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National municipal review, April, 1912

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Title:
National municipal review, April, 1912
Uniform Title:
National municipal review
Creator:
National Municipal League
Ritchie, Ryerson
Gemünder, Martin A.
Shepard, Harvey N.
Mawson, Thomas H.
Gilbertson, H. S.
Pinanski, Abraham E.
Aronovici, Carol
Ihlder, John
Nolen, John
Brunner, Arnold W.
Baker, M. N.
Burchard, Edward L.
Strong, Anna Louise
Bonaparte, Charles J.
Childs, Richard S.
Barnard, J. Lynn
Fairlie, John A. ( Editor )
Lapp, John A.
Beard, Charles S. ( Editor )
Place of Publication:
Philadelphia, PA
Publisher:
National Municipal League
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English

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serial ( sobekcm )

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General Note:
Volume 1, Issue 2

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Auraria Library
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Auraria Library
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Copyright National Civic League. Permission granted to University of Colorado Denver to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW VOL. I APRIL, 1912 No. 2 THE MODERN CHAMBER OF COMMERCE I1Y RTERSON RITCHIE’ Boston HE modern chamber of commerce is a new element in urban development, for in less than two decades it has come to be recogniaed aii the active agency by means of which the city builds itselfmoidds its character, shapes its physical qualities and forms its social ideals. Prosperity has invariably followed the work of the efficient modern chamber of commerce; and it has secured good government and good public service in every city where it has been established. It touches the city’s intereats at 80 many points that oDe finds it difficult to express a few plain thoughts on so great a subject. I can only touch the edges of the. intricate problem, and, in any case the San Francisco chamber of commZrce can know it only through its intimate study and experience. I shall not try to explain that the basis of your communal growth and prosperity is trade and induatry-you know and recognize that fact. Nor need I say that your commercial vitality is a multiple of the units in your business life that is a natural sequence and the object of your organization. The chamber of commerce is a composite, not only of the city’s wealth, but of its intelligence. . You will not think it my privilege to outline whet you may do, for indeed no one can foretell that, but it is safe to say that given the loyalty and sup port of your better manhood, with all that that means, the Ban Francisco chamber of commerce can get what it goes after. 1 Mr. Ritchie, the author of this dole (which is the substance of an ddrm before the San Francbcochsmber of commerce), is the leading exponent of the idea which he advancen. He waa one of the two men who helped reorganize the Cleveland chamber of corn merce onits splendid basis; he organized the Detroit board of commerce and wu the active man in establishing the Boston chamber of commerca on its present lines of efficiency and activity. He has recently been in Ban Francbco performing a similar work. Both the Boston and San Francisco chambers represent the merger of existing organizations into large, vigorous, progressive bodies. T 161

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162 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW You want to take advantage of the experience of other organizations. You desire to build a solid foundation fur your own, and to erect uponthat foundation a superstructure that will endure. I come to you to say that you can improve upon the plans that have been followed in building chambers of commerce elsewhere. You can build an institution that will not only promote commerce but literally guide the course of the community. If I seem tenacious of certain views you will remember that they have been fixed by study, observation and experience, covering a period of twenty-five years of service. I give you the point of view of those chambers of commerce that have passed through their formative stages and are now successfully established. I like to speak of them as chambers of citizenship, because the underlying motive of every one of them is the communal welfare rather than that of any particular interest or group of interests. When the higher motives of service to the city inspire a chamber of commerce, when civic pride is greater than personal greed, the results are infinitely more advantageous from the standpoint of a wise and discriminating commercialism. Whatever opinion each one of you may have as to what your chamber of commerce may undertake, you should, as an organization, aim to win that indefinable yet very real element of powerpublic confidence. Some people are blinded by prejudice and cannot see how a chamber of commerce may be an aggressive promoter of business and at the same time a faithful guardian of the public interest. A commercial body that is not a good servant of the community is riot a good commercial body4 And it is a short-sighted business or professional man who cannot see that the growth of the city, as a whole, profits his particular business or calling. The San Francisco chamber of commerce will, of course, be precisely what you make it. It will take years to fashion and mature it-to make it fit for its great mission and work. It often takes many years to establish a small private business upon a sure foundation, and it may take years of time for this organization to attain the high position of deserving, by right, the unqualzed support and confidence of every man of worth in the community, as well as the respect of the country at large. You will speed the completion of your formative work by keeping close, day by day, to the established principles and usage of business. The problems of the city that bear upon its development-governmental, social, commercial-cannot be solved by the dignified adoption of resolutions, nor can they be disposed of by bursts of enthusiasm. Foresight and thoroughness are as necessary to a chamber of commerce as energy and enterprise. If sound business logic does not guide its course, then its course will be backward, not forward. If you follow the safe and sane principles of business in laying the foundation of your chamber, a great future is not only probable, it, is absolutely certain.

