00 AM 10:00
11/04/17 6:00 AM 2:00 PM 8:00
11/11/17 6:00 AM 3:00 PM 9:00
Because of the legal nature of the police practice that I was observing and its vested powers of arrest and deployment of lethal force when necessary, I had no contact (formal or informal) with civilians during the exercise of police powers. However, I was present and visible during most, if not all, interactions. The location from where I observed the interactions, whether on scene or from the relative safety of the police cruiser depended on the nature of the contact, and on the advice of the ride-along police officer. In general, I observed traffic stops from the safety of the police cruiser until the officer deemed it safe for
me to be at the scene. For all other contacts, I was allowed to walk with the officer to the
71


scene. Winnowing down from six to two research sites to collect observational data reflected the difficult and intensive nature of direct observation to collect field data (Neuman 1994).
As Shaffir et at (1980, p.3; cited in Neuman 1994) observed: “Fieldwork must certainly rank with the more disagreeable activities that humanity has fashioned for itself. It is usually inconvenient, to say the least, sometimes physically uncomfortable, frequently embarrassing, and, to a degree, always tense” (p. 344).
The decision on which two sites to conduct ride-along observations was based on: a) obtaining permission from the police department to observe police work, b) theoretical interest, and c) possibility of observing a wide variety of police-civilian interactions. At the two sites I sought and received permission, I was able to observe police roll calls, including pre-dispatch briefings and interactions among police officers at the police department before heading out to patrol. Following that, I rode-along with a designated police officer assigned to a particular district and precinct and observed interactions between officers wearing BWCs and civilians. After every interaction, I administered a short questionnaire to the officer, to collect information on how certain decisions were made. For example, where and when the BWC was activated and why; how was the BWC recording tagged or categorized; whether a ticket or summon was issued and why; how the interaction/event was resolved, etc. Appendix IV shows a copy of the ride-along questionnaire. During each ride, I engaged in open-ended unstructured discussion with the officer to understand the nuances of police work and the practice of police patrol in particular. Data from this discussion was captured in my field notes. These discussions were instrumental in helping me clarify issues that I encountered during previous ride-along observations, augment my understanding of issues that emerged
72


during earlier interviews, and make connections and refine theoretical concepts between the interview and observational data.
Notwithstanding the stress and discomfort of field research, observational research was very fulfilling and rewarding. As Chatman and Flynn (2005, p. 436) noted, observation research has three main advantages over manipulation-based research: 1) providing natural proof that can validate assumptions about whether the phenomenon occurs in nature among actors who would be participating in the interaction, in the normal course of everyday life, 2) determining the relevance of the phenomenon to understand whether it matters, and 3) identifying the complexity of the construct by observing key variables in action and understand how they interact with one another. All three phenomena were manifested during the period of my ride-along observations. As I indicated above, being able to observe police practice and obtain answers about actions taken and decisions made contemporaneously, not only helped me resolve various conceptual and theoretical issues, it was also a personally fulfilling and enriching experience.
Rigor and Validity
Despite its powerful tools and techniques to provide description, and to build and test theory (Van Maanen 1979), qualitative research in general, and case studies in particular, have been prone to the charge of lacking in methodological rigor in terms of validity and reliability (Gibbert et al 2008, Shah and Corley 2006). To address this charge, researchers have developed several criteria to judge the rigor of qualitative research (Shah and Corley 2006).
Lincoln and Guba (1985) proposed four trustworthiness criteria—Credibility, Transferability, Dependability, and Confirmability—as alternative sets of criteria that are
73


equivalent to the traditional notions of Internal validity, External validity, Reliability, and Objectivity, respectively used in quantitative research. The following table, adapted from Lincoln and Guba (1985) describes how these criteria were addressed in this dissertation.
Table 4.5. Techniques for ensuring trustworthiness
Trustworthiness criteria Methods for meeting criteria How study meets criteria
Credibility (Internal validity) â–  Extended engagements in the field â–  Triangulation of data types â–  Peer debriefing; Member checks Two years of field contact and data collection, including interviews, direct observation, and archival documents
Transferability (External validity) â–  Detailed (thick) description of: o Concepts and categories in the grounded theory o Structures and processes related to processes revealed in the data Closely followed recommendations by Strauss and Corbin (1990) and Charmaz (2006) for analysis and write up of cases
Dependability (Reliability) ■ Purposive and theoretical sampling ■ Informant’s confidentiality protected ■ Inquiry audit of data collection, management, and analysis process ■ Carefully selected case sites to meet both literal and theoretical replication criteria. ■ Strictly adhered to research protocol on confidentiality based on Institutional Review Board (IRB) standards
Confirmability (Objectivity) â–  Explicit separation of 1st and 2nd order findings â–  Meticulous data management and recording: â–  Verbatim transcription of interviews â–  Careful notes of observations â–  Clear notes on theoretical and methodological decisions â–  Accurate records of contacts and interviews â–  Maintain meticulous notes and database of data collection and management processes and protocols â–  Closely followed recommendations by Strauss and Corbin (1990) and Charmaz (2006) for analysis and write up of cases â–  Interviews were transcribed verbatim by a professional transcription service
Adapted from Lincoln and Guba (1985)
Ensurins Credibility:
The issue of credibility is a concern in qualitative research, including grounded
theory. As a best practice for ensuring the credibility of grounded theory research, Goulding (2002, p. 151) suggested that:
74


“When establishing the credibility of analysis, the tradition of investigator-as-expert is reversed. This process is called ‘member checking’ and is an invited assessment of the investigators meaning. Informants can be invited to assess whether the early analyses are an accurate reflection of their conversations.”
This is the advice followed in this research. After my initial data collection and analysis in May 2016,1 submitted a paper to the Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences (HICSS) based on my preliminary findings and presented the paper on January 6, 2017. In addition, I have held three meetings with command officers and staff in two of my case sites in which I discussed preliminary findings and obtained feedback from informants. The first two meetings were held on March 15 and March 28, 2017. After a second wave of data collection, I again met with the command staff and officers in one case site on October 11, 2017. Again, I discussed preliminary findings, initial conceptual ideas, and sought feedback from my informants. Also, I used the occasion of my ride-along observations, completed between September and November 2017 to discuss preliminary findings with officers. It is after considering the feedback of the command staff and officers regarding my preliminary analysis that I proceeded to complete my analysis in NVivo in January 2018. Additionally, I have provided transcripts from my initial data collection to members of my research committee. These transcripts could also be used for ‘member checks.’ Given the steps I have taken, I am confident that the conduct of my research and the results obtain therefrom meet generally accepted criteria for credibility, rigor, and validity.
In the next chapter, I present a detailed discussion of the analysis and results of the research.
75


CHAPTER V
ANALYSIS AND RESULTS
The research goal for this dissertation is to develop theoretical concepts on police use of BWC technology, and answer two research questions about the relationship between officers and BWC technology. To answer these questions, a grounded theory (GT) approach (Strauss and Corbin 1990) was used to inform the conduct of the research as well as the analysis of data obtained from the research. According to Charmaz (2006, p. 2), “grounded theory methods consist of systematic, yet flexible guidelines for collecting and analyzing qualitative data to construct theories ‘grounded’ in the data themselves.” A grounded theory is inductively derived in that “one does not begin with a theory, then prove it. Rather, one begins with an area of study and what is relevant to that area is allowed to emerge” (Strauss and Corbin 1990, p. 23). When applied properly, grounded theory can aid in the creation of new and illuminating theoretical concepts (Shah and Corley 2006). For Strauss and Corbin (1990), the defining components of grounded theory practice include:
â–  Simultaneous involvement in data collection and analysis
â–  Constructing analytic codes and categories from data, not from preconceived logically deduced hypotheses
â–  Using the constant comparative method, which involves making comparisons during each stage of the analysis
â–  Advancing theory development during each step of data collection and analysis
â–  Memo-writing to elaborate categories, specify their properties, define relationships between categories, and identify gaps
â–  Sampling aimed toward theory construction, not for population representativeness
â–  Conducting the literature review after developing an independent analysis.
The last point demands clarification as there are several schools of thought as to what it
exactly means. For example, Thornberg (2012) made the contention that: “The dictum of not
reading literature in the substantive area until the end of the analysis in classic GT [grounded
76


theory], ... makes it impossible for researchers to conduct studies in their own areas of
expertise which appears odd and counter-intuitive” (p.244). Shah and Corley (2006)
cautioned that rejection of a priori theorizing,
does not mean that researchers should enter the field lacking an understanding of the literature or the theoretical question to be addressed. It does mean that researchers should not allow preconceived constructs and hypotheses to guide data collection... To put it bluntly, grounded theory is not an excuse to ignore the literature (p. 1827).
It is in line with the views expressed above that this thesis started with a literature review and theoretical discussion in Chapter 2. Although it is a primarily qualitative research method, grounded theory subscribes to a neutral research paradigm, which makes it suitable for use with other research paradigms (Urquhart et al 2010, p.361).
Using Grounded Theory
The main justification for using GT in this study has to do with the novelty of the phenomenon under study and the need to develop theoretical concepts based on a detailed understanding of the context of the phenomenon, and a triangulation of data collection methods. GT is broadly used in Information Systems (IS) research. Wiesche et al. (2017) reviewed 43 GT-based articles published in major IS and related journals and concluded that the Straussian approach (Strauss and Corbin 1990), which is the GT method used in this research, is the most widely used in IS, accounting for 35 of 43 (81%) articles reviewed. Goulding (2002, p. 158) also indicated that: “In the management literature, the most common approach adopted is the Strauss and Corbin version.” Furthermore, (Wiesche et al. 2017) reported that GT-based articles that focused on theory development like this study, were the most widely cited in the literature, with “26.3 citations per year compared with 13.3 citations per year for non-GTM benchmark articles” (p. 694).
77


In the context of this thesis, the sociomaterial relationship of interest is that between a police officer (wearer) and a body-worn camera (wearable). In the departments that I studied, the patrol officer (qua officer) is required to wear a BWC and is mandated to activate its use for most of the interactions that constitute daily patrol practice. Hence the unit of analysis of this study is the practice of police work that unfolds during the interaction of an officer-civilian contact. In the normal practice of police work, a typical shift lasts from eight to 12 hours. During that time between five and 12 of these practices are instantiated. As detailed in the methodology chapter, I used two main methods to access the performances of these practices: one is an “after the fact” probing of police officers to relate these practices to me from their own perspectives, and the other is by directly observing the doing of these practices as an observer-participant.
Analytical Approach
The analyses proceeded as follows: First, interview data were analyzed, followed by observation data, and then both analyses converged into mutually reinforcing emergent findings of the sociomaterial phenomena under study. The analyses were grounded in an inductive approach to build theory that highlights the performativity of a police officer wearing a BWC (a sociomaterial relationship). Specifically, I followed the guidelines and coding paradigm recommended by Strauss and Corbin (1990). This was done not in a mechanistic way to forcibly squeeze conceptual juices out of the data, but to provide a transparent and consistent basis for evaluating the conduct of the research, and for appraising the value of its contents and findings.
78


Analysis of Interview Data
The analysis started during fieldwork after the first set of interviews were conducted in one field site. Billed as a pilot study, I used the review and summary of the interviews to direct attention to specific areas of interest that highlighted material-discursive practices, performative doings and emerging themes and concepts around the central phenomenon of police practice—the officer-civilian interaction or encounter.
Notwithstanding the iterative nature of the analysis, the general conduct consisted of three main coding phases—open, axial, and selective coding—interlaced with theoretical questioning “to open up the data: think of potential categories, their properties and dimensions” (Strauss and Corbin 1990, p. 77).
Table 5.1. Data Analysis Framework Using NVivo 11 Pro
NVivo Term Definition Project Equivalent
Sources Research materials including documents, PDFs, datasets, audio, video, pictures, memos and framework matrices Informant interviews
Node Containers for your coding that represent themes, topics or other concepts—they let you gather related material in one place so that you can look for emerging patterns and ideas. Text segments or paragraphs organized by a named category or theme
Case Containers for your coding that represent your ‘units of observation’—for example, people, places, organizations or artifacts Interviewee
Coding Process of gathering material by topic, theme or case Text segments or paragraphs from interview responses
Classification Information about cases—for example, demographic data about people. Attributes of interviewees
Source: NVivo 11 Pro for Windows - Getting Started Guide; Author Analysis
To facilitate the coding and analytical process, NVivo 11 Pro for Windows was used. Developed by QSR, NVivo is a software tool for storing and organizing, categorizing and
79


analyzing, and visualizing and discovering concepts and themes in qualitative data.23 The following table depicts the data analysis framework I employed within NVivo to carry out the analysis.
Characteristics of Informants
During the course of this research, I interviewed 75 informants in six police departments in Colorado. However, the interview files for six of the informants were corrupted, rendering them unusable. Thus, the interviews of 69 informants were transcribed and coded. The characteristics of interview participants or informants are analyzed separately from the characteristics of the ride-along informants. The informants are predominantly male, comprising 81% compared to 19% female.
Figure 5.1. Demographic Characteristics of Informants,
(N = 69)
23 More information on NVivo can be accessed at: http://www.qsrintemational.coin/nvivo/what-is-nvivo.
80


The informants represent all the major ranks in the hierarchy of a typical police organizations: six percent are commander or above, four percent are lieutenants, six percent are corporals, 55 percent are patrol officers, and seven percent are civilians24.
55%
Figure 5.2. Job Rank/Title of Informants, (N = 69)
In terms of role or function, a majority of the informants (78%) are assigned patrol duties, seven percent are in command or decision-making roles, four percent are in professional standards/Internal affairs bureaus, and ten percent are in IT or evidence support functions.
24 The percentages for this and other charts that follow may not add up to 100 due to rounding.
81


Overall, the 69 informants share 936 years of experience in various roles in police organizations, with a minimum of one year, a maximum of 36 years and an average of 14 years of experience. As expected, on average years of service closely match the rank of officers interviewed.
29
Patrol Officer Corporal Sergeant Lieutemant Command Civilian
Figure 5.4. Average Years of Service by Rank, (N = 69)
82


Coding Steps
Nearly 40 hours of interviews were recorded and transcribed into 893 pages of documents in Microsoft Word. The transcripts were imported into NVivo 11 Pro for the coding and analysis process. In GT, the general process of analyzing data is known as coding, and there are three major types—open coding, axial coding, and selective coding (Strauss and Corbin 1990, p. 58). Open coding is the process of breaking down the data into distinct units of meaning, examining it, comparing, and categorizing it (Strauss and Corbin 1990, p. 61; Goulding 2002, p. 170). Open coding of the transcribed interviews was conducted by doing a line-by-line review of interview transcripts within NVivo. The main focus of open coding was to identify initial concepts from distinct events represented in the data by key words, phrases or sentences. This involved using labels to attach meaning to statements or text segments of data (Goulding 2002, Charmaz 2006). The labelled statements or text segments were grouped into codes to represent similar or different views. A single statement or text segment may contain more than one code (Strauss and Corbin 1990). An important feature in this step is the constant comparison of code segments to determine how they fit in the overall scheme of things. In the context of this research, asking questions such as: Who wears BWCs; Why; Where do they wear it; How do they wear it, for how long; When do they turn it on; How does it feel, helped in developing initial concepts and labels for grouping the codes. While all the interviews were transcribed, 35 were used in the coding analysis. Since coding proceeded from the earliest to the latest interviews, detailed coding became less and less necessary as the conceptual categories emerged and gelled around key concepts (Strauss and Corbin 1990, p. 30), resulting in saturation of codes. Further attempts to code newer transcripts generated no new concepts, and the decision was made to suspend
83


open coding. As text segments are highlighted and labelled, NVivo uses the labels as nodes, which act as storage containers for coded text (Hutchinson et al. 2010, NVivo 11 Pro for Windows). In all 48 initial codes were created, comprising of 1,400 references or text segments. Figure 5.6 shows the codes created in NVivo.
IS / I HOME CREATE BWC_I nterviews_Ce DATA ANALYZE QUERY >din | rt C g.nvp - NVivo Pro XPLQRE LAYOUT VIEW D i E c- X
New Run New Run ReportT Report Extract Extract Reports At* A* 1 lL Mind Project Concept Cha Map Map Map T Maps ■s ■s: Hierarchy ChartT harts £ o * Cluster Comparison Explore Classification AnalysisT Diagram*• Diagram Sheets'*1 Diagrams A
Nodes Q Nodes Look for • Search In T Nodes □ Find Now Clear Ad
Nodes
Q Cases @ Relationships Name (^) Anecdotes-Hunches a Sources 16 Reference 22 Created 1/22/201 Created B A Modified On 2/17/201811: Modified B A -
Node Matrices ( ) Apprehensions about BWC 11 18 1/22/201 A 2/17/2018 11: A
2) Attitude toward BWC - Cur 16 23 1/27/201 A 2/17/2018 9:5 A
Attitude towards BWC 21 33 1/25/201 A 2/17/201811: A
2) Attitudes to Change 5 8 1/22/201 A 1/28/2018 12: AS
([]) Awareness of presence of c 22 40 1/25/201 A 2/17/2018 10: A
£) BWC Training 1 2 1/25/201 A 1/29/2018 8:3 AS
O Call Types 3 4 1/25/201 A 2/12/2018 7:2 A
2) Collaboration with DAs offi 11 14 1/25/201 A 2/17/201811: A
Complaint Resolution 17 28 1/22/201 A 2/17/2018 12: A
Q Divisional Impacts 28 32 1/22/201 A 2/17/201812: A
Q Example-Evidentiary Value 12 20 1/22/201 A 2/17/2018 10: A
(^) Goal Attainment 33 40 1/22/201 A 2/17/201812: A
( } Goal Measurement 22 32 1/22/201 A 2/17/2018 12: A
2) Hindsight is 2020 1 3 1/25/201 A 1/27/2018 11: A
Q Impact on policing - thinki 25 36 1/27/201 A 2/17/201812: A
(^) Impacts on police work 18 43 1/25/201 A 2/17/2018 12: A
([]) Implementation Process - 11 24 1/22/201 A 2/17/2018 11: A
2) Influencer of Decision to 1 15 19 1/28/201 AS 2/17/2018 12: A
2) Job Description 33 40 1/27/201 A 2/17/201812: A
(2) Job Experience 33 53 1/27/201 A 2/17/201812: A
2) Management of Video Rec 33 102 1/22/201 A 2/17/2018 12: A
bid Sources Q Motivation for Implementa 26 49 1/22/201 A 2/17/201812: A
Nodes j~^| Classifications 2) Must Have Before Impleme 23 31 1/22/201 A 2/17/2018 12: A
Q Operability of Camera 16 29 1/22/201 A 2/11/201810: A
( ) Police-Community Relation 21 55 1/22/201 A 2/17/2018 12: A
Collections 2) Program Goal 30 49 1/22/201 A 2/17/201812: A
^ Queries Q Program Management 7 20 1/22/201 A 2/17/201812: A
2) Random review of videos 10 12 1/25/201 A 2/17/2018 12: A
Reports ([]) Reaction to Wearing Came 28 57 1/22/201 A 2/17/2018 12: A
Maps ( D Recording frequency 15 20 1/25/201 A 2/17/2018 8:2 A
2) Self Assessment 4 5 1/27/201 A 2/17/2018 8:4 A
Folders Q Sharing of Video 2 6 1/22/201 A 2/11/20181:0 AS â– 
■ "3 ii ta ©
Figure 5.6. NVivo Screen with List of Codes and Color Stripes
84


As the codes were created, the coding stripes feature was turned on to facilitate the grouping of codes based on the initial grouping developed with the interview script (see
Appendix I). The following coding scheme was used to initially group the nodes in NVivo.
Table 5.2. Color Coding Scheme of Nodes
Interview Group of Questions Color
Introduction/Job Description and Experience Pink
Antecedents and Motivation Blue
Practice Related to Persons* Red
Practice Related to Technology Orange
Community Relationship Green
Technology Infrastructure Yellow
Program Goals/Management Purple
*Practice was initially a single category but was later split to account for how it relates to humans and to technology
The next step of the coding process is axial coding, which is “a set of procedures whereby data are put back together in new ways after open coding by making connections between categories” (Strauss and Corbin 1990, p.96). In axial coding, the open coded categories were iteratively aggregated to form intermediate concepts abstracted from the data. During this phase, it was necessary to draw on previous theoretical foundations on technology implementation to help refine emerging concepts. For example, the literature on institutional isomorphism (DiMaggio and Powell 1983) was useful in categorizing the codes reflecting the motivation and goals for implementing the BWC program. Three isomorphic forces (coercive, mimetic, normative) (DiMaggio and Powell 1983) provided anchors for the views expressed by informants regarding how and why BWCs became part of police practice in their organization. These views, in turn, were related to how certain practices evolved. For example, coercive forces guided the rushed implementation of BWCs in one organization,
85


and the repercussions from that implementation were reflected in the quality of equipment purchased, and the training provided to users or wearers of the BWCs. Consequently, these wearers became more circumspect in their relations with BWCs. In another instance, where the implementation was mimetic, the mimicking organization simply copied the BWC policy of the mimicked organization. Additionally, the literature on situated practice (Orlikowski 1996, 2000; Boudreau and Robey 2005) was useful in consolidating categories reflecting how informants viewed their work before and after the implementation of BWCs. For example, is the practice characterized by inertia, wherein wearers resisted the BWC, or do they seek accommodation in how they relate to the BWC in practice. While these issues are separately captured in code segments during open coding, relationships among them are drawn out and examined during axial coding. Initial codes that express similar concepts or show relationships are combined into higher order categories during axial coding. Although it may seem like the process of open and axial coding are distinct procedures, in practice they are not. As Table 5.2 shows, during open coding, I was also constantly comparing coding segments, and grouping them using coding strips. In all, five conceptual categories emerged during axial coding. These include organizational goals and motivation, technology features and use, police practice, community/third-party relations, and officers’ relation with the technology. During the process of axial coding and throughout the coding and analysis, the underlying data (code segments of interviews) remain attached to the initial codes. As figure 5.7 illustrates, at any point during the analysis there is a direct path to trace the axial codes back to the open codes and the individual code segments and vice versa.
86


Full Text

PAGE 1

WEARING THE BADGE AN D THE CAMERA: A SOCIOMATERIAL PERS PECTIVE ON POLICE US E OF BODY WORN CAMER AS by ABDUL SESAY B.Arch., Tsinghua University, 1993 M.Arch., Tsinghua University, 1995 MCP., University of Cincinnati, 1997 M . S., University of Colorado D enver, 2001 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Computer Science and Information Systems Program 2018

PAGE 2

ii © 201 8 ABDUL SESAY ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

PAGE 3

iii This thesis for the Doctor of Philosophy degree by Abdul Sesay has been approved for the Computer Science and Information Systems Program by On Ook Oh, Chair Ronald V. Ramirez, Advisor Keith Guzik Ilkyeun R a Date: May 12 , 201 8

PAGE 4

iv Sesay, Abdul (Ph.D., Computer Science and Information Systems Program) Wearing the Badge and the Camera: A Sociomaterial Perspective on Police Use of Body Worn Cameras Thesis directed by Associate Professor Ronald V. Ramirez ABSTRAC T Over the past decade, wearable technology has proliferated and pervaded many facets of human endeavor, thanks to the digitalization and miniaturization of computer and communication devices, and their integration into everyday artifacts and activities. F rom fitness bands that encourage physical activity for a healthy lifestyle, to medical patches that track ingestion of life saving drugs, to augmented reality glasses that download reams of information to the pupil of our eyes, and to wearable cameras that provide raw, unfiltered, and objective audio visual information from a first person perspective, wearable technology has become the go to elixir for many contemporary challenges and opportunities. Wearable technology increasingly operates to blur the boun daries between human and non human performativity, ushering non trivial improvements in specific tasks and performance outcomes. Fundamentally, wearable technology affords digitally mediated experiences of everyday actions and outcomes. This thesis docume nts and reports results from an empirical investigation of the use of a new wearable technology by police officers in six police organizations. The substantive focus is to find out wh at phenomena are constitutive of the use of a wearable digital technology (Body Worn Camera ) by police officers in the performance of an organizational function or practice (police patrol) ; and to further elaborate the process of entanglement of the social and material agencies of these phenomena .

PAGE 5

v Informed by a grounded theory approach, the data are obtained over a two year period, from dozens of interviews with police officers at various strata of the organization, and civilians who manage related data and technology artifacts. The interviews are complemented with 1 17 hours of direct observation of police work involving the use of BWCs, and policy documents and manuals related to their implementation. The analysis identifies three phenomena wearability , situationality , and contextuality as constitutive of the relationship betw een a wearer and a wearable technology; and co functioning as the process of entanglement of the wearer wearable relationship. Together, the phenomena and entanglement process form the building blocks of a performative model to explicate the sociomaterial entanglements of the wearer wearable relationship. The research also developed a comprehensive definition of wearables, and a generalizable classification system, encompassing three domains of wearable technology is provided. The form and content of this abstract are approved. I recommend its publication. Approved: Ronald V. Ramirez

PAGE 6

vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Everything is difficult in middle age. Your body starts complaining with inexplicable aches and scratches. Your brain gets porous and retai n s less th an you are accustomed to. Ami d all this, you persevere , n ot only by your own grace, grit and grind , b ut also by the sacrifice of countless others. Mo st especially, the ones you love so dearly, and whose precious time you have lost in missed sports activiti es, school meetings, performances, and film nights . When I started my PhD journey almost six years ago, my youngest child, Sekou was six, Saran, the middle child was 10, and Abi, the eldest was 14. Like Alice in Wonderland, they kep t growing, getting bigge r, getting older, and hope fully , also getting wiser. Together, with their mother, my wife Diefadima, they gave me the space that I needed even dream of . They are the rock of all the success es I have enjoyed, and the shoulders I lean on to carry me through. I am very happy to have the opportunity to thank you all. You are simply the best! I have been blessed with an engaging and energetic thesis committee. Ronald Ramirez, On Ook Oh, Keith Guzik, and Ilkyeun Ra, ar e rock stars in their own right, and amongst the finest scholar s you can work with. Thank you for taking me under your wings and insisting on nothing but the best. I must single out my advisor, Ronald Ramirez, for his unwavering support, encouragement, and steady hands in guiding me throughout this journey. Ron opened doors and let me tap into his network. I look forward to a lifetime of close friendship and collaboration. I broached a hot topic and asked incisive and sometimes inquisitive questions of str angers . Through it all, the fine men and women of six police departments in Colorado, opened their work environment and let me in. Th ey showed me what they do, how they do it,

PAGE 7

vii and why they do it with a new technology that many did not care for at first. I am grateful for your candor, thankful for your protection during some of the scary moments in my ride along observations with you. I wish I could name you, but you chose to remain nameless. Nothing that I wrote in this thesis could have stood any test with out the data and insights you freely shared with me. I am forever grateful to all of you. Thank You! Special thanks to our department head, Jahangir Karimi, for your support and encourangement over the years. Cliff Young, for supporting my research and fa cilitating my conference travels , and Linda Booker, for my course registrations . Thank you also, Michael Mannino for instilling the love of data in me many years ago in the MIS program. And to Jiban Khuntia, our fearless PhD program director, for the fun a nd camaraderie during conferences. Over the years, I have relied on the adminstrative staff for a lot of things. Terri Vasquez and Linda Theus Lee have been there for my every call. Thank you most sincerely for you r kindness. And for my colleagues and c lassmates, of course. We shall always be working together. Thank you everyone, for letting me go off script, sometimes. A life of work and friendship awaits us. I look forward to meeting you all again . This dissertation research is partially supported b y the National Science Foundation under Grant No.1656239. Permission to interview human subjects was sought and granted by the IRB under protocol number: 15 2426.

PAGE 8

TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 1 M OTIVATION : T HE R ISE OF W EARABLES IN O RGANIZATIONS ................................ ................ 3 Research Questions ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 9 Summary of the Findings ................................ ................................ ................................ 11 Overview of the Thesis ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 13 I I. LITERATURE REVIEW ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 15 D EFINING W EARABLE T ECHNOLOGY ................................ ................................ ................... 15 What Makes Technology/Computers Wearabl e ................................ ............................. 17 Mobility: ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 17 Context Sensitivity: ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 19 Augmentation: ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 20 T ECHNOLOGY C ONTEXT : B ODY W ORN C AMERAS ................................ .............................. 21 Basic BWC Operations ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 23 T HEO RETICAL F OUNDATION ................................ ................................ ................................ 27 Sociomateriality ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 29 Conceptual Framework and Research Questions ................................ ........................... 32 III. RESEARCH CONTEXT ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 36 W HAT W E K NOW ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 39 W HAT W E D ON T Y ET K NOW ................................ ................................ ............................. 41

PAGE 9

ix Wearing the Badge and the Camera ................................ ................................ ................ 43 Sociomaterial Entanglement of Police BWC Technology ................................ ............. 47 A PPLYING T HEORY TO THE C ONTEXT OF P OLICE P RACTICE ................................ ................ 50 Types of Calls ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 52 IV. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ................................ ................................ ..................... 55 R ESEARCH D ESIGN AND M ETHODOLOGY ................................ ................................ ............. 55 Q UALITATIVE C ASE S TUDY ................................ ................................ ................................ . 58 Case Site Selection and Approach ................................ ................................ .................. 59 Site PD 1 ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 60 Site PD 2 ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 61 Site PD 3 ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 62 Site PD 4 ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 63 Site PD 5 ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 63 Site PD 6 ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 64 Entry into the Field ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 64 Case Selection ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 65 Data Collection Semi structured Interviews ................................ ............................ 66 Data Collection Archival Documents ................................ ................................ ...... 69 Data Collection Direct Observation ................................ ................................ ......... 70 Rigor and Validity ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 73 Ensuring Credibility: ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 74 V. ANALYSIS AND RESULTS ................................ ................................ ............................ 76 U SING G RO UNDED T HEORY ................................ ................................ ................................ . 77

PAGE 10

x A NALYTICAL A PPROACH ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 78 Analysis of Interview Data ................................ ................................ ............................. 79 Characteristics of Informants ................................ ................................ ...................... 80 Coding Steps ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 83 Analysis of Observation Data ................................ ................................ ......................... 91 Activation of BWCs ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 95 R ESULTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .............................. 96 Wearability (Don and Doff) in Police Practice ................................ .............................. 99 Performing Wearibility (Don and Doff) ................................ ................................ ... 104 Situationality (Situation Tending) in Police Practice ................................ ................... 106 Performing Situation Tending ................................ ................................ .................. 110 Policy Minding in Police Practice ................................ ................................ ................ 115 Performing Policy Minding ................................ ................................ ...................... 118 Police BWC Entanglement in Practice ................................ ................................ ......... 124 VI. DISCUSSION AND CONCL USION ................................ ................................ ............ 137 R ESEA RCH C ONTRIBUTIONS ................................ ................................ ............................... 140 Implications for Theory ................................ ................................ ................................ 141 Implications for Practice ................................ ................................ ............................... 146 Future Research Opportunities ................................ ................................ ..................... 149 Limitations of the Study ................................ ................................ ................................ 152 BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 154

PAGE 11

xi APPENDIX A. INTERVIEW QUESTIONS ................................ ................................ ............................ 169 B. RIDE ALONG OBSERVATI ON FORM ................................ ................................ ........ 172 C . SAMPLE BWC POLICY ................................ ................................ ................................ . 173 D. RIDE ALONG AUTHORIZA TION FORMS ................................ ................................ . 182 E. HISTORY OF WEARABLE COMPUTING ................................ ................................ ... 184 F. ELABORATING THE DEFI NITION OF WEARABLES ................................ .............. 189 G. SUMMARY OF SELECT ST UDIES ON WEARABLES ................................ ............. 203 H. AGENTIAL AND CRITIC AL REALIST SOCIOMATE RIALITY ............................... 205

PAGE 12

xii LIST OF TABL ES TABLE 1.1. Studies on Wearables in IS and Related Journals ................................ .............................. 8 3.1. Examples of Sociomaterial Practice in Police Body Worn Cameras .............................. 49 4.1. Sociomaterialist Perspective of Research ................................ ................................ ........ 56 4.2. Case Study Sites ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 6 0 4.3. List of Interview Participants/Informants ................................ ................................ ........ 67 4.4. Ride Along Dates and Shifts ................................ ................................ ........................... 71 4. 5. Techniques for ensuring trustworthiness ................................ ................................ ......... 74 5.1. Data Analysis Framework Using NVivo 11 Pro ................................ .............................. 79 5.2. Color Coding Scheme of Nodes ................................ ................................ ...................... 85 5.3. Dimensions of Axial Coding ................................ ................................ ........................... 89 5.4. Categories Resultin g from Axial Coding ................................ ................................ ......... 90 5.5. Ride along Observation Shifts and Duration ................................ ................................ ... 93 5.6. Core Categories and Exemplar Quotes ................................ ................................ ............ 96 5.7. Causal Mechanisms of Person Environment Correspondence ................................ ...... 107 6.1. Changes and Impacts of BWC Program ................................ ................................ ........ 149

PAGE 13

xiii L IST OF FIGUR ES FIGURE 2.1. Components of the Axon Flex BWC ................................ ................................ ............... 22 2.2. Axon Body Camera 2 Front View and Top View ................................ ........................... 23 2.3. BWC Ecosystem ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 24 2.4. Axon Flex BWC Operations ................................ ................................ ............................ 25 2.5. Sma rt Phone Viewer and Video Tagging ................................ ................................ ........ 26 2.6. BWC Evidence Transfer Manager and Docking Station ................................ ................. 27 2. 7 . Conceptual Framework ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 32 3.1. Officer with Collar Mounted BWC ................................ ................................ ................. 43 3.2. Officer with Chest Mounted BWC ................................ ................................ .................. 44 3.3. Police Cruiser with Mobile Data Terminal ................................ ................................ ...... 45 3.4. Bathroom Reminder for BWC ................................ ................................ ......................... 46 3.5. Steps in the Practice of Poli ce Patrol ................................ ................................ ............... 53 3.6. Decision Making Model of a Typical Police Officer ................................ ....................... 54 4.1. Case Sites and Informants ................................ ................................ ................................ 57 5.1. Demographic Characteristics of Informants ................................ ................................ .... 80 5.2. Job Rank/Title of Informants ................................ ................................ ........................... 81 5.3. Distribution of Roles among Informants ................................ ................................ ......... 82 5.4. Average Years of Service by Rank ................................ ................................ .................. 82 5.6. NVivo Screen with List of Codes and Color Strip e s ................................ ....................... 84 5.7. Coding Procedures and Data Structure ................................ ................................ ............ 87 5.8. Coding Segments of a Coding Category or Node ................................ ............................ 88

PAGE 14

xiv 5.9. Ride Along Observations Database ................................ ................................ ................. 92 5.10. Duration of Police Civilian Contacts ................................ ................................ ............. 94 5.11. Type of Calls ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 94 5.12. Location of Police Civilian Contacts ................................ ................................ ............. 95 5.13. Coded Responses on Age Related Use of BWCs ................................ .......................... 99 5.14. Dress Code of a Professional Police officer ................................ ................................ 102 5.15. Increase in the Amount of Equipment Carried by Patrol Officers ............................... 103 5.16. Code Segments Identifying Program Goals ................................ ................................ . 125 5.17. Code Segments Identifying Goal Attainment ................................ .............................. 126 5.18. Code Segments Identifying Impacts on Police Work ................................ .................. 128 5.19. Code Segments Identifying Impacts on Policing Thinking vs. Work ...................... 130 5.20. Performative Model of Constitutive Wearer Wearable Relationship .......................... 134 6.1. Summary Research and Analysis Design ................................ ................................ ...... 138

PAGE 15

1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Wearables are generally recognized as a class of digitally enhanced technology devices (e.g., glasses, watches, shoes, bands, clothes, cameras, etc.) that can be worn on the human body (Robson et a l. 2016). This includes body worn computing devices that are integrated with electronic components, such as watches and wristbands , and smart clothing or textiles that are interwoven with sensing devices (Baber 2001, Page 2015 ) . T he last decade ha s witness ed a proliferation of we a rable technolog y devices , with 2014 heralded as the Technology Forbes 2013 ) . T he International Data Corporation (IDC) estimated that over 125 million devices w ere s hipped in 2017 , markin g a 20.4% annual increase . IDC also forecas ted that in the next five years, the wearables technology market will grow at a compounded annual growth rate of 18.2%, resulting in nearly doubling the number of devices shipped to 240 million in 2021. While this growth is representative of the general consumer market for wearables, companies with niche products and applications have fared even better. For example, Axon (formerly Taser International), a company specializing in wearable technology for law enforcement, recorded an annual re venue growth rate of 26% from 2016 to 2017. The growth in the number and diversity of wearable technology devices has generated awareness and interest among the public , and stimulated research and development of several applications, especially in medica l care, sports and fitness, security and surveillance, big data, and quantified self. Wearables are also projected to play a central role in the ( Cirani and Picone 2015). They have the potential to mediate how people interact with so