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THE MODERN CHAMBER OF COMMERCE 163 You are to mass the business intelligence and enterprises of San Francisco, and if you direct these resistless forces into constructive channels, you will discriminate between those undertakings that have a substantial. up-building value and those that are merely emotional, temporary or irtermittent. You will make the work of your chamber as good as your bond. The great merchant, manufacturer or banker does not say overmuch, but he judiciously analyzes and weighs every enterprise before he enters upon it and he makes certain that he cah carry it to a successful issue. It is not uncommon for associatiom of business men in this courtry, to assume serious undertakings, and pass resolutions on the most important matters, without due reflection. Thc modern chamber of commerce should possess and treasure that priceless jewel--consistency. The San Frarcisco of today is what you and your forbears have made it, largely by their individual enterprise; the prestige and reputation of the future San Frmcisco depend not alone upon what you do as individuals, but upon what you do through an organism of which each one of you is a part. In the formation of busbess character, much depends upon inherent qualities, but example and environment play an important part. So it. is with a chamber of commerce, and many of them go wrong at the verj outset. American cities everywhere are organizing boomers’ clubs, boosters’ leagues and chambers of hustlers-all supposed to be conducted by sensible business men. Some of these new associations go headlong into the booming and boosting business as if the prosperity of the community could be built upoa bombast and exaggeration. Such bodies, obviously undignified and insincere, quickly become impotent. Which has profited more -the city of spectacular patriotism or the city that has the real thing? When the honorary commercial commissioDers of .Japan visited this country and were so handsomely entertained and escorted throughout the Ucited States by the associated chambers of commerce of the Pacific coast, they were received cordially by tha cities visited. A distinguished American university professor, who had been an attach6 of the Japanese party throughout the journey, speaking of the reception of the visitors by the various commercial bodies, said, iD an address at Chicago, that “the United State3 is a nation of braggarts.” That statement is not true; but then tho professor was speaking of the bragging voiced by commercial bodies. Every one of the fifty or more metropolitan cities unblushingly boasted to its guests of its superiority over others. The concentration of work upon those things that are vital is a lesson to be learned of the business man. The scattering of energies upon a multitude of projects leads to places that are said to be paved with good intentions. The incapacity of a chamber of commerce to make a success of its undertakings, saps its vitality and destroys its reputation for effectiveness.

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164 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW The business man’s association should not undertake a contract when it cannot deliver the goods. The accomplishment of one thing at a time will build up your strength and increase jour capacity so that your range of operation will be expansive. Multitudinous suggestions will be made to you-many of them excellent and hard to set aside-but for the sake of your very life, do not allow your good intentions to run away with your better judgment. The chamber of commerce should be ever watchful lest self-seeking make inroad upon its independence of character. As your prestige grows, certain interests will ingeniously seek your aid; and you should refuse that aid if, in rendering it, you become champions of self-seeking interests. If in the rebuilding of San Francisco, every property owner had patriotically tried to fit his particular building into one general plan, so that in structural diversity you would have architectural harmony, you would have had even a finer result than you have; but here and there the mass is scarred by the touch of selfishmss, and time alone will efface these scars. So it is with the character of a chamber of commerce. Every association conducted to promote a private interest has a right to support or defend that interest, but it is not its province to speak for the whole business community. Why do we resent the dabbling in legislation or in public affairs by a money power or a labor trust? Simply because we know that self-seeking is often hostile to the public good. Before today chambers of commerce have been caught napping, and have been “worked” by powerful influences for personal benefits and profits. If a chamber of commerce be made the tool of any private interest’, its influence will count for little, since people will suspect “a nigger in the woodpile” in whatever it undertakes and will ask, “Who’s back of that?” It is only when the chamber takes its proper place as the guardian of the city’s commercial credit and stability, the representative of business as a whole, that it engenders a spirit of‘confidence and respect that gives it power and influence. Conventions are believed to be valuable as an advertisement for the city and profitable to business; consequently your convention bureau is supported in order to bring conventions to San Francisco. I mention this subject because I know that it interests you, but more especially because you ought to estimate the comparative value of all your undertakings. Why is it that a chamber of commerce will work itself into a frenzy at the prospect of getting a great national convention for the city, at the same time the location of a modest industrial enterprise will hardly arouse a flutter of excitement? Suppose that twenty thousand visitors come to San Francisco to attend a big convention-what is the effect? The Let me make a comparison for the sake of consistency. The whole town is put into an uproar.