PAGE 16

2 called smart objects tiny devices equipped with a microcontroller, wired or wireless communication interface, power supply, sensors and actuators that are used to interface with the sur rounding environment using voice, gestures, or touch controls (Cirani and Picone 2015). Little wonder that m ajor technology companies have jum ped on the wearables band wagon, with Xiaomi, Apple, Fitbit, Samsung and Garmin, accounting for more than half of the market share of wearables in the first half of 2017 (IDC Wearable Quarterly Device Tracker, June 5, 2017). The re is also a strong business case for wearables to be used in organizations . W earables can be leveraged to eliminate managerial risk, elevate the performance of the wearer (employee), extend the competencies and capabilities of employees , and enrich and expand the user experience (Robson et al. 2016, p.173) . In addition to internally focused employee and workplace benefits, wearable applications can be applied externally for activities , such as direct marketing and consumer advertising. Consumer and media companies, for example, could embrace wearable technologies as an inclusive channel for existing advertising based revenue business models. For example, Google is positioning Android as the preferred OS and platform for wearable technology applications to supplement dwindling cost per click advertising revenue that was based on a desk/laptop computer model (MarketLine 2014). I n the context of Cus tomer Relationship Management (CRM) , Bhat et al. (2014, p. 1) observed CRM systems, organizations across industries can have real time access to account data, engage more effectively with customers, systemat ically identify opportunities for cross selling and up selling, and enrich customer relationships at every encounter . Smart Glass, Smart Watch, and Wrist Keyboard are identified as the top three wearable

PAGE 17

3 devices with the highest impact on CR M, through collection of market intelligence, discovery of purchase intent, message relevance, loyalty programs, incentives, rewards, etc. (Bhat et al. 2014). Marketers can leverage context aware features of wearables to target specific customers for direc t marketing thro ervice providers could leverage the ubiquitous connectivity of wearables to improve customer service relationships by proactively and expeditiously responding to customer demands and complaints before, during, and after service requests. Motivation: The Rise of Wearables in Organizations While the current growth in wearable technology is driven mainly by hardware shipments for the individual consumer market (MarketLine 2014), sustained growth into the f from the way the hardware IDC 2017 (no page number)). It is in this evolution of wearables from stand alone hardware devices to a connected ecosystem of devices, applications, and analytics, that their use in businesses and organizations will find greater acceptance . Salesforce, a leading vendor or CRM software, has developed a toolkit to allow users of smartwatches like the Apple Watch, Android Wear, and Samsung Gear 2 to connect directly to the Salesforce1 platform (Salesforce Wear Developer Pack). Once connected, sales representa tives are able to access customer data in real time on the device. With this connectivity, they can pla n and pla ce customer calls at the convenience of the customer, receive notifications and alerts about appointments and meetings directly from the wearabl e device, access products and pricelists to generate price quotes from the CRM database in real time, and get customer feedback and approval, update

PAGE 18

4 customer account information and interactions, and view key performance indicators and metrics. Thus, throu gh the wearable device, the sales representative can provide a single view of the customer across products and geographies, identify sales opportunities, and maintain long term customer relationships (Bhat et al. 2014). In addition, in the logistics and wa move, and require the use of both hands, the abil ity to access enterprise information through wearable devices . Whereas popular and social media can ha ve a major influence o n consumer adoption of technologies, businesses , which focus on gaining competitive advantage and improving the bottom line are more likely to adopt wearable technologies as a value proposition rather than as a fleeting fashion statement (Longitudes 2015). Therefore, studying wearables in organizations will provide the opportunity to appraise their value proposition to business es and assess their competitive advantage to organizations. Wearables have the potential to transform employee s and organizations i nto quantified dashboards, and sources or instruments of data collection (Prasopoulou 2017, Chaffin et al 2017, Rawassizadeh et al . 2015) to improve the bottom line . Many organizations have introduced or piloted wearable technology in the workplace. For ex ample, in 2015, the Hitachi Corporation in Japan announced the introduction of a wearable badge that tracks employee movements , job functions, and interactions with co workers , to determine interactions between individuals, teams, and work (Hitachi Press R elease 2015). Tesco, a retail company in the UK, and UPS, have used wearable technology to improve employee productivity in warehouse operations (Spicer and Cederstrom 2015 ). The use of wearables in organizations is not limited to the private for profit se ctor. Public sector p olice organizations in the US and elsewhere, have provided body worn cameras for their officer s

PAGE 19

5 to record and document evidence of interactions with citizens , and introduce an element of mutual accountability and transparency in work p ractices . A s the use of wearables in organizations is increasin g , so too are the concerns about the ir use. Employees required to wear wearables have demurred at the requirement to wear the device after work hours (Spicer and Cederstrom 2015). In one organ ization, the employee union, while not resisting the use of a wearable technology, filed a lawsuit to renegotiate the terms of their employment contract 1 . The union considers the requirement to wear a wearable technology device as a material breach of the existing employment contract. Mills et al. (2016) summoned attention to the security implications of wearables, including the potential to even harm the wearer. Their study discussed three security perspectives regarding location of threat (the device and/ or the individual), the role of the wearable device, and how a holistic security strategy can be developed and monitored from the point of view of the role that wearables play, and the security goals of the organization. Ultimately, they argued, it is up t o the firm to determine the risk benefit trade off between security and wearable devices, and to develop appropriate wearable security strategies. Spicer and Cederstrom (2015) urged companies to ask six questions before embracing wearables: 1 ) will employe es voluntarily boundaries between work and everything else, 4) how will the data created by wearables be handled, 5) will wearables lead to increased employee stress , and 7) are managers willing to become life coaches? These issue s and questions are profound and require serious thought and consideration . 1 Author discussion with informant for this research. Name and identification of the organization withheld to uphold confidentiality.

PAGE 20

6 As a recent phenomenon in organizations, s tudies examining wearables from an IS and organizational perspective are few and mostly preliminary. For example, as of 2017, the EBSCO Business Source Premier database lists only one wearables related article published 2 . The study provided a first person account of the relationship between a wearable technology (Fitness Tracker), and the wearer (Prasopoulou 2017). Using th e lens of enchanted materialism , Prasopoulou (2017, p.288) recounted how memoir and latched onto the frame of experiential computing (Yoo 2010) , the study calls for to a focus of the body. Within mainstream IS confer ence proceedings and other allied publications, preliminary studies on wearables are beginning to appear. Benbunan Fich (2017) used an affordance framework to investigate whether the absence of visible interaction cues in minimalist wearable devices, such as the Fitbit Flex, affects the user experience. Describing minimalist as the absence of visible interaction cues, the study concluded that minimalist designs engender complex user experiences due to data inaccuracies and inconsistences and contradictions in integrating the devices with the web 2 I conducted the literature search on EBSCO Business Source Premier on Saturday, March 3, 2018 for each of the basket of eight journals. I used a generic search term (wear*) to search for anything related to the root word: wear. The only relevant article returned was p ublished in 2017 by European Journal of Information Systems, of the same database using the same search term yielded 3,136 articles published s ince 2010. A cursory review of the titles and publication outlets reveal that most of the articles are product specific working papers, consultant or practitioner white papers, and IEEE conference proceedings or reports.

PAGE 21

7 platform. Another interesting finding of the study is that motivational effects (such as feedback and goal setting with teams) may outweigh minimalist design concerns among certain users. Focusing on firms and pract itioners, Gu et al. (2015, p. 84) found that trust propensity and hedonic motivation had significant positive influences on wearable commerce, while privacy concerns constitute the main negative factors. A common thread stitching these studies together is their reflexive focus on the utilitarian aspects of wearables. That is, the overriding concern was to determine what the wearable device did for humans on a personal or business perspective. Table 1.1 provides a summary o f studies on wearables published in IS or allied discipline journals , categorized by level of analysis . As the table shows, overall there is a dearth of IS academic journals. At the level of analysis, 13 of the studies ar e focused at the individual, leaving the organization, an important unit of analysis for IS research with a limited focus. This has significant implications that extend beyond the intellectual realm to the practitioner space. When viewed from the context o f organizations, where the use of wearables may be mandatory rather than voluntary, examining how wearables affect core business processes to generate business value or competitive advantage is an important area of inquiry. For example, in the Salesforce C RM example above, examining how the process of generating business value from sales leads using wearable technologies differs from, or complements, traditional sales methods , will be beneficial. Also, questions about the placement of wearables on the huma n body and the rights of employees to the data generated from the are pertinent for organizations . Not to mention perennial issues about privacy, security, and work life boundaries.

PAGE 22

8 While these studies have contributed to our nascent understanding o f wearables, questions about the constitutive relationship between wearables and wearers have not been explored. This ignores a salient feature of wearable technology , which is integration into the performance of everyday activities. As Yoo (2010, p. 220) play decisive roles in shaping and mediating all dimensions of our lived experiences. Yet, there is a serious intellectual void that needs to be filled to understand exactly the nature and the consequences of the digital me (flesh, feelings, and thoughts) for sourcing knowledge on human non human encounters in emerging cyber physical spaces l Table 1.1. Studies on Wearables in IS and Related Journals Context of Use Level of Analysis Author (Year), Journal Focal Device Business and Commerce Organization Robson et al. (2016). MIS Quarterly Exec. Wearables in general Mills et al. (2016). Business Horizons Wearables in general Gu et al. (2015). J. of Comp. Info. Systems Wearable commerce Consumer Organization Wu et al. (2016). Electronic Commerce Rsch. Fitness Trackers General Research Individual Deng, N., Chri stodoulidou, N. (2015). ICIS 2015, Fort Worth Google Glass Billinghurst and Starner. (1999). IEEE General Mann, S. (1997). IEEE Head Mounted Disp. Yang et al. (2016). Telematics & Informatics Wearables in general Wilson, G. (2017). Social Research Methods Wearable Camera Nasiopoulos et al. (2015). British Journal of Psychology Eye tracker / Wearable glasses Chaffin et al. (2017). Org. Research Methods Badge worn around the neck with lanyard Fitness Individual Benbunan Fich, R. (2017). AMCIS 2017, Boston Fitbit Flex Prasopoulou, E. (2017). EJIS Fitness Tracker Canhoto, A., Arp, S. (2017). J. of Mkt. Mgmt. Fitness tracker/Apps Zhang et al. (2015). Comp. in Human Beh. Smart watch/bracelet Review of Research Individual Ba ber, C. (2001). Comp Int. General Baber et al. (1999). IBM Systems Journal General

PAGE 23

9 In light of the foregoing discussion, this thesis is premised on the idea that wearable technology holds the promise to engender a better appreciation o f the intimate relationship between humans and technology in organizations . And that a correct and faithful appraisal of that relationship is essential to advancing our knowledge and understanding of current and future developments in fields and applicatio ns, such as artificial intelligence (AI), biotechnology, synthetic biology, augmented/embodied/virtual reality, Internet of Things (IoT), etc. To contribute to this endeavor, this research conduct s an empirical study of the implementation of a wearable tec hnology (body worn camera) in police organizations with the following objectives: 1. Provide a comprehensive understanding of wearable technolog ies , what they are, and how they function 2. Interrogate existing notions about wearable technologies, especially the ontological basis of their relationship with humans in organizations 3. Develop an understanding of the intimate relationship between humans and wearable technologies in organizations 4. Advance new theoretical understandings about how people (users) relate to wearing a technology (as opposed to just using it) in the organizational context Research Questions This thesis undertakes an effort to advance a proper understanding of the intimate relationship between humans and wearable technology in organizations by addressing the following research questions: RQ1: What phenomena are constitutive of the relationship between a wearer and a wearable technology? RQ2: How are the phenomena of the social and material agencies of the wearer wearable relationship en acted i n practice ?

PAGE 24

10 These questions find currency in the on going search for solutions to improve the outcomes of police services, especially as they relate to police civilian encounters. Following several high profile civilian killings 3 by the police in recent ye ars, and subsequent civic protests in response, use of police body worn cameras (BWCs) has beco me the popular prescription to remedy the ills of police civilian encounters . Th is prescription is laden with the expectation that audio video recordings of BWCs would expose officer misconduct when . As such, BWCs have become a n integral part and parcel of the practice of police work. The y are not simply a technology separate and apart from the police officer, they are a constitutive and inseparable part of the police officer in the practice of police work. These issues come to the fore in the implementation of BWC s in police organizations . Over a two year period, I was granted unprecedented access to six police organizations who have implemented BWC program s . During th is time, I embarked on extensive field work, interviewing rank and file officers, sergeants, command staff, and civilian em ployees. In addition, I directly observed the practice of police work involving BWCs, and reviewed policy documents and procedure manuals. Clearly, the image of a police officer wearing a BWC is constitutive of the practice of police work . It is also quit e evident that the outcome of a police civilian encounter is not determined a priori , but emerges from its enactment in practice . For these reasons, th e research questions stated above are derived and address ed through the lens of Sociomateriality. Socioma teriality is a practice perspective that support s the notion that the 3 See, for example, the shootings o f Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, on 8/9/14; Alton Sterling in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, on 7/5/16; Philando Castile in Minnesota, on 7/6/16; Keith Lamont Scott in Charlotte, North Carolina, on 9/20/16; and Jordan Edwards in Balch Springs, Texas on 4/29 /2017 .

PAGE 25

11 relationship between humans and technology must be underst oo d as constitutive and inseparable, rather than as discrete and determinate entities. Consistent with the sociomaterial approac h, my research is qualitative, seeking to develop theoretical understan ding s of phenomena , and explain how the ir enactment unfold s in practice, rather tha n predicti ng any particular outcome . My research approach also account s for the novelty of the phenom enon under study. BWCs are unlike any other technology in police organizations. The manner of their introduction, and nature of their operation are both revolutionary and unprecedented. Unlike other technologies , such as cell phones and radios that are imp ortant in police work, BWCs are integrated with it. In fact, in the police organizations that I studied, police officers are prohibited from participating in patrol practice without a BWC. And if their BWCs malfunction during patrol work, they are required to exit practice immediately. And because BWCs are not implemented as a centralized command and control system, their operation is rhizomatic. During my first ride along to observe the practice of police work, the radio system for the entire police depart ment went down, but officers still remain on patrol duty, initiating contacts with civilians. They use BWCs to record interactions and update the CAD system after the fact. Summary of the Findings This research reports three important findings that make significant and novel contribut ions to theory and practice: 1. It identifies three phenomena wearability ( Don and Doff ), situationality ( Situation Tending ) , and contextuality ( Policy Minding ) that are constitutive of the relationship between a wearer and a w earable technology . These phenomena are not

PAGE 26

12 only descrip tive of the constitutive entanglement of police work, they also bear significant implications for the very practice they enact. For example, the phenomenon of policy minding, often interrupts the phen omenon of situation tending. This happens when an officer second guesses their actions in the course of a fluid and dynamic situation, and can lead to mistakes and devastating consequences. 2. It identifies and develops the concept of co functioning as the pr ocess entanglement of the wearer wearable relationship. 3. It develops a performative model to explicate the sociomaterial entanglements of the wearer wearable relationship. The research also developed a comprehensive definition and classification of wearabl e technologies . In addition to the theoretical contributions, this study also identifies several organizational impacts of BWC technology, including: 1. Changes in core organizational processes and procedures in policing, such as formal training at the academ y, inter departmental management and exchange of digital evidence, development of new policies and procedures and their fit within existing organizational operations, such as when and where to turn the BWC on, and how that action is incorporated within rul es of engagement and officer safety. 2. Cost of procurement of the BWC technology, ongoing maintenance of the equipment, personnel, and cloud sourcing of the evidence management infrastructure. 3. Trade offs between officer discretion and personal innovativeness to address situations at the practice level, and the need for standardized rules and policy prescriptions at the organizational level.

PAGE 27

13 4. Strategic alignment of organizational goals with officer perception of the implementation of BWC technology at the pra ctice level. Overview of the Thesis In this, the opening chapter of the thesis, I have presented an introduction to wearable technology and its growing popularity and use by individuals and by businesses. I provided glances of its history, motivated the ca se for studying it, and posited two research questions to guide the rest of the study. The remainder of the thesis is presented as follows: Chapter II : I conduct a literature review of wearables , provide a working definition, and situate the technology wit hin the perspective of Sociomateriality . This allowed me to derive theoretically focused research questions . I also summarize the technology context of Body Worn Cameras in police organizations . Chapter III : Here, I provide a context for my research throu gh a detailed description of the organizational context. The chapter sets the stage for our understanding of the practice of police work that is the subject of investigation. Chapter IV : I sketch out my research design and describe the routes I took to ent er the field. My approach to developing theory follows the paradigm model of Strauss and Corbin (1990). I describe in detail how the method of constant comparison guided the development and subsequent refinement of my research instruments, interview sequen ces, data coding, and determinations of saturation points for data collection. Chapter V : This is the crux of the thesis, the culmination of two years of field research . After three iterative and successive rounds of coding, and application of the coding p aradigm, I present the findings of my research and provide evidence of my theoretical discoveries by mostly showing, but also telling, the stories of my informants. I package all

PAGE 28

14 the sweat and tears, and the aha moments of discovery into a theoretical mode l. The answers to the research questions are contained in the model and explicated in this chapter. Chapter VI : I conclude the thesis by summarizing the critical points in my research journey. I also provide the implications of the research for various con stituencies of interest, sounded notes of caution, and provide a roadmap for future research. It is worth noting that although I have presented this thesis in a sequence of chapters that flow in the typical order of a scientific project, the discovery and intellectual progression unfolded quite differently. There was constant back and forth between my research methodology in Chapter IV , and Analysis and results in Chapter V . This is not accidental. It is the way and messiness of theory development . But all that messiness is swept away by the

PAGE 29

15 CHAPTER II LITERATURE REVIEW In business and in personal applications, wearable computers are distinguished from more traditional forms of portable computers, such as laptops and portable digital assistants (PDAs) by their integration into the personal space of humans (Billinghurst and Starner 1999, Baber 2001). Whether affixed to clothing, worn directly on the body, or ingested into the body (Mann 2014), wearables afford easy access to the wearer, and maintain operational and interactional constancy (Billinghurst and Starner 1999) for the duration of the relationship , compared to portable device, such as a laptop computer or notepad, which remain in a passive relationship apart from the human user. Defini ng Wearable Technology M any definitions of wearable computers/technology abound . While this is acceptable for general discourse, it poses challenges for researchers interested in diving beneath the patina of wearables, to unde rstand the deeper relationships between wearers and wearables. Some definitions attempt to be broad and inclusive by treating technology and computers as synonyms. This is the view taken by the Encyclopedia of Emerging Industries ( Wearable Computing 2017, p. 669): encompasses a unique category of smart devices. These items are designed to be worn to participate in other activities while maintaining constant access and interaction with a

PAGE 30

16 Steve Mann (2014, p.1) 4 , a founding member of the MIT Media Lab, and pioneer of the wearables revolution 5 , provides this definition: Wearable c omputing is the study or practice of inventing, designing, building, or using miniature body borne computational and sensory devices. Wearable computers may be worn under, over, or in clothing, or may also be themselves clothes Yet , other s focus on wher e the technology or computer is worn. An example is the definition from Robson et al. (2016 , p. 168 ), wh ich state s any part of the anatomy . As evident from the above sampling of definitions, there is a wide array to choose from depending on how narrow or expansive one wants to be. Given this state of affairs, I propose and elaborate below , the following working definition: A wearable technolo gy is a body worn device (digital or otherwise) that can complement, constitute , or supplement a human or non human capability. A wearable computer is a digitally enhanced body worn device that can complement, constitute , or supplement a human or non huma n capability. A key aspect to the above definitions is that they explicitly account for the three functional domains within which any wearable technology or computer functions. That is, the se 4 According to the official profile at the University of Toronto, Department of Electrical and Computer Engineering website ( https://www.ece.utoronto.ca/people/mann s/ Transform, Comparametric Equations, and HDR (High Dynamic Range) imaging (U.S. Pat 5 According to the first director of the MIT Media Lab, Nicholas Negroponte: seed" that founded the Wearable Computing group in the Media Lab and "Steve Mann is the perfect example of vision and ended up founding a new discipline." In 2004 he was named the recipient of the 2004 Leonardo Award for Excellence for his article "Existential Technology," published in Leonardo 36:1

PAGE 31

17 definitions make clear that wearables are not just for wearing , but also for perform ing specific function s within one of three domains (complementing, constituting, or supplementing). Appendix F provides further elaboration of the definition of wearables and develops a classification scheme for wearable technology. Wha t Makes Technology/Computers Wearable The above working d efinitions are not meant to draw a hard line between technology and computers per se . Rather, the intention is to provide a basis for establishing lower and upper bounds on the working definition of wearable technology/computers. In that regard, a discuss ion of the elements that make a computer or technology wearable is pertinent . Billinghurst and Starner (1999, p. 57) identified three elements that a wearable computer must satisfy mobility, augmente d reality, and context sensitivity. These elements roughly constancy, augmentation, and mediation. In the discussion that follows, I will simultaneously address the se elements and operational modes, pointing out areas of overlap and extension. Mobility: For computers to be mobile, they must be small and lightweight, and ideally, unnoticeable, so that the wearer can carry them from place to place and maintain a constant connecti on with them. This element of mobility and mode of constancy both align with the vision of ubiquitous computing (Weiser 1991), which envisages a future where computers ever Incidentally , t here is a sub

PAGE 32

18 6 That is, equipment is encountered when, during en gagement with an activity, the object withdraws into the background to enable a more fluent experience (Riemer and Johnson 2017, p. 1064). It is for this reason that miniaturization is so important for wearable computing and computers in general. Through m iniaturization, computers can be by untethered from the lab and attached to the user. As (Mann 1997 , p. 25 wearable and nearly invisible, so that individuals can move about and interact freely, supported by their personal information domain . The invention and popularization of laptops, personal digital assistants, and other portable computing devices in the 1980s, and now, the ubiquitous smartphones, has undercut the case for mobility and constancy as an important element of wearable computers. But this information technology. [which is to] p designed to permit hands free operation in a way laptops and smartphones are not. Unlike smartphones that require constant human attention for interaction, wearable s permit digitally mediated experiences through hands free operation (Brin 2013). As Mann (1997, p. 26) present day laptops and personal digital assistants in that I could keep an eye on the screen , p. 58 ) echoed 6 part from its everyday connotation as physical implements or tools. For a discussion, see Riemer and Johnson (2017, p. 1064).

PAGE 33

19 similar sentiments after observing the intimate integration of a generation of wearables in the : When you sit in front of a computer at a desk, you and the computer have a very weak (sometimes adversarial) personal relationship. The computer is very much apart from you. Laptops and PDAs, although more convenient, still exist obviously apart from t heir users. Wearable computers, in contrast, create an intimate human computer symbiosis in which respective strengths combine. era of computing is about elegantly inte grating virtual information into our world without mobility, associated hands free operation is an important element of wearables. Context Sensitivity: A wearable comp (Billinghurst and Starner 1999), a situation that can then be exploited to provide appropriate responses to environmental stimuli. Context sensitivity of wearable technologies falls into two broad categories. Wearables that can provide information about the wearer and the world around them are said to be situationally aware 7 , and those that provide information relevant to the task at hand, but are not computationally aware of their surrounding are situationally unaware 8 (Haniff and Baber 199 8 ). Situational awareness, perceptual intelligence, and a first 7 Situationally aware wearables or objects are classified as: activity aware objects, policy aware objects, and process aware obje cts. An ontological approach to classify and manage these objects recognizes four fundamental dimensions, which are: Identity, Processing, Communication, and Storage (see Mathew et al 2013, p. 8). For example, most fitness trackers and smartwatches are abl e to directly connect to the Internet and communicate with web services. 8 Situationally unaware wearables could have potential information that could be made available to the Web, but do not have the necessary capabilities to communicate over TCP/IP or HTTP. However, if they are uniquely identifiable, they could be affordable additional resources to communicate (see Mathew et al 2013, p. 11). This is the case with the current class of police body worn cameras. The cameras lack the native capability to di rectly communicate to the Internet. However, they are uniquely identified, and are provided with docking stations which allow them access to connect and communicate to the Internet.

PAGE 34

20 person perspective makes it possible for wearables to augment human capabilities, and assist with day to day activities (Mann 1997, p. 31). Co kinds of environmental stimuli that, depending on specific applications, make it possible for appropriate interception and mediation of signals to be effectuated. For example, using a geographic positioning system (GPS) application, a wearable can allow the interception and processing of location signals. These signals can then be used to provide location specific information to the wearer (for example, giving them directions fr om a particular location to another location). Similarly, wearables designed to make bodily contact with the wearer can sense and process physiological signals. Through the intercepted signals, the wearable can mediate between the wearer and a specific or programmed response. Augmentation: Wearables are designed to augment human capabilities over and beyond the primary task of computing (Engelbart 1962, Mann 1998, Billinghurst and Starner 1999). Much of the foundational work for the use of computing dev ices to augment human capabilities was laid by the eminent computer scientist, Doug Engelbart. 9 , p. 1 ) increasing t he capability of a man to approach a complex problem situation, to gain comprehension to suit his particular needs, and to derive solutions to problems. Increased capability in this respect is taken to mean a mixture of the following: more rapid comprehens ion, better comprehension, the possibility of gaining a useful degree of comprehension in a situation that previously was too complex, speedier solutions, 9 trued as overly anthropocentric and patriarchal. However, the thought and content of his framework remains a powerful incentive in the study of human machine interactions (see for example, Baber 2001).

PAGE 35

21 better solutions, and the possibility of finding solutions to problems that before seemed insoluble. According to Engelbart (1962, p. 3) , the quickest strategy to implement such a framework involves : giving the human the minute by minute services of a digital computer and developing the new methods of thinking and working that allow the human to capi talize upon As he puts it (p. 9) : The ways in which human capabilities are thus extended are here called augmentation means , and we define four basic classes of them: 1. Artifacts physical objects designed to provide for human comfort f or the manipulation of things or materials and for the manipulation of symbols. 2. Language the way in which the individual parcels out the picture of his world into the concepts that his mind uses to model that world and the symbols that he attaches to thos e concepts and uses in consciously manipulating the concepts 3. Methodology the methods procedures strategies, etc., with which an individual organizes his goal centered (problem solving) activity. 4. Training the conditioning needed by the human b eing to bring his skills in using Means 1, 2, and 3 to the point where they are operationally effective. Although Engelbart did not specifically speak of wearables, his framework for providing humans with minute by minute access to electronic aids, is be lieved to presage the era of wearables (Baber 2001). An example of a wearable technology that fits framework is the Body Worn Camera (BWC) recently implement by police organizations. Technology Context : Body Worn Cameras The focal technology o f this dissertation is a BWC donn ed by a police officer in the practice of police patrol . A BWC is a small video camera clothing, helmet, or sunglasses video and audio recordings of police activities, including traffic stops, arrests, searches,

PAGE 36

22 interrogations, and critical incidents such as officer involved shootings. Technically speaking, a BWC is a simple device. It consists of a camera, a controller/battery pack and connector cable. Figure 2 .1 shows the components of the Axon Flex BWC, which has a separate camera that can be mounted on collars, eye glasses, helmet, or headband, a battery pack or controller that is the processing unit of the BWC, and a connector c able that connects the camera to the controller. Figure 2 .1. Components of the Axon Flex BWC Depending of the manufacturer and type, the battery pack/controller may be integrated with the camera, eliminating the need for a connector cable. Figure 2 .2 shows the Axon Body 2 camera in frontal and top view. Both the Axon Flex and Axon Body 2 are manufactured by Axon 10 , formally known as Taser, International. According to the agencies in more than 100 countries are part of the Axon network. There are many other 10 In April 2017 , TASER , International changed its corp orate name to Axon, focus from Tasers to Axon Body Our mission to protect life endures, but we're going about it in new ways with Smart Weapons that protect life in the moment of conflict, cameras that depic t the truth and help prevent civil unrest, and automated reporting and evidence management that will triple the amount of time officers can spend serving their communities www.axon.com/company ; accessed 10/31/2017).

PAGE 37

23 manufactures of BWCs, including Motorola, Vievu, L3, Data Guard, Digital Ally, etc., However, Axon is the largest and most popular among police departments. Figure 2 .2. Axon Body Camera 2 Front View and Top View Basic BWC Operations Before BWCs are deployed in the field, the police department works with the vendor specification s. The infrastructure may include set up and configuration of a cloud based digital evidence management system, evidence management sync software, viewer sync software (App), evidence transfer manager modules, etc. This infrastructure supports the BWC ecos ystem depicted in Figure 2.3 below. The BWC system comprises of the officer, BWC, smartphone with app, and Digital Evidence Management System (DEMS) 11 . 11 Digital Management System (DEMS) is a workflow platform for managing data uploaded from BWCs. It can be configured as an on premises server system, or as a cloud current study does not extend to DEMS.

PAGE 38

24 Figure 2.3. BWC Ecosystem Each officer is typically assigned BWC , and smartphone or viewer. T he main operations allowed on the BWC are quite minimal. The following steps indicate the basic operations an officer can perform on the field with a BWC (see Figure 2.4) . 1. Properly mount the camera 2. Use the connector cable to connect the controller to the AXON fl ex camera (this step is not necessary with the Axon Body 2) 3. Turn the camera on by moving the power switch to the on position 4. Wait until the LED starts blinking green 5. To start recording, double tap the EVENT button on the AXON body camera or AXON flex co ntroller 6. To stop recording, hold the EVENT button on the controller or body camera for 3 seconds

PAGE 39

25 Figure 2 . 4 . Axon Flex BWC Operations The BWC provides no capability for officers to edit, copy, or delete videos. At various intervals during the shift, to use a n iPod viewer or smartphone, which is paired wirelessly via Bluetooth with the controller . The viewer or smartphone allows the officer to view recorded videos and tag or categorize th em before they are uploaded to a server. Figure 2 . 5 shows a smartphone and iPod viewer, with various categories for tagging videos . The viewer is an important accessory to the BWC, as it allows officers to view videos synchronously or asynchronously. Altho ugh vi deos can be viewed and tagged on a viewer, they cannot be downloaded or stored on the device. Also, the viewer does not have a logging or audit feature to track how many times a video has been assessed on the device. Tagging is necessary feature of t he viewer

PAGE 40

26 app, and a required task for officers. It is the means by which the retention period for videos is determined. Different police organizations may use different tagging categories, and different retention schedules. For example, a video tagged as Figure 2.5. Smart Phone Viewer and Video Tagging hift s/he is required to dock the camera on an evidence based evidence management system or a local department server (see Figure 2 . 6 ). After successfully uploading BWC data t hrough the ETM, the videos are automatically deleted from the BWC, and are no longer available for viewing through the smart phone app. In order to view and tag uploaded videos, officers must log on to a cloud based Digital Evidence Management System (DEMS ).

PAGE 41

27 Figure 2 . 6. BWC Evidence Transfer Manager and Docking S tation Theoretical Foundation The above discussion on the characteristics of wearable computers/technology has provided insights on what sets wearables apart from other technologies. It is axi omatic to say that technology is not, in and of itself, wearable unless it is donned by a human host. And, for the human host, donning a wearable technology is often not done as an end in itself, but as a means to an end ( Engelbart 1962, Nye 2006, Arthur 2 009 ). Thus, a good way to start a theoretical discussion on wearables is to interrogate their ontological status and relationship with humans. As Faulkner and Runde (2009, p. 443) observed: for granted world is impregnated by te chnological objects, it is easy to assume that there is nothing particularly difficult or mysterious

PAGE 42

28 about the nature of their existence. Yet there is more to the ontology of such objects Until recently, the dominant theoretical pers pectives in IS subscribe to an ontology that hold humans and material things as separate entities with inherent properties and defined boundaries. Now , improvements in computing power, wireless broadband connectivity, and enabling Internet technologies hav e availed new opportunities for conceptualizing the relationship between technology and organizations. In particular, a constellation of wearable Artificial Intelligence, augmented/embedded/virtual reality, synthetic biology , etc. , promotes an image of a tangled web of roles and relationships between humans and technology that makes it difficult to demarcate where one entity ends and the other begins, and vice versa . Th us, the hitherto view of entitative separateness between humans and technology is no longer taken for granted. Rather, researchers are urged to challenge that view. As Orlikowski and Scott (2008, p. 434 ) wrote: Going forward, we suggest that further work is needed to theorize the fusion of technology and work in organizations, and that additional perspectives are needed to add to the palette of concepts in use. To this end, we identify a promising emerging genre of research that we refer to under the umbrella term: sociomateriality. Research framed using the te nets of a sociomaterial approach challenges the deeply taken for granted assumption that technology, work, and organizations should be conceptualized separately, and advances the view that there is an inherent inseparability between the technical and the s ocial. dimensional, immersive environment for workplace collaboration within Sun Microsystems, known as MPK20, Orlikowski (2009 , p. 13 ) indicated that: A perspective of entanglement would focus on understanding MPK20, not as the necessary result of a powerful technological infrastructure, or as principally reflecting the interpretations and interactions of the human developers or users, but as a dynamic sociomaterial configuration performed in practice. Rather than attributing

PAGE 43

29 agency either to individual actors (designers, engineers, team members) or particular technologies (computers, algorithms, graphics engines, networks), capacities for action would be studied as relational, distributed, and enacted through particular highlight how synthetic worlds are not neutral or determinate platforms through which distributed collaboration is facilitated or constrained, but integrally and materially part of constituting that phenomenon. Thus, this research, which seeks an understanding and explication of the intimate relationship between humans and wearable technology, necessarily acknowledges the interplay of human and non human agency, and seeks to advance theorizations that subscribe to a sociomaterial understanding of reality. Sociomateriality Sociomateriality is a practice theory developed in Information Systems and Organization Science that describes how human sub jects and non human objects function together to drive experiential phenomena. Sociomateriality moves beyond traditional social science research approaches to studying technology that privileges either the material object (i.e., technological determinism) or human subject (i.e., social constructivism) (Leonardi and Barley 2008, 2010). A sociomaterial approach advances the view that there is an inherent inseparability between the material and the social (Orlikowski 2007), and that privileging one over the ot her constrains the power to explain the mutually constitutive and emergent relationship between humans and technology in organizational work. This practice obfuscates the process of how one entity (e.g., human or technology) contributes in changing, shapin g, and constituting another entity (e.g., technology or human). Before diving deeper into a discussion of sociomateriality, it is necessary to acknowledge that there are two contending strands of sociomateriality in IS, each drawing

PAGE 44

30 conceptual resources f rom a different philosophical tradition. The strand of sociomateriality that draws upon the philosophical foundation of Critical Realism (CR) adheres to a stratified ontology of reality consisting of three hierarchical layers the empirical, the actual, and the real ( Volkoff and Strong 2013 , Bygstad et al. 2014). The other view, which draws on the philosophical foundation of Agential Realism adheres to a relational view of reality. This strand of sociomaterial is the one pursued in this research. 12 Agential realist Sociomateriality draws predominantly on the philosophical work and writings of Barad (2003), who proposes a fully relational ontology in which entities only of analysis. Barad ential R ealis from the views and writings of Nobel Prize winning Physicist, Niels Bohr 13 . This ontology rejects representationalism or Thingification (the turning of rel action (in contrast to the usual Barad (2003) wrote: What is needed is a robust ac count of the materialization of all bodies and the material discursive practices by which their differential constitutions are marked. This will require an understanding of the nature of the relationship between discursive practices and material phenomena, an accounting of precise causal nature of productive practices that takes account of the fullness of My contribution toward the development of such an understanding is based on a philosophical account that I have 12 Although the focus here is on the Agential Realist strand of sociomateriality, an attempt will be made to summarize the areas of divergence and convergence of both strands. 13 Niels Bohr (1885 1962) won the Nobel Prize in physics for his work on quantum physics and development of quantum theory and the uncertainty principle.

PAGE 45

31 Agential realism encompasses a concern for the nature of materiality, the relationship between the material an d the discursive and the nature of agency (Barad 1998, p. 1). In agential realism, agency is not aligned with human intentionality or subjectivity. Rather, as Barad (2003, p. 827) acting; it is an enactment, not someth ing that someone or something has . A sociomaterial relationship implies an exchange of agency between the human and the material technology. Pickering (1993) refers to this exchange of agency between humans and nonhumans as the mangle. That is, the pulls of (p. 581). As he puts it: I think that the most direct route toward a posthumanist analysis of practice is to acknowledge a role for nonhuman or material, as I will say agency in science. Science and technology are contexts in which human agents conspicuously do not call all the shots (p. 562). This view also forms the point of departure for F a ulkner and Runde (2009 , p. 443 ) in their study of the identity of te chnology objects, when they said: the function of a technological object flows from an agentive function assigned to objects of that type, where agentive functions are functions that are imposed on entities in pursuit of the practical interests of human b eings . Furthermore, Barad (2003, p. 815) continues: On my agential realist elaboration, phenomena do not merely mark the phenomena are the ontological inseparability of agentially intra of intra agential intra phenomena become determinate and that particular embodied co ncepts become meaningful. A specific intra action (involving a specific material configuration of the agential cut (in contrast to the Cartesian cut an inherent distinction between subject and object) effecting a s eparation between the notion of intra actions constitutes a reworking of the traditional notion of causali ty .