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THE MODERN CHAMBER OF COMMERCE 165 streets and public places become congested. The hotels, theatres and transportation lines may profit for a day or two, but the strain, the wear and tear, the damage to property, the interference with regular bu,’ messthese and other things seem to be lost sight of. I have no doubt the convention has good value as an advertising medium, but every merchant knows that an abnormal condition in the city is not to be preferred to the regular and steady course of business. But aside from all that-figure it out for yourselves-the addition of one little industry that brings fifty families to San Francisco, whose members live and move about three hundred and sixty-five days in the year, is of more actual profit to business and more real benefit to the city than the sudden influx and outgo of the delegates to a great convention, with all their baggage and banners. Inadequate support of a chamber of commerce is a common fault among the cities of this country. By some unaccountable perversity the business men do not furnish good tools to their chambers of commerce. Even here in San Francisco you have advocates of a cheap membership. There is not a single chamber of commerce in this country that could do its work effectively short of double the dues and five times the number of your lowgrade membership. From a cursory examination, I can see that increased funds are necessary in order to continue the work already in hand; but your work ought to be extended into every field of action that is worth cultivating. This is neither the time nor place to suggest what expert departments you may advantageously institute, because that is the duty assigned to your board of directors, but I may venture to refer to one that is not yet established-the industrial department. You know that industrial growth and the conditions governing industrial development. vitally affect San Francisco. In this and other departments you will need expert managers, men who are fit for their jobs; men who can make good and earn their salaries. You will be obliged to delegate the technical work of important departments and committees to men fitted and employed for such work. That is what you do in your own business-why not do it in your chamber of commerce? The limitations of your chamber are fixed by you. Make it effective-make it able to do big things. Every dollar spent upon a weak chamber of commerce is wasted. Every dollar put into an efficient chamber of commerce pays a good dividend. If you lived in Cleveland and desired to join the chamber of commerce you wodd be obliged to be of good business or professional standing, and, if elected, to pay $125 for your admission and membership-not as a firm or corporation, but as an individual-and, in addition, $25 per year. The only direct benefit you would get would be the privilege of working for the chamber and the city. The indirect benefit would come from increased population and more business. Since the Cleveland chamber of commerce

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW was founded in 1893, that city has risen from the tenth place to the seventh and in my opinion she will rise to the sixth place during this decade. What has all this to do with membership dues? Simply this, that the Cleveland chamber of commerce has had ample funds to do effective work; from its surplus, it has built a fine home for itself and today has a waiting list of applicants for membership. Put these things together and you have the answer to your question. It is simply out of the question for you to build the greater San Francisco without fortifying your chamber of commerce with. ample resources. For your encouragement I may say that when a chamber of commerce proves its worth it never lacks support, but, if the truth must be told, the number of American chambers of commerce that are in the first rank, as to standing and efficiency, is ridiculously small. Like those good resolutions you habe adopted in your commercial bodies, much of what I have said may be forgotten with the morning; knowing this, I have been trying to find a concrete example in proof of my theories, 2nd I believe I have found it. In the five states touching Lake Erie there are five cities that are competitors of each other: Cincinnati, Buffalo, Cleveland, Pittsburgh and Detroit. The development and growth of these cities within the last two decades has been responsive to and in consonance with public spirit, as expressed by their respective commercial bodies. This deduction is unmistakable to anyone having an intimate knowledge of the local influences that have affected the development of these five midland cities. I shall rank the cities as they stood in the population tables at the beginning of each decade: 1890 1000 1910 Cincinnati.. ....... .296,908 Cleveland.. ...... ,381,768 Cleveland. ........ ,560,663 Cleveland.. ........ .261,353 Buffalo.. ......... .352,387 Pittsburgh.. ....... ,533,905 Buffalo. ........... ,255,664 Cincinnati. ....... ,325,902 Detroit. ........... .465,fG6 Pittsburgh.. ....... .238,617 Pittsburgh.. ...... ,321,616 Buffalo.. .......... ,423,715 Detroit.. .......... .205,876 Detroit.. ......... .285,704 Cincinnati.. ....... ,364,463 The standing of these five cities is in exact line with the relative efficiency of their respective organizations, considering each a unit. I know these cities-the spirit that inspired the energies and fired the ambitions of the more successful ones. I know the causes that hindered progress and sent, within fifbeen years, the proud old city of Cincinnati, from the head to the foot of the class. Cincinnati has not yet succeeded in uniting her commercial bodies or her men in one comprehensive body: she has lost place through her own neglect. Clashing interests and factious rivalries, touching public questions, have hindered Buff do’s progress. Both Cincinnati and Buffalo And Buffalo is next to the foot.

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THE MODERN CHAMBER OF COMMERCE 167 have needed the 1arge.vision of an inclusive chamber of commerce; they have needed it to unite men and to formulate, organize and carry to effect those enterprises that build cities. The star performer is Detroit, for it began at the foot of the coIumn ten years ago and is now third, showing the highest percentage of growth. Cleveland heads the column with a population now over six hundred thousand. Cleveland and Detroit more than doubled their population within twenty years, but, during the last ten years, Detroit gained more in actual number than Cleveland. When the Pittsburgh chamber of commerce was reorganized four or five years ago it followed Cleveland’s model and is now one of the more efficient of our great modern chambers. Pittsburgh has risen from the fourth to the second position within ten years. The Pittsburgh chamber promoted commercial growth, improved industrial conditions and in other important particulars has done fine service for the common welfare. The assertion cannot be fairly disputed that Cleveland and Detroit won the race over their rivals because they had the advantage of united, vigorous, well directed effort. Why the great iron ore business should center in Cleveland, instead of in Buffalo, is not accounted for by geographic or economic considerations, for Buffalo had these advantages. There is no economic or commercial reason why Detroit should be the preferred center of the automobile, stove, paint or pharmaceutical industries as against any of her rivals. Detroit passed Cincinnati and Buffalo and gained perceptibly on Cleveland andPittsburgh during the last decade. The Detroit board of commerce devoted itself chiefly to industrial development, with the result that the city has, since 1903 grown faster than Cleveland or any other midland city. The natural attractiveness of Detroit, its low tax rate and public debt and its excellent government were factors in this remarkable development, and, of course, the most was made of these in its promotive work. Cleveland was the first American city to establish a modern chamber of commerce. The Cleveland chamber demonstrated that united effort in a public cause breeds a progressive spirit, and infuses new life and new enthusiasm into the whole community. Eighteen years ago Cleveland saw that the making of the city was not the work of the individual-however useful that may be-but of an inclusive society of individuals. It discovered that merchants, manufacturers, bankers, lawyers or physicians would, acting separately as classes, accomplish little, since each class would natui.ally work for itself. So it united these classes and today the Cleveland chamber of commerce is the finest model of organized efficiency and influence in this country. Its cooperative spirit became a contagion that energized the whole life of the community and set an example to other metropolitan cities.