PAGE 46

32 Conceptual Framework and Research Questions come from standing at a distance and representing but rather from a direct material engagement agential separability the absence of a classical ontological con dition of exteriority between observer and observed the conduct of this research is the in between of the wearer and the wearable. While the necessity of the a gential cut countenances this imperative, it does not give me the privilege to interpose in the exchange of agency between the wearer and the wearable. What I do is to Figure 2. 7. Conceptual Framework

PAGE 47

33 listen as attentively, and observe as keenly, as I can, always aware of my own subjectiv e intrusions in the process. Hence, any reference to the wearer and wearable is strictly a manner of speaking rather than a manner of doing. Given uted nature of the agency (Pickering 1993, Emirbayer and Mis c he 1998) intra acting among components co constituting those relations, my first research question is stated thus: What phenomena are constitutive of the relationship between a wearer and a wearable technology? Addressing this question will help clarify the ontological nature of the constitutive compon ents of the wearer wearable relationship. This question also seeks to advance theorizations from existing studies on sociomateriality , which take phenomena as given and use sociomateriality as an explanatory framework to elaborate their enactment in practice . For example, in studying anonymity, Scott and Orlikowski (2014) accepted the theoretical construct of anonymity and recast it in the fra mework of sociomateriality. Cecz Kecmanovic et al. (2014) employed a similar strategy to reframe success and failure through a performative lens. In seeking to uncover emerging phenomena, this study takes a first . As Barads (2003, p. 8 15) noted : the primary epistemological unit is not independent objects with inherent boundaries and properties but rather phenomena . On my agential realist elaboration, phenomena rather, phenomena are the ontological inseparability of agentially intra acting That is, phenomena are ontologically primitive relations relations without preexisting relata What this means from an Information Systems perspective is that we can no longer assume a discrete object of attention that preexists its enactment in practice (Jones 2014, p.

PAGE 48

34 (Orlikowski and Scott 2008, p. 455) that coalesce only in their enactment. As technological developments continue to blur the boundaries between human and nonhuman performativity, these views are becoming more strident and much more difficult to ignore. Furthermore, in arguing against ontological separateness of humans and technology, Orlikowski and Scott not independent objects with inherent boundaries and properties but phenomena materially 92). Practices are clusters of recurrent human activity informed by shared institutional meanings (Schatzki et al. 2001, cited in Schultz and Orlikowski 2004, p. 88). They are dynamic and ongoing, and engaged in by people as part of the structuring process es through which organizations and networks are constituted over time (Giddens 1984). T he conceptualization of the research model illustrated in Figure 2.1 above necessar il y adopt s a practice perspective, which directs attention to the unfolding possibili ties of everyday activities. Hence the unit of analysis of this study is the specific practice of police work related to the patrol function. The practice unfolds in the everyday interaction of an officer civilian encounter or contact. In the normal practi ce of the patrol function, a typical work shift lasts from eight to 12 hours. During each shift, an officer may participate in up to a dozen civilian encounters. The advantage of a dopting a practice lens is that it does not require on to choose between a m acro or a microlevel of analysis, nor a conflation of the two. Rather , a practice lens directs attention to how macrophenomena are constituted by microinteractions, and how those microinteractions, in turn, are shaped by macro influences and effects (Sc hultze and Orlikowski 2004, p. 88). This practic e view leads to a consideration of my second research question , to deal with the process whereby the

PAGE 49

35 phenomena of interest become entangled with the social and material agencies of the relationship. RQ2: How are the phenomena of the social and material agencies of the wearer wearable relationship en act ed in practice? Although a sociomaterial perspective countenances the emergence of outcomes from entanglements of the social and the material, it is crucial to have an understanding of how the process unfolds so that whatever outcomes emerge, we can take a step back to explicate them or account for them in subsequent intra actions that produce similar outcomes. This is the reason that motivates the second researc h question. With regards to practical applications in organizations such as a police department, understanding and explication the process or processes that lead to outcomes (intended or intended) has practical significance in designing operational policie s and procedures.

PAGE 50

36 CHAPTER III RESEARCH CONTEXT My research interest in B ody W orn C ameras (BWC) wa s fueled by firsthand experience analyzing data and compiling reports on complaints against police officers and a municipal gove rnment agency . For a period of two years, I reviewed and analyzed patterns and outcomes for more than 10,000 complaints filed both internally and externally against sworn officers and deputies. During that time, national attention was focused on a number o f high profile shootings of civilians by police officers . The shootings provoked public protests, and amplified calls by an eclectic mix of concerned citizens and elected officials for the police to use BWCs as a technological solution to an increasingly a crimonious police citizen relationship. My view at the time was that the arguments for and against the use of BWC technology to interface police civilian encounters were both convincing . However, the nature of the relations between the technology, the offi cers wearing it, and the civilians involved in police encounters required further study and elucidation. Additionally, organizational and societal concerns about the technology needed attention. This is where my research comes in. Following the civilian s hoot ings 14 mentioned above , calls to use of BWCs in order to record police civilian interactions and thereby promote police accountability (Harvard Law Review 2015) became strident . The killings exposed rifts in the relationship between local police and the 14 See, for example, the shootings of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, on 8/9/14; Alton Sterling in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, on 7/5/16; Philando Castile in Minnesota, on 7/6/16; Keith Lamont Scott in Charlotte, North Carolina , on 9/20/16; and Jordan Edwards in Balch Springs, Texas on 4/29/2017 .

PAGE 51

37 15 to establish the Task Force on 21st Century and their peace officers so that all components of a community are treating one another fairly (2015, p. 5). Proponents of BWCs highlight benefits related to core ele ments of police operations, such as increased transparency and accountability, reduced use of force and other misconduct by police officers, efficient resolution of civilian complaints, improved officer training, and providing effective evidence documentat ion for trials. Skeptics of BWCs raise evidence, encroachments of the surveillance state, locus of control and access to video footage, and program costs (Harvard Law Review 2015). The turn to BWCs in policing builds upon a longer trend of technological innovation in law enforcement (White 2014), including the adoption of less lethal weapons such as TASERS 16 (White and Ready 2010), forensic DNA analysis for criminal inv estigation (Roman et al. 2008), and Compstat 17 information management for efficient allocation of policing resources, etc. This makes technology a major driving force in the provision of police services, and a force multiplier for increasing the effectivene ss and efficiency of police departments (Jackson et al, 2014). Historically, also, technological innovations, such as the telephone, the patrol car, and dashboard cameras have been catalysts for reform in crime 15 On December 18, 2014, President Barack Obama signed Executive Order 13684 establishing the Task Force on 21 st Century Policing. 16 Tasers were introduced as non lethal weapons for poli ce to use to subdue fleeing, belligerent, or potentially dangerous people, who would have otherwise been subjected to more lethal weapons such as firearms (wikipedia.org; accessed on November 6, 2017) . 17 Compstat ed to compare crime data and became a general term for the meetings and process of crime analysis based on mapping (Manning 2008, p.39).

PAGE 52

38 prevention and crime control strategies (Byrn e and Marx 2011). For example, the introduction of the telephone and 911 call centers allowed citizens to call the police department directly for service, without the need to go to a police station. Technological innovation, accountability, legitimacy, and national coherence, are variously cited as the four elements of a new professionalism in policing (Byrne and Marx 2011), which envisages the use of outsourced third party services and applications (e.g. red light cameras). These elements are also cited as goals for implementing BWCs. The video recording of police civilian encounters i s not new. The 1992 riots in Los Angeles, were sparked in part by videotaped evidence of the beating of Rodney King by Los Angeles police officers. Since then, the power of d igital evidence has loomed large in the public perception of violent encounters between law enforcement officers and community members. To some extent, BWCs represent an institutional response to the increasing incidents of video recording and video sharin g of police civilian interactions by civilians with smartphones and social media websites. These recordings, which are outside the control of police departments, frequently challenge accounts provided by police officers, thereby undermining officer credibi lity (Coudert et al 2015). For example, in the July 6, 2016 police shooting of Philando Castile, in Falcon Heights, Minnesota, the most widely circulated video of the immediate aftermath of the incident was filmed by Diamond Reynolds and streamed live on F acebook. 18 What is new about BWCs is that they afford a first person perspective to officers. Additionally, their mobility (thanks to their officer host) and audio capabilities, sets them apart from Dashboard and Closed Circuit Television (CCTV) cameras. By deploying 18 year old daughter when the shooti ng happened. Retrieved on April 18, 2018. Accessed from https://www.nytimes.com/2017/06/21/us/video police shooting philando castile trial.html

PAGE 53

39 BWCs , police departments will own and maintain video recordings of police civilian interactions, and can determine if, and when, to release them to the public . T he timely release of police BWC videos can help address discrepancies when civilian and police accounts of an interaction differ, and demonstrate to the public that the police are transparent and open to outside scrutiny (Harvard Law Review 2015). At the operational level, BWC recordings afford police supervisors the opportunity to review officer conduct and evaluate performance without the need for their co presence. The extent to which these activities are occurring, and whether they are having any impact on the organization to facilitate public trust, accountability and transparency , is still an open question . What We Know According to the U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, of the more than 12,000 local law enforcement departments in the U.S., 32% use BWCs in 2013 19 . With 20 encouraging the use of BWCs by police departments throughout the U.S., the percentage of officers wearing BWCs is expected to increase. According to a survey of 500 local law enforcement agencies conducted by the Police Executive Research Forum (PERF , an independent rese arch organization that focuses on critical issues in policing. See, www.policeforum.org ), evidence documentation, accountability and transparency are the main benefits of BWCs. Given the novelty of BWC use in police departments, studies examining their imp act on police organizations are few (Barak et al 2014, 2016; Lum et al 2015; White 2014), and the findings from completed studies are 19 Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics, Law Enforcement Management and Administrative Statistics (LEMAS) Survey, 2013. 20 As part of this initiative, a new Body Worn Camera Partnership Program would provide a 50 percent match to States/localities who purchase body worn cameras and requisite storage. Overall, the proposed $75 million investment over three years could help purchase 50,000 body worn cameras.

PAGE 54

40 mostly preliminary, and sometimes contradictory. For example, Barak et al (2016), reported that BWCs are associated with a of BWCs on and off. This finding contradicts an earlier study that reported a decrease in use of force (Barak 2014). A few studies have examined police officer perceptions of BWCs, and concluded that after an initial period of apprehension, officers are generally supportive of the technology (Katz et al. 2014). Few studies have addressed the claim that BWCs will duct. Katz et al (2014) found that in the Phoenix police department, officers with BWCs produced higher numbers of arrests and higher numbers of guilty pleas on domestic violence calls than those without them. Nearly all of this work is in the Criminal Jus tice and Criminology literature or involves limited scope studies funded by U.S. Department of Justice grants and private foundations (Sesay et al . 2017). In a recent Pew Research Center (2017) survey, 66% of police officers favor the use of BWCs, althoug h many are skeptical about their efficacy in changing how police and civilians behave to each other. A higher percentage of administrators (52%) see more benefit to BWCs than sergeants (34%) and rank and file officers (32%), who are required to wear them. Additionally, a more recent randomized controlled trial was designed to investigate the effects of BWCs on police use of force and civilian complaints. The study, which involved 2,224 Metropolitan Police Department (MPD) officers in Washington, DC., conclu ded: We are unable to detect any statistically significant effects. As such, our experiment suggests that we should recalibrate our expectations of BWCs. Law enforcement agencies (particularly in contexts similar to Washington, DC) that are considering ado pting BWCs should not expect dramatic reductions in use of force or complaints, or other large scale shifts in police behavior, solely from the deployment of this technology. We would also temper expectations about (and suggest further research into) the e videntiary value of BWCs (Yokum, et al . 2017, p. 22) .

PAGE 55

41 P reliminary evidence thus appears to suggest that the likely impact of BWCs on law enforcement is mixed or minimal at best. Also, as the Pew Survey shows, there is a difference in perceptions about t administrators who formulate organizational goals and policies, and the sergeant and patrol officers who implement them. This difference highlights a reas of tension that relates to the traditional exercise of d iscretion by patrol officers, and the potential to restrict that discretion with a surveillance technology in a highly controlled context. This tension presents a unique opportunity to investigate the interplay of agency, technology , and organization in po lice work through the use of a wearable technology (BWC). A common theme among the studies cited above is that they have either relied on self reported data through semi structured interviews, or randomized trials using secondary dat a obtained from police department databases on civilian complaints ( Yokum et al. 2017, Barak et al. 2014, 2016 ) . None appears to have conducted any fieldwork or observations to find out how BWCs are used by police officers in the field. This is a critical gap, because as a wearable technology with the capacity to affect the agency of police officers, and vice versa, it is difficult to quantify BWC impact on police work without understanding: 1) how the BWC technology affects the discretion of officers to co nduct ordinary police functions, 2) conversely, how officer discretion to turn the BWC on/off affects the evidence documentation capability of the camera, and 3) how department policies, including metrics used to punish and reward performance, constrain or enable police practice . Additionally, to the best of my knowledge, no study has advanced a theoretical framework on BWCs that ground empirical work and explicate findings, especially considering the distributed nature of

PAGE 56

42 the agential relationship between the officer and the camera. It is therefore a necessary exercise to examine how an officer relates to wearing a BWC as part of the practice of police work. In the last chapter, I presented the technological context of the BWC and argued for a sociomateria l accounting of its relationship with officers. Here, I take the same view to the BWC. In arguing for the effects of material agency on human agency , Pickering (1993) , makes an important clarification regarding intentionality. That is: We humans differ from nonhumans precisely in that our actions have intensions behind them, whereas the performances (behaviors) of quarks, microbes, and machine tools do not. I think tha t this is right. I find that I cannot understand scientific practice without reference to the intentions of scientists, though I do not find it necessary to have insight into the intensions of things (p. 565). This clarification a ccords with tion on agency and intentionality. the possibility to account for the capability of artifacts (such as BWCs) to do things that affect human agency, just as humans do things to artifacts with or without intentionality. Thus, we are again confronted with the notion of inseparability of human and nonhuman agency in the arena of human endeavors , and to consider their entanglement in practice . As Orlikowski and Scott (2016) argued, if we take inseparability of humans and technology and pr

PAGE 57

43 Wearing the Badge and the Camera As the title of this thesis suggests, the introduction of BWC technology in police is, a human police officer fitted with a BWC, resulting in a constitutive and entangled human machine relationship (see Figures 3.1 and 3.2 ). Figure 3.1. Officer with Collar Mounted BWC

PAGE 58

44 Figure 3.2. Officer with Chest Mounted BWC While a distinct boundary can be discerned between material and human components of the hybrid police officer, this boundary dissolves in the practice of police work during a

PAGE 59

45 police civilian encounter. During such an encounter, the officer, cognizant of the entanglement w ith the BWC, performs certain actions meant to acknowledge and coordinate with the materiality of the BWC. For example, reading out loud certain information so that the BWCs audio can capture the words and sound, scanning the surroundings and altering or m odifying the bladed stance so that the BWC captures the scene, and asking questions of third parties so that evidence is captured for storage and playback. In addition, the officer may simply make known his/her entanglement with a BWC to elicit certain r esponses from third party interactions. Figure 3.3. Police Cruiser with Mobile Data Terminal

PAGE 60

46 The agential intra actions between the officer and the BWC extend beyond the immediacy of civilian interactions. As time permits throughout the period of patr ol, the officer often retreats to the relative safety of the police cruiser to further engage with the materiality of the BWC to co produce reports that are an integral part of practice. Through ee Figure 3.3 ), the sociomaterial assemblage of the Cruiser Officer BWC MDT function together to co produce any number of reports relevant to the practice in the field, and at the police station. Figure 3.4 shows the sign on the bathroom door of one police station. The sign is a constant reminder to anyone passing through that bathroom door (which is just about any officer in the station) of t he entangled nature of the relationship between officers and BWCs. Figure 3.4. Bathroom Reminder for BWC

PAGE 61

47 More g enerally, the very nature of the relationship between police officers and BWCs enforcement tool (material), useful for identifying and documenting evidence that could be used for prosecution in a court of law, or adjudicate the merits of citizen complaints against (social) tool, needed as a check and balance mechanism to ensure that police aut hority is not exercised at the expense of individual rights and freedoms. Hence, the essence of BWC is not given, but emerges from its constitutive entanglement in the practice of police work. For instance, prior to the sociomaterial entanglement of the po lice BWC assemblage, police interactions with citizens have, for the most part, been verified solely by accounts narrated by police officers based on their memories. In most cases, if there is a discrepancy between the audio visual ev idence. Sociomaterial Entanglement of Police BWC Technology In order to appreciate just how entangled the sociomaterial relationship between and officer and a BWC can become, the following scenario, adapted from Sesay et al. (2016, p. 13) is instructive: American city. Leering through an alley, Officer P noticed what seemed like a drug deal in progress. He adjusted his glasses and walked in the direction of the two suspects, one of whom is a notorious drug dealer known to police. A sentry informed the two men about the approaching police officer. The dealers bolted in different directions and Officer P gave chase. After two quick turns, Officer P lost track of the

PAGE 62

48 suspects. Ex hausted and exasperated, he went back to his police cruiser and typed in a report. That was three years ago. Now, imagine Officer P again in the same alley, observing the same transaction with the same suspects. This time when he adjusted his glasses, he a ctivated the attached BWC. The camera automatically saved the last 30 seconds of recording in the buffer, which captured the exact moment that the drug exchange occurred, and snapped a picture of the drug dealers. At the end of his shift, Officer P unclipp ed the camera from his uniform, docked it to a charging station, which autonomously uploaded the audio/video footage to a cloud based Digital Evidence At the computer room in the investigations department, a detective video flashed on her computer screen. Using the image matching software on her computer, Detective D queried th in a centralized image database and obtained a perfect match. This gave her the contact information of the suspect as well as other details, including criminal history. Armed with this record, the suspect was apprehended and charged to court. At the trial, the prosecutor called no human witnesses. Instead, the attention of the judge and Management System in the Cloud. On the basis of the clarity of the video images and the self identification of the suspect on the screen, a conviction was returned. W elcome to the era of BWCs in law enforcement. The above scenario , though fictional, encapsulates how the implementation of BWC technology alter s the sequence of investigative events. First, the availability of video evidence from BWC technology serves to corroborate officer accounts of events. Second, the officer now dictates a more accurate report based on a review of the video e vidence and references the footage, which expedites the work of detectives. Third, knowledge of the existence of BWC evidence convinces the suspect to plead guilty instead of face trial. Thus, officer patrols and investigative processes have become reconst ituted by the entanglement of the officers and the material ity o f the BWC technology. Table 3.1 adapted from Sesay et al. (2016) identifie s three specific examples of sociomaterial entanglement in police practice . T hese examples demonstrate how the deploym ent of BWC technology in a police department, transforms and reconstitutes the practice of police work.

PAGE 63

49 Table 3.1 . Examples of Sociomaterial Practice in Police Body Worn Cameras Before Use of BWC With BWC Technology Sociomateriality Evidence Chain of Cu stody: Physical evidence is stored in a property room with labelled shelves and bins. Users need authorization for access. Once authorized, they have access to other evidence not necessarily pertaining to their case. The integrity of the evidence depends o n the integrity of the authorized user Digital evidence is stored in the Cloud. Digital Evidence Management System (DEMS) provides audit capabilities for verification. When an officer needs access to digital evidence, they must first be configured with a u sername and password, and granted appropriate access rights and privileges. After that, the DEMS authenticates the configuration before granting access. In order to meet the needs of the criminal justice system, neither human nor technology is privileged in their configurations for managing digital evidence. The system is configured to allow access to particular configurations of users. Users leave a trail for whatever they access and how they access it (e.g. copy, print, download etc.). Chain of custody can be audited Citizen Officer Interaction: Officer prepares report of an encounter after the fact through recollection from memory and linguistic narration of verbal and non verbal communication during the encounter. This account is privileged and taken for granted even though the citizen also has capabilities for recollection and narration Officer reorients posture to ensure that encounter is captured by BWC. After the encounter, officer reviews the encounter through an app on a blue tooth connected mobi le phone. A synopsis is dictated as report and the BWC footage is tagged, titled and referenced in the synopsis. With the record and playback capability of BWC, police and narrate interactions is not taken for granted. It r equires visual evidence. As such, trust for a police officer is now challenged and reconstituted by the technological capability of BWC and its inseparability from the evidence documentation and presentation processes. Offic er Training and Supervision: Training and supervision were separated in time and space. Training was standardized for all officers, and performance evaluations are mostly subjective based on generalized criteria Training is targeted based on actual perform ance of officer on the field. The supervisor is objectively evaluate performance by reviewing BWC footage Need for spatial proximity or co presence between supervisor and officer is elimin ated. Relationality of officer and supervisor is mediated by the technology Adapted from Sesay et al. (2016) The above examples demonstrate how the introduction of BWC has reconstituted the everyday practice of police work, and attests to the amenabilit y and usefulness of a sociomaterial perspective to investigate the entanglement of the police officer and the BWC technology in practice . The accords with the observation of Orlikowski and Scott (2008) that able in helping to research the expansion of 464).

PAGE 64

50 Applying Theory to the Context of Police Practice In the United States, police departments are chartered and managed under local control of the jurisdiction constituting the force (Maguire 2003). The doctrine of local control explains why there are a variety of organizational structures utilized by the hundreds of police agencies across the U.S. Notwithstanding the variety, police organizations have generally maintained a qua si military organizational structure with a strict rules based bureaucracy enforced through top down hierarchical command and control (Williams 2003, Jones 2009). This traditional structure emphasizes centralized decision making enacted through standard op erating policies and procedures. While centralization is largely credited with professionalizing the police force and constraining arbitrary discretion by police officers (Jones 2009), it has also been faulted as being undemocratic (Angell 1971) and a bulw ark against effective police reforms (Williams 2003). organization, legitimated in part by charisma and in part by rational bureaucratic policy prescriptions represent structural elements within which police officers are confined to ply their trades for the benefit of the organization. In this hierarchical arrangement, technology is vi ewed as a tool (Orlikowski and Iacono 2001) at the beck and call of social actors (Manning 1996, 2008). Behavior expected of police officers is codified in detailed and elaborate standard operating procedures, and compliance is extracted through prescribed disciplinary measures tailored to each infraction (Manning 1992). As such, deviance and entrepreneurship on the part of police officers is discouraged.

PAGE 65

51 The primary function of a police officer is to preserve the peace, protect life and property, prevent crime, apprehend criminal suspects, recover lost or stolen property, enforce criminal and traffic ordinances and regulations of the jurisdiction and the laws of the State in a fair and impartial manner, and uphold the Constitution of the United States of A merica. In discharging these responsibilities, the officer can make a forcible arrest and perform other necessary physical tasks. A patrol officer is responsible for carrying out police functions in a specifically assigned district, precinct or area, in re adiness at all times to answer calls for service. 21 The introduction of BWC technology to record and memorialize police actions, has challenged traditional practice of police work. For example, patrol officers who occupy the lowest rung of the police profes sional ladder, have traditionally exercised significant discretion in the execution of their tasks, away from the gaze of supervisors (Manning 1992, 1996). They respond to dispatch calls, decide when to take police action and enforce the law on their own a ccord. They patrol significant distances and geographical areas, thanks to police cruisers and communication devices. This unparalleled exercise of human agency is now challenged by a surveillance technology (BWC) that records and memorializes every encoun ter a police officer initiates with a civilian, and every police action taken as a result. Conceptually, police functions can be categorized into support services, service delivery or operations, and strategy (Jackson et al 2014). These categories have be en used to identify three broad areas of strategy for police work: Support functions, Reactive policing, 21 Information about police functions, responsibilities and operations is summarized from the operations manual of the Denver Police Department, which is available at: https://www.denvergov.org/content/dam/denvergov/ Portals/720/documents/OperationsManual/OMSBook/OM_ Book.pdf

PAGE 66

52 calls for service and emergencies, while proactive pol icing focuses on intelligence driven operations, such as hotspot analysis and community interactions. Through its capabilities to gather and document evidence in real time, as well as asynchronously, BWCs cut across all three areas of policing strategy. Ho wever, the vast majority of police encounters with civilians are initiated through calls for service, or officer initiated stops during patrol. Types of Calls There are two types of calls that a patrol officer is required to respond to -Dispatch or Class 1 c alls , and Self Initiated or Class II calls (Operations Manual DPD) . Dispatch calls are a higher priority, and are made through a centralized (9 1 1) call center. These calls are considered an order from the Chief of Police. Self initiated calls are mad e by officers in order to respond to on sight police activity without delay. At their earliest convenience, and at the conclusion of every call, o fficers are required to give a disposition to the dispatcher . Figure 3.1 depicts the typical sequence of what a patrol officer does once the receive or initiate a call for service.

PAGE 67

53 Figure 3. 5 . Steps in the Practice of Police Patrol ( Source: Author , based on field observations) This sequence is part of the decision making framework of a police officer depict ed in Figure 3.6 below.

PAGE 68

54 Figure 3.6. Decision Making Model of a Typical Police Officer , Source: Operations Manual, DPD

PAGE 69

55 CHAPTER IV RESEARCH METHODOLOGY Research Design and Methodology Wearable technologies remain intimate and personal to the wearer even when used in an organizational context. As such, to study their material discursive enactment as part of the practices of an organization, demands a primordial understanding of how wearable technology is constitutive of, and inseparably entangled with , organizational actors (the wearers). By focusing on practice, th is research is grounded in terms of phenomena that are routinized type of behavior which consists of several elements, interconnected to one an background knowledge in the form of understanding, know how, states of emotion and . 249). According to Neuman (1994), t he research paradigm that is most aligned with a practice logic is qualitative research. As he puts it: (p. 318). T he practice of interest in this research is a specific is carried out by a patrol officer who is assigned specific functions in a police department. During the performance of those functions, the patrol officer is required to wear a BWC, c onstitut ing the basic sociomaterial entanglement of the practice . In addition to wearing a BWC, the patrol officer wears a uniform, carries other equipment and drives an official vehicle (police cruiser). All these components (social and material) are inte gral to the practice of police patrol. In order to account for how these sociomaterial entanglements are enacted in practice, I adopted a sociomaterial perspective that subscribes to the notion of

PAGE 70

56 ontological inseparability. Table 4.1 shows guidelines that are compatible with the conduct of research using a sociomaterial perspective. Table 4.1. Sociomaterialist Perspective of Research Sociomaterial Principle Guideline for Inquiry Onto Epistemological inseparability Focus on relationality Phenomena are basic units of relations Identify the phenomena entangled in relations Phenomena are instantiated in material discursive practices Seek to understand phenomena/relations within which practices occur Practices produce performative outcomes Investigate mat erial discursive enactments Adapted from Aron Lindberg , ICIS 2017 22 As stated above, a qualitative approach is most suited to a study about practices. Hence, it is the approach that I used to address the two research questions. A qualitative approach co nsiders the social context as an important element for understanding the social Figure 4 .1 depicts the social context of this research, including the relationships among the case sites, functions , roles and ranks of informants engaged in the research. 22 Aron Lindberg, Ph.D., is an assistant professor at the School of Business, Stevens Institute of Technology, Hoboken, New Jersey. The chart was part of a presentation at the Grounded Theory Worksh op on December 13, 2017, at the International Conference on Information Systems (ICIS), in South Korea.

PAGE 71

57 Figure 4.1. Case Sites and Informants In this dissertation, I consider that the pro cess of investigating and analyzing the relationship between a new digital technology and agentic action by actors in the course of performing the institutional practice of patrol work is best accomplished by: 1) gaining significant understanding of the co ntext and characteristics of the actors both social and material that are engaged in relations; and 2) deriving explanations for the observed

PAGE 72

58 characteristics of the relationship. The following section provides a detailed discussion of the methods and proce dures used to conduct the research. Specific details of how the qualitative research is conducted, including data collection, analysis, theory development, data controls and validity will be addressed. Qualitative Case Study Qualitative research is a set of techniques for data collection and analysis that can be used to describe phenomena, build and test theory (Van Maanen, 1979). As Shah and Corley (2006, p.1830 hen done rigorously and reported clearly and concisely, qualitative research is a po werful tool for management researchers, providing many advantages above One of the techniques for qualitative research is the case study method. This method is particularly suited for examining new practice based phenomenon, where the experiences of the actors and the context of action is crucially important (Benbasat et al 1987). A case study examines a phenomenon in its natural setting, employing multiple methods of data collection to gather infor mation from one or a few entities (people, groups, or organizations). The boundaries of the phenomenon are not clearly evident at the outset of the research and no experimental control or manipulation is used (Benbasat et al (1987, p.370). Furthermore, Benbasat et al (1987, p. 371) listed eleven characteristics of case studies: 1. Phenomenon is examined in a natural setting. 2. Data are collected by multiple means. 3. One or few entities (person, group, or organization) are examined. 4. The complexity of the unit is studied intensively. 5. Case studies are more suitable for the exploration, classification and hypothesis development stages of the knowledge building process; the investigator should have a receptive attitude towards exploration. 6. No experimental contro ls or manipulation are involved. 7. The investigator may not specify the set of independent and dependent variables in advance. 8. The results derived depend heavily on the integrative powers of the investigator.

PAGE 73

59 9. Changes in site selection and data collection methods could take place as the investigator develops new hypotheses. 10. Case research is useful in the study of "why" and "how" questions because these deal with operational links to be traced over time rather than with frequency or incidence. 11. The focus is on contemporary events. Many of these characteristics are present in the context of the current study. The implementation of BWCs in police departments is a recent phenomenon, and the impact on police practice is not yet understood or appreciated. Thro ugh the case study approach, I was able to utilize multiple methods of data collection and analysis to investigate how the informants and the technology relate to one another in six police organizations. The study advances no hypothesis or propositions to test , instead, it seeks to develop theory through induction. Case Site Selection and Approach The study was designed and implemented as a multisite case study involving six police departments. Using multiple case sites has several advantages over single ca se research. Multiple case sites provide a stronger base for theory building (Yin 1994, 2003), grounding propositions in varied empirical evidence, enabling broader exploration of research questions and theoretical elaboration, and yielding more generaliza ble and testable theory (Eisenhardt and Graebner 2007). Table 4. 2 lists the six police departments that participated in the study ( names are withheld to assure confidentiality ) . In each department, I contacted the senior leadership and schedule d meeting s, where I explain ed the research objective to the leadership and ask ed for permission to enter the department as a case research site.

PAGE 74

60 Site PD 1 Site PD 1 (a pseudonym) provides police services for a city of more than 100,000 residents with a large university student population. In recent years, the city has been dealing with a growing homeless popul ation, and a rise in theft and property crimes. A citizen group has also recently emerged that follows the police and record their actions with personal cell phone cameras. Although the police department had not fully considered the implementation of a BWC program, the city administration provided funds to start one. To expedite the implementation of the program, the department contracted with a vendor providing in car video services and equipment. The contract was sole sourced, and implementation was top d own. The equipment provided by the vendor frequently malfunctioned, and ultimately Table 4. 2 . Case Study Sites Characteristics PD 1 PD 2 PD 3** PD 4 PD 5 PD 6 Political Context Council Manager Mayor Co uncil Mayor Council Council Manager Mayor Council Council Manager Chief Executive City Mgr. Mayor City Mgr. City Mgr. City Mgr. City Mgr. Population Size 105,270 705,000 19,944 154,570 29,148 13 , 671 Identity University Major City Town University Town Suburban Civilian Monitor Yes Yes No No No No Total Strength* 292 1,749 38 306 51 52 Sworn Officers+ 179 1,434 37 200 47 47 Number of BWC 150 800 29 61 50 34 Year BWC++ 2016 2016 2015 2013 2014 2013 Video Storage On Site/ Cloud Cloud Cloud Cloud On Site Cloud *Total Strength: Total number of employees in the police department. +Sworn Officers: Officers who have arrest powers. ++ Year when the BWC program was or will be officially implemented. The PD 2s pilot program started in 2014, PD 4 in 2012, and PD 1 in 2015. **PD 3: Pilot City

PAGE 75

61 smartphone viewer in the field, which makes it difficult for employees to review footage and write reports in the field. Because the vendor did not offer a cloud based storage service, the infrastructure required to operate the BWCs. The department also hired a dedicated staff person to handle the increasing workload, regarding issues of equipment malfunctions, and program until they can select a new vendor and acquire new equip ment. This was done mid way into the research process. Fortunately, the process of selecting a new vendor and installing new equipment was completed two to three months prior to the start of the second phase of my data collection efforts, which included fi eld observations. The new implementation included an unlimited cloud based Digital Evidence Management System (DEMS) . The former in house server storage system was eliminated, and the new BWCs have Bluetooth capabilities and automatic tagging of videos . I re interviewed three informants who participated in my initial data collection efforts, and three new informants. The informants regard the new BWCs as better than the previous ones in terms o f reliability and ease of operation. In particular, they liked t he feature of the new system that uses timestamp metadata from the CAD system and the BWC to automatically label and tag videos, thus eliminating the need for officers to do this manually. However, according to the re interviewed officers , a downside of th e new BWCs is that they are heavier and bulkier than the old ones. Site PD 2 Site PD 2 (a pseudonym), is a major urban city with a large police department. The city is also ethically diverse and has had recent issues of violent civilian encounters with

PAGE 76

62 po lice officers that were captured on personal cell phones or High Activity Location Observation (HALO) cameras deployed in the downtown area. The city is divided into six policing districts dispersed throughout the city, and a headquarters and central admi nistration in According to some informants familiar with the history of the BWC program, the department began discussing implement a program as early as 2010. However, it was not until 2014 that a decision was made to implement a pilot program in one of th e districts. A six month pilot was concluded in December 2014 , and the roll out of a full program started in 2015 . T he final implementation in the last police district was completed in the fourth quarter of 2016 . The department negotiate d an unlimited clou d storage and management plan. PD 2 also issued officers with either an iPod or a smartphone that contain a vendor supplied app, which provides Bluetooth connectivity to the BWC. The app allows officers to view BWC footage in real time, and to tag and labe l videos before uploading them to the cloud based DEMS . Site PD 3 Site PD 3 (a pseudonym), is a small size police department , whose mission is to provide public safety for all. The department has 30 45 sworn police officers, serving a community of less t han 30,000 residents. The development of a valuable natural resource has catalyzed economic development, attracting a diverse population and putting strain on police resources. Due to the foresight of the police chief and recent complaints of biased polici ng by civilians, PD 3 decided to pilot a BWC program, and went live with full implementation in 2014. Each of PD 3s sworn officers is issued a BWC. Because the city lacks a formal IT department, it opted for cloud storage of its BWC data through a third pa rty vendor. Recently, PD 3 also issued officers with smart phones that contain a vendor supplied app,

PAGE 77

63 which provides Bluetooth connectivity to the BWC. The app allows officers to view BWC footage in real time, and to tag and label videos before uploading t hem to the cloud. Site PD 4 Site PD 4 (a pseudonym), is an early adopter of the BWC program, having served as a testbed for the leading vendor of BWC systems. With a large student population and an active bar scene in the downtown area, the department opte d to provide BWCs for officers that patrol the downtown area due to frequent complaints of police violence against bar patrons. The department subsequently extended the program to other patrol units, with up to one third of officers wearing BWCs. The depar tment initially opted for an on premises server storage system to save and maintain costs. However, exponential growth of data storage needs caused them to negotiate an unlimited cloud storage and management plan. PD 4 also issued officers with smartphones that contain a vendor supplied app, which provides Bluetooth connectivity to the BWC. The app allows officers to view BWC footage in real time, and to tag and label videos before uploading them to the cloud. Site PD 5 Site PD 5 (a pseudonym), is a mid siz e police department with 45 55 sworn police officers assigned to six teams. Each team is supervised by a Sergeant, and all sergeants are supervised by Lieutenants. The mission of the department is to across the nation by providing th e highest levels of customer service, building strong community relationships and trust with our citizens and regional partners; all while 30,000 35,000 residents. The city sits astride a busy I nterstate corridor an d serve as a gateway to recreational sites along the front range and eastern plains of Colorado . While the location along the Interstate is an economic advantage,

PAGE 78

64 related issues. The decision to implement a B WC was made in 2014 by the department with the support of City Council. Each of PD 5 s sworn officers is issued a BWC. Because of the anticipated high storage costs for BWC data , the department opted for a local server department . Site PD 6 Site PD 6 (a pseudonym) serves an affluent suburban community of less than 14,000 residents. As the site of a large regional shopping center, it has a much larger daytime population exceeding 100,000, hence the proportionally higher number of officers per resident population. The department has 52 employees, of which 47 are sworn officers , The motivation for implementing BWCs is internal and may have been influenced by the role of an influential Sergeant, who is a national trainer for a BWC vendor. enabled and come with a vendor supplied app that allows officers to view BWC footage in real time, and to t ag and label videos before uploading them to the cloud based DEMS . Entry into the Field Prior to entering the field and commencing data collection, I scheduled meetings with department chiefs and/or other senior officials. Before the meeting with each pol ice department, I conducted detailed research about the department, its policies, approach to policing, the community, and community police relations. This preparation made me adequately informed about each department, and gave me confidence to engage in a fruitful discussion with them. More importantly, it communicated to the department a deeper interest in their operations than my immediate interest in research. Materials for such research are

PAGE 79

65 readily available on the websites of most departments. Based o n the review, I prepared a well articulated research brief that outlines the core benefits of the research tailored to each department. In the meetings, I made repeated mention of how the research will be conducted and emphasized that I will make every eff ort to minimize my footprints and impact on department operations. This is a crucial point, because police departments often lament about chronic understaffing of their patrol divisions. As such, they would rather every available personnel be deployed on p atrol duty, than participate on a research project, no matter how important the project purports to be. My adequate preparation and patience paid off, since all of the contacted police departments agreed to participate in the research. Case Selection The case selection, though not based on random statistical sampling, wa s not merely opportunistic. Selection of multiple case sites follow ed a replication logic (Yin 2003). In particular, I used a literal replication logic to select cases that c ould corroborat e each other (e.g. two similarly sized university towns), and selected others that exhibit ed markedly different conditions (e.g., urban center vs sub urban community) based on a theoretical replication logic. According to Eisenhardt and Graebner (2007, p.2 7), when the purpose of the research wa i s appropriate. Theoretical sampling simply means that cases are selected because they are particularly suitable for illuminating and extending rel ationships and logic among constructs . At each case site, I collect ed data through a triangulation of qualitative data collection methods: 1) semi structured interviews, 2) ride along to observe practice involving police civilian interactions, and 3) do cuments and internal statistics provided by each department.