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168 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW Before 1920 Cleveland will have passed St. Louis. Why? Simply because St. Louis is not organized to thrive and work as a unit-Cleveland is so organized. St. Louis is as favorably situated as to commerce and industry and as strong financially as Cleveland, but its energies are divided, not united. During the last ten years Cleveland gained 180,000 people; St. Louis but 120,500. In the running Cleveland is now ahead and St. Louis hasn’t time enough to recuperate her forces and win the race. If San Francisco were put into the. comparison, she would have been at the head of the class in 1890; in 1900 she would have ranked third; and last year Pittsburgh and Detroit got ahead. San Francisco now stands fourth, but all the world knows why. Do I need to argue with any man in this room to induce him to take his coat off and do something for this chamber? Your first need is more men and your next more money. Maybe some of you think that the difference you have had among yourselves, the clashing of corporate interests, the circulation of truths and slanders about you, the exposures and scandals that have been given widespread publicity by eminent muck-rakers, have hurt San Francisco and set her in a class by herself. It may be that some of the scars are deepseated and hard to eradicate, but it would do you good to live for awhile in the peaceful Quaker city, or the Hub; I am sure you would come back to breathe the ozone of your home city with a new sense of satisfaction. For my part, I do not believe that San Francisco differs temperamentally from other cities. Like you, they all have their trials and troubles, but some of them work together just as if they had none. Such bodies as the San Francisco chamber of commerce bring men together in the common cause of city building, in which all have an equal interest. The Chicago association of commerce during the last four years has done more than all the city clubs, reform leagues, and voters’ unions of that city to unite men and to infuse business ethics into municipal government. Already the Boston chamber of commerce, but three years old, has to be reckonedwith in the conduct of the city’s business. The Boston chamber has some excuse for believing that the Hub will be a modern Utopia by 1915. Three momentous incidents have taken place almost simultaneously. The President of the republic broke ground for the site of the Panama Pacific Exposition; the business men of San Francisco converted four representative organizations into one; and you have had an election. The exposition is to show the world that ‘lSan Francisco knows how;” the chamber of commerce is to show what it can do; and the election-but Mayor-elect Rolph and his cabinet are here. Tonight you are looking forward. This is an epoch-making year for San Francisco.

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THE MODERN CHAMBER OF COMMERCE 169 You, gentlemen of the city government and chamber, who celebrate the birth of a united commercial organization, constitute the life-blood of the city. The members of the chamber own and conduct the great commercial, industrial and financial institutions upon which the people depend for their employment and prosperity. , Directly or indirectly, they pay a large proportion of the cost of local government. They support the benevolent and social institutions. Their enterprise and prosperity reflect and mould the tone and character of the community. The whole city is a dependency upon you, to be largely shaped and made as you will. Therefore, your chamber of commerce may fairly be regarded as the mainstay of San Francisco. You have already shown what you can do. There is not in the world's history any finer achievement than the rebuilding of this city out of the ashes of its destruction five years ago. Your people want the business-like view and the business-like solution of public problems, and if your chamber of commerce is absolutely worthy of their confidence, they will seek and be guided by its opinions. On the one hand it may be said that it is not an ideal condition when a democratic people, with sovereign rights, look to any class of citizens for protection and aid. The business men of the city form R class, and we know very well that in that class business honesty has ever had a hard fight against the avarice of business. But, on the other hand, honesty always has been, and mustlstand to the end of time, as the keystone of the arch of commerce. No class can be more safely trusted' with public responsibilities; moreover, none is mom respected.

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COMMISSION GOVERNMENT: ITS STRENGTH, AND ITS WEAKNESS BY MARTIN A. GEMUNDER' Columbus, Ohio NE of the most welcome signs of the day is the very apparent interest taken in problems relating to municipal government. 0 Everywhere we note clubs and commercial bodies urging for a better administration of city affairs through a realization, though a rather belated one, of the fact that a good city government has its root in the patriotic activities of the citizens themselves. This realization is of great importance. If however the people are really to govern they must be prepared to assume in full all duties and responsibilities connected therewith and give time, attention and practical work for the common good. Dabbling is of little use, and under no circumstances should enthusiasm cloud sober judgment and a careful weighing of all sides of a question. It is not at all uncbmmon, just now, for organizations to pass resolutions endorsing this or that form of municipal government merely upon the overconfident statements of one or two enthusiasts. The cool, practical business sense so characteristic of our people seems to depart when municipal affairs are under consideration, so that we have the well known state of affairs, of innumerable individuals passing without hesitation upon a course of municipal administration, who would hesitate, on the score of inexperience, to prescribe an outline of daily routine for a corner grocery. It is not at all realized that the economical and efficient administration of the affairs of a city, with all its wealth of detailed work, is a large problem the solution of which will tax the combined best efforts of the serious student and the practical expert, and even their conclusions are subject to the veto of Father Time. The reading of a few books, magazine articles and newspaper squibs furnishes no short cut to a knowledge of municipal needs. When it is attempted to select a form of government for a city' a task of great seriousness is undertaken. Every phase of the question should be scrutinized with care before any conclusion is to be accepted as final. A contrary method can only be classed as a reckless one, that cannot possibly lead to permanent betterment. 1Mr. Gemunder has for fifteen years been thesecretary of theTrustees of the Sinking Fund of Columbus, Ohio. His figures relative to Des Moines are drawn from the annual report of that city for the year ending March 31, 1910, pages 62, 63 and 146 for the year ending March 31, 1911; and from the state and city section of the Commercial and Financial Chronicle. 170