PAGE 80

66 Data Collection Semi structured Interviews Data w ere collected through semi structured interviews with informants in all case sites . The questions and interview script were developed as part o f a detailed research (IRB). Thus, the overall design and conduct of th e research was assured to be in full compliance with IRB guidelines . Appendix I lists the inter view questions. In order to test the efficacy of the interview script and practice interviewing techniques , I selected one of the case sites as a pilot. The selection of the pilot case site was based on readiness of the department to immediately engage wit h the research. The pilot was conducted in June 2016, and analysis of the data followed shortly thereafter. Eight officers, include the police chief, sergeants and patrol officers were interviewed. The analysis revealed the need to target certain questions based on the functional role of the informant. For example, responses from patrol officers regarding questions about the motivation for introducing the BWC program were invariably referred to the command staff. Similarly, responses to questions such as: How have BWCs change the etc., were referred to patrol of ficers. The pilot also helped to estimate the length of each interview as 30 <= t <= 60, where t is time in minutes. The interviews w ere audio taped and subsequently transcribed for analysis. A ll the interviews were co ndu cted in the police station where t he officers work. Table 4. 3 names are not shown.

PAGE 81

67 Table 4. 3 . List of Interview Participants/Informants # Informant Rank Division Year Employed Interview Date Duration 1 Sergeant Internal Affairs 1990 6/7/16 46:10 2 Deputy Police Chief Command Staff 1986 6/24/16 53:30 3 Civilian Evidence/Admin Mgmnt 2005 6/24/16 30:09 4 Civilian Operations/IT Support 2010 6/24/16 62:20 5 Patrol Officer Patrol 2012 6/24/16 37:12 6 Patrol Officer Patrol 2002 7/1/16 36:29 7 Sergeant Patrol 2004 7/1/16 48:36 8 Patrol Officer Patrol 2013 7/1/16 24:50 9 Patrol Officer Patrol 2005 11/11/17 30:24 10 Patrol Officer Patrol 1998 11/15/17 23:47 11 Patrol Officer Patrol 2002 10/25/17 16:24 12 Patrol Officer Patrol 1987 10/25/17 29:02 13 Civilian Operations/IT Support 2005 10/25/17 18:12 14 Police Chief Command Staff 1980 6/1/16 33:43 15 Sergeant Patrol 2003 6/1/16 55:45 16 Patrol Officer Patrol 2004 6/1/16 25:55 17 Patrol Officer Patr ol 2011 6/1/16 36:34 18 Sergeant Operations/IT Support 2000 6/1/16 39:39 19 Patrol Officer Patrol 1997 6/4/16 52:18 20 Patrol Officer Patrol 2015 6/4/16 39:14 21 Sergeant Patrol 1980 6/4/16 40:42 22 Patrol Officer Patrol 2009 5/1/16 44:07 23 Patrol O fficer Patrol 2012 5/1/16 20:43 24 Patrol Officer Patrol 2013 5/1/16 22:45 25 Patrol Officer Patrol 2001 5/1/16 28:44 26 Lieutenant Patrol 2000 5/1/16 33:59 27 Sergeant Patrol 1988 5/1/16 34:42 28 Civilian Evidence/Admin Mgmnt 1992 10/18/16 43:43

PAGE 82

68 Tab 29 Deputy Police Chief Command Staff 1994 6/9/16 36:58 30 Sergeant Patrol 2001 6/9/16 43:47 31 Civilian Operations/IT Support 2007 6/9/16 20:14 32 Patrol Officer Patrol 2006 6/9/16 51:53 33 Sergeant Patrol 2006 6/9/16 29:09 34 Patrol Of ficer Patrol 1999 6/9/16 28:06 35 Sergeant Internal Affairs 1999 6/14/16 35:34 36 Patrol Officer Patrol 2014 6/25/16 37:30 37 Sergeant Patrol 1991 6/26/16 46:43 38 Patrol Officer Patrol 2002 6/26/16 34:09 39 Patrol Officer Patrol 1999 6/26/16 37:06 4 0 Commander Command Staff 1990 6/14/16 38:57 41 Corporal Patrol 2006 9/17/17 12:15 42 Corporal Patrol 2000 10/13/17 17:16 43 Patrol Officer Patrol 2012 9/16/17 27:56 44 Patrol Officer Patrol 2002 10/5/16 49:45 45 Patrol Officer Patrol 2005 10/19/16 51 :53 46 Patrol Officer Patrol 2014 10/5/16 36:28 47 Patrol Officer Patrol 2014 10/8/16 33:44 48 Patrol Officer Patrol 2001 10/19/16 40:35 49 Patrol Officer Patrol 2014 9/21/17 23:51 50 Sergeant Patrol 1988 10/19/16 1:07:25 51 Sergeant Patrol 1998 10/1 9/16 30:30 52 Sergeant Patrol 2000 10/6/16 39:31 53 Patrol Officer Patrol 2000 9/24/17 20:32 55 Patrol Officer Patrol 2013 10/15/17 40:49 55 Lieutenant Internal Affairs 1995 6/17/16 1:12:42 56 Lieutenant Command Staff 1991 10/23/17 37:06 57 Patrol Of ficer Patrol 1998 9/29/17 23:43

PAGE 83

69 58 Patrol Officer Patrol 2014 10/23/17 21:23 59 Patrol Officer Patrol 2015 9/29/17 16:11 60 Corporal Patrol 2007 10/8/17 41:32 61 Patrol Officer Patrol 2013 9/30/17 37:12 62 Patrol Officer Patrol 2016 9/29/17 16:10 63 Corporal Patrol 1999 10/7/17 41:37 64 Patrol Officer Patrol 2016 9/29/17 21:55 65 Patrol Officer Patrol 2013 9/30/17 20:46 66 Patrol Officer Patrol 2007 9/29/17 20:07 67 Patrol Officer Patrol 2016 11/4/17 13:19 68 Sergeant Patrol 199 7 10/23/17 33:51 69 Sergeant Operations/IT Support 1996 6/22/16 51:42 Social desirability bias is a main concern in face to face interviews. Through the pilot, I was able to modify the wording of some questions, tweaked the sequence to help respondents recall certain events, practice d probing to elicit detailed responses from interviewees, and rephrase d questions to ensure the consistency of responses from interviewees. Data Collection Archival Documents In addition to interviews, I collected policy and procedures documents from each case site or police department. The primary source for documents w as the website of each police department. Whe n not available, I made direct requests for hard or electronic copies through the responsible party in each depart ment. The policy documents w ere used to find out what structural constrain t s or enablers exist, and whether implementation of the BWC program was faithful to the policy stipulations of the department. Review of BWC policies across sites

PAGE 84

70 reveal ed the level of discretion allowed officers for actions such as turning the camera on and off, and granularity of categories for labelling and tagging videos, which eventually impacts BWC retention schedules. Appendix III lists the BWC polic y of one of the case sites . The name of the department was redact ed to uphold confidentiality. Data Collection Direct Observation The third means of data collection for the study was by direct observation of the practice of police work. Although I had been granted permission to condu ct interviews, the permission to ride in a police vehicle required further authorizations. Additionally, civilians are only permitted one ride per year. Because of my role as researcher, I request ed and was granted permission to participate in multiple rid es for the span of entire shifts. Appendix IV lists redacted authorization forms I signed in order to participate in the ride along observations . A lso , before participating in the ride along observations , I sought and obtained approval to participate in th e training provided to police officers on how to use BWCs in one case site . The training enabled me to understand and appreciate the operational details of BWC technology and develop the necessary skills to assess the use of the technology in the field. In all, I participated in 14 ride along observations in two police organizations. My role as observer was . That is, I ( the researcher ) was a known, overt observer from the beginning who ha d more limited or formal contact with memb ers (Ne u man 1994, p. 345). For each observation period, I r o d e along with a designated police officer in a police cruiser for an entire shift, lasting eight to ten hours. The total number of ride s was not determined a priori . It was based on reaching a sat uration point , when no new practice situations were observed during an eight hour shift. To ensure a variety of contacts and

PAGE 85

71 observations, each ride along was taken with a different police officer patrolling a different section of the jurisdiction . In addi tion, I arranged the rides so that I was able to cover different time periods , starting from 6:00 A M in a day shift, to 3:00 AM in the graveyard shift (a total coverage period of 21 hours, excluding overlaps). Table 4.4 lists the different shifts and rides I participated in. Table 4.4. Ride Along Dates and Shifts Date o f Patrol Shift Start Shift End Duration (hrs . ) 09/16/17 2:00 PM 10:00 PM 8:00 09/17/17 12:00 PM 8:00 PM 8:00 09/21/17 1:00 PM 9:00 PM 8:00 09/24/17 6:00 AM 2:00 PM 8:00 09/28/17 1:30 P M 9:30 PM 8:00 09/30/17 5:00 PM 3:00 AM 10:00 10/07/17 6:00 AM 2:00 PM 8:00 10/08/17 12:00 PM 8:00 PM 8:00 10/13/17 2:00 PM 10:00 PM 8:00 10/15/17 7:00 AM 3:00 PM 8:00 10/23/17 2:00 PM 10:00 PM 8:00 10/25/17 3:00 PM 1:00 AM 10:00 11/04/17 6:00 AM 2 :00 PM 8:00 11/11/17 6:00 AM 3:00 PM 9:00 Because of the legal nature of the police practice that I was observing and its vested powers of arrest and deployment of lethal force when necessary , I ha d no contact (formal or informal) with civilians during the exercise of police powers. However, I w as present and visible during most, if not all, interactions. The location from where I observe d the interactions, whether on scene or from the relative safety of the police cruiser d epend ed on the nature of the c ontact, and on the advice of the ride along police officer. In general, I observed traffic stops from the safety of the police cruiser until the officer deemed it safe for me to be at the scene. For all other contacts, I was allowed to walk with the off ic e r to the

PAGE 86

72 scene. Winnowing down from six to two research sites to collect observational data reflect ed the difficult and intensive nature of direct observation to collect field data (Neuman 1994). As Shaffir et at (1980, p.3; cited in Ne u man 1994) observed: with the more disagreeable activities that humanity has fashioned for itself. It is usually inconvenient, to say the least, sometimes physically uncomfortable, frequently embarrassing, ) . The d ecision on which two sites to conduct ride along observations was based on: a) obtaining permission from the police department to observe police work, b) theoretical interest, and c) possibility of observing a wide variety of police civilian intera ctions. At the two sites I sought and received permission, I w as able to observe police roll calls, including pre dispatch briefings and interactions among police officers at the police department before heading out to patrol. Following that, I r o de along with a designated police officer assigned to a particular district and precinct and observe d interactions between officers wearing BWCs and civilians. After every interaction, I administer ed a short questionnaire to the officer, to collect information on h ow certain decisions were made. For example, whe re and when the BWC was activated and why; how was the BWC recording tagged or categorized; whether a ticket or summon was issued and why; how the interaction/event was resolved, etc. Appendix I V shows a copy of the ride along questionnaire. During each ride, I engage d in open ended unstructured discussion with the officer to understand the nuances of police work and the practice of police patrol in particular . Data from this discussion w as captured in my fiel d notes. These discussions were instrumental in helping me clarify issues that I encountered during previous ride along observations , augment my understanding of issues that emerged

PAGE 87

73 during earlier interviews, and make connections and refine theoretical con cepts between the interview and observational data. Notwithstanding the stress and discomfort of field research, observational research was very fulfilling and rewarding . As Chatman and Flynn (2005, p. 436) noted , observation research has three main advan tages over manipulation based research : 1) providing natural proof that can validate assumptions about whether the phenomenon occurs in nature among actors who would be participating in the interaction, in the normal course of everyday life, 2) determining the relevance of the phenomenon to understand whether it matters, and 3) identifying the complexity of the construct by observing key variables in action and understand how they interact with one another. All three phenomena were manifested during the per iod of my ride along observation s . As I indicated above, being able to observe police practice and obtain answers about actions taken and decisions made contemporaneously, not only helped me resolve various conceptual and theoretical issues, it was also a personally fulfilling and enriching experience. Rigor and Validity Despite its powerful tools and techniques to provide description, and to build and test theory (Van Maanen 1979), qualitative research in general, and case studies in particular, ha v e been prone to the charge of lacking in methodological rigor in terms of validity and reliability (Gibbert et al 2008, Shah and Corley 2006). To address this charge, researchers have developed several criteria to judge the rigor of qualitative research (Shah an d Corley 2006). Lincoln and Guba (1985) proposed four trustworthiness criteria Credibility, Transferability, Dependability, and Confirmability as alternative sets of criteria that are

PAGE 88

74 equivalent to the traditional notions of Internal validity, External validity, Reliability, and Objectivity, respectively used in quantitative research. The following table, adapted from Lincoln and Guba (1985) describes how these criteria were addressed in this dissertation. Table 4. 5. Techniques for ensuring trustworthi ness Trustworthiness criteria Methods for meeting criteria How study meets criteria Credibility (Internal validity) Extended engagements in the field Triangulation of data types Peer debriefing; Member checks Two years of field contact and data collectio n, including interviews, direct observation, and archival documents Transferability (External validity) Detailed (thick) description of: o Concepts and categories in the grounded theory o Structures and processes related to processes revealed in the data Clos ely follow ed recommendations by Strauss and Corbin (1990) and Charmaz ( 2006 ) for analysis and write up of cases Dependability (Reliability) Purposive and theoretical sampling Inquiry audit of data collection, managem ent, and analysis process Careful ly select ed case sites to meet both literal and theoretical replication criteria. Strict ly adhere d to research protocol on confidentiality based on Institutional Review Board (IRB) standards Confirmability (Objectivity) E xplicit separation of 1st and 2nd order findings Meticulous data management and recording: Verbatim transcription of interviews Careful notes of observations Clear notes on theoretical and methodological decisions Accurate records of contacts and intervie ws Maintain meticulous notes and database of data collection and management processes and protocols Closely follow ed recommendations by Strauss and Corbin (1990) and Charmaz (2006) for analysis and write up of cases Interviews were transcribed verbatim by a professional transcription service Adapted from Lincoln and Guba (1985) Ensuring Credibility: The issue of credibility is a concern in qualitative research, including grounded theory. As a best practice for ensuring the credibility of grounded theory research, Goulding (2002, p. 151) suggest ed that:

PAGE 89

75 as expert is reversed. This process is called member checking and is an invited assessment of the investigators meaning. Inf ormants can be invited to assess whether the early This is the advice followed in this research. After my initial data collection and analysis in May 2016, I submitted a paper to the Hawaii Inte rnational Conference on System Sciences (HICSS) based on my preliminary findings and presented the paper on January 6, 2017. In addition, I have h el d three meetings with command officers and staff in two of my case sites in which I discussed preliminary fi ndings and obtained feedback from informants. The first two meetings were held on March 15 and March 28, 2017 . After a second wave of data collection, I again met with the command staff and officers in one case site on October 11, 2017 . Again, I discuss ed preliminary findings, initial conceptual ideas, and sought feedback from my informants . Also, I used the occasion of my ride along observations , completed between September and November 2017 to discuss preliminary findings with officers. It is after consi dering the feedback of the command staff and officers regarding my preliminary analysis that I proceed ed to complete my analysis in NVivo in January 2018 . Additionally, I have provided transcripts from my initial data collection to members of my research c steps I have taken, I am confident that the conduct of my research and the results obtain therefrom meet generally accepted criteria for credibility, rigor, and validity. In the next chapter, I present a detailed discussion of the analysis and results of the research.

PAGE 90

76 CHAPTER V ANALYSIS AND RESULTS The research goal for this dissertation i s to develop theoretical concepts on police use of BWC technology , and answer two research questions about the relationship between officers and BWC technology . To answer these questions, a grounded theory (GT) approach (Strauss and Corbin 1990) was used to inform the conduct of the research as well as the analysis of data obtained from the res earch theory methods consist of systematic, yet flexible guidelines for collecting and analyzing A grounded theory is inductively deriv ed and Corbin 1990, p. 23). When applied properly, grounded theory can aid in the creation o f new and illuminating theoretical concepts (Shah and Corley 2006). For Strauss and Corbin (19 90 ), the defining components of grounded theory practice include: Simultaneous involvement in data collection and analysis Constructing analytic codes and categor ies from data, not from preconceived logically deduced hypotheses Using the constant comparative method, which involves making comparisons during each stage of the analysis Advancing theory development during each step of data collection and analysis Memo writing to elaborate categories, specify their properties, define relationships between categories, and identify gaps Sampling aimed toward theory construction, not for population representativeness Conducting the literature review after developing an inde pendent analysis. The last point demands clarification as there are several schools of thought as to what it reading literature in the substantive area until the end of the analysis in classic GT [grounded

PAGE 91

77 expertise which appears odd and counter cautioned that rejection of a prior i theorizi ng, does not mean that researchers should enter the field lacking an understanding of the literature or the theoretical question to be addressed. It does mean that researchers should not allow preconceived constructs and hypotheses to guide data collectio not an excuse to ignore the literature (p.1827). It is in line with the views expressed above that this thesis started with a literature review and theoretical discussion in Chapter 2. Although it is a primarily qu alitative research method, grounded theory subscribes to a neutral research paradigm, which makes it suitable for use with other research paradigms (Urquhart et al 2010, p.361). Using G rounded T heory The main justification for using GT in this study has to do with the novelty of the phenomenon under study and the need to develop theoretical concepts based on a detailed understanding of the context of the phenomenon, and a triangulation of data collection methods. GT is broadly used in Information Systems (I S) research. Wiesche et al. (2017) reviewed 43 GT based articles published in major IS and related journals and concluded that the Straussian approach (Strauss and Corbin 1990), which is the GT method used in this research, is the most widely used in IS, a ccounting for 35 of 43 (81%) articles reviewed. Furthermore , (Wiesche et al. 2017) reported that GT based artic les that focused on theory development like this study , were the most widely cited in the literature per year for non

PAGE 92

78 In the context of this thesis, th e sociomate rial relationship of interest is that between a police officer (wearer) and a body worn camera ( wearable ). In the departments that I studied, the patrol officer (qua officer) is required to wear a BWC and is mandated to activate its use for most of th e int eractions that constitute daily patrol practice . Hence the unit of analysis of this study is the practice of police work that unfolds during the interaction of a n officer civilian contact. In the normal practice of police work, a typical shift lasts from e ight to 12 hours . During that time between five and 12 of these practices are instantiated. As detailed in the methodology chapter, I used two main methods to access the performances of these practices: one is police officers to relate these practices to me from their own perspectives, and the other is by directly observing the doing of the se practices as an observer participant. Analytical Approach The analyses p roceed ed as follows: First, interview data wer e analyzed, foll owed by observation data, and then both analyses converge d into mutually reinforcing emergent findings of the sociomaterial phenomena under study. The analys e s we re grounded in an inductive approach to build theory that highlights the performativity of a p olice officer wearing a BWC (a sociomaterial relationship). Specifically, I follow ed the guidelines and coding paradigm recommended by Strauss and Corbin (1990). This was done not in a mechanistic way to forcibly squeeze conceptual juice s out of the data, but to provide a transparent and consistent basis for evaluating the conduct of the research, and for appraising the value of its contents and findings.

PAGE 93

79 Analysis of Interview Data The analysis started during fieldwork after the first set of interviews w ere conducted in one field site. Billed as a pilot study, I used the review and summary of the interviews to direct attention to specific areas of interest that highlight ed material discursive practices, performative doings and emerging themes and concepts around the central phenomenon of police practice the officer civilian interaction or encounter. Notwithstanding the iterative nature of the analysis, the general conduct c onsist ed of three main coding phas es -open, axial, and selective coding interlaced with theoretical and (Strauss and Corbin 1990, p. 77) . Table 5 .1. Data Analysis Framework Using NVivo 11 Pro NVivo Term Definition Project Equivalent Sources R esearch materials including documents, PDFs, datasets, audio, video, pictures, memos and framework matrices Informant interviews Node Containers for your coding that represent themes, topics or other concepts they let you gather related material in one place so that you can look for emerging patterns and ideas. Text segments or paragraphs organized by a named category or theme Case Containers for your coding that represent your for example, people, places, organizations or artifa cts Interviewee Coding Process of gathering material by topic, theme or case Text segments or paragraphs from interview responses Classification Information about cases for example, demographic data about people. Attributes of interviewees Source: NV ivo 11 Pro for Windows Getting Started Guide ; Author Analysis To facilitate the coding and analytical process, NVivo 11 Pro for Windows was used. Developed by QSR, NVivo is a software tool for storing and organizing, categorizing and

PAGE 94

80 analyzing, and vis ualizing and discovering concepts and themes in qualitative data. 23 The following table depicts the data analysis framework I employed within NVivo to carry out the analysis. Characteristics of Informants During the course of this research, I interviewed 75 informants in six police departments in Colorado. However, the interview files for six of the informants were corrupted, rendering them unusable. Thus, the interviews of 69 informants were transcribed and coded. The characteristics of interview participan ts or informants are analyzed separately from the characteristics of the ride along informants. The informants are predominantly male, comprising 81% compared to 19% female. Figure 5 .1. Demographic Characteristics of Informants , (N = 69) 23 More information on NVivo can be accessed at: http://www.qsrinternational.com/nvivo/what is nvivo . Male 81% Female 19%

PAGE 95

81 The informan ts represent all the major ranks in the hierarchy of a typical police organizations: six percent are command er or above , four percent are lieutenant s , six percent are corporals, 55 percent are patrol officers, and seven percent are civilians 24 . Figure 5 . 2. Job Rank/Title of Informants , (N = 69) In terms of role or function, a majority of the informants ( 78% ) are assigned patrol duties, seven percent are in command or decision making roles, four percent are in professional standards/Internal affairs bure aus , and ten percent are in IT or evidence support functions . 24 The percentages for this and other charts that follow may not add up to 100 due to rounding. 55% 6% 22% 4% 6% 7%

PAGE 96

82 Figure 5 .3. Distribution of Roles among Informants , (N = 69) Overall, the 69 informants share 936 years of experience in various roles in police organizations, with a minimum of one year, a maximum of 36 years and an average of 14 years of experience. As expected, on average years of service closely match the rank of officers interviewed. Figure 5 .4. Average Years of Service by Rank , (N = 69) Command , 7% Patrol Operations , 78% Support , 10% Internal Affairs , 4% 9 14 20 21 29 12 Patrol Officer Corporal Sergeant Lieutemant Command Civilian

PAGE 97

83 Coding Steps Nearly 40 hours of interviews w ere recorded and tran scribed into 893 pages of documents in Microsoft Word. The transcripts were imported into NVivo 11 Pro for the coding and analysis process. In GT, the general process of analyzing data is known as coding, and t here are three major type s open coding , axial coding, and selective coding (Strauss and Corbin 1990, p. 58). Open coding is the process of breaking down the data into distinct units of meaning, examining it, comparing, and categorizing it (Strauss and Corbin 1990, p. 61; Goulding 2002, p. 170). Open c oding of the transcribed interviews was conducted by doing a line by line review of interview transcripts within NVivo . The main focus of open coding was to identify initial concepts from distinct events represented in the data by key words, phrases or sentences . This i nvolve d using labels to attach meaning to statements or text segments of data (Goulding 2002, Charmaz 2006). The labelled statements or text segments were grouped into codes to represent similar or different views. A sin gle statement or text segment may contain more than one code (Strauss and Corbin 1990) . An important feature in this step is the constant comparison of code segments to determine how they fit in the overall scheme of things. In the context of this research , a sking questions such as: Who wears BWCs ; Why ; Where do they wear it ; How do they wear it , for h ow long ; When do they turn it on ; How does it feel , help ed in developing initial concepts and labels for grouping the codes. While all the interviews were tra nscribed, 35 were used in the coding analysis. Since coding proceeded from the earliest to the latest interviews, detailed coding became less and less necessary as the conceptual categories emerged and gelled around key concepts (Strauss and Corbin 1990, p . 30), resulting in saturation of codes. Further attempts to code newer transcripts generated no new concepts, and the decision was made to suspend

PAGE 98

84 open coding. As text segments are highlighted and labelled, NVivo uses the labels as nodes, which act as sto rage containers for coded text (Hutchinson et al. 2010, NVivo 11 Pro for Windows). In all 48 initial codes were created , comprising of 1 ,400 references or text segments . Figure 5.6 shows the codes created in NVivo. Figure 5.6. NVivo Screen with List of Codes and Color Strip e s

PAGE 99

85 As the codes were created, the coding stripes feature was turned on to facilitate the grouping of codes based on the initial grouping developed with the interview script (see Appendix I). The following coding scheme was used to i nitially group the nodes in NVivo. Table 5.2. Color Coding Scheme of Nodes Interview Group of Questions Color Introduction/Job Description and Experience Pink Antecedents and Motivation Blue Practice Related to Persons* Red Practice Related to Techno logy Orange Community Relationship Green Technology Infrastructure Yellow Program Goals/Management Purple *Practice was initial ly a single category but was later split to account for how it relates to humans and to technology The next step of the cod whereby data are put back together in new ways after open coding by making connections In axial coding, the open coded categories were iterative ly aggregated to form intermediate concepts abstracted from the data. During this phase, it was necessary to draw on previous theoretical foundations on technology implementation to help refine emerging concepts. For example, the literature on institutio nal isomorphism (DiMaggio and Powell 1983) was useful in categorizing the codes reflecting the motivation and goals for implementing the BWC program. Three isomorphic forces (coercive, mimetic, normative) (DiMaggio and Powell 1983) provided anchors for the views expressed by informants regarding how and why BWCs became part of police practice in their organization. These views, in turn, were related to how certain practices evolved. For example, coercive forces guided the rushed implementation of BWCs in on e organization,

PAGE 100

86 and the repercussions from that implementation were reflected in the quality of equipment purchased, and the training provided to users or wearers of the BWC s . Consequently, these wearers became more circumspect in their relations with BWCs . In another instance , where the implementation was mimetic, the mimicking organization simply copied the BWC policy of the mimicked organization. Additionally, the literature on situated practice (Orlikowski 1996, 2000 ; Boudreau and Robey 2005 ) was useful in consolidating categories reflecting how informants viewed their work before and after the implementation of BWCs. For example, is the practice characterized by inertia, wherein wearers resisted the BWC, or do they seek accommodation in how they relate to the BWC in practice. While these issues are separately capt ur e d in code segments during open coding, relationships among them are drawn out and examined during axial coding. Initial codes that express similar concepts or show relationships are combined into higher order categories during axial coding . Although it may seem like the process of open and axial coding are distinct procedures, in practice they are not. As Table 5.2 shows, during open coding, I was also constantly comparing coding segments, and grouping them using coding strips. In all, f ive conceptual categories emerged during axial coding. These include organization al goals and motivation, technology features and use , police practice, community/third h the technology. During the process of axial coding and throughout the coding and analysis, the underlying data (code segments of interviews) remain attached to the initial codes. As figure 5.7 illustrates, at any point during the analysis there is a dire ct path to trace the axial codes back to the open codes and the individual code segments and vice versa.

PAGE 101

87 Figure 5.7. Coding Procedures and Data Structure

PAGE 102

88 Figure 5.7 summarizes the coding procedures. The interview data remains the bedrock of the analys is. From that data, 1,400 text segments, sentences, or paragraphs were assigned to 48 code categories or labels during open coding. Of the 48 code categories, two were placeholders for anecdotal information or stories shared by the informants. These anecdo tes were not used during axial coding. The colored column indicate s how a particular category was initially c oded as depicted in Table 5.2 . During axial coding, some categories were reassigned to reflect relationships that emerged as codes were constantly compared with each other. The double edged turquoise arrow lines reflect the constant comparison and iterative nature of the coding process. Figure 5.8 shows a screenshot of the code segments or snippets categorized under program goal. Figure 5.8. Codin g Segments of a Coding Category or Node

PAGE 103

89 The axial codes that emerged from the data were then matched to the categories of the Strauss and Corbin (1990 ) coding paradigm as described in Table 5.3 . This is a necessary step in the coding paradigm to facilita t e the development of core categories. It is worth emphasizing that the axial codes emerged first from the data, and then subsequently matched with the categories of the coding paradigm. This is done to ensure that the coding paradigm did not drive the dat a coding process. Table 5.3. Dimensions of Axial Coding (Strauss and Corbin 1990 , Goulding 2002 ) Dimension Definition Causal Conditions Events or happenings that influence the phenomenon (p. 131). In this case, these are isomorphic forces resulting comp laints and public demonstrations against police actions Phenomenon The question or object of the research (p. 130). In this study, it is the phenomena constitutive of police use of BWC and their entanglement in police practice Contextual Conditions Sets of events or circumstances that must be addressed with action strategies at a given time and place (p. 132). Here, these include: interactions with third parties, possible use of force, including lethal force, unpredictability, and enforcement of laws Int ervening Conditions Unexpected events that can mitigate or aggravate causal conditions, and can be due to action strategies associated with the phenomenon (p. 131). Here, they are theorized as sources of unintended consequences Action Strategies Purposefu l and deliberate action taken to address a given problem (p. 133). In this study, these are the policy prescriptions enacted to address the phenomenon Consequences The desired outcome for the actions taken in the context of a particular phenomenon (p. 128 The five axial codes that emerged from the analysis were matched with the categories of the coding paradigm as follows: The axial codes relating to isomorphic forces were community relations , and police patrol category of the paradigm. The intervening conditions of the paradigm were mat ched with relationality of p olice and technology . The phenomenon of interest reflects the research

PAGE 104

90 questions, which concern the phenomena constitutive of the relationship between BWCs and police officers in practice. T able 5.4 lists sample code segments and their axial categories. Ta ble 5 . 4 . Categories Resulting from Axial Coding Axial Category Description Sample Code Segments Context Isomorphic Forces and Contingent Conditions (Contextualit y) Users view and understanding of the contingencies preceding implementation the mayor lite rally asked it was a decision that I made the trend was kind of forced on law enforcement public reaction to, you know, demanding more transparency among law enforcement Context Technology Use and Features ( W earability/Context ual ity ) View of what the technology let users do and what user s want to (fit for use) advertised to do things that it doesn't do t echnology is not perfect t hey have a limited field of vision t he reality with it is it's human error or it's [a] tec hnology thing problem is a camera cannot possibly capture everything that an officer sees and hears Practice Relationality of Patrol Function ( S ituationality) View of how the technology has constitu ted the practice of police work it helps me stay safe wou ld much rather do everything on a piece of paper with a pen versus all the new technology felt like big brother was always going to be watching officers are Type A personality, we don't like change that learning process of using another equipment Practice Community Relations ( S ituationality) Relational view of the interaction with third party community members there's a right to be concerned about privacy an interesting dynamic when some of these people thought that it was okay for them to film the police the transparency piece with the community if they can record us, we can record them word is getting out too to the public that they they suddenly become not as hostile when they reali Practice Relationality of Police and Technology ( W earability) Relational view of technology , its fit and feel, as opposed to its fit for use from the perspective of the user put it on their body where they think it works the bes t they're really designed to be worn kind of on the centerline of the body the placement on your body is going to vary between officers experienced malfunctions throughout the day that

PAGE 105

91 Finally, the core categorie s are identified through selective coding . The emergence of the core category from further abstraction of the axial codes represents the final stage in the process of theory development (Goulding 2002) . The core category or higher order categories unite th e theoretical concepts to offer an explanation of the phenomenon under study, and is traceable back though the data as shown in Figure 5.7 (Strauss and Corbin 1990, Goulding 2002). The core categories that emerged from my data are : Wearability, Situa tional ity, and Context uality . Wearability refers to how and where police officers wear BWCs, and how they feel wearing them. It includes not only issues about fit, form and function, but also about feel, affect, emotion and awareness about the wearer wearable re lationship. Situ ationality refers to the social relations constitu ted by the materiality of the technology (BWC) to create the semblance of risk free, non experiential interactions . C ontext uality refers to immanent conditions of the technology and the orga nization that are shared experiences among users in a particular practice . These core categories will be explained in detail in the results section. Before that, characteristics of the observational will be discussed. Analysis of Observation Data The obser vational phase of this research was carried out over a three month period, from September to November 2017. During this time, I participated in 14 ride alongs, each constituting an observation period . During each observation period, I collected data on the outcome of each police civilian interaction using a questionnaire shown in Appendix B . The data collected with the questionnaire were entered into a Microsoft Access database I se is shown below.

PAGE 106

92 Figure 5 . 9 . Ride Along Observations Database Each of the 14 ride alongs, or observation periods span a full work shift, comprising eight to 12 hours. The observation periods include five D ay shifts, which range from 6 AM to 2:00 PM, seven Swing shifts, which range from 2:00 PM to 10:00 PM, and two G raveyard shifts, which range from 5:00 PM until 3:00 AM the following morning. Table 5. 5 depicts the time periods and duration of the 14 ride along observation s. In all, I observed 117 hours of police work involving 75 police civilian interactions and participated in three police briefings.

PAGE 107

93 Table 5.5. Ride along Observation Shifts and Duration Shift Start End Duration Frequency Hours Day 6:00 AM 2:00 PM 8 3 24 6:00 AM 3:00 PM 9 1 9 7:00 AM 3:00 PM 8 1 8 Swing 12:00 PM 8:00 PM 8 2 16 1:00 PM 9:00 PM 8 1 8 1:30 PM 9:30 PM 8 1 8 2:00 PM 10:00 PM 8 3 24 Graveyard 3:00 PM 1:00 AM 10 1 10 5:00 PM 3:00 AM 10 1 10 Total / Range 6:00 AM 3:00 AM 14 117 During the obse rvation period, I witnessed 75 instances of police practice, involving police civilian encounters. As the below chart shows, a majority of these encounters (58%) lasted 15 minutes or less, 17% lasted between 16 minutes and 30 minutes, and 25% lasted more t han 30 minutes. It is important to note that these durations are my own time logs, representing the time we arrived at the scene of an incident to the time that we left. They do not include the time taken to arrive at the scene. Therefore, they are not com parable to the time logs of a typical police department, which are calculated from the time a call was received to the time the officer closes the call on the MDT. F igure 5.1 0 shows the duration of calls I observed .

PAGE 108

94 Figure 5.1 0 . Duration of Police Civil ian Contacts , (N = 75) During the ride along we responded to a number of calls for service. These are generally dispatch calls that go through the C omputer A ided D ispatch (CAD) system, which is a centralized call center that receives 911 calls, and other requests for emergency services. Also known as Class 1 calls, the dispatch calls are considered a higher priority than the self initiated calls, which typically are traffic stops or stop and frisk calls. Figure 5.1 1 . Type of Calls , (N = 75) 0 10 min 58% 16 30 min 17% 31 60 min 13% 60+ min 12% Self Initiated 35% Dispatch call 65%

PAGE 109

95 Of the 7 5 civilian contacts I observed, 65 percent were in a public location, such as along the public right of and 12% were outside the home, i.e. on a porch, veranda, hallway, or lobby . It is important to note that with the exception of a few locations, such as hospitals and schools, officers are genera l l y required to activate BWCs , including in private homes . Figure 5 . 1 2 . Location of Police Civilian Contacts , (N = 75) Activation of BWCs Officers generally activated their BWCs for a majority of the call s I observed. In fact, only on eight occasions out of the 7 5 calls, did officers not turn the BWC on. Of these non activations, only one was due to the officer actually forgetting t o turn the BWC on a call that required mandatory activation . Two of the calls, were in a hospital location, and the others were calls where another officer had handled the incident and we partic ip ated only in the investigative phase of the incident. Home inside 19% Home outside 12% Private Business 4% Public 65%

PAGE 110

96 Res ults In the coding analyses above , I identified three phenomena wearability, situationality, and contextuality as constitutive of the sociomaterial practice of police patrol . These phenomena are the basic epistemological units (Barad 2003) in the agential realist strain of sociomateriality. Additionally, I identified co functioning as the process implicated in the entanglement of the social and material agencies constitutive of the practice of police patrol. By elaborating these phenomena and process, I fo und that their enactment in the everyday practice of police patrol produces various performative outcomes (decisions, actions, and evidence). These outcomes emerge from the instantiation of different configurations of phenomena and their enactment in mater ial discursive practices of police patrol. Table 5. 6 present s the three phenomena that emerged from the coding of interview data of the informants . Table 5. 6 . Core Categories and Exemplar Quotes Category Definition Exemplar Quotes Wearability How and wh ere the BWC is worn , how and what the officer feel s about wearing the BWC , the awareness about wearing a BWC Maybe it gives you a little more confidence. Some suspects or people you contact are out to see the police fail. Out to see the police d oing wrong. When you have a camera on you, it gives you confidence that, you know, they can make whatever accusation they want. I have digital evidence that I was in the right in this situation. So , I think it could be a confidence booster . Situational ity The social relations constituted by the materiality of the technology (BWC) to create the semblance of risk free, non experiential interactions. your perspective but here is the actual interactio n, Here is a third perspective. Contextuality Immanent conditions of the technology and the organization that are shared experiences among users in a par ticular practice. I just think that overall the body worn camera along with a sensible and reasonable policy is positive for both the police and the community side.

PAGE 111

97 The patrol function , which is the focal practice investigated in this research is the mos t basic of police work, and the one most directly associated with policing in general (Manning 2008) . Until recently (circa 2013), th e patrol function has been performed without the benefit of a BWC. The introduction of BWC technology has reconfigured the practice of police patrol across several dimensions. First, the introduction of BWCs has added a new dimension to the practice of p atrol officers. The constant presence of a party is now reality. It has raised an awar eness that no matter how an officer chose to put into practice the training and standards of policing expected of him/her, the BWC memorializes a record of that practice, and affords a before and after re enactment. Second ly , BWCs have reconstituted patro l practice across the tenure continuum of officers socialized before their introduction (Digital Initiates), and those socialized within the technology (Digital Natives). Younger officers, so with BWC technology , because of their facility and comfort with technolog y in general. An older officer with more than a decade of policing experience summarizes this practice perspective thus: piece maybe some of our officers that are 20 [something years old] and have grown up with cell phones and Facebook and all this new technology. It just takes me a little bi t longer to learn those types of new things. During my field interviews and observation , older officers generally lament the intrusiveness of BWCs and bemoan the new task of labelling and tagging videos from the computer terminals at the police departmen t, even though this functionality is available to them via the smart phone app. Younger officers who use the smart phone app to label and tag

PAGE 112

98 videos during downtime in their patrol shift show little concern about this added task to their patrol duties. One of the Sergeants interviewed made the following observation: you know, the young cops, the 20 some year old cops, they love it. They love the technology because they grew up with it, you know? But then you have seasoned cops like me. When I first star know? requiring the learning and comprehension of new skills with a steeper learning curve for technologically challenged older officers. Thirdly, older officers, so have been most resistant to embrace BWCs as integral members of a reconstituted practice. practice from the outset. Figure 5.1 3 shows code segments representative of th ese responses . These age related differences , though not specifically investigated, are undoubtedly pres ent in the phenomena investigated in this study. These phenomena are discussed next.

PAGE 113

99 Figure 5.1 3 . Coded Responses on Age Related Use of BWCs Wearability (Don and Doff ) in Police Practice Wearability or Don and Doff refers to how and where police offic ers wear BWCs, how and what they feel wearing them , and the awareness that they are wearing them . It includes not only issues about fit, form and function, but also affect, emotion and cognition about the wearer wearable relationship. It is often the case that in police work, and the patrol

PAGE 114

100 function in particular, you are what you wear. The donning of a police uniform 25 confers certain privileges and responsibilities that exclude those who do not have the privilege to wear the uniform. Th us , wearing a police uniform entails more than just the materiality of the uniform, but also the discursive aspects of being a police officer , which confer power, and serves to include some, while excluding others . The uniform is therefore a constitutive part of the officer a nd the practice of policing. All the police organizations studied in this research, have specific policies regarding the specifications and use of the police uniform. For Police employees wear the uniform to be identified as the law enforcement authority in society. The uniform also serves an equally important purpose, which is to identify the wearer as a source of assistance in an emergency, crisis or other time of need (Anonymized Policy 2016). The uniform policy furthe r stipulates several inclusions and exclusions, such as: Personnel shall wear only the uniform specified for their rank and assignment. Civilian attire shall not be worn in combination with any distinguishable part of the uniform. Uniforms are only to be worn while on duty, while in transit to or from work, for court or at other official Agency functions or events. Employees are not to purchase or drink alcoholic beverages while wearing any part of the Agency uniform, including the uniform pants. These i nclusions/exclusions serve to reinforce the material discursive nature of police pr actice in the sense that they mark when, how, and where, one can practice, regardless of any other means of identification, such as a badge or accreditation, such as a certi ficate. In addition, some uniform policies stipulate positional authority reflective of rank and status, such as: All Patrol supervisors will perform at least biannual inspections of their personnel to ensure conformance to Agency uniform specifications a nd procedures. 25 Authorized police equipment, such as a body Therefore, throughout this discussion, any reference to a police uniform includes authorized equipmen t required for the practice of patrol functions.

PAGE 115

101 Supervisors must look over the general appearance of every employee at the beginning of each shift and prior to special details to ensure that their appearance is in conformance with established uniform or work attire specifications. The se codified elements of what to wear, how to wear it, when to we a r it, and who determines what is wearable and what is not in consideration of practice, makes wearability a crucial aspect of the practice of police work. The following illustration, depicted in the conference room of one police organization further exemplifies the importance of the uniform and its wearab i lity in practice. Indeed, during my ride along observations of police work, I related to one officer an observation I had made. I had noticed t hat some officers used rubber bands to hold the connector cable that connects the controller to the flex camera. This is done so that the connector pin makes firm contact with the controller , and ensure that the recording function is not disrupted. Another , and perhaps , more compelling reason is that officers improvise to avoid going to the police headquarters to replace the cord. The officer was dismayed by my observation, and retorted that the practice was unprofessional, and that the look and appearance of the officer in uniform is just as important as the work they perform. The point is that, but for the need or requirement to wear a BWC and maintain it in working order, the issue of rubber bands would not have arisen. Or, if another kind of BWC that had sturdy connectors, or did not require the use of a cord to connect the camera to the controller, the issue would have been moot. It is therefore reasonable to suggest that the fit, in this case, of the camera, has introduced a new element for consideratio n in the relationship between the BWC and the officer.

PAGE 116

102 Figure 5 . 1 4 . Dress Code of a Professional Police officer Another issue regarding wearability is the increase in the amount of equipment officers have been required to carry over the years. Finding space on the belt where most of the equipment is carried has become a vexing issue for some officers due to differences in body size and by extension belt size. This is because while the amount of equipment an officer is required to carry on the belt is t he same for all officers, belt sizes are not . As one informant remarked: (S er g ean t in Police District ) . Another illustration in one police organization encapsulates the issue of the proliferation of equipment officers are required to carry on patrol.

PAGE 117

103 Figure 5.1 5 . Increase in the Amount of Equipment Carried by Patrol Officers The instantiation of the w earability phenomenon has also become a matter of law. filed suit to consider the requirement to wear a BWC as a material change in the condition of employment . As such , the issue should be negotiated as a part of the collective bargaining agreement . 26 Given the lengths to which police organizations go to define and maintain phenomen on in the introduction of a material artifact that has to be worn as part of the practice of police work, under existing uniform standards. 26 Name of the organization and other details are withheld to uphold confidentiality. Such confidentiality may expire when the law suit is adjudicated in a court of law and becomes a matter of public record.

PAGE 118

104 Performing Wearibility (Don and Doff ) Through the above analysis, I found that wearability is generally understood a nd performed differently in terms of fit or feel. While the specifications of police uniforms generally speak of fit, that is the physical properties of the uniform and the equipment that are a constituent part of it, my informants generally sp eak of feel , that is their relationality to the uniform . Indeed, one of the first things that officers deal with when it comes to BWCs , is where to wear it. Sin c e o fficers come in various sizes, shapes, genders, and have different senses of style , it is not an easy qu estion to answer, especially given that some police organizations stipulate where to wear the BWC . Stipulating a mounting location with a fixed lens BWC impacts field of view and quality of video that can be captured. Thus, while policies specifically focu s on the physical aspects of wearability, in practice, it depends on specific material enactments. For example, Officer Jay (a pseudonym), a patrol officer with four years of experience in the current department, is required to wear a BWC. hysically where you wear it, how you wear it, what it actually -capturing what you need it to capture depending on where you have it being worn wise to carry the camera whether we use it on the glasses or on lapels or on the brim of our hats and that sort of thing. So, I wear it on my left side right now. I also wear it -I also have the glasses and I tend to do those. I also wear a hat most of the time, so I can carry it on my b rim, but I like the fact that I can interchange it and wear it in different places. ac tually have to tilt it up a little bit so that I can capture the face and the full body and that sort of thing. ( Patrol Officer) For Officer Jay, wearability entails his relationality with the BWC. The physical limitations of the BWC, vis à vis its fixed and narrow field of view, is entangled with his own physical limitations, vis à vis his height. Therefore, for him, wearab i

PAGE 119

105 offic Thus, for Officer Jay, wearability is not a fixed quantity that is derived from the properties of the camera, or his sense of style for that matter . It is an ongoing enactment, contingent on the practice of police work. Another crucial material enact ment of wearability emerges from the often competing and complementary objectives of organizational life. For example, in police organizations implementing BWCs, the imperative of officer safety can compete with, and also complement the outcome of evidence documentation. As one informant puts it: The problem is regardless of what height you are, a lot of times an officer will have a subject sit down on a curb while they are talking to them and that is for officer safety but the officer remains standing. So , again, you are shooting across the street while you are looking at the person down here, but you are standing and so your camera is pointed this way. And then just depending on your body style, women are built differently, so sometimes their cameras are pointed to angle differently than Technician ) . Thus, competing or complementary concerns in the organization can problematize wearability phenomena, depending on what lens is used to examine those concerns . A conventional approach to resolving c ompeting organizational objectives may advocate an end justifies the means , of what happens within a phenomenon . For example, in the quote cited above, priv ileging evidence documentation over officer safety or vice versa may lead to an incomplete understanding of how wearability endures in practice. On the other hand , a focus on the sociomaterial entanglements of the phenomenon of wearability, regarding the p reconfiguring the practice, depending on what emerges as more or less stable in practice. Performing wearability as a phenomenon of practice rather than a property of the impleme ntation of a technology can direct attention to the dynamics of power relations and

PAGE 120

106 roles in organizations. As discussed earlier, stipulations of standard policies on police uniforms enfold power relationships in the organization, by determining who/what i s included or excluded. For example, in one of the police organizations I studied, the requirement to wear BWCs was initially dictated by the social roles (or hierarchy) in the organization. In that case, patrol officers and corporals who occupy the lowest rungs of power in the organization became the guinea pigs for the implementation. However, a practice perspective reveal s the entanglements of sergeants (supervisors of patrol officers and corporals) in the material discursive enactment of the practice of police patrol. For, at any given point, a sergeant who can supervise up to 12 patrol officers, is as likely to be out in the field, as one of the offices under supervision. Situationality ( Situation Tending ) in Police Practice Situationality or S ituation Tending refers to the social relations constituted with the materiality of the technology (BWC) to create the semblance of risk free, non experiential interactions. As the name implies, t his phenomenon is instantiated during every situation or contact an officer makes with a civilian. During a typical eight hour shift, a patrol officer can make up to a dozen contacts with members of the community they serve. There are generally two ways an officer may make contact with a citizen: They may be dispatched to respond to a call for service routed through a centr alized Computer Assisted Dispatch (CAD) system, such as 9 11, or they may initiate a contact, by calling into the CAD system to address a matter of police concern they may have personally observed during patrol . Regardless of how the contact was initiated, it is often impregnated by two related issues: adversity and unpredictability . Adversity comes from an understanding that people usually will not invite police officers into their situations unless thing s are getting out of their control and they need

PAGE 121

107 intervention one way or the other. Unpredictability is usually a function of information asymmetry impinging on both the officer and the civilian. The relative combination of these two issues generally affec ts the quality of the experience in an y officer civilian encounter. Personality and Social Psychologists have referred to these encounters as person environment transactions or situations (Buss 1987, Rauthmann et al. 2014, Brown et al 2015). Arm ed with the f ormula B = f (P,S), where behavior , B is a function of the person , P and his or her situation , S, the concern of psychologists is to uncover the causal mechanisms of each term of the equation, in order to link behaviors with situations ( Buss 1987, Rauthma n n et al. 2014). Buss (1987) identified three mechanisms selection, evocation, and manipulation as causally responsible for creating person environment links. Table 5 .7 , adapted from Buss (1987, p. 1215), provides definitions of the mechanisms and example s from the physical and social environments. Table 5 . 7 . Causal Mechanisms of Person Environment Correspondence Mechanism Physical Environment Social Environment Selection: Individuals choose certain environments and congregate nonrandomly in them; enter some environments and avoid others Selection of a rural or urban habitat Selection of a warm or cold climate Mate selection Peer selection Evocation: Individuals elicit or provoke responses from environments unintentionally Person who treads heavily el icits more avalanches Clumsy person elicits more noise and clatter in physical environment Highly active children evoke stronger parental control behavior individuals who are too dominant so that the meek will inherit the eart h Manipulation: Individuals intentionally alter, create, modify, or exploit certain environments decorates home with paintings and sculptures High sensation seeker equips home with latest video and audio equipment Person h igh on need for control reinforces dependent behavior in others Low conscientious person uses sex to get ahead Examples from Physical and Social Domains ( based on Buss (1987, p. 1215) )

PAGE 122

108 The above foray into the psychology of pers on environment transacti ons is meant to be neither comprehensive n or illustrative of the phenomenon of situationality. Rather, it is meant to serve as a point of departure for the more unpredictable and often random person environment encounters reminiscent of police civilian int eractions. For example, the pre dominant calls for service that officers respond to, are taken not as a matter of choice, but as a matter of duty and responsibil ity. As such , officers access situation cues after entering into a situation rather th an prior t o entry, and rely heavily on training and experience to guide responses in given situations. As one officer told me, the best one can hope to get upon entering a situation is to breakeven. Everything goes downhill from there. For example, during my ride along observations with one officer, we encountered the following situation , which started as a mundane welfare check and ended up as a child abuse case for one mother, and a child neglect case for another : It was around 6:30 PM in a crispy evening when th e call came for a welfare check. The caller identified as a concerned friend but did not give a name and did not wish to be contacted by police. The gist of the call was that a female friend had been involved in a fight with her boyfriend; alcohol was prob ably involved and there was concern for her welfare. We arrived at the scene at about 6:35 PM, and waited for the backup officer before proceeding to the house . Unlike most of the houses in the neighborhood, which are lined up along the street, t he single story house we were heading for was tucked in a corner behind a tin sheet cladded garage about 30 yards had been converted into a n open sitting room with no door . The floor was earthen and covered in certain areas with a heav ily soiled carpet and tarp. A motley batch of colored sofas in orange, green and turquoise lined the The sitting area and immediate surroundings were littered with empty cans of beer and liquor bottles. A Pitbull terrier lying on the front porch rose to its feet on our approach, and a three year old boy was buckled in a stroller on the dirt path leading to the house. There was no adult to be seen. The front door to the house was slightly ajar . I walked closely behind my officer, a s I have been instructed to do, peering over his shoulders to take in the scene. As the dog rose to its feet , the officer pulled out a can of OC (pepper) spray from his belt and motioned to the backup officer to [ City N ame] Police, Open The dog barked, and the little boy in the stroller yelled at it to keep quiet. We advanc ed gingerly for two more steps before the officer bellowed again. A half clad lady

PAGE 123

109 sheltered behind the door and pee k ed outside to s ee us. The officer bellowed once more and motioned to the lady to corral the dog in the house. She pulled the dog in , put on a top and came outside to meet us. In the meantime, the backup officer walked around the perimeter of the house and peeked through the fence to make sure no one else was in the house, and then tried to engage the little boy in a conversation. This went nowhere, as the little boy had not learned to speak yet. My officer proceeded to ascertain the identity of the lady and confirmed that we were at the right house. He inquired about her bruised and swollen lower lip and the scratches on her upper torso. The strong smell of alcohol from her breath and slurred speech all betrayed signs of intoxication, but she was in her house and there was no cause to probe the welfare check further. She had denied there was a fight or that she had been abused. Her husband had gone to work and taken their two At this point, no crime could be assessed against anyone. Bu t for the little boy on the stroller, we could have bade farewell and continue on our patrol. But for the little boy information across several databases on the MDT. The backup officer proceeded to continue interviewing the lady. Her story on how the little boy came to be left alone in a stroller on her front yard kept changing with every telling. At first, s he was simpl y not aware that the boy was there. like him and may have left him there like she had done on several occasions . She usually drops him off to play with my two year old . The officer asked: om? she replie d. At this point, the backup officer was becoming impatient . He threatened charges of child abuse and possible jail, but t he lady could care less. How to process this dilemma and resolve the issue of the little boy cost us over two hours of police time. The sergeant was called to the scene. Another officer was summone d to bring a car seat to transport the boy. Child welfare services were contacted for possible placements for the little boy, but it was Friday night and nothing could be done on their end. We asked for the grandparents or any relative that could take the boy in temporarily ; n one was available. Left with no other viable options, the sergeant decided to reach out to the boyfriend. He figured that since t he boyfriend was sober enough to go to work and not leave his daughter with his inebriated girlfriend, he must be sober enough to understand the consequences of chi ld abuse charges against him and his girlfriend . The only way they could escape this fate is for him to call , or put us in touch with , a close relative of the boy. The pressure tactic worked. Less than 15 minutes after the phone call with the boyfriend, a young 26 year old female materialized at the scene, asking frantically about the welfare of h er son. We could tell she was the mother, as the boy recognized her immediately . After confirming her identity and obtaining a written statement, the boy was relea sed to her custody, much to our relief. It was through her statement that we were able to piece together the events that led to the boy being left alone. By the time we were done, the mother had a case of child ervices. The l ady of the house, it turned out, had an outstanding warrant from a neighboring jurisdiction. She ended up in jail that night.

PAGE 124

110 The above situation situation Not every police civilian interaction is like this. In fact, the majority are not. Nonetheless, it is symptomatic of the dynamic and fluid nature of police practice that no amount of situational cues can prepare you for . The information with which you enter the situation can be mis leading and objectively wrong. Yet, there is a job to be done, a resolution, even if temporary, has to be reached, so that a report can be written and filed, and the officer(s) involved can be judged to have done any and everything possible to assure the s afety of everyone involved. At critical junctures of this case, there was an opportunity for a quick resolution by accepting to place the child . The friend or rel ative who called for the welfare check surely had the best intentions, and did not wish for their friend to go to jail that night. Taking an inebriated person to jail for a non DUI offence carries its own risks. As it turned out, the lady had difficulty br eathing in the jail cell, and had to be rushed to hospital that night. Any number of decisions could have been made to effect a different outcome. The fact that a certain course of action prevailed did not mean that it was ordained , but it was not an accid ent either . Rather, it is a reflection of the indeterminacy of practice, where a simple welfare check ended up dominating practice for one evening, and produced an outcome that no one wished for, or liked. Performing Situation Tending During the unfolding of the above situation, all four of the officers who played a role in its resolution had their BWCs turned on. But I doubt that the lady of the house, and the When an

PAGE 125

111 inter action lasts this long and involve s multiple actions and faculties , remember ing the details to include in a report , and deciding what to exclude, can be daunting . The materiality of technology already featured prominently in this case. The outstanding warr ant for the lady of the house, which provided the only basis for tangible action that night, was discovered in the search of a national database. And the report required to be tendered in evidence for the f the BWC. Thus, whether or not technology artifacts are intangible (for example database software), the ir materiality can become entangled in the material discursive enactment s of police practice , including the enactment of forgetting and remembering . Th witnesses or victims, sometimes you can easily forget little bits of information. Well now you can go back and look at your video footage and you can look at what was said to you again and sometimes you will be like oh I forgot that they said that . ( Patrol Officer ) Another aspect of the phenomenon of situation tending that is materialize d through its performance in the everyday practice of police work is what I colloquially r eferred to as the . In their practice, police officers are often called into situations that are unpleasant to the civilian and the officer , and may lead to hurt feelings and acrimony. To seek redress in these situations, a civilian may file a complaint, which may include certain towards the officer . Complaints leave agential cut , a point where a loca l resolution has to be made vis à vis the unfolding of events prior to , and including the current situation. Complaints are also costly in terms of resources required to investigate and come to a fair resolution. A nd , depending on the outcome, a complaint has the potential to do reputational damage to not only the officer and the police

PAGE 126

112 organization , but also the civilian complainant . The following transcript, which memorializes an exchange I had with a police officer, demonstrates t he perform ative perspect ive of complaint resolution enacted by the sociomaterial entangle ment of a BWC . This is how the officer started: So, the mother of an adult female was calling because she wanted the adult female out. As soon as I got there, she was pretty aggressive, I su ppose, and telling me where I should go and who I should talk to and what I should do. And then so I informed her I was going to talk to her daughter and I was going to talk to her outside to your daughter outside. And I talked with the daughter outs ide and determined that but she was okay with that. Already, it is clear that the officer has been thrust in the situation without knowing the full details and dynamics of it. All the mother wanted was for the officer to force the daughter out of the house. It is not clear at this point if the daughter is rooming or trespassing, which will he job of the off icer is not to do just what anybody wanted. He must follow the law, protocol, policies, and rules of engagement. While these considerations are playing out in his mind , he must also a ttend to the current situation as it was unfolding. The daughter had agre ed to voluntarily leave the house that point. But does the mother envisage a temporary or permanent leave ? Is it for the officer to determine and enforce that? The of Then I went inside to tell the mother that the daughter was, in fact, going to leave. And as I was explaining to her, she kept interrupting me. So, so that I can explain these options , that she was actually the one being rude

PAGE 127

113 by interrupting me as I was trying to explain the situation that she called me to Now , the situational roles seem to have changed. Whereas it started as: mother ( victim of daughter), calls police to assist on her behalf ; n ow, it is mother (victim of daughter and police officer), who is not acting on her behalf (double victimization). Usually, when two or more officers respond to this type of a situation, they play good cop , ba d cop to smooth things out . Here, since it is only one officer, he has to be mindful of coming to a resolution that does not ensnare his practice in a complaint. As discussed earlier, any scenario that ends up in a complaint, no matter the outcome, is undesirable to officers. So, then the daughter wound up having a warrant, so I had to arrest her, bu t that was not a big deal. She actually went very calmly. But then the mother, the complainant in that call, called my [City Name] anymore because I was so unprofessional and so rude th just that I was com pletely rude during the contact . The above situation puts the officer in between the emotions of a mother daughter relationship. e a c ould have weighed heavily on the officer . However, having his own recording of the encounte r means he can also contribute to a reconfiguration of the complaint resolution process that accepts the exactly what happened. Instead of a long, drawn out compla int resolution process through the channel of another division in the police organization the internal affairs bureau the sergeant could come to a quick resolution:

PAGE 128

114 My sergeant was able to just watch the footage and see that I had been nothing bu t professional and her account of the incident was completely fabricated. And that without my footage, it would have just been my word versus her word, which is a coin toss these days. remained as calm during the situation as I had, so I was exonerated. But without that, I may not have been. Throughout this incident the officer was performing situation tending. He has been t h rust in the situation without knowing the full details and dynamics of it. All the mother wanted was for the officer to do something; do his job, if you will. require s him to address other unresolved situations that may or may not be pertinent to th at which he is current ly tending to. These situati on s may have involved either party (mother or daughter) in a different time or place . The capability of the BWC to memorializ e situation s means that those other situations, which may have occurred in the past, must also be brought to bear as part of the re solution of the current incident . The background issues of law, policies, rules, etc. materiality of the BWC . Thus, situation tending in the era of the BWC multipl ies the links that must be taken into account in the resolution of any situation. And that responsibility primarily lies with the officer with the BWC. In the present incident, for example, even though t he officer rest the daughter, he eventually had to do so based on a n outstanding warrant that was not related to the current incident . In fact, another officer pushes this issue of multiplication of possible links to situations in the past and into the future. As he puts it: I think that as we continue to go forward, if we're always recording those conflicts that we have with an individual, right? We'll have multiple videos of multiple days of those conflicts with that individual. Now, when something really bad hap pens or you have poor conduct on an officer's part and we need to discipline an officer, we'll have multiple recordings of that from different instances versus just the one. . The most they become used, the more video that is out there, you will be able to show that

PAGE 129

115 history of time versus just that one snippet of time. I think currently what we live in is a day in time where people see the one incident of that interaction in between an officer and an individual that has either been bad for the officer o r been bad for the individual, but I think that over time, departments will not only be able to release that video, but release the five prior contacts with that individual or the five prior incidents with that officer of uses of excess ive force or complai nts, and show multiple snippets of history. So , I think it will take time, and it will take time for people to start recognizing that. It will take time for police departments to start recognizing that when somebody requests those videos that only shows one incident, that there may be multiple videos th at they may decide to release. Thus , situationality ( situation t ending ) puts current situations along a continuum of past, present and future. Although, perhaps, not currently evident, the accumulation of BWC videos over time portends a future where , situations have to be viewed as not isolated, bounded, or determinate, but as possibly multiple, varied, and indeterminate. What the office r has to do cannot be determined a priori . Even his experience may not provide a complete picture of the current situation , since it may have links to other situations in the past that may have been dealt with by another officer . However, h e has to constantly tend to the situation and do, as the situation unfolds, while also cognizant of the possibility that linkages may exist that render any resolution temporary and interim . Policy Minding in Police Practice Contextuality or Policy Minding refers to immanent conditions of the technology and the organization that are share d experiences among users in a particular practice. As a phenomenon, contextuality encompasses both the technological and organizational idiosyncrasies of police practice as encapsulated in various policy documents and manuals , and inscribed in technology artifacts . U nlike the phenomena of wearability and situationality, which are foregrounded and performed in practice, policy minding remains a background condition of practice. By that I mean, i t is always in the background, always present ,

PAGE 130

116 although not nec essarily evident , and always a consideration of what is, in the final analysis , performed in practice. For example, the issue of discretion is a major part of police practice. It is the decision very suspect, ticket every speeder, arrest every drunk, etc., they rely on a dose of discretion to choose among alternative , and often, equally possible courses of action. But discretion is not a pre existent quantity, although policy documents try to make it seem that way. Officers can only perform discretion when some act, of interest to police practice, has already been committed, or in the process of being committed, by someone, or to someone. Obviously, no amount of prescience can foreground all the possible scenarios in which discretion comes into play, although police organizations go to great lengths to define and codify such scenarios. Meanwhile, what most officers encounter in practice falls in some sort of gray area that is neither this nor that , just something there, in the middle, if you will. Yet, the policy ne eds to be abided by, and punishment can be meted out for policy violations. This is how one officer , a ten year veteran of the organization, describes his policy minding in practice: I t hink the policy is a bit too rigid, just telling the police officers you need to turn on your camera in these situations, it needs to be on all the time, whatever. Having a real strict policy of when they need to turn it on and turn it off kind of takes a way some of their discretion, it takes away some stuff like human error, like if I forget to turn it on policy, I don't really know if I need to turn it on or not and something comes out of it, then it's kind of my and I don't think it's really even followed very well to b e honest with you. I think it's just kind of for several instances in this department of people getting in trouble for not turning on their camera in a situation that is not clearly defined that they need to have their camera on. Whatever the policy is, administration, the implementation, and the officers so that is a down side. Some other down sides are simply just the fact that every video that I make that goes to a atch every minute of it, which the detective

PAGE 131

117 spends a lot of time watching a video that was hopefully clearly explained in a report that I gave the detective so it's kind of a duplication of work effort. It does add work to probably more than patrol offic ers do; it probably adds work more to detectives, and attorneys, and those people for watching all of the videos. Also , we have some other parts of the policy of when we can use the video for training purposes that are poorly written, that we can't use t he video unless it's approved by the chain of command and all that sort of stuff even if it's our video. I .. . I do sometimes worry about what the perception is of what is going on in the video. Sometimes police work isn specific way to get it across to the audience that I'm trying to get it to. We discussed earlier we talked about trying to get a gang member to do something that I want a gang member to do that at times I may have to use words, language, and vocabulary that makes sense to that gang member, which may be curse words, which may be a lot always look good to everybody when we get in to some sort of resistance or fight, and Generally, I don't have a lot of control over how people perceive it so I just do it but I th videos are released to the public and the public has no training, very little knowledge base, about what we do , how we do it , and why we do it that way, and so they're making judgem ents based on the perception, which the video is not necessarily the full accurate depiction of what happened; it's only one depiction and should be supplemented by what an officer says, what the public says, what the witnesses say, what everybody says tha t were there on the incident because it is just a video and it perception, as well as I talked about it earlier it seems like as a society we have the idea that the video is the best thing and the only thing that we should pay attention to and really I've had several situations that without further clarification or without different points of view, if I just watch my video without knowing what it was I would not have had a cle ar picture of what was going on. It is still only one account. not always the full picture. ( Patrol Officer ) the materiality of technology is entangled with the material and discursive elements of policy to co constitute practice.

PAGE 132

118 Performing Policy Mi nding Doing police work in the era of BWCs entails enactments of policy minding. One officer, a 17 year veteran with experience in other functions and other police departments when it is performed in practice. Here is how a particular material discursive enactment of policy minding unfolded in his practice : Well, I got -as we were still kind of figuring out when to turn them on and not to turn them, as I told you about in the car, about a situation that seemed controlled. As I arrived on scene, there was a suspect in han dcuffs standing five feet away from any -altercation. It was a calm scene. I began speaking to him to try to explain to him the viewpoint of the other officer that he had interfered with, hoping that I could maybe make him understand the reason for why the situation had gone the way it had gone. And then at the end of the conversation, he made a comment that he lived in that neighborhood, and I pointed out that I work ed in that neighborhood, and he took that like he was being threatened. He was just that kind of guy that was looking for a fight with the other officer anyway. So, So , moment. Then he complained that I had threatened him. During the course of talking about, and there was no threat picked up on the o ther camera, because there was no threat made by me, but during the course of them investigating that, I was e until that last know, they document the verbal reprimand. So , that negative has made it so I just turn on my camera on every single call now, just because everything is potentially confrontational, is kind of the way it has been shown, that everything could be confrontational. So , written reprimand. The officer was minding the policy and performing discretion by not turning the camera on. However, a complaint emerged from the encounter, and although he did not say

PAGE 133

119 it, the officer would have been better served if he had turned the c amera on. Against his own discretion, of course. Ironically, he was exonerated because there was another Officer BWC entanglement that was performing that day. Yet, he still remained on the hook for performing his own discretion to not turn the camera on. And as a result, his practice changed from then on. Now he turns the BWC on regardless of policy, and regardless of whether he has discretion or not. In order to gain a better appreciation of the phenomenon of contextuality or policy minding, it is necessa ry to do a brief detour into the issue of discretion and dissociate it from the common and related notion of choice. Hart (2013) considers it mistaken to identify the notion of discretion with the notion of choice. Discretion, according to Hart (2013, p. 6 56), prudence; it is the power of discerning or distinguishing what in various fields is appropriate to be done and etymologically connected with the notion of faced with a situation, such as turning a BWC on or off, it is not simply a binary choice that consider whether the discretion ( to turn camera on or leave it off) can be justified in the current circumstances, or whether whichever action that was taken, can be vindicated by its his BWC o n cannot be justified by policy, at least it can be vindicated by the outcome. That is, the complaint against the officer was not sustained even though his BWC was off at the time. Furthermore, the issue of discretion relati ve to the use of the BWC was onl y relevant because of the complaint filed by the citizen. Had the complaint not been filed that would not have been an issue. This argument is in line with the observation made by Hart (2013, p. 660)

PAGE 134

120 is that there remains a choice to be made by the person to whom the discretion is authorized which is not determined by principles which may be formulated beforehand, although the factors which we must take into account and conscientiously weigh may thems even though the policy has stipulated situations where the BWC is required to be turned on, those situations must be verified against the objective circumstances that played out in th e field. When this is not done, a s in the case narrated above, discretion is abridged . As the issue of discretion and policy entanglements became more common during my interviews, I made specific effort to watch for them during my ride along observations, and engage in discussions about them with officers I was riding with. Here is a particular exchange I had with another officer along the same theme of policy minding. The moderator is me, the researcher, and the officer is the respondent: MODERATOR: All right, did you have the opportuni ty to review the policy before you started using the body worn camera? RESPONDENT: Yes. MODERATOR: Okay, and when you started using the body worn camera, did the policy match up with the -with your experience with the body worn camera in the field? RES PONDENT: Kind of, the body, -the policy is pretty rigid. In the real life situations that we get into the street are not rigid. MODERATOR: Okay. RESPONDENT: So, the tough part about the camera and the pol icy is being able to make them match up. MODERATOR: Okay. RESPONDENT: I, I struggle with that sometimes. MODERATOR: Okay, do you have a specific example of an instance when you had to struggle to make them match up?

PAGE 135

121 RESPONDENT: The policy is that we ar e to have our camera on during any interaction with pretty much anybody. Sometimes interactions that start off calm very quickly turn into violent situations and you are unable to turn the camera on. I got into a fight with w o hands on her -I think MODERATOR: Okay. RESPONDENT: And I still got written up for not having my camera on. MODERATOR: Okay. RESPONDENT: The officer relates to me that she always turns her BWC when responding to calls, and leaves the camera on for the entire duration of the call, regardless of what the situation i s. She arrived at this decision after she was issued a written reprimand for not turning her BWC on during a U se of F orce incident. This is how that incident unfolded (paraphrasing): I was called to a domestic disturbance incident. When I arrived, I turne d the camera on when speaking to the male party for about 25 minutes. I turned the camera off and walked to the female party. I turned it on while speaking to the female party for another 20 minutes or so. Then I turned the camera off. As I was walking to my cruiser, I noticed a third party female (not involved in the domestic disturbance) throwing stones at the cruiser. I jumped at her and knocked her to the ground and handcuffed her without turning my camera on. I received a UOF complaint and was eventual ly exonerated or justified for using force. However, I was issued a written reprimand for not turning my BWC on before engaging the third party. Clearly, the that under th e circumstances, I was within policy, but apparently, I was not. So, since then I decided that once I turn BWC on, I will leave it on until I leave the scene of a call. A distinguishing factor between this case and the earlier one is that while in the fi rst case the issue of discretion was precipitated by a civilian complaint, in this case it is not. The (UOF) report anytime they are involved in a physical encounter with a civilian. By filing the UOF report, the officer had to disclose whether or not a BWC was activated. In fact, policy

PAGE 136

122 requires that a supervisor (usually a sergeant) be summoned to the site of any UOF incident. And the supervisor usually determines wh ether or not a UOF report is required. Officers generally do not like filing UOF reports, because they are a double edged sword. Too many UOF reports, regardless of whether the force was justified or not, call into question officer tactics and the need for remedy. Therefore, given the choice, officers are not keen on filing UOF reports. During my ride along observations, I witnessed two separate incidents where an officer opted to not file a UOF report against a belligerent civilian. In one case, an officer who had been verbally abused and spat on by a civilian resisting arrest, opted to not file a UOF report against the civilian. In the other case, an officer who wrestled a homeless person to the ground in order to put him in handcuffs sought the approval o f the field sergeant to not file a UOF report. In both incidents decision to approv e the non filing of a UOF report was made after reviewing BWC video of the interaction. It therefore seems highly unli kely that in the UOF incident where the officer assessment of the situation at hand. If that is the case, t he argument can be made that at critical junctures, offi cers have not been given the discretion promised by the policy. Hence, the need to mind the policy rather than taking it at face value. The officer involved in the UOF incident believed that her actions were within policy. BWC on. I also think that under the circumstances, I was within policy, but apparently, I was not. So, since then I decided that once I turn my BWC on, I will leave it on until I leave the scene

PAGE 137

123 because where we cannot be sure of being right, we can at least do what we can to obtain the you can do is the right thing. The second best thing you can do is the wrong thing. And the Patr ol O fficer ). Hutzschenreuter and Kleindienst (2013) argued that managerial discretion has a ers wearing BWCs, it seems that once bitten, they abandon all option s of the discretionary set. The y become so fixated on the objective to not run afoul of policy that they fail to identify the optimum conditions for the exercise of discretion . They focus instead on policy minding. However, the policies that must be minded are varied and myriad. Whether it is the BWC policy, the UOF grand matrix capable of indefini 663). No longer in the background, thanks to the BWC, these issues become pertinent matters in the consideration of whether discretion is taken, and i f so, whether it is rightly or optimally exe rcised. The presentation and discussion of the three phenomena that co constitute police practice demonstrates the usefulness of a sociomaterial lens to derive specific understandings of practices that are characterized by fluid dynamic situations. The out comes from the incidents narrated above are not pre ordain ed by knowledge and inherent properties of the entities involved. Rather, outcomes emerge from the material discursive enactments of specific sociomaterial entanglements in practice.

PAGE 138

124 Police BWC En tanglement in Practice After discovering the above three phenomena Wearability ( Don and Doff ) , Situationality ( Situation Tending ) , Contextuality ( Policy Minding ) as constitutive of the material discursive practice of police work, I was left to ponder wheth er there is a process that helps package all this in a manner that delivers outcomes that the officer and the police organization could point to. After all, BWCs were impl eme nted to meet certain goals and achieve certain outcomes. Over and over, informants related these goal s to me in interviews. I coded 49 references from 30 informants related to program goals. These responses were 6 shows, the text segments coded from the responses of informants identified several goals that fall within three broad categories: accountability, transparency, and evidence documentation. This suggests that officers are cognizant of the goal oriented nature of the B WC program, and are aware of their implication in practice.

PAGE 139

125 Figure 5.1 6 . Code Segments Identifying Program Goals In another question, I asked informants if they could achieve the goals that they have articulated without using BWCs. I recorded 33 resp onses, which were coded in 40 code 7 shows the text segments coded from the responses of informants. In general, informants indicated that they (as individuals and as an organization) will not be able to attain the goals of accountability, transparency, and evidence documentation, without the use of BWCs. This suggests that officers are cognizant of the role of BWCs and how important BWCs are to the practice of police work.

PAGE 140

126 Figure 5.1 7 . Code Segments Identifying Goal Attainment Given that informants could clearly articulate the goals of the BWC program, and have an appreciation of the importance of BWCs on an in dividual practice and organizational level, I proceeded to ask: whether BWCs have any impact on how they do their work. Based on a thorough review of the responses to this question, I grouped the responses under two code second category was meant to capture responses based on cognitive awareness of the impacts of BWCs beyond the im mediate practice, to encompass the organization and profession at

PAGE 141

127 large (see Figure 5.1 7 ). Both of these code categories or labels were subsumed under the core 8 shows a modicum of text segments captured from informa nt responses. Respondents vary in their assessment of the impact of BWCs on how they do their work. Some consider that BWCs have added to the time spent doing work, including labelling and tagging videos, or writing reports. As one officer puts it: It mig ht only be 5 minutes per call or whatever that I spend doing camera stuff but that adds up when I take 15 calls a day and I have to spend an hour or hour and a half just trying to make sure that my camera is functioning correctly, and my videos are labeled . ( Patrol Officer) The impact of BWCs on police work extend beyond the immediate practice of police patrol to the administrative functions of data logging, and report writing. As one sergeant indicated: ime to take the video, burn it to a disc, now I go -have to go into the evidence system, log that into there, add that into my challenge in day to day world. Sometimes i many hours in the day to complete everything. ( Patrol S ergeant ) Others indicated that BWCs have impacted the way they interact with civilians. One officer it toned down the badge heavy police officer Another important consideration is the differential impact of BWCs on various functions of police work (Sesay et al. 2017). For example, evidence technicians felt burden ed by the share volume of video data that they have would result in two CD RO Ms worth of data, now a similar call generates up to 15 CD ROMs. Still, some officers indicated that BWCs have had little or no impact on their work. Whether these officers are simply discounting the impacts of BWCs in a visceral calculation o f costs and b enefits, or simply withholding information, is difficult to say. Their responses

PAGE 142

128 seemed spontaneous and credible during the interviews. For example, one officer indicated that once the work is streamlined, it adds only about 30 seconds to a minute more per call. Others simply stated no impact at all. Figure 5. 1 8 . Code Segments Identifying Impacts on Police Work Figure 5. 19 shows snippets of text segments from responses categorized as on Policing ode category was created to capture responses that speak to impacts at a higher level beyond the immediacy of patrol practice. Of course, there is expected to be a plurality of views in how informants respond to these questions. In this case, however, the overriding sentiment expressed by officers is that

PAGE 143

129 BWCs have not had much impact in the way they think about policing. One officer puts it worn camera and I don't treat people any differently. I don't do my job differently just because I'm recording. I -Patrol Officer). Another officer (Officer A1) elaborated further about the impact of the BWCs on policing thus: No, you know, I still act the same wit h or without a camera on, you know. You know as, I have a saying that I tell my frequent customers, this badge weighs 24 ounces or 280 pounds, your actions dictate which way it goes. So, you know, if you cooperate and you do what we ask you to do, then th ere's no issue. But I -I don't know, I don't think I've changed a whole lot. I mean, I still use colorful language and I still -because I can't be a robot because I'm wearing a camera, you know . (Officer A1) Again, the question arises about whether or not these responses are typical or canned. I hold the view that they are not. These sentiments were similarly expressed by officers across the board in different police ranks and in different departments. Another subtle but telling way to assess the tru thfulness or originality of the responses is how they are stated from an individual perspective. For example, co mpare the below response from Officer A2 to that of Officer A1 above Well, I think that is probably a really personal question for each officer. eat people because I feel like I was professional and courteous even before the cameras came out . (Officer A2). The responses from officers A1 and A2 express similar sentiments . Their views on policing and how they police have not been impacted by the introduction of BWCs. However, they offer two different perspectives on what is or is not impacted. Officer A1,

PAGE 144

130 probably of the aggressive type, admits to still using colorful lang uage and being badge heavy when he needs to. On the other hand, Officer A2, probably of the restrained type, still maintains a courteous demeanor. The fact that the two responses, while from a different perspective, reflect the same sentiment suggest to me that they genuinely represent the officers view on the subject. Figure 5. 19 . Code Segments Identifying Impacts on Policing Thinking vs. Work The above analyses reveal some interesting insights about the sociomaterial entanglements of BWC in police practice. Obviously, the responses coded in Figures 5.1 6 , 5.1 7 , and 5.1 8 , all seem congruent with expectations of introducing a new technology in the

PAGE 145

131 6 are typically impressed upon during tra ining, and expressed in the preamble of policy documents. As such, code 7 8 ) are probes at the microlevel, seeking opinions of individual officers vis à vis practice. Because officers are expected to be intimate with their practices, these responses reflect a tacit understanding of how the officer, the BWC, and the practice relate to one another. For example, o fficers can easily make the connection that with the BWC, they can write accurate reports, which is a change in their practice that results in better evidence for court cases. On the other hand, re at the macrolevel, reflecting opinions that attempt to tie microlevel views of practice to the macrolevel of policing (Figure 5. 19 ). Yet the question remains, how come officers can articulate the goals of the BWC program so well (Figure 5.1 6 ), could de termine whether or not the articulated goals can be attained without the use of BWCs (Figure 5.1 7 ), discern the impact of BWCs on practice (Figure 5.1 8 ); and yet, they can discern no BWC impact on policing in general (Figure 5. 19 ). How is this possible? Th ere are two possible explanations to this conundrum. One is that i mpacts to the macrolevel concerns of policing. I tend to favor the second explanation. As I stated earlier, officers tend to speak or respond from a personal perspective, which is a reflection of how practice is organized in police departments. The patrol work in which officers engage in is performed mostly alone and outside of the gaze of the administration.

PAGE 146

132 Therefore, while officers generally have a good account of what they do in their sphere of larger sphere at the macrolevel. To explore this explanation further , I returned to the literature to examine what entanglement entails and dig deeper into the ontology of matter and phenomena. I further combed the data for additional insight. Here, I eng (Harding et al. 2017, p. 1214). It is through this process of abduction that I encountered an intervi ew between N. Katherine Hayles and Holger Potzsch. In responding to a question regarding quantum indeterminacy and the epistemological limits on the nature of knowledge, ill phenomena are still present and knowable, even if their effects at a macrolevel are not felt by the observer. Along similar lines, one can argue that the effects from the three phenomena identified above, are present and discernable to the officers at the level of practice. However, they are not so discernable at the macrolevel of the profession. Thus, I reckon that while officers can associate their actions with the identified phenomena, they are unable to account for, or discern the microlevel effect of practice on the macrolevel effect of the profession. This is because, practice is not what you feel, but what you do. As such, officers, knowing and intimately c onnected to what they do, understand how goals relate to their practice and vice versa. They can relate to the mutual interactions of human agency to the material agency e

PAGE 147

133 discern the entangled effects of the intra agency at the macrolevel, they are still implicated in its doing. In other words, as the phenomena become entangled in their enactment in practice, their combined effects become less accessible to the officers, as they become further removed from their immediate concerns of practice. This point is further clarified by Barad (2003, p. 8 22) in her discussion about the relationship between phenomenon and matter, and how matter comes to matter. active becoming not a thing, but a doing, a the small est material units come to matter through this process of on going intra this process is, in effect, is the arrangement of heterogeneous components, whose unity is that of a co functioning, an assemblage (Deleuze and Gu attari, 1987, DeLanda 2006). Figure 5 . 2 0 presents a performative model of police use of BWCs. The proposed model summarizes in graphical form how the intra action of three phenomena (wearability, situationality, and contextuality), co produces certain per formative outcomes of the police organization (officer decisions, actions and evidence) through a process of co functioning. The proposed model can be interpreted as follows: In the practice of police work, police civilian encounters emerge from the materi al discursive enactments of a dispatch call (Call for Service) or a self initiated police action. In this police civilian encounter, three intra acting phenomena represented by the Venn diagram co constitute the practice, and are enacted through a process of socio material intra action or co functioning, whereby certain outcomes decisions, actions, and evidence are co produced. earlier. Recall that during that call, o fficers had very scant information to go by. The caller or

PAGE 148

134 reporting party (RP) did not want a call back from the officers, which means details could not be corroborated beforehand. Upon arrival, the officer demonstrated wearability by activating the BWC o n the approach to the house. Once at the house, situationality unfolded due to the inebriated condition of the involved party (IP) and the unsupervised little boy le f t alone on the couch. Tending to that situation cost s us more than one hour of police time . As the situation unfolded, several issues came to the fore, and contextuality ensued. Per policy, the welfare check cannot be resolved until the issue of the unsupervised boy was resolved. Th is led us into inter agency consultations, pairing issues of or ganizational jurisdiction and responsibility. There was no resolution on that front, so we revert ed to tending the situation. Figure 5 . 2 0 . Performative Model of Constitutive Wearer Wearable Relationship Meanwhile, three officers were now at the scen e, all with BWCs activated to memorialize every detail of the interaction one interacting with the little boy, the other interrogating the relief, the mother of the little boy materialized on the scene. But despite the relief she

PAGE 149

135 d to be verified, and a summon was issued for her to appear in court. Due to an outstanding warrant, which is a prior unrelated incident, officers had cause to arrest the IP and temporarily resolve the situation. In all this, the BWCs, officers, and other parties are co functioning to enact performative o utcomes related to the decisions they make, the actions they take, and the evidence they produce. The performative model therefore provides a framework to explicate the intra action of phenomena constitutive of the sociomaterial enactment of police practic e. T hese days, through social media, calls for service can be made from anywhere in the world. And once that call comes in, the dispatch center is left to its devices to find out who it was and how to respond to the service request. This is the case with one calls we responded to during one of my ride along observations: A female in her late teens or early 20s posted on Facebook that she was depressed and had been maltreated by her boyfriend and was considering suicide. She did not call the police. A frien d in Australia saw the posting and reported the incident to the PD via Facebook. When the PD received the message, all they have was a name. The dispatchers had to use the name to research a possible address. The first address match that they made was not accurate. Officers dispatched to the address could not locate the suicidal party. The dispatchers then contacted the State and used the voting records to match the latest known address for the lady. That was the address we were dispatched to, in a loft un it in the city. Two officers responded to the dispatch, including my officer. A tenant getting out of the building let us in. We took the elevator to a 3 rd story unit. The officer motioned to me to move to the corner so that I am not directly in front of t he door. Each of the officers also stood in one corner away two beeps indicating that they had turned on their BWCs. They rang the doorbell and announced [City Name] PD. The lady opened the unit and let us in (I described the condition of the unit in my database notes). The lady was very cooperative and admitted that she sent the Facebook posting. She also offered that she had be diagnosed with depression but was not current ly taking any medications. When asked, she willingly agreed to be taken to hospital for observation. The Officer and I waited and walked with her out of the unit, down the elevator to the police cruiser. The lady was not handcuffed and obviously not arrest ed. During the transport to the hospital, the officer left his BWC on.

PAGE 150

136 According to him, this is because, since he made the decision to not handcuff the lady, he wanted to make sure that anything that happened during transport is captured on video and audi o. This case is another example of the indeterminacy of practice. When calls for service can come from anyone, anywhere, how can agents know a priori what the situation of the call entail?

PAGE 151

137 CHAPTER VI DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION This thesis undertakes an e ffort to advance understanding s of the intimate relationship between humans and wearable technology in organizations by addressing two research questions: 1) What phenomena are constitutive of the relationship between a wearer and a wearable technology? 2) How are the phenomena of the social and material agencies of the wearer wearable relationship enacted in practice? These questions find currency in the on going search for solutions to improve the outcomes of police services, especially as they relate to police civilian encounters. Over a two year period, I was granted unprecedented access to six police organizations who have implemented BWC technology programs. During this time, I embarked on extensive field work, interviewing rank and file officers, serg eants, command staff, and civilian employees. In addition, I directly observed the practice of police work involving BWC technology , and reviewed policy documents and procedure manuals. During my research it became quite evident that the outcome of a polic e civilian encounter is not determined a priori, but emerges from its enactment in practice. For these reasons, the research questions stated above are derived from , and addressed through , the lens of Sociomateriality. A sociomaterial lens advances the vie w of inseparable entanglements of the social and material. My research and analytic approach account for the novelty of the phenomenon under study. Figure 6.1, adapted from Aron Lindberg (see footnote 22, p. 53) through e mail ex c hange provides a summary of my data collection and analysis approach. T he diagram is comprised of three sections. The bottom section lists the three data collection methods (interviews, observations, and archival documents) employed in the research . The second

PAGE 152

138 section depicts the data analysis approach. For the analysis, interview data w ere coded and analyzed using a grounded theoretic approach. The data coding and analysis was conducted in an iterative fashion through the method of constant comparison. As concepts emerged they wer e examin ed through a diffractive lens (Barad 2007, Orlikowski and Scott 2015) that attends to the relational nature of di f ference (Barad 2007, p. 72) to understand the effects of differences that appear in the data. Differences provide a means to appreci ate heterogeneous ideas from the data. This is the approach that guided the analysis of the V . Figure 6. 1 . Summary Research and Analysis Design (Adapted from Aron Lindberg , ICIS 2017 )

PAGE 153

139 In that analysis, differences in responses to questions about the impact of BWC technology at the micro and macro levels suggested a disc repancy in how officers relate BWCs to their immediate practice and to larger organizational concerns. The third level is the theory development level , where concepts that have been refined through the constant comparison and diffractive analysis are assayed against concepts in the extant theory (in this case Sociomateriality). If there are discrepancies, the concepts are up dated and reframed through an abductive analysis. BWCs are unlike any other technology in police organizations. The manner of their introduction, and nature of their operation are both revolutionary and unprecedented. Unlike other technologies, such as c ell phones and radios that are also important in police work, BWCs are integrated with police practice . In fact, in the police organizations that I studied, police officers are prohibited from participating in patrol practice without a BWC. And if their BW Cs malfunction during patrol work, they are required to exit practice immediately. A lso, because BWC technologies are not implemented as a centralized command and control system, their operation is rhizomatic , which makes them immune to system wide equipme nt failures or service disruptions . For example, d uring my first ride along to observe the practice of police work, the radio system for the ent ire police department went down. Because it is a centralized system, officers could not receive dispatch calls d uring the disruption. When the system was restored, dispatch call queues quickly filled up, and wait times for services increased . However, during the system wide radio disruption, BWCs were still fully operat ional, which allowed officers to remain on patr ol duty and initiat e contacts with civilians. They use d BWC technology to record interactions and update d the CAD system after it came back on line .

PAGE 154

140 Research Contributions This research reports three important theoretical findings and nascent organizatio nal impacts that make significant and novel contributions to theory and practice . With regard to the first research question ( What phenomena are constitutive of the relationship between a wearer and a wearable technology?), the research identifies three ph enomena wearability ( Don and Doff ), situationality ( Situation Tending) , and contextuality ( Policy Minding ) that are constitutive of the relationship between a wearer and a wearable technology. These phenomena are not only descrip tive of the constitutive e ntanglement of police work, they also explain and bear significant implications for the very practice they enact. For example, the phenomenon of policy minding, often interrupts the phenomenon of situation tending. This happens when an officer second guess es his or her actions in the course of a fluid and dynamic situation, which can lead to mistakes with devastating consequences. The theoretical implications of each of the phenomena will be elucidated below: In addition to the theoretical contribution s , t his study identifies several organizational impacts of BWC technology, including: 1. Changes in core organizational processes and procedures in policing, such as formal training at the academy , inter departmental management and exchange of digital evidence, d evelopment of new policies and procedures and their fit within existing organizational operations, such as when and where to turn the BWC on, and how that action is incorporated within rules of engagement and officer safety. 2. Cost of procurement of the BWC technology, ongoing maintenance of the equipment , personnel, and cloud sourcing of the evidence management infrastructure .

PAGE 155

141 3. Trade offs between officer discretion and personal innovativeness to address situations at the practice level, and the need for stand ardized rules and policy prescriptions at the organizational level . 4. Strategic alignment of organizational goals with officer perception of the implementation of BWC technology at the practice level . Implications for Theory Wearability refers to how and where a wearable device is worn, how and what the wearer feel s wearing the device , and the awareness that they are wearing the device . It includes not only issues about fit, form and function, but also affect, emotion and cognition about the wearer wearabl e relationship . Because wearables are intimate and personal, wearability poses interesting challenges to question s of self and ownership. For example, when mandated to wear a wearable device at work, who owns the part of the body on which the wearable is w orn? Can an employee ac quiesce to wearing a device but refuses to wear it on a particular part of the body? In the current study, this question arises mostly in the context of physical body size when deciding optimal locations to mount the wearable (BWC) t echnology . Officers come in various sizes, shapes, genders, and have different senses of style. Stipulating a mounting location with a fixed lens BWC impacts field of view and quality of video that can be captured. Thus, when given the option, officers exp eriment to find out which part of the body is best suited to mount a BWC. Officer Jay (a pseudonym), a patrol officer with four years of experience in the current department, is required to wear a BWC. This is how he describes his experimentation with wea rability . -capturing what you need it to capture depending on where you have it being worn wise to car ry the

PAGE 156

142 camera whether we use it on the glasses or on lapels or on the brim of our hats and that sort of thing. So, I wear it on my left side right now. I also wear it -I also have the glasses and I tend to do those. I also wear a hat most of the time, s o I can carry it on my brim, but I like the fact that I can interchange it and wear it in different places. I have to find that I actually have to tilt it up a little bit so that I can capture the face and the full body and that sort of thing. ( Patrol Officer) The above quote suggests that if employees are allowed some leeway in how and where they wear wearable s, experimentation could lead to quick acquiescence and use of the device. However, given that the current class of wearable devices studied in this research are not self aware, that is, they do not collect and analyze physiological information about the w earer, it is still an open question how issues collection and ownership will be addressed in organization al settings . Situationality refers to the social relations constituted with the materiality of the technolo gy (BWC) to create the semblance of risk free, non experiential interactions. Issues of situationality are complex and tend to exist along a continuum of past, present and future, thanks to the capability of the BWC to capture and memorialize situations. A s one officer intimated to me during a ride along: Some issues are not black or white can use discretion. However, with BWC technology , the recording of an interaction can be stored for a very long time . So, if in the future, something completely unrelated to the current circumstances happen and you make a decision one way or the other, someone may be able to get a hold of the old video in which under similar circumstances you made a different decision b ased on discretion. That video can be used to question your work or fairness. So, to avoid anything like that happening to me in the future, I use less discretion to resolve issues that are a gray area for us. The above observation relates to an issue whe re a habitual traffic offender (HTO) was stopped for a minor traffic violation, and then taken to jail for the HTO offence. The officer

PAGE 157

143 agonized over the decision, including not only that the offender will be taken to jail, but also that he will have to qu it practice and brave rush hour traffic to commit the offender to jail. The issue of discretion and what to do in a situation that involves more than a binary choice is a sticky one , given that wearable technologies afford surveillance and metering of indi vidual performance. When employees are unclear about how issues involving discretion are resolved, they are more likely to tow the standard line instead of searching for optim um decisions that take the objecti ve situation into consideration. This begs the question: Does wearing a wearable device encourage risk taking and innovation or does it thwart th e se qualities? Several studies have examined these issues in the case of so called street level bureaucrats front line staff in policy delivery agencies (Tum mers and Bekkers 2014, Cloutier et al. 2016). Tummers and Bekkers (2014), argued that providing discretion to implementers of public policy, such as street level bureaucrats (for example patrol officers ), increases their willingness to implement the policy . However, Cloutier et al. (2016) argued instead that mid level managers (for example, Lieutenants and Sergeants) who are situated at the nexus of upper management and line staff are more effective in instituting reform. Through the phenomenon of situation ality, the current study suggests that discretion is useful at the point of action, and that in judging the effectiveness of its applicability, a consider ation of the matrix of available options, is better than impos ing a binary choice. Contextuality or policy minding refers to immanent conditions of the technology and the organization that are shared experiences among users in a particular practice . When a technology is introduced in the work place, the existing fabric is disturbed, and ripples are sent throughout the organization. New policies are enacted that add new wrinkles on top of

PAGE 158

144 existing ones. How those wrinkles are smoothed out in practice for employees who have to make spot decisions in fluid and dynamic situations require careful thought and p lanning. For example , in one of the case sites for this research, BWC implementation was driven by coercive forces. The organization failed to correctly appraise the limitations of the technology and how it interfaces with organizational policy. This resul ted in a double whammy of poor technology and policy design and implementation. Employees who are required to mind the policy in the context of unreliable technology deliberately focused attention on policy stipulations that are amenable to their interpret ations of the use of the and responded to what they think is in their best interest. Here is what one officer said when asked about when and why s/he records: MODERATOR: How often do you record? RESPONDENT: Maybe once a shift. MODERATOR: Okay. k now, we work four 10 hour days, I would say I probably record 3 or 4 incidents a week. MODERATOR: Why is that -but you may have more than one contact? record per policy. M ODERATOR: Okay. tag the video, remember to take the camera and put it back on our bodies. Then if we So, if you record stuff all day long, you have 10 different videos that you have to review and, you

PAGE 159

145 know, tag and edit and put on the port to download the video and then take it back off MODERATOR: So , you use more y our discretion. I read the policy and it says you have discretion to record in certain situations and, so you use more of that. RESPONDENT: If it was easier, if it was an easier process, I would record everything. MODERATOR: Okay. RESPONDENT: Yeah, I would record everything. I would just leave it on at every call, but the process is cumbersome. In this cas e , the e mployee response to the constraints of the technology, and the ambiguity of the policy prescription with regards to employee discretion on when to activate and deactivate the technology, resulted in sub optimal performance towards the organizational goal. Policy minding, tends to be aggravated by complex rules that compete with other organizational objectives. The second research quest ion: How are the phenomena of the social and material agencies of the wearer wearable relationship enacted in practice? addresses the process of entanglement in a sociomaterial enactment of material discursive practices . The study i dentifies the concept of co functioning as the process of entanglement of the wearer wearable relationship. The process of co functioning is a relational one, akin to what Cloutier et al. ( 2016), referred to as relational work. The relational process underpins the operational suc cess of reform processes through a symbiosis among interacting components . Finally, the study develop ed a performative model to explicate the sociomaterial entanglements of the wearer wearable relationship. The proposed model summarized in graphical form h ow the intra action of three phenomena (wearability, situationality, and contextuality), co produces

PAGE 160

146 certain performative outcomes of the police organization (officer decisions, actions and evidence) through a process of co functioning. Implication s for Pr actice O rganizational theorists have generally tried to blur the boundaries between the public and private sectors, argu ing that organizations a re simply organizations and the distinction between private sector and public sector is not a particularly us eful one to make ( Frumkin and Galaskiewicz 2004, citing March and Simon 1958). Yet, frameworks exist to distinguish organizations by sectors. Based on a review of the relevant literature, Frumkin and Galaskiewicz (2004, p. 288) concluded that two bases ex ist for distinguishing among public, non profit, and private sectors are: 1) differences in the ability to accurately measure organizational out puts or performance, and 2) differences in the control over the flow of resources or inputs into the organizatio n. With the capability to surveil and meter performance (Alchian and Demsetz 1972), BWCs hold promise to positively impact the trajectory of accuracy in measuring organizational outputs , since officers who shirk can be easily discovered, and supervisors ca n evaluate the performance of officers without the need for their co presence in patrol practice . In the case of information systems, Caudle et al. (1991, citing Rainey et al. 1976) listed three main differences between public and private sector organizati ons: 1. Environmental Factors due to less market exposure and more reliance on appropriations create an environment for less productivity and effectiveness in the public sector. Additionally, legal and formal constraints and higher political influence, includ ing from interest groups dilutes the effectiveness of government information systems. 2. Mandatory actions sanctioned by coercive forces are unique features of government. In fact, these are the same regulatory and coercive forces that drive the implementati on of BWC programs.

PAGE 161

147 3. Public sector organizations also have more complex internal structures and processes; and mangers have less decision making authority. Notwithstanding the above differences , the ir potency is much diluted with increased privatization of public services. For example, BWC technology programs and related services are increasingly outsourced to third party private sector providers that will likely handle the same services for private sector clients. The current large deployment of wearable s in the public sector will allow private providers the opportunity to leverage a relatively stable source of income to build systems and expertise that will serve private sector clients . Additionally, lessons learned from public sector deployments will fl atten the learning curve when large scale private sector deployment becomes a reality. This is because with its technology knowhow in public sector hands is more easily transfe rrable to the private sector. T he popularity of wearables in general, and the proliferation of BWC technology in police organizations in particular, has provided an opportunity to examine the impacts of wearable technology on the individuals wearing it, a nd the organizations in which it is deployed. A nalysis of the phenomena and process of the sociomaterial enactment of wearables in the practice of police patrols suggests that certain changes and accommodations are required from the police officers wearing BWCs and the organization s they work for. For example, having the awareness of the camera requires officers to remember to turn it on and off at the right time and for the right instances, even though that means they have additional work to do in terms of labelling, tagging, docking the cameras to upload video footage and charge camera batteries, and write detailed reports. From the organizations point of view,

PAGE 162

148 there is the additional cost of procuring and maintaining BWC equipment and on going storage cos ts , as one command staff officer made patently clear: Just the management of all of this data has been a challenge. The implementation was more complex and difficult than we expected it to be. We had to make quite a few changes in the IT structure in ord er to get the cameras to work with the server even though the server and the cameras are from the same vendor. So, we had a host of technical issues to overcome. We still haven't overcome all of them. (Command Officer) In addition, the organization ha s to enact specific policies to guide the use of BWCs, and the attendant costs of monitoring compliance with that policy. For example, the fact that officers are not allowed to patrol without a functioning BWC means that any time there is a malfunction bef ore or during patrol, one less officer is patrolling the streets. Because of the affordances of BWCs, there is now the expectation that video evidence should be made available in order to clarify and adjudicate any discrepancy arising from the exercise of police functions. In instances where this is not possible, due to either faulty equipment or the discretion of the officer involved, the reputation of the organization is brought into question. This concern is highlighted by the following statement from a command officer: My guess is officers are very aware that everything they're saying and doing is recorded. So, that changes it. But I think that the bigger change to this, the more systemic change, is how we're going to be using it for evidentiary purpo ses and how expect body worn camera video for every case, and if you don't have it, you're gonna lose the case. (Command Officer)

PAGE 163

149 Table 6.1 summarizes the changes and impacts of BWCs across the three functional ar eas of police organizations. By studying these impacts, private businesses will be able to mitigate their effects when it comes time for large scale deployment of wearables . Future Research Opportunities This research opens the opportunity for several area s of inquiry. First, the phenomena of situationality and contextuality expose tensions and inconsistences in the application of organizational policies in fluid dynamic situations that have multiple , competing objectives . Future research should examine the costs and benefits of policy adherence against street level Table 6.1. Changes and Impacts of BWC Program (After Sesay et al. 2017) Functional Area Changes Reported Impacts Reported Operations Wearing BWC and carrying smart phones as part of standard equipment Requirement to turn BWC on and off per policy Awareness of BWC during interactions Conscio usness of location of BWC on uniform and adjust policing stance during interactions Sensitivity to privacy issues in certain locations Dock BWCs after shift to upload video footage and charge battery Review each recorded incident and tag and label it separ ately Review video to corroborate field notes and write report Discomfort from hot battery pack and weight of equipment Put up with vibrating sound during operation More civility during interactions/Less worried about civilian complaints/Reduced likelihood of suits resulting in payouts Add/subtract 20 minutes per shift for labelling videos/Less time testifying in court due to video evidence Improved accuracy of report. Report takes longer to write Support Services Manage and troubleshoot BWC docking statio ns Manage user logins and configurations Manage smart phones with BWC app Manage connectivity to the cloud Troubleshoot BWC and systems as needed Search, copy and burn footage on DVDs for other parties such as prosecutors and courts Additional personnel n eeded to help manage video evidence Strategy New BWC policy Procedures for release of footage Program funding Training and professional standards Customize training and performance evaluation Virtual supervision One time cost for cameras On going cloud storage fees Shortened retention periods Reduced complaints and suits resulting in payouts Random review of a sample of videos to ensure officer compliance with standards

PAGE 164

150 discretion by officers. For example, when officers leave the BWCs on to obviate the need to remember to turn in on or off in fluid situations, there are costs associated with storage of the video footage, personnel managing the video, including reviewing the video for court cases, etc. Second, the three phenomena identified in this study are novel and interesting. Further research could explore the development of scale measures to test their prop erties and falsify their claims. Third, BWC technology affords performance metering of individual officers, in terms of numbers of contact, outcomes of those contacts, and performance evaluation by supervisors who are not in the field. Future research coul d investigate whether individual metering improves measurement of organizational and officer output. F ourth, w ith the introduction of BWCs, police departments have become significant players in outsourcing, which is traditionally a private sector activity . For example, traffic enforcement through red light cameras, traffic and mobile van speed cameras, have been outsourced to third party non police organizations (Ferrandino 2014). The implementation of BWC programs has followed similar trends. The storage of digitally acquired BWC evidence is handled by private cloud service providers for all but one of the police departments studied in this research. The cost of data storage for BWCs has been cited as the most expensive part of a BWC program (PERF), while the location of the data (in house vs cloud sourced) has been cited as the most contentious issue. The currency and urgency of implementing BWC programs among more than 12,000 local law enforcement agencies in the United States, and perhaps thousands more abroad; and the emergent and contentious issues of cost and location of storage and management of data generated from BWC technology , presents challenging questions to information systems scholars and researchers. While these challenges are many and varie d, they could be investigated with research questions, such as: Which factors

PAGE 165

151 explain the adoption of Digital Evidence Management Systems (DEMS) in the public sector? Are those factors related to the choice of governance mode of DEMS? Is there a relationsh ip between the choice of governance mode and the governance structure of the Central IT? Or, stated differently, what is the role, if any, of Central IT in determining the governance mode of DEMS? Fifth, t he proliferation of BWC technology provides the opp ortunity to examine the interplay among human agency, structure and technology from the perspective of a wearable digital technology in police organizations . Previous studies addressing these issues have focused on integrated technologies, such as enterpri se systems (Boudreau and Robey 2005), group decision support systems (Watson et al. 1988, DeSanctis and Poole 1994), or large complex technologies, such as hospital CT Scanners that require specialized skills (Barley 1986), and arrived at conclusions that favor a social constructivist view of technology in organizations. Because a BWC is personalized and accessorized per officer, structural constraints on human agency are more pronounced and more difficult to evade than in integrated enterprise technologies (Boudreau and Robey 2005). In other words, because personalized wearable technologies facilitate identification and metering (Alchian and Demsetz 1972), police officers wearing BWC technology are more susceptible to the so makes them more circumspect in exercising human agency. The police officers interviewed for this study make conscious choices to balance the demands of structure with the discretion of human agency, leading to outcomes that are often sub optimal. This obs ervation accords with Vaast and Walsham (2005), that agents change Consequently, future research should be directed

PAGE 166

152 towards studying the interplay of agency and structure under conditions of wearable technologies . Limitations of the Study T his study has employed a grounded theory approach to develop theory on the relationality between wearers and wearables in the context of po lice practice. Grounded theory has s ome potential limitations and inherent risks (Goulding 2002) , such as premature closure, and too much induction . To avoid those pitfalls, I defined the boundaries of my research by choosing a particular practice area pol ice patrol, and a particular technology context, body worn cameras. Additionally, I explored the literature and developed two theoretically derived questions. I spent as much time in the field and interweaved data collection and analysis to ensure theoreti cal sensitivity. Like any case study, this research is limited to the experience and practices of a few police departments. Hence, the insights and findings derived therein may not be generalizable to other contexts. In particular, interviews are retrospe ctive , asking questions about what has happened and what has been experienced. As such, I cannot claim that the reported practices will persist into the future, particularly given the novelty of BWCs and the introduction of new technologies to complement t heir use in police departments. For example, the introduction of smart phones, which allow officers to view and label videos in the field, In closing, I paraphrase one of my inform ants to motivate further study in the you can do is the right thing. The second best thing you can do is the wrong thing. And the worst thing you can do is to do n In conducting this study, I have tried to do

PAGE 167

153 something to advance understandings in how intimate technologies and humans relate to one another and exchange agency toward an organizational goal. It is the best, and hopefully, the right thing that I have done.

PAGE 168

154 BIBLIOGRAPHY American Economic Review (62), pp. 777 795. Arrangeme Criminology (9:2 3) pp. 185 206. British Journal of Sociology , pp. 225 252. Or ganizational Routines: Difference and Repetition in a Newspaper Printing Organization Science (27:3), pp. 535 550. Arthur, B.W. 2009. The Nature of Technology: What It Is and How It Evolves , New York, NY: Free Press. Axon Media Press Kit. Avail able at: http://www.axon.com/press, accessed on 12/22/2017. International Journal of Human Computer Interaction (13:2), pp. 123 145. nd the Materialization of Differences: A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies (10:2), pp. 88 128. Signs (28:3), pp. 801 831. Barad, K. 2007. M eeting the Universe Halfway: Quantum Physics and the Entanglement of Matter and Meaning , Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Worn Cameras on nst the Police: A Randomized Controlled Trial , Journal of Quantitative Criminology (31), pp. 509 535. Barak, A., Sutherland, A., Henstock, D., Young, J., Drover, P., Sykes, J., Magicks, S., inst Officers and Does Not Reduce Police Use of Force: Results from a Global Multi Site European Journal of Criminology , pp. 1 12. of CT Scanners and th Administrative Science Quarterly (31), pp. 78 108.

PAGE 169

155 Sociomaterial Configuring of Strategy, Platform, and Stakeholder Engagement Information Systems Research ( 27:4 ), pp. 704 723 . Organization Science (23:5), pp. 1448 1466. Beane, M., Orlikowski, W.J. 2015. Organization Science (26:6), pp.1553 1573. MIS Quarter ly (11:3), pp. 369 386. Benbunan in Proceedings of the 23rd. Americas Conference on Information Systems , Boston, MA. August 2017. Bhat, A., Cognizant 20 20 Insight , accessed at: www.cognizant.com, accessed on 3/4/2018. Computer (32:1), pp. 57 64. e Evolutionarily Important Goals Evolutionary Psychology , pp. 1 15. Buss , D.M . 1987 Selection, Evocation, and Manipulation Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , (53:6) , pp. 121 4 1 221 . Organization Science (16:1), pp. 3 18. Through Affordances: A Fr Journal of Information Technology (31), pp. 83 96. CPS (3:20) pp . 17 40. Journal of Marketing Management (33:1 2), pp. 32 60. tems Management MIS Quarterly (15:2), pp. 171 188.

PAGE 170

156 Cecez MIS Quarterly (38:3), pp. 809 830. Organizational Research Methods (20:1), pp. 3 31. Charmaz, K. 2006. Constructing Grounded Theory: A Practical Guide Through Qualitative Ana lysis , London: Sage Publications. Cycle Micro Organization Science (16:4), pp. 434 447. a M 227. The Accounting Review (61), p 601 632. September/October 2015, pp. 41. Cloutier, C., Denis, J Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory , pp. 259 276. Coorevits, L., in Proceedings of the 2016 Academy of Management Conference, 2016. worn cameras for police Computer Law & Security Review (31), pp. 749 762. DeLanda, M. 2006. A New Philosophy of Society: Assemblage Theory and Social Complexity . New York, NY: Continuum. Deleuze, G. 1991. Bergsonism . Trans. Hugh Tomlinson and Barbara Habberjam. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Deleuze, G., and Guattari, F. 1987. A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism & Schizophrenia . Trans. Brian Massumi. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. in Proceedings of the 36th International Conference on Information Systems, Fort Worth, TX.

PAGE 171

157 Organization Science (5:2), pp. 121 147. Di American Sociological Review (48:2), pp. 147 160. Case Research: Current MIS Quarterly (27:4), pp. 597 636. Academy of Management Review (14:4), pp. 532 550. Eisenhardt, K.M., Graebner, M.E. 200 Academy of Management Journal (50:1), pp. 25 32. American Journal of Sociology (103:4), pp. 962 1023. Report Prepared for Director of Information Sciences, Airforce Office of Scientific Research, Washington DC., Stanford Research Institute, Menlo Park, California, pp. 1 134. Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management (37:1), pp. 52 69. Innovations in Academy of Management Review (34:3), pp. 442 462. Ferré, F. 1988. Philosophy of Technology. Prentice Hall, Inc., New Jersey: Englewood Cliffs Forbes Magazine 2013 accessed on April 5, 2018, accessed at: https://www.forbes.com/sites/ewanspenc e/2013/11/02/2014 will be the year of wearable technology/#5456551ac466 Foucault, M. 1977. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison; trans. Alan Sheridan. New York: Pantheon Books nd Miller, P. (eds.), The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality : Chicago University Press: Chicago, pp. 87 104.

PAGE 172

158 Frumkin, P. , Galaskiewicz, J. Journal of Public Administration Researc h and Theory (14:3), pp. 283 307. Strategic Management Journal (29:13), pp. 1465 1474. Giddens, A. 1984. The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration . Polity Press, Cambridge, MA. Glas er, B.G., Strauss, A.L. 1967 . The Discovery of Grounded Theory: Strategies for Qualitative Research. Adline de Gruyter, New York : NY . Goulding, C. 2002. Grounded Theory: A Practical Guide for Management, Business, and M arket Researchers. Sage Publications, London: UK. Journal of Computer Information Systems (56:1) pp. 79 85. Guillemette, M.G., Migner Transformation of the IT Function: A Longitudinal Case Study in the Healthcare Information & Management (54), pp. 349 363. to It: Sergey Brin and Google Glass at TED2013. accessed at http://blog.ted.com, accessed on, 11/25/2017 . British Journal of Sociology (51:4), pp. 605 622. Assemblages: Affect, Memory and Temporality in Cambridge Archaeological Journal (27:1), pp.169 182. Digest of Papers of the 3rd International Symposium on Wearable Computers , Los Alamitos, CA: IEEE Computer Society , pp. 185 186. Haraway, D. "A Cyborg Manifesto: Science, Technology, and Socialist Feminism in the Late Twentieth Century," in Simians, Cyborgs and Women: The Reinvention of Nature (New York; Routledge, 1991), pp.149 181. Organization Studies (38:9) pp. 1209 1231.

PAGE 173

159 Har Journal of Management Studies ( 52 : 5 ) pp. 680 696 . Harvard Law Review (127:652), pp. 652 665. Harvard Law Review (128), pp. 1794 1834. Economic Review, vol. 35, September 1945, pp. 519 30. [This essay was reprinted in F. A. Hayek, Individualism and Ec onomic Order (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948), pp. 77 91 Ed.] Wearables.Wearablesmag.com (January 2017), pp. 28 31. rastructure MIS Quarterly (37:3), pp. 907 931. Heugens, P.M.A.R., Lander, M.W. 2009. Structure! Agency! (And other Quarrels): A Meta Academy of Management Journal (52:1), pp. 61 85. Hitach i High Technologies has Developed a New Wearable Sensor the Measures Press Release , Tokyo, Japan, February 9, 2015. NVivo to Facilitate the International Journal of Social Research Methodology (13:4), pp. 283 302. C Scandinavian Journal of Management (29), pp. 264 281. http://www.idc.com/getdoc.jsp?containerId=prUS42818517, accessed on 4/5/18 RAND Corporation , pp. 1 16. Administrative Science Quarterly (24:4), pp. 602 611. MIS Quarterly (32:1), pp. 127 157.

PAGE 174

160 ons of MIS Quarterly (38:3), pp. 895 925. Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management (32:2), pp. 338 350. K atz, C., Choate, D., Ready, J., Nuno, L., Kurtenback, M., and Johnson, K. 2014. Evaluating the Impact of Officer Worn Body Cameras in the Phoenix Police Department . Phoenix, AZ: Center for Violence Prevention & Community Safety, Arizona State University. A vailable: https://publicservice.asu.edu/sites/default/files/ppd_spi_feb_20_2015_final.pdf Journal of Criminal Justice (33), pp . 97 109. MIS Quarterly (23:1), pp. 67 94. rdance, MIS Quarterly (35:1), pp. 147 167. Information and Organization (23), pp. 59 76. Leonardi, P.M., Bar Information and Organization (18), pp. 159 176. Materiality, AMJ Annals (4:1), pp. 1 51. Lincoln, Y., Guba, E. 1985. Naturalistic Inquiry . Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. wearable tech could bring your warehouse into the future/, Accessed on: 4/25/18. Ongoing Body Worn Camera Research: for the Laura and John Arnold Foundation. Fairfax, VA: Center for Evidence Based Crime Policy, George Mason University, pp. 1 30.

PAGE 175

161 : MIT Media Lab, Computer , pp. 25 31. Proceedings of the 3rd International Confer ence on Wearable Computing (ICWC) pp. 51 59. in Soegaard, M ., Dam, R . F . (eds.) . The Encyclopedia of Human Computer Interaction, 2 nd Ed. Accessed: 4/6/18, Accessed at: https://www.interaction design.org/encyclopedia/wea rable_computing.html Crime and Justice (15), pp. 349 398. Information Systems Research (7:1), pp. 52 6 2. Manning, P. 2008. The Technology of Policing: Crime Mapping, Information Technology, and the Rationality of Crime Control. New York: New York University Press. Accessed at www.marketline.com; Accessed on: Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management (37:2), pp. 389 403. Miettinen, R., Samra Fredericks, D., Yanow, D. 200 Turn to Practice: An Introductory Organization Studies (30:12), pp. 1309 1327. Business Horizons (59), pp. 615 622. Information and Organization (23), pp. 28 40. British Journ al of Psychology (106), pp. 209 216. Neuman, W.L. 1994. Social Research Methods: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches. 2 nd Edition. Allyn and Bacon. Needham Heights: MA. Socio Review , (62) pp. 1 23.

PAGE 176

162 N icolini , D. 200 Zooming In and Out : Studying Practices by Switching Theoretical Lenses and Trailing Connections Organization Studies ( 30 :1 2 ), pp. 1 391 1 418 . NVivo Nye, D.E. 2006. Technology Matters , Cambridge , MA : MIT Press. Operations Manual, Denver Police Department: Accesses at: https://www.denvergov.org/content/dam/denvergov/Portals/720/documents/Operation sManual/OMSBook/OM_Book.pdf, Accessed on: 4/22/18 Orli Information Systems Research (11:4), pp. 404 428. Studying Organization Science (11:4), pp. 404 428. Scandinavian Journal of Information Systems (17:1), pp. 1 4. Organization Studies (28:9), pp.1435 1448. Cambridge Journal of Economics (34), pp.125 141. in IT Research Information Systems Research (12:2), pp. 121 134. Orlikowski, W.J., Scott The Academy of Management Annals (2:1), pp. 433 474. Appratuses of Val Org. Science (25:3), pp. 868 891. MIS Quarterly (39:1), pp. 201 216. oring Material Journal of Management Studies (52:5), pp. 697 705.

PAGE 177

163 International Journal of Technology Diffusion (6:2), pp. 12 29. d the Badge: Amid Protests and Calls for Reform, How Police View their Jobs, Key Issues and Recent Fatal Encounters between Blacks and American Journa l of Sociology (99:3), pp. 559 589. Police Chief ( 62:4), pp. 30 27. Theory and Society (37:5), pp. 461 483. Prasopoulou, E. moon on my Skin: A Memoir on Life with an Activity European Journal of Information Systems (26:3), pp. 287 297. 172 Posthumanism, Technogenesis, and D i gital Technologies: A Conversation with N The Fibreculture journal (23), pp. 95 107. Community Relations Accountability of Policing : Routledge: UK, pp. 49 68. st Force on 21 st Policing Services. Price Robertson, R., Duff, C. 2016. Theory & Psychology (26:1), pp. 58 76. Rackspace (), pp. 1 10. Ratcliffe, J. 201 1. Video Surveillance of Public Places . Problem Oriented Guides for Police. Washington, DC: Office of Community Oriented Policing Services. http://ric doj.zai inc.com/Publications/cops p097 pub.pdf. : A Taxonomy of Major Journal of Personality and Social Psychology (107:4), pp. 677 718. Making News at an Italian Business Organization Studies (34:8), pp. 1171 1194.

PAGE 178

164 Rawassizadeh, R., Price, B., Petre, M. Wearables: Has the Age of Smartwatches Finally Arrived Communications of the ACM (58:1), pp. 45 47. ctices: A Development in Culturalist European Journal of Social Theory (5:2), pp. 243 263. MIS Quarterly ( 41:4), pp. 1059 1081. IEEE Technology and Society Magazine (December 2016), pp. 44 45. Comparative Case Study of Geog raphic Information Systems in County Information Systems Research (7:1) pp.93 110. Journal of the Assoc. for Information Systems (14:7) pp. 379 398. MIS Quarterly Executive (15:2), pp. 167 177. ic Authority in the Academy of Management Journal (53:6), pp. 1263 1280. Roman, J., Reid, S., Reid, J., Chalfin, A., Adams, W. and Knight, C. 2008. The DNA Field Experiment: Cost Effectiveness Analysis of the Use of DNA in the In vestigation of High Volume Crimes. Washington, DC: Urban Institute. Theoretic Accounts of IS: The Problem of Scandinavian Journal of Information Systems (17:1), pp. 133 152. Rowe, M., Westmorland , L., Routledge: UK, pp. 74 86. Reproductio Journal of Strategic Information Systems (9) pp. 193 212. Mediated Network Relations: The Use of Internet Based Self Informa tion Systems Research. (15:1), pp. 87 106.

PAGE 179

165 Taking the Wrong Turning? A Information and Organization (23), pp. 77 80. Scott, S.V., Orlikowski, W.J. 201 4 Entanglements in Practice: Performing Anonymity Through Social Media MIS Quarterly ( 38:3 ), pp. 873 893 . in Proceedings of the 37 th . International Conference on Information Systems, Dublin, Ireland. December 11 14, 2016. in Proceedings of the 50 th . Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences, Hawaii. January 3 7, 2017. Journal of Management Studies (43:8), pp. 1821 1835. Shotter , J. 2014. Theory & Psychology (24:3), pp. 305 325. ing Harvard Business Review (May 20, 2015), pp. 2 5. Strauss, A., Corbin, J. 1990. Basics of Qualitative Research: Grounded Theory Procedures and Techniques . London: Sage. Wearables, January 2017 , pp. 28 31. Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research (56:3), pp. 243 259. Level Bureaucracy, and the Public Man agement Review (16:4), pp. 527 547. Information Systems Journal (20), pp. 357 381. Vaast, E., Wa Information and Organization (15), pp. 65 89. Org anization Science (17:2), pp. 190 201.

PAGE 180

166 Administrative Science Quarterly ( 24 ) , pp. 520 6. ce Access Policy JMIS (29:4), pp. 263 289. Journal of the Association for Information S ystems (17:7), pp. 435 494. Political Theory (7:1), pp. 57 73. pp. 819 834. Walker, S. 2005. The New World of Police Accountability. Sage Pubs, Thousand Oaks: CA. Ward, J.T., Nobles, M.R., Lanza Their Own Speed Trap: The Intersection of Speed Enforcement Policy , Police Police Quarterly (14:3), pp. 251 276. MIS Quarterly , pp. 463 478. Weis st Scientific American (265:3), pp. 94 104. th . Edition, Gale 2017, pp. 669 674. Available at http:link.galegroup.com; Accessed on 3/9/18. Whi te, M. 2014. Police officer Body Worn Cameras: Assessing the Evidence . Washington DC: Office of Community Oriented Policing Services/Office of Justice Programs. Identifying Pre Crime and Delinquency ( 56:1), pp. 70 102. MIS Quarterly (41:3), pp. 685 701. Community Policing: Institutionalizing Innovative Police Practice and Research (4:2) pp. 119 129. 2nd Edition, 2011, Montreal, Canada, pp. 80 90.

PAGE 181

167 William The American Journal of Sociology (87:3), pp. 548 577. NY, New York amining the Differences between the Use of Wearable Cameras and Traditional Cameras in Research International Journal of Social Research Methodology (20:5), pp. 525 532. Harvard Business R eview , pp. 23 25. Stivale, 2nd Edition, 2011, Montreal, Canada, pp. 91 102 Journal of Management Information Systems (33:2), pp. 597 620. European Journal of Information Systems (22), pp. 45 55. Wright, A. Academy of Management Journal (60:1), pp. 200 237. Wearable Device Market: The Electronic Commerce Research (17), pp. 335 359. Yin, R.K. 1994. Case Study Research: Design and Methods, 2 nd Edition, Thousand Oaks, California: Sage Publications. Yin , R.K. 2003. Applications of Case Study Research. 2 nd Edition, Thousand Oaks, California: Sage Publications. Evaluating the Effects of Police Body Worn Cameras: A Randomized Controlled Trial The LAB @ DC., (accessed on 10/27/17; available at: http://bwc.thelab.dc.gov/TheLabDC_MPD_BWC_Working_Paper_10.20.17.pdf) MIS Quarterly (34:2), pp. 213 231.

PAGE 182

168 Yoo, The New Organizing Logic of Digital Innovation: An Agenda for Information Systems Information Systems Research (21:4), pp. 724 735. Zammuto, R.F., Griffith, T.L., Majchrzak, A., Dougherty, D.J., and Faraj, S. 2007. Organization Science (18:5), pp. 749 762. Zuboff, S. 1988. In the Age of the Smart Machine: The Future of Work and Power , New York: Basic Books. Zwart Theoretical Sociology (44), pp. 283 297.

PAGE 183

169 APPENDIX A INTERVIEW QUESTIONS Technological Innovation in Police Work: The Impact of Body Worn Camera on Work Practices of Local Police Departments in the US. Unstructured Interview Questions BWC Case Study Abdul Sesay (Protocol Number: 15 2426) COMIRB APPROVED 08 Apr 2016 Intro questions to understand organizational culture and work routine: 1. Thanks for taking this interview. Can you briefly tell us w hat your job description is, when you started to work in ABC police department, what is current position, and how you come to this position? Antecedents / Motivation (Why introduce BWC Police Leadership) 2. What is the main motivation for the department to introduce BWCs? 3. Did the Mayor or City Manager request that you implement BWCs? 4. When did you finally decide that you will implement a BWC program? 5. What are the main considerations that influenced your decision to implement BWCs? 6. What are the main goals for your BWC program? In other words, what do you hope to achieve with this program? a. Could you not have achieved this goal without BWC? b. Is there another way to achieve this goal without BWCs? Antecedents / Motivation (Rank and File officer s)

PAGE 184

170 1. What was your first response when you heard about the introduction of BWC program? 2. Why did you respond the way you did? 3. What is your current response to the BWC program? 4. Knowing what you know now, would you have? 5. When did you finally embr ace the BWC program? 6. What are the main considerations/factors that influenced your decision to embrace BWCs? 7. What are the main goals for your BWC program? In other words, what do you hope to achieve with this program? a. Could you not have achieved t his goal without BWC Practice (Police Chief and/or Commanders and Division Chiefs) 1. Who is required to wear BWC (Patrol officers, Sergeants, Captains, etc.)? 2. What was the initial reaction of the officers required to wear BWC? 3. If there is a police u nion, what was their initial reaction to BWC? 4. What did you have to have in place (changes) before implementing BWC? 5. Which division have had to make the most adjustments to implement BWC? Police Community Relationship 1. Did you hear any feedback on t he use of BWC from community? 2. How do you think BWC will improve/impact police community relationship? 3. Did you see any concern on the use of BWC from community? 4. If there is any concern on BWC from the community, do you have any processes to handle it? Practice (Division Chief and/or Lieutenant/Sergeants of impacted division)

PAGE 185

171 6. How about at individual level? Did BWC changed the way that you think of your work process? 7. What fa ctors have prompted these changes? 8. How has rank and file officers responded to this change? 9. Describe the physical changes endured by the officers. Rank and File Patrol Officers 1. Describe your typical day patrolling with BWC? 2. Describe an atypical day patrolling with BWC? 3. What changes do you discern in your patrol duties? (Interactions with citizens) 4. Has any resident ever made a complaint against you? If so, is it before or after the BWC program? 5. How do you react to a complaint allegation now that you have BWC compared to when you did not have BWC? Potential follow up questions. recommend we contact for the question? Is there any final thought that you want to add on the BWC program? Or is there any important consideration on the use of BWC you want to share with us? Thank you very much for your time and participation.

PAGE 186

172 APPENDIX B RIDE ALONG OBSERVATI ON FORM Title: BWC Research Ride Along Observations Date: Shift: Time : Location of contact: Home (in / out) Public (specify): Private: Type of call/contact: Start: End: Reason for contact: Observing from: Car Scene Dist. Civilian Characteristics Race/Ethnic ity: Gender How Many Describe Scene: After the contact When/Where BWC Activated: 1. Did you record the incident? Yes No Why: 2. What's your impression of the inciden t? 3. How did you resolve the situation? 4. Did you issue a citation/summon? Yes No Why: 5. How did you classify the incident? 6. What influenced your decision in resolving the incident? 7. Was BWC a f actor in your decision? Yes No Why: Officer Characteristics: Race/Ethnicity: Gender Years with PD Notes:

PAGE 187

173 APPENDIX C SAMPLE BWC POLICY Mobile Audio/Video Recorder Policy 446 .1 PURPOSE AND SCOPE The Police Services has equipped selected vehicles and officers with a mobile Audio/Video Recording (MAV) system and also allows officers to use dedicated audio recording devices. The MAV is designed to assist and compliment officers in the performance of their duties. The MAV is used to record certain duty related activities, thereby creating a visual and/or audio record of a clear benefi t to such a recording. In general, MAV recordings will fall into one of two categories of focus, evidentiary and mutual accountability. It is the purpose of this policy to provide officers with guidelines for the use of recording devices. This policy is no t intended to describe every possible situation where the system may be used; however, there are many situations where the use of the MAV device is recommended. 446.2 OFFICER OPERATION REQUIREMENTS Prior to going into service, each officer will check out t he appropriate equipment, if required. Officers should test the MAV system operation in accordance with manufacturer specifications and departmental training at the start of each shift. Testing includes:

PAGE 188

174 (a) That the camera/recording device is functional. (b) Veri fying the device has an adequate power source. (c) Ensuring that the device properly placed/affixed for optimal use. (d) Documentation of officer information if system being used requires it. At the end of duty period, the MAV will be secured and charged accordan ce with manufacturer specifications and departmental training. If at any time the MAV is found to not be functioning property, it is to be removed from service and the appropriate supervisor/MAV administrator notified as soon as reasonably possible. 446.2 .1 UPLOADING, STORAGE, AND RETENTION OF RECORDINGS Any MAV recorded incident shall be documented in the associated departmental reports, field interview entries, or on traffic citations that are the sole documentation. Uploading of a MAV will be done in ac cordance with manufacturer specifications and departmental training. MAV evidence will be stored in a departmental designated secure location, including but not limited to: (a) An approved web based server whether that is maintained by the City or an approved outside vendor. (b) An approved, on site City (c) Physical storage media such as CDs, DVDs. or other digital storage devices.

PAGE 189

175 All MAV recordings will be logged as evidence following agency policy and trainings. MAV recordings that are associated with a departmental report number that are uploaded directly into a server will have a property/evidence entry made into RMS as if it was physical evidence. All MAV recordings shall be uploaded at the end of an officer's shift if practical an investigation. If there is a circumstance when this cannot be accomplished, a supervisor must be notified and approval given. 446.3 ACTIVATION OF THE MAV Once activated, the MAV, with some exceptions, shall remain on and not be turned off until the initial incident that cau sed the activation has concluded. For purposes of this section, conclusion of the incident occurs when the gathering of evidence or exchange of communication related to police enforcement activities are concluded. It is understood that not all incidents wi ll clearly start out as needing documentation by a MAV recording or having a clear ending when the MAV is no longer needed. Officers will be expected to use discretion and common sense when activating and deactivating the MAV. Any incident that is recorded with either the video or audio system shall be documented in the officer's report. If a traffic citation is issued, the officer shall make a notation on the back of the citation copy that will be sent to court, indicating that the incident was recorded. 4 46.3.1 REQUIRED ACTIVATION OF THE MAV This policy is not intended to describe every possible situation in which the MAV system may be used. in addition to the required situations, an officer may activate the system any time the officer believes its use wou ld be appropriate and/or valuable to document an incident.

PAGE 190

176 In some circumstances it is not possible to capture images of the incident due to conditions or the location of the camera. However, the audio portion can be valuable evidence and is subject to the same activation requirements as the MAV. The activation of the MAV system is required in any of the following situations: (a) All field contacts involving actual or potential criminal conduct within video or audio range: 1. Traffic stops to include, but not limi ted to, traffic violations, stranded motorist assistance and all crime interdiction stops. If the circumstances of the traffic stop indicate the MAV is no longer needed, then it is the officer's discretion to end the recording and document the reason why. 2. Priority responses 3. Vehicle pursuits us person/vehicle contacts 5. Arrests 6. Vehicle searches 7. Physical or verbal confrontations or use of force 8. Domestic Violence calls 9. DUI investigations including field sobriety maneuvers 10. Any call for service involving a crime where the recorder would clearly aid in the apprehension and/or prosecution of a suspect. (b) Any self indicated activity in which an officer would normally notify 911 (PSAP) and a MAV recording would be useful. (c) Any contact that becomes adversarial and the initial contact in a situation that would not otherwise require recording.

PAGE 191

177 It is understood that due to the range limitations of the vehicle version of the MAV device that, at times, the microphone may be out of range and may not record the audio portion. In such situations, this will not be deemed as a violation of this section of the policy. 446.3.2 CESSATION OF RECORDING If there is a break in the recording of a case related incident, the officer report shall explain why that break occurred on t he recording or in an associated report. Examples of such breaks include but are not limited to: (a) There is a malfunction to or accidental deactivation of the device. (b) There is personal information being shared that is not case sensitive, such as victim famil y information/discussion, protected personal information, or personal medical information. In practice, MAV recordings should not be used in a medical facility unless there is an obvious need to document evidence, actions, or potential accountability issue s. (c) The officer is placed on a related assignment that has no investigative purpose, such as scene security post, scene processing, traffic post, etc. Recording may cease if an officer is simply waiting for the arrival of a tow truck, taxi, family member or other similar nonconfrontational, non evidentiary situation. (d) There is a long break in the incident/contact such as an interruption related to routine police action that is not evidentiary in nature or unrelated to the initial incident. (e) There is activity s uch as a transport or change of venue where there is no incident related police activity occurring. ( f) There is recognition by the officer that the contact no longer creates potential evidentiary or mutual accountability issues. (g) Once an event has been sta bilized, if it is necessary to discuss issues surrounding the investigation with a supervisor or another officer in private, operators may tum off their MAV system. The operator shall break contact with any citizen if they plan on intentionally turning off the MAVI and there is a likelihood that evidence or mutual accountability documentation still exists. This includes discussions between Field Training Officers with officers in training that are specific to training issues. (h) if a request is made for a MAV to be turned off by a party being contacted, the officer shall take into account the overall circumstances, and what is most beneficial to all involved, before deciding to honor the request. For example, an officer may choose to turn off the

PAGE 192

178 MAV device if its operation is inhibiting a victim or witness from giving a statement. It is up to the officer to make the determination as to what is best for the investigation or contact. 446.3.3 CLASSIFICATION AND RETENTION OF MAV RECORDINGS When an office r has stopped the MAV device the officer shall classify the recording. These witl serve to assist in locating the recording and each classification will have an esa ished retention time, Any MAV recording in any classification can be changed to another cla ssification or have its retention status changed for the benefit of an investigation or organizational need. Classifications, descriptions and retention are as follows: (a) NON EVENT A miscellaneous activation of the MAV system which does not meet the require ments of any other classification. Retention period will be seven (7) days. (b) INCIDENT ONLY. Activation of the system where there may be some liability or possibility of a complaint or future action. Examples may include moving items from the roadway, motori st assists, traffic control, general citizen contacts, contacts in which there was a violation of the law but the officer has chosen to issue a verbal or written warning. These recordings should be available for a period of time to address any complaints o r issues that could be resolved by reviewing the recording. Retention period will be thirty (30) days. (c) TRAFFIC Traffic stops involving a citizen, vehicle, bicycle, pedestrian, etc. where the officer issues a citation into Municipal Court or County Court f or traffic related offenses. Retention is 180 days. (d) CASE REPORT Anytime a MAV recording of evidentiary value has been made during an investigation and a case report has been generated. These recordings are subject to general policy and procedure regarding the retention of case related evidence. RESTRICTED Any MAV recording that documents an incident which is deemed sensitive in nature, whether evidentiary or mutual accountability in nature, can have access restricted to select individuals. This stat us would be deemed necessary by a supervisor and entered by an MAV administrator. Examples could include cases involving use of force resulting in SBI, officer involved shootings, allegations of

PAGE 193

179 criminal actions by an officer or by a citizen with an office r as a victim, and investigations alleging misconduct. Access to a restricted MAV must be approved by the division captain (or designee) overseeing the investigation. These recordings are subject to general rules and policies regarding the retention of cas e related evidence. 446.3.4 WHEN ACTIVATION NOT REQUIRED Activation of the MAV system is not required during lunch breaks, lunch periods, when not in service, or when the officer is otherwise involved in routine or administrative duties. No member of this agency may surreptitiously record a conversation of any other member of this agency except with a court order or when authorized by the Chief of Police or the authorized designee for the purpose of conducting a criminal investigation or as an administrativ e function. 446.4 REVIEW OF MAV RECORDINGS All recording media, recorded images and audio recordings are the property of the Agency. Dissemination outside of the agency is strictly prohibited, except to the extent permitted or required by policy and law. T o prevent damage or alteration of the original recorded media: it shall not be copied, viewed or otherwise inserted into any device not approved by the agency MAV administrator or forensic media staff. Officers using a MAV device that has been permanently mounted in a vehicle shall not remove the media storage card from the MAV system. Only an authorized MAV administrator may remove the media storage card. Recordings may be reviewed in any of the following situations:

PAGE 194

180 (a) For use when preparing reports, stateme nts or for court testimony. The exception to an officer reviewing a MAV recording for the purpose of completing a report is if the incident falls under the Officer involved Incident Protocol (OllP) as developed in conjunction with the Office of the Distric t District. In such cases, the OllP takes precedent. (b) By a supervisor investigating a specific act of officer conduct. (c) By a supervisor to assess officer performance. (d) To assess proper functioning of the MAV systems. By an investigator who is partici pating in an official investigation, such as a personnel complaint, administrative inquiry or a criminal investigation. (O An officer who is captured on or referenced in the video or audio data may review such data and use the data for any purpose rel ating to his/her employment, unless restricted at the time of request as described in 446.3.36. (g) By court personnel through proper process or with permission of the Chief of Police or the authorized designee. (h) Public release of MAV video recordings will be i n accordance with current departmental evidence release policies as well as the rules set forth in the Criminal Justice Records Act. Release may also occur at the direction of the Chief of Police or authorized designee. Recordings may be shown for t raining purposes. If an involved officer objects to showing a recording, his/her objection will be submitted to the staff to determine if the training value outweighs the officer's objection. Officers with MAV equipment that are on the scene of a critical incident, but are not a subject or witness officer, wilt complete police reports and notify CID that they have video that may be pertinent to their investigation. In no event shall any recording be used or shown for the purpose of ridicule or embarrassing any employee. 446.5 DOCUMENTATION In no way is a MAV meant to replace a written report if one is called for. Officers are still responsible for completing a thorough report in the same manner they would if they did not

PAGE 195

181 have a MAV recording. If an officer i s on a call where their rote would not normally call for a report, but the MAV was activated, they will still make a supplemental report if a case number was pulled for evidentiary entry purposes. Otherwise they will follow retention protocols previously o utlined. 446.6 TRAINING AND SUPERVISORY RESPONSIBILITIES Users of the MAV systems and supervisors shall be trained on the proper use of the system and shall become familiar with this policy prior to deployment of the MAV device. Supervisors shall ensure th at MAV units assigned to their officers are in working order and the officer using the MAV has been properly trained. Supervisors will monitor and verify that their officers are properly using the MAV units as required by departmental policy and training, that includes proper categorizing and logging of evidence.

PAGE 196

182 APPENDIX D RIDE ALONG AUTHORIZA TION FORMS

PAGE 197

183

PAGE 198

184 APPENDIX E HISTORY OF WEARABLE COMPUTING A Brief Hi story of Wearable Computing, Foundational Ideas, Thinkers, Innovations and Experiments (Adapted and Updated from Bradley Rhodes, MIT Wearable Computing Project) Year Device or Idea Description 1268 Earliest recorded mention of eyeglasses Roger Bacon m ade the first recorded comment on the use of lenses for optical purposes. However, by that time reading glasses made out of transparent quartz or beryl were already in use in both China and Europe 1665 Robert Hooke calls for augmented senses Micrographia preface 1665: "The next care to be taken, in respect of the Senses, is a supplying of their infirmities with Instruments, and as it were, the adding of artificial Organs to the natural... and as Glasses have highly promoted our seeing, so 'tis not improba ble, but that there may be found many mechanical inventions to improve our other senses of hearing, smelling, tasting, and touching." 1762 John Harrison invents the pocket watch Harrison invented the first practical marine chronometer, a highly accurate and reliable clock needed to determine the longitude of a ship. 1907 Aviator Alberto Santos Dumont commissions the creation of the first wristwatch Alberto Santos Dumont, one of the early experimenters in heavier than air flying machines, commissioned th e famous jeweler Louis Cartier to manufacture a small timepiece with a wristband to his specifications. The wristwatch allowed him to keep his hands free for piloting. 1945 Vannevar Bush proposes the idea of a "memex" in his article "As We May Think" [M IT] While Bush thought the memex would be desk sized rather than wearable, it is an early mention of the augmented memory. "Consider a future device for individual use, which is a sort of mechanized private file and library. It needs a name, and to coin one at random, ``memex'' will do. A memex is a device in which an individual stores all his books, records, and communications, and which is mechanized so that it may be consulted with exceeding speed and flexibility. It is an enlarged intimate supplement to his memory." 1960 Heilig patents a head mounted stereophonic television display In 1960 Heilig patented a stereophonic television Head Mounted Display (HMD). This was followed by his patent in 1962 for the "Sensorama Simulator" (US Patent #3,050,870), a virtual reality simulator with handlebars, binocular display, vibrating seat, stereophonic speakers, cold air blower, and a device close to the nose that would generate odors that fit the action in the film. See "Virtual Reality" by Howard Rheingold, 19 91, pp. 49 67. Manfred Clynes coins the word Manfred Clynes and co author Nathan Kline first coined the phrase "Cyborg" in a story called "Cyborgs and Space" published in Astronautics (September 1960). The term was used to describe a human bein g augmented with technological "attachments". The story has since been reprinted in "The Cyborg Handbook" edited by Chris Hables Gray. 1966 Sutherland creates first computer based head mounted display [MIT] Sutherland created a tethered HMD using two CRT s mounted beside each of a wearer's ears, with half silvered mirrors reflecting the images to the user's eyes. Another system determined where the user was looking and projected a monoscopic wireframe image such that it looked like a cube was floating in m id air. The bulk of the system was attached to the ceiling above the wearer's head, earning the system the nickname "Sword of Damocles." See http://www.sun.com/960710/feature3/alice.html 1967 Bell Helicopter experiments with HMDs with input from servo c ontrolled cameras [Bell Helicopter] Bell Helicopter Company performed several early camera based augmented reality systems. In one, the head mounted display was coupled with an infrared camera that would give military helicopter pilots the ability to land at night in rough terrain. An infrared camera, which moved as the pilot's head moved, was mounted on the bottom of a helicopter. The pilot's field of view was that of the camera. See http://www.sun.com/960710/feature3/alice.html for more details. 1968 Do uglas Engelbart demonstrates one handed chording keyboard in NLS (oN Line System) [SRI] At the Fall Joint Computer Conference, Dec 8, 1968, Engelbart demonstrated the NLS system, one of the first personal computer that paved the way for both the interact ive personal computer and groupware. The system included one handed keyboard, word processing, outline processing, split windows, hypermedia, mouse, shared documents, e mail filtering, desktop conferencing, annotation of shared documents, interactive shari ng, quarter sized video sharing, turn taking, and network information.

PAGE 199

185 1979 Sony introduces the Walkman [Sony] Sony introduces the Walkman, a commercial wearable cassette player. Later products would include Music CD players. 1980 Upton and Goodman fi le for patent on LED raster display [Textron, Inc] Hubert Upton and James Goodman filed for a patent on a "vibratory scan optical display" where fiber optical elements were driven by LEDs and scanned with an "electromechanical exciter." The patent was gra nted in 1982, patent number 311999. 1984 William Gibson writes Neuromancer This book founded the genre of Cyberpunk, the dystopian future in which humans are augmented with computer implants. 1987 The movie Terminator is released Of special note are the scenes from the point of view of the Terminator cyborg, with text and graphical information overlayed on top of the real world. 1989 Private Eye head mounted display sold by Reflection Technology [Reflection Tech] The display (designated the "P4") i s a 720 x 280 pixel monochrome (red) monitor in a 3.5" X 1.5" X 1.25" package. Screen size is 1.25" on the diagonal, but the image appears to be a 15" display at 18" away. See http://www.reflection.com/ 1990 Olivetti develops an active badge system, us ing infrared signals to communicate a person's location [Olivetti] Olivetti developed a name badge that transmitted a unique id to IR receivers placed in rooms around a building. This allowed these "smart rooms" to track a person's location and log it in a central database. The badges measured 55x55x7mm, weighed 40g, and could be made extremely cheaply. See ftp://ftp.orl.co.uk:/pub/docs/ORL/tr.90.2.ps.Z 1991 Mark Weiser proposes idea of Ubiquitous Computing in Scientific American [Xerox PARC] Ubiquitous Computing proposes a world in which most everyday objects have computational devices embedded in them. Weiser's Landmark article, The Computer for the 21st Century appeared the September 1991 issue of Scientific American, pp 66 75. 1993 Thad Starner writ es first version of the Remembrance Agent augmented memory software [MIT] The Remembrance Agent (RA) was an automated associative memory that would recommend relevant files from a database, based on whatever notes were currently being written on a wearabl e computer. The systems was integrated into Emacs, and later was rewritten as part of continuing research by Bradley Rhodes. See http://www.media.mit.edu.aurarialibrary.idm.oclc.org/~rhodes/Papers/remembrance.html Feiner, MacIntyre, and Seligmann develop the KARMA augmented reality system [Columbia] Steve Feiner, Blair MacIntyre, and Dorée Seligmann at Columbia University developed KARMA: Knowledge based Augmented Reality for Maintenance Assistance. Users would wear a Private Eye display over one eye, giv ing an overlay effect when the real world was viewed with both eyes open. KARMA would overlay wireframe schematics and maintenance instructions on top of whatever was being repaired. For example, graphical wireframes on top of a laser printer would explain how to change the paper tray. The system used sensors attached to objects in the physical world to determine their locations, and the entire system ran tethered from a desktop computer. See http://www.cs.columbia.edu/graphics/projects/karma/karma.html 1 994 DARPA starts Smart Modules Program DARPA starts Smart Modules Program to develop a modular, humionic approach to wearable and carryable computers. Develops a variety of products including computers, radios, navigation systems, human computer interface s, etc. that have both military and commercial use. See http://web ext2.darpa.mil/ETO/SmartMod/index.html Steve Mann starts transmitting images from a head mounted camera to the Web [MIT] In December 1994, Steve Mann developed the "Wearable Wireless Web cam." Webcam transmitted images point to point from a head mounted analog camera to an SGI base station via amateur TV frequencies. The images were processed by the base station and displayed on a webpage in near real time. (The system was later extended t o transmit processed video back from the base station to a heads up display and was used in augmented reality experiments performed with Thad Starner.) 1996 DARPA sponsors "Wearables in 2005" workshop This July 1996 workshop brought together industrial, university and military visionaries to work on the common theme of delivering computing to the individual.

PAGE 200

186 Boeing hosts wearables conference in Seattle Boeing hosted a small conference on wearable computing August 19 21, 1996. In attendance were resea rchers and administrators from industry, academia, and independent laboratories. Several vendors of displays, speech recognition systems, and full wearable computers were also present. There were 204 people registered for the event. 1997 Creapôle Ecole de Création and Alex Pentland produce Smart Clothes Fashion Show The fashion show was a design collaboration between the students and faculty of Creapôle Ecole de Création (Paris) and Prof. Alex Pentland (M.I.T., Boston), with the goal of envisioning the impending marriage of fashion and wearable computers. Beginning in April 1996, designs were iterated and clothes produced, with the final runway fashion show was held at the Pompidou Center in Paris in February 1997. CMU, MIT, and Georgia Tech co host the first IEEE International Symposium on Wearables Computers CMU, MIT, and Georgia Tech co hosted the IEEE International Symposium on Wearables Computers in Cambridge, MA October 13 14, 1997. The symposium was a full academic conference with published pro ceedings and papers ranging from sensors and new hardware to new applications for wearable computers. There were 382 people registered for this event. See http://iswc.gatech.edu/wearcon97/default.htm A Brief History of Wearable Computing Systems or Dev ices (Adapted and Updated from Bradley Rhodes, MIT Wearable Computing Project) Year Device Description 1965 Telemetry Systems pressure and physiological functions 1966 Ed Thorp and Claude Shannon reveal their invention of the first wearable computer, used to predict roulette wheels [MIT] The system was a cigarette pack sized analog computer with 4 push buttons. A data taker would use the buttons to indicate the spe ed of the roulette wheel, and the computer would then send tones via radio to a bettor's hearing aid. Though the system was invented in 1961, it was first mentioned in E. Thorp, Beat the Dealer , revised ed. in 1966. The details of the system were later pub lished in Review of the International Statistical Institute , V. 37:3, 1969. Thorp also disclosed a similar system for beating the Wheel of Fortune gambling game in LIFE Magazine, March 27, 1964, pp. 80 91. Hubert Upton invents analogue wearable computer with eyeglass mounted display to aid lipreading [Bell Helicopter] Hubert Upton designed an analogue wearable computer as an aid for lip reading. Using high and low pass filters, the system would determine if a spoken phoneme was a fricative, stop, voiced f ricative, voiced stop, or simply voiced. An LED mounted on ordinary eyeglasses illuminated to indicate the phoneme type. The LEDs were positioned to enable a simple form of augmented reality; for example, when a phoneme was voiced the LED at the bottom of the glass illuminated, making it seem as if the speaker's throat was glowing. The work was presented at the Conference on Speech Analyzing Aids for the Deaf, June 14 17, 1967, and was subsequently published in Upton, H, "Wearable Eyeglass Speechreading Aid ," American Annals of the Deaf, V113, 2 March 1968, pp. 222 229. 1972 Alan Lewis invents a digital camera case computer to predict roulette wheels [Cal Tech] Like Thorp and Shannon's system, Lewis used a radio link between data taker and bettor. The da ta taker used the computer to predict the roulette wheel, then whispered the prediction via radio link to the bettor's hearing aid radio receiver. 1977 CC Collins develops wearable camera to tactile vest for the blind [Smith Kettlewell] The result of t en years research, C.C. Collins of the Smith Kettlewell Institute of Visual Sciences developed a five pound wearable with a head mounted camera that converted images into a 1024 point, 10" square tactile grid on a vest. The system was tested as a visual pr ostetic for the blind. See "Mobile Studies with a Tactile Imaging Device," C.C. Collins, L.A. Scadden, and A.B. Alden, Fourth Conference on Systems & Devices For The Disabled, June 1 3, 1977, Seattle WA. HP releases the HP 01 algebraic calculator watch [Hewlett Packard] The HP 01 calculator watch had 28 tiny keys on the watch face. Four keys were raised for easy finger access (date, alarm, memory and time), and two were recessed but could still be operated with the fingers (read/recall/reset and stopwatc h). The remaining keys were meant to be pressed with a stylus that snapped into the clasp of the bracelet. See http://www.hp.com/calculators/history/1977.html

PAGE 201

187 1978 Eudaemonic Enterprises invents a digital wearable computer in a shoe to predict roulette w heels [Eudaemonic Enterprises] Using a CMOS 6502 microprocessor with 5K RAM, Eudaemonic Enterprises (Doyne Farmer, Norman Packard, and others) created a shoe computer with toe control and inductive radio communications with between a data taker and better . This is the only known roulette machine of the time to show a statistical profit on a gambling run, though they never made the "big score." See The Eudaemonic Pie , Thomas A. Bass, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1985. 1981 Steve Mann designs backpack mounte d computer to control photographic equipment While still in high school Steve Mann wired a 6502 computer (as used in the Apple II) into a steel frame backpack to control flash bulbs, cameras, and other photographic systems. The display was a camera viewf inder CRT attached to a helmet, giving 40 column text. Input was from seven microswitches built into the handle of a flash lamp, and the entire system (including flash lamps) was powered by lead acid batteries. 1982 Polar Heart Rate Monitor: Wireless device brought scientific measurement out of the lab to the athletic fields 1983 Taft commercializes toe operated computers based on Z 80's for counting cards At least by 1983, Keith Taft was selling Z 80 based shoe computers with special software for c ard counting in blackjack. See The Eudaemonic Pie , Thomas A. Bass, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1985. 1986 Steve Roberts builds Winnebiko II, a recumbent bicycle with on board computer and chording keyboard Winnebiko II was the first of Steve Roberts' f orays into nomadic computing that allowed him to type while riding. It included a packet data communication system for email via ham radio, an offline HP laptop, chording keyboard for typing while riding, and 20 watts of solar panels. The bike was later re placed by BEHEMOTH (Big Electronic Human Energized Machine... Only Too Heavy), a more sophisticated system that included a heads up display. See http://www.microship.com/ 1990 Gerald Maguire and John Ioannidis demonstrate the Student Electronic Notebook , with Private Eye and mobile IP [Columbia] The IBM/Columbia Student Electronic Notebook Project used Toshiba diskless AIX notebook computers (prototypes) using direct sequence spread spectrum radio links to provide, the providing all the usual TCP/IP ba sed services, NFS mounted file systems, X windows and a stylus based input systems + virtual keyboard, and running the Andrew environment. The work was first shown at the DARPA Workshop on Personal Computer Systems, Washington, D.C., 18 January 1990, and f irst published in J. Peter Bade, G.Q. Maguire Jr., and David F. Bantz, The IBM/Columbia Student Electronic Notebook Project , IBM, T. J. Watson Research Lab., Yorktown Heights, NY, 29 June 1990 1991 Doug Platt debuts his 286 based "Hip PC" [Select Tech] Doug Platt's system was a shoebox sized computer based on the Ampro "Little Board" XT module. The screen was a Reflection Technology Private Eye display and the keyboard was an Agenda palmtop used as a chording keyboard attached to the belt. It included a 1.44 megabyte floppy drive. Later versions incorporated additional equipment from Park Engineering. The system debuted at "The Lap and Palmtop Expo" on April 16th, 1991. CMU team develops VuMan 1 for viewing and browsing blueprint data [CMU] Student s in a Summer term course at Carnegie Mellon's Engineering Design Research Center developed the VuMan 1, a wearable computer for viewing house blueprints. Input was through a three button unit worn on the belt, and output was through Reflection Tech's Priv ate Eye. The CPU was an 8 MHz 80188 processor with 0.5 MB ROM. See http://www.cs.cmu.edu/afs/cs.cmu.edu/project/vuman/www/home.html 1993 Thad Starner starts constantly wearing his computer, based on Doug Platt's design [MIT] Starner had attempted prev ious wearables based on both a TRS 80 model 100 and a SPARC Workstation, but never got them working reliably. When he heard Doug Platt give a talk at the MIT Media Lab he shifted over to Platt's system based on a 286 chip. In June '93, Platt and Starner cu stom made Starner's first working system with parts from a kit made by Park Enterprises, a Private Eye display, and the Twiddler chording keyboard made by Handykey. Many iterations later this system became the MIT "Tin Lizzy" wearable computer design. See http://wearables.www.media.mit.edu.aurarialibrary.idm.oclc.org/projects/wearables/lizzy/

PAGE 202

188 BBN finishes the Pathfinder system, a wearable computer with GPS and radiation detection system [BBN] BBN's Pathfinder system was completed in Fall 1993, and includ ed a wearable computer, Global Positioning System (GPS), and radiation detection system. 1994 Mik Lamming and Mike Flynn develop "Forget Me Not," a continuous personal recording system [Xerox EuroPARC] The Forget Me Not was a wearable device that woul d record interactions with people and devices and store this information in a database for later query. It interacted via wireless transmitters in rooms and with equipment in the area to remember who was there, who was being talked to on the telephone, and what objects were in the room, allowing queries like "Who came by my office while I was on the phone to Mark?" Edgar Matias debuts a "wrist computer" with half QWERTY keyboard [UofT] Built by Edgar Matias and Mike Ruicci of the University of Toronto, this "wrist computer" presented an alternative approach to the emerging HUD + chord keyboard wearable. The system was built from a modified HP 95LX palmtop computer and a Half QWERTY one handed keyboard. With the keyboard and display modules strapped to t he operator's forearms, text could be entered by bringing the wrists together and typing. The system debuted at the CHI 94 conference in Boston, and is now being productized under the name "half keyboard". See http://www.dgp.toronto.edu/people/ematias/pape rs/chi96 The same technology was used by IBM researchers to create a "belt computer" -see: http://www.almaden.ibm.com/cs/user/inddes/halfkb.html 2006 Nike+: Uses shoe mounted accelerometer to record pace and distance (forerunner of Fitbit and Jawbone activity trackers) 2009 Mindset EEG: Enabled knowledge workers to identify patterns of brain waves associated with creativity Hitachi Business Microscope: 2013 Google Glass: Smar t phone with a head mounted glasses display 2014 Activity Trackers Fitness and activity trackers 2015 Apple Watch Provides texting, fitness tracking, TV control and other functionality 2016 Oculus Rift

PAGE 203

189 APPENDIX F ELABORATING THE DEFI NITION OF WE ARABLES worn device (digital or otherwise) that can complement, constitute, or supplement a human or non At first glance this definition may not appear remarkable since it includes new terms or concepts that themselves need to be defined or elaborated. That is the task undertaken in this section. As we shall see, the proposed definition satisfies all the elements of wearable technology/computers mobility/constancy, augmentation, cont ext sensitivity and mediation and then some. That is, in addition to satisfying the elements of wearables, it also addresses other aspects of wearables that have not been addressed by existing definitions. A major difference between the proposed definition and existing ones is the dedicated focus on function, rather than identity. Essentially, the proposed definition addresses the question of how is (or what makes) a technology wearable, rather than w hat is a wearable technology. In other words, the definit ion departs from the point of what we already know about technology as the earlier exposition illustrates, instead of trying to find out its identity. Additionally, by focusing on function, the definition explicitly acknowledges the fact that a wearable te chnology is a means to an end and not a means unto itself. In this case, the means is augmentation ( Engelbart 1962) 27 and the end is an augmented or improved human or non human capability. The notion of capability is the 27 Augmentation means as used in this section, differ from H LAM/T system in so far as augmentation means are primarily actualized through the use of computer systems. But note that according to the many things all of which appear to be but extensions of means used in the past be improved by considering the whole as a set of interacting components rather than by considering the components 2). This last point is particularly important because although the goal is to augment human augmentation means is more expansive since I consider technology broadly to include computerized and non computerized systems.

PAGE 204

190 theoretical glue that ties the defin ition to the broader concerns of Sociomaterial assemblages, which will be discussed later. To motivate this discussion, I start with the axiomatic assumption that technology is not, in and of itself, wearable unless it is donned by a human host. And, for the human host, donning a wearable technology is often not done as an end in itself, but as a means to an end ( Engelbart 1962, Nye 2006, Arthur 2009), that may or may not be determinate. This assumption leads me to the observation that wearables can be use fully defined and classified from the perspective of how they function, or what they do, rather than what they are. Figure F . 1 illustrates the functional model of the proposed definition. There are three major parts to the definition, each numerically labe lled with a dark circle: (1) Human Wearable Aspects, (2) Functional Domain / Three Means of Augmentation, and (3) Desired Outcome / Augmented Capability. These components are connected by paths a , through g . Each of the paths, from c , through g , all repres ent augmentation means to a desired outcome or augmented capability. Additionally, paths e and g , represented by solid arrow lines, provide direct augmentation means, whereas paths c , d , and f , represented by dashed arrow lines, provide indirect augmentati on means. The direct augmentation path depicts a dependent relationship between sociomaterial inputs, while an indirect augmentation path (depicted by arrows with dashed lines) represents a contingent relationship. In general, indirect augmentation occurs through a mediation process between sociomaterial inputs, while direct augmentation occurs either by complementation or supplementation processes. Component 1 depicts the sociomaterial relationship between the wearable technology (material) and the human wearer (social). The social and material entities are the inputs of the

PAGE 205

191 functional model. The imbrication (Leonardi 2011) 28 of these sociomaterial inputs occurs through a so ciomaterial relationship (imbricated in Component 1) is augmented ( Engelbart 1962). The augmentation occurs via three means or processes (complementation, mediation, and supplementation), which are instantiated based on the characteristics or capacities ex ercised by the sociomaterial inputs. If the augmentation means is successful, the capability is enhanced or augmented as depicted in Component 3. If the augmentation is unsuccessful, then the capacity is diminished or reverts to the status quo ante . Fi gure F . 1 . Functional Model of Wearable Technology 28 The metaphor of imbrication has several difficulties when used to denote the interdependence of human and material agencies in organizational work. For a detailed discussion, see Leonardi (2011, p. 150). I use it here mostly as a descriptor of the relationship between a human and a wearable technology.

PAGE 206

192 The proposed definition, depicted in the functional model introduced new terminology and concepts that need further elaboration. Each will be illustrated with a realistic scenario. Proposing a sociomater ial relationship between a human wearer and a wearable technology as in Component 1 of figure F .1 acknowledges that: 1) both human subject and nonhuman object (technology) have their own performative capability to affect and to be affected, and (2) both hu man subject and nonhuman object are inseparable because one entity is essential to constitute the other. Component 2 of the functional model depicts the functional domain, which comprises of three augmentation means of a human machine relationship. Speaki ng in terms of products or identified three functions that such products could modify: (1) extend the range of perception or communication, (2) bring perception (or o information to the world. The extrapolation of this technologically deterministic view to a constitutive hu man machine relationship, informed the identification of the three augmentation means depicted in Component 2 of the functional model. I now turn to a discussion of each of these augmentation means. Complementation: ctionary defines felt to be lacking or needed; it is often applied to putting together two things, each of which supplies what is lacking in the other, to make a compl on two legs, as is customary for able

PAGE 207

193 mental faculties, including cognitive and perceptual capabilities all remain intact and fully prosthetic leg (a wearable technology) for the soldier (see figure F .2). In th is case the imbrication of the wearer (soldier) and the wearable technology (prosthetic leg), complements a lost human capability. Without the wearable prosthetic, the soldier will not be able to function (walk) ent relationship between the wearer and the wearable, which is augmented by means of complementation through paths a b e . Figure F.2 . Direct Augmentation through Complementing On the other hand, consider the case of an avid climber, who lost both legs due to frostbite in a winter climbing accident. This time, instead of just fitting a simple prosthetic leg, a computerized prosthetic system (see figure F .3) was used. The system not only restored the could also mimic the biomechanical functions of the human leg through the computerized system, so that the wearer could walk on any terrain (soft sand, hard rocks, loamy clay, etc.) and perform other walking related activities such as hopping, skipping, j umping, dancing, etc.).

PAGE 208

194 Figure F.3 . Direct Augmentation through Complementation and Mediation (copyright: David Arky, Smithsonian Magazine) Still, without the prosthetic leg (computerized or not), the avid climber would not be able to walk or climb. T herefore, the relationship between the wearer and the wearable is still a direct dependency. However, the means of augmentation now occur via two paths. It occurs by complementation, a mandatory relationship, on the one hand (path: a b e ), and mediatio n, an optional relationship, on the other hand (path: a b c f ). Thus, I now formally define the use of a wearable technology to compensate for, restore, or augment a diminished/compromised human capability. In complementation, t here is a direct or mandatory fusing of the wearer and wearable to make the relationship whole. The use of the computerized system fused with the human body conjures images of a 29 29 In the immensely successful Cyborg Manifesto, Haraw a cybernetic organism, a hybrid of machine and organism, a creature of social reality as well as a creature of fiction.

PAGE 209

195 Cyborgs fuse the body with the machi ne. In one sense, this idea is as old as artificial limbs, false teeth, or eyeglasses. People have long manufactured replacement parts to cyborg improves upon the normal human. The goal is no longer merely to be as good as a healthy person; now it is to surpass normality and to become stronger, faster, or more intelligent (p. 205). At this juncture, it is important to clarify that although I have characterized certain re lationships as dependent, it does not mean that they are deterministic. The relationships are dependent so long as both inputs (in this case, an amputee, or more accurately, an amputated leg and a prosthetic) are necessary to constitute it. In and of thems elves, neither the prosthetic leg, There is no single, no logical, and no necessary en d to the symbiosis between people and machines. For millennia, people have used tools to shape themselves and their cultures. We have developed technologies to increase our physical power, to perform all kinds of work, to protect ourselves, to produce surp luses, to enhance memory, and to extend perception (Nye 2006, p. 226). Mediation: reconciliation . Of note is that the solution brought about by a mediation is not binding or the case of wearables, mediation often involves a computerized system that intermediate s between sociomaterial inputs. For example, in the computerized prosthetic (PowerFoot BiOM 30 ) 30 BiOM is a proprietary technology that uses robotics to replicate muscles and tendons for the first time . It normaliz es walking at all speeds and all terrains truly bringing in the age of bionics. The company was founded in 2006 by Dr. Hugh Herr, director of the Biomechatronics Group at the MIT Media Lab (Accessed at https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/2011092 0006096/en/New Scientific Research Proves iWalk PowerFoot BiOM ; Accessed on March 21, 2018) .

PAGE 210

196 onboard microprocessors and a three cell ion lithium battery, the devi ce actually propelled the user forward with each step, in the manner of organic muscle. For propulsion, the BiOM relied on a custom built carbon fiber spring each time the user stepped down on the device, the spring was loaded with potential energy. On the up step, that energy was supplemented with a small battery climbing, a proprietary algorithm mediates the stepping action, by measuring the angle and speed of the initial heel s trike of the prosthetic, which then controls, via the microprocessors, the speed and angle of descent on the next step. notifications and celebrate milestones with t comes to reaching your fitness goals, steps are just the beginning. Fitbit tracks every part of your day including activity, exercise, food, weight and sleep to help you find your fit, stay motivated, and see how small steps make a Figure F.4 . Fitbit Fitness Tracker Figure F.5 . Fitbit Fitness Tracker In mediation, the wearable technology, which is often computerized, does not lead directly to the desired outcome or augmented capacity. Rather, it receives and processes information signals from the wearer (be they physiological, cognitive, or perceptive), and

PAGE 211

197 provides feedback that the wearer then uses to augment a capacity. Take the case of a health itness by running 10 miles per week. Evidently, the fitness tracker will not do any running for the wearer. In fact, the runner can choose to run with or without the tracker and still meet the fitness goals. However, by providing alerts to the runner, and and by providing feedback regarding progress towards goals, the runner may make cognitive first person account attests: Looking like a slim bracelet fastened on my arm, it captures everything I do: walking, sitting, even sleeping. The tracker is always there, tethered to my body, recording my activity. It also monitors my moments of idleness creating a very accurate accoun t of how body. It would be a lie to say that I was not influenced by it. So much so, that I systematically followed the suggested use: wearing it all the time, and monitoring my steps. I really wanted to know more about my body, and through it myself. Recording everything was an essential part of this process of discovery. And this is what I did (p. 291) (Emphasis added). Going back to our functional model, the mediation means occur via path: a b f . That is, the imbrication of the wearer (human) and wearable (fitness tracker) is augmented through a mediation process that leads to a des ired outcome (a healthy and fit runner). Again, it is worth emphasizing that this relationship is neither mandatory nor deterministic. The achievement of the fitness goal is conceivably possible without a fitness tracker. But with a fitness tracker, the go the use of a wearable technology to mediate between a goal/task and the performance of the task for the purpose of augmenting a human capability. A common observation regarding wearables tha t

PAGE 212

198 augment through mediation is that they are computerized systems. As such, they generally fit within the subcategory of wearable computers. Supplementation: To supplement is to add to a person or thing. The adding is done not necessarily to provide someth ing felt to be lacking or needed; it is simply to add to what is already available. Consider Wingsuit fliers, who jump from BASE cliffs at altitudes of over 30,000 feet, gliding for over five minutes at speeds of over 150 miles per hour, to experience the joy of flying or gliding. Certainly, flying is not an innate human capability. Therefore, the goal is an experience beyond what people normally do. Evidently, without the wingsuit, no human can fly. The wingsuit, according to Wikipedia: 31 modifies the body area exposed to wind to increase the desired amount of lift with respect to drag generated by the body. With training, wingsuit pilots can achieve sustained g lide ratio of 2.5:1 or more. This means that for every meter dropped, two and a half meters are gained moving forward. With body shape manipulation and by choosing the design characteristics of the wingsuit, fliers can alter both their forward speed and fa ll rate. The pilot manipulates these flight characteristics by changing the shape of the torso, de arching and rolling the shoulders and moving hips and knees, and by changing the angle of attack in which the wingsuit flies in the relative wind, and by the amount of tension applied to the fabric wings of the suit. The absence of a vertical stabilizing surface results in little damping around the yaw axis, so poor flying technique can result in a spin that requires active effort on the part of the skydiver t o stop. (see figure F.6 ). In this case the imbrication of the wearer (flier) and the wearable technology (wingsuit), supplements or adds a non human capability flying. Without the wearable wingsuit, the flier will not be able to fly. This indicates a som ewhat dependent relationship between the wearer and the wearable, which is augmented by means of supplementation through paths a b g . 31 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wingsuit_flying . Accessed on March 17, 2018

PAGE 213

199 Figure F.6 . Flying/Gliding with a Wingsuit: Direct Augmentation by Supplementation On the other hand, consider t he case of a NASA astronaut doing a spacewalk, or walking on the surface of the moon during the lunar landing (see figure F.7 ). This time, instead of just on ly allows the astronaut to brave the harsh conditions of outer space, it provides a life sustaining biomechanical system that mimics the normal conditions of a human being on earth. Without the suit, the astronaut will not be able to survive, much less fun ction in space. Therefore, dependency. No suit, no spacewalk. However, the means of augmentation can now occur via two paths. If the astronaut uses the su it without turning on any of the computerized systems, then augmentation occurs by supplementation, which is a mandatory relationship via path: a b g . On the other hand, if the astronaut turns on the computerized systems to aid survival in space, then augmentation occurs via mediation, which is an optional relationship via path: a b d f the use of a wearable technology to augment a non human capability. In supplementation, there is a direct or man datory fusing of the wearer and wearable in order for the augmentation means to activate.

PAGE 214

200 Figure F.7 . NASA Astronaut, Buzz Aldrin on the Lunar Surface: Direct Augmentation by Supplementation and Mediation (copyright: NASA.Gov) The above exposition de lineates the domain of functionality in the relationship between a wearer and a wearable technology. That is, it identifies the means through which the sociomaterial relationship between a wearer and a wearable technology play out. Classifying Wearable Te chnology Before rounding up the discussion on wearable technology, a classification of wearables is apropos. Wearable technology encompasses a wide array of products and artifacts that are designed with a variety of features and purposes in mind. Therefore , classifying them along the dimensions of the functional domains discussed above may prove helpful. The classification does not necessarily prescribe an order or hierarchy among wearable computers. In fact, the

PAGE 215

201 scheme works and amounts to the same thing w hether we start from the bottom, classifying wearables as situationally aware, or situationally unaware, or from the top. The important thing is that they are classified by function. Figure F.8 . Classification of Wearable Technology From figure F.8 above, it is clear that wearable technology or wearable computers perform in all the three functional domains, differing only on whether or not the performance is mediated by a computing device. And, for wearables mediated by a computing device, the range of functionality depends on whether they are equipped with sensing devices that make them

PAGE 216

202 situationally aware or not. In general, most of the daily encounters people have with wearables are of the mediated kind. With advances in ingestible and implantables , one can envisage a future where the most profound uses of wearable technology point out towards the 32 such a future, when they write: each person takes and makes what she or he can, according to the tastes she or he will have succeeded in abstracting from a Self [Moi], according to a politics or strategy successfully abstracted from a given formation, according to a given procedure abstracted from its origin (p. 157). 32 eated for this research. They carry the same meaning as the formal counterparts.

PAGE 217

203 APPENDIX G SUMMARY OF SELECT ST UDIES ON WEARABLES Table 1.1. Summary of Select Studies on Wearables Author (Year), Journal Objective Focal Device Context of Us e Level of Analysis Theory / Method Finding/Contribution Prasopoulou, E. (2017). European Journal of Information Systems Explore how digitally mediated experiences transform familiar, everyday activities (p.288) Fitness Tracker Personal Health & Fitness Individual Enchanted Materialism Introduce the memoir as an alternative form of academic writing to articulate the lived experience in the study of experiential computing Canhoto, A., Arp, S. (2017). Journal of Marketing Management Investigate the drivers of adoption and of sustained use of health and fitness related wearables among the general public (p.33) Fitness trackers and Apps Personal Health & Fitness Group/ Individual UTAUT2/ Focus Group Design and utilitarian features are important for expanding adoption of wearables, while device portability and resilience are key for sustained use Wilson, G. (2017). Social Research Methodology Highlight the differences between the use of traditional, manual cameras and wearable, automatic camer as in research (p.526) Wearabl e Camera Research (Data collection ) Individual N/A Manual and wearable cameras generate different type of data, are analyzed in contrasting ways, and are therefore used when exploring different aims Wu et al. (2016). Electron ic Commerce Research Investigate the impact of network externality and product compatibility on wearable device competition Fitness Trackers Personal Firm Stylized 2D product differentiatio n model Firms should choose a quality oriented strategy for incompa tible products and price oriented strategy for compatible products Zhang et al. (2015). Computers in Human Behavior Shed light on the role of display, motion state and gender difference in interactions with wearable devices Smart watch, smart bracelet Per sonal Health & Fitness Individual Theory of uses and gratification / Experiment Interacting with wearables while in motion increases cognitive workload and perceived difficulty of using the device Robson et al. (2016). MIS Quarterly Executive Define and i llustrate IoT and wearable technologies, and explain the emergence of the Internet of People and humans wear technology Wearabl es in general Business Org. Decision frameworks Present three decision frameworks that integrate connected devices and people, an d which IS executives can use to explore opportunities for leverages wearables in organizations Mills et al. (2016). Business Horizons Explore challenges posed by wearable devices and personal data to organizations and IS practitioners Wearabl es in genera l Business Org. McCumber Cube, 4Ds Grid, 4Ms Matrix How holistic wearable device security strategies can be developed and monitored Nasiopoulos et al. (2015). British Journal of Psychology Whether eye tracker induced social presence exerts a sustained str ong effect or a transient weak effect Eye tracker / Wearabl e glasses Research Individual Social presence / Experiment Eye trackers induce a transient social presence effect, which is rendered dormant when attention is shifted away from the source of implie d presence Yang et al. (2016). Telematics and Informatics Investigate the impact of each component of perceived benefit and risk on perceived value and explore how the attributes of wearable devices affect benefit Wearabl es in general Research Individual Technology Adoption / Online survey, PLS Perceived benefit has a greater impact on perceived value than perceived risk; and perceived value is an antecedent of adoption intention of wearables Gu et al. (2015). Journal of Computer Info rmation Systems Explore the factors initial trust (privacy concern, trust propensity, performance expectancy, facilitating conditions, Wearabl e commer ce Research Firms UTAUT2, Trust / Survey, SEM All proposed factors have significant effects on initial trust in wearable commerce

PAGE 218

204 hedonic motivation) in wearable commerce Benbunan Fich, R. (2017). AMCIS 2017, Boston Determine whether the absence of visible interaction cues in minimalist wearable devices affects the user experience Fitbi t Flex Fitness & Health Individual Affordance / Online user reviews A minimalist design results in a more complex user experience if affordances are not properly balanced and integrated Chaffin et al. (2017). Organizational Research Methods Examine the ut ility of current wearable sensor technology for capturing behavioral constructs at the individual and team levels Badge worn around the neck with lanyard Research Individual Experiment Organizational researchers should take an active role in the developmen t of wearable sensor systems and pay heed to potential sources of error Deng, N., Christodoulidou, N. (2015). ICIS 2015, Fort Worth Explore what users value in wearable computing Google Glass Research Individual Value oriented perspective / Experiment Si x user values assurance, autonomy, communication, efficiency, learning capability, productivity are associated learning Baber, C. (2001). Human Computer Interaction A review of wearable computers from the pe rspective of human factors General Review Individual Review Reviews wearables from the perspective of computers that can be worn, information appliances, and clothing. Provides analysis of wearables in terms of task performance and physical effects of wear ables Baber et al. (1999). IBM Systems Journal Review and categorize current applications of wearables according to two dimensions time and reference General Review Individual Review Develop dimensions to distinguish wearable computers from their desktop counterparts. Billinghurst and Starner. (1999). IEEE Presented wearables as a new way to manage information and reduce information overload General Research Individual Commentary Summarized the state of the art on wearable applications and research Man n, S. (1997). IEEE Provide a first person account on the development and use of wearables Head Mounted Displays Research Individual Report Summarized the state of the art on wearable applications and research

PAGE 219

20 5 APPENDIX H AGENTIAL AND CRITICA L REALIST SOCIOMATERIALITY Sociomateriality, in both its weak and strong variants has generated significant interest as research paradigms in the IS community. This is evidenced by the recent dedication of special issues to each paradigm in MIS Quarterly, 33 to advan ce understandings of the principles and concepts underlying each paradigm, and demonstrate their amenability to the conduct of IS research. Born out of different philosophical traditions, the embrace of the agential realist and critical realist roots of so ciomateriality reflects a spirit of openness by the IS community to entertain a plurality of approaches to studying relevant phenomena in IS and Organizing. It is in line with this spirit that we introduce assemblage theory as a novel and sophisticated app roach that can shine a brighter light on the increasingly complexly connected relationship between humans and information technology in organizations. Our position is that the process based ontology of assemblage theory, offers a rich palette of concepts a nd ideas that will entice the appetite of IS researchers, as they forage in the burgeoning digital landscape of Artificial Intelligence, Machine Learning, Wearables, Big Data, and the Internet of Things, etc. To buttress that position, and augment the choi ces of research paradigms in IS, we animate the discussion by comparing and contrasting the ontological, epistemological, and methodological claims underlying the conceptualization of the social and the material in each of these paradigms. Assemblage theor y (AT), Critical Realism (CR) and Agential Realism 34 (AR), all subscribe to a fundamental realism that upholds a conception independent view of the world. 33 MIS Quarterly published a special issue on Critical Realism in IS Research in the third quarter of 2013, and a special issue on Sociomateriality of IS & Organizing in the th ird quarter of 2014. 34 Agential Realism is the main philosophical foundation for sociomateriality, and is the philosophical equivalent to CR and AT. However, for better flow and consistency, we will use sociomateri ality and AR interchangeably in this discussion.

PAGE 220

206 That is, the world exists independently of the ability of humans to know it, and, as a consequence, hu man theories and conceptualizations of the world may be objectively wrong. From this common realist root, AT, CR, and AR, have developed along branches emphasizing specific treatment and understanding of common entities of interest (e.g., the social and t he material). For AT and AR, assemblages (comprised of heterogeneous social and material components) are constructed out of all ontological status of any assemblage (inorganic, organic or social), is that of a unique, singular, logical classification of entities (for example, classifying animals into Genus, Species, Individual; or countries into first world, sec ond world, third world) is said to be relational or flat. CR on the other hand is committed to a stratified ontology that insists on separable social and material entities, and is thus susceptible to charges of reification and essentialism. However, given the ubiquity of technology and its pervasive influence in organizations, some proponents of CR now concede the case for ontological integration of the social and the material in some, if not all, cases (Leonardi and Barley 2010). Others have also noted Bha theory (Bhaskar 1993, p.154; cited in King 1999, p. 200) 35 , and see this as a potential opening to reconcile ontological claims about the s ocial and the material. AT attempts this reconciliation by conceptualizing ontological integration at the agency level (inseparable sociomaterial forces), while acknowledging separateness at the entity level (separable socio material forms). This is possib le because unlike in AR ( a la Sociomateriality) where relationality is conceived through 35 227.

PAGE 221

207 interiority, AT (in this case, like CR) conceives of an exteriority of relations. Thus, AT has the conceptual repertoire to model the social and the material in both i nseparable sociomaterial terms as well as entitative separateness in socio technical terms. Figuratively, the ontological stance of AT has a locus between CR (claiming total separateness) and AR (claiming total integration). Whereas the ontological claims of CR can be nuanced to countenance the integration of the social and the material in some circumstances, not so for epistemological claims. CR accepts viewpoints p. 795). In AT, the epistemological framework is based on historical empiricism, which holds that social and material entities can only be understood historically, through an analysis of what human and nonhuman components can do and how they can co function as a whole. Thus, as Price empirical task is to demonstrate how assemblages of differing scales are actually produced (or m ade) in a given set of circumstances, approach, one of the leading explanatory frameworks based on CR. The Morphogenetic approach forcefully insists on ontological and epistemological separation of the social and the material, arguing that structure logically predates the actions that transform it (Archer 1996, 2010). I n AR, the observer (social) and the observed (material) are epistemologically inseparable (Barad 2003, p. 815), and epistemology is seen to emerge in practice. Methodologically, AT affords a direct link between theory and practice through its emphasis on causal analysis rather than logical analysis (DeLanda 2006). Because each assemblage is the product of a historical process, the theory lends itself to questions requiring a

PAGE 222

208 nking thus allow us to re conceptualize the social, moving away from tired dichotomies such as the individual and the collective or structure and agency, ... They also allow us to explore both the material and the immaterial, and talk about the condition o f the in between, of the processes that happen, the relationships that are forged and the possibilities that emerge in the midst of things, work with assemblage and non linear causality. The concern with the discovery of actual mechanisms is similar in CR; howev er, proponents of CR remain loyal to the notion of analytical dualism as a methodological identification of mechanisms is an empirical task in both AT and CR (Bygstad et al 2 016), CR (Cecez Kecmanovic et al 2014, p. 826) is a major methodological task, for which practice oriented scholarship holds promise. While all three paradigms proclaim an openness to methodological plurality, qualitative case studies dominate the conduct of publi shed research to date. It behooves us then to consider explanatory frameworks that are inclusive of ontological and epistemological integration without denying entitative separateness of the social and the n of man form and man force gets its purchase. The fact that AT provides conceptual clarity for empirical investigation of complexly connected human machine configurations in organizations, makes it a robust theoretical

PAGE 223

209 framework for the digital world. The following table summarizes key differences among strong and weak sociomateriality and assemblage theory.