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COMMISSION GOVERNMENT 171 The novelty of the day is the commission form of government for cities‘ Throughout the land individuals and clubs me advocating its adoption. The value of the evidence on which this advocacy is based it is now our purpose to examine. About a decade ago Galveston, a city of about 36,000 inhabitants, was visited with a great calamity. Death and desolation reigned, and succor of the most practical kind became a matter of imperative necessity. The prevailing form of city government was not adapted to prompt work, consequently after some delay, it was superseded by a government consisting of a council of five men into whose hands was placed complete administrative control. As can well be imagined the men selected at such a crisis would be of the very best obtainable. It is not inconceivable that had the city administration at this time been placed in the hands of one man, allowing him to select his own associates, that the outcome would have been the same. When the period of reconstruction began, the United States government gave assistance through its engineers, and the state of Texas relinquished to the city of Galveston for the period of seventeen years as a substantial help, all of its ad valorem taxes collected in Galveston County. All reports indicate that Galveston has counteracted a great calamity in a manner worthy of great praise. In the meanwhile the organization of cities in general throughout the United States was in a deplorable condition. Doubtless there were many cities that were well organized and honestly and efficiently governed, nevertheless it will hardly be contradicted that in the majority of instances looseness and inefficiency prevailed. Investigation will disclose that in innumerable cities the government consists of a loose aggregation of officials and administrative boards; a conglomerate built on the rule of thumb; the growth of local conditions many of them vicious, and following no scientific plan of organization whatever. The result, as might be expected, is dilatory and expensive work even when the officials themselves are good men. In addition tb this the drawing of national part? lines in local affairs is constantly felt as a blight and a source of evil. The success in Galveston, by its commission was heralded throughout the land. It was therefore not unnatural that the thought would occur to many “If the commission plan has proved such a success in Galveston why will it not also work advantageously in our town?” Following this line of reasoning and after a period of more or less of investigation, one community after another has followed in the wake of Galveston, until at the present PJpiting there are about 150 minor cities, towns and villages operating under some form akin to the so-called commission plan. Of this number but four show as high as 100,000 inhabitants in the last census. The largest, Oakland, California, has aboct 150,000 inhabitants. In these four cities the cornmission government has been in operation less than two years. The large majorityof the communities however are small towns and

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172 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW villages mainly located in the west and south. So far reports, based however on a very limited experience, indicate that the change in government was a success, and the glowing statements of wonderful improvement are the subject of many a magazine article. Nor are these particular cities slow about making known their merits. As previously stated, the novelty of the day is the commission form of government. Information concerning it is eagerly sought throughout the country, and the cities using it are quick at recognizing advertising value. So they vie with one another as to which can make the most attractive statements in order to boom their own town. This information, so freely given, has evidently convinced many gqod citizens that a panacea for municipal ills has been at last found. The arguments usually advanced in support of the commission plan are of two kinds: first, that it has proven itself a success in actual practice, and second, that it follows the line of private business organization. Before examining these arguments it might be well to concede in the beginning, that for small cities, towns and villages, the commission form would in all probability work well. In these communities departmental work is often so meager that it becomes necessary to combine several offices in the hands of a single individual. The work in any one department being too small to warrant the payment of any material salary. It is not uncommon, for example, to find the office of auditor combined with that of city clerk, and the secretaryship of several administrative boards. The very smallness of the amount of work itself naturally forces a condensation in official organization. Again, citizens aspiring to office in these localities are as a rule well known to most of the people, so that the voter in casting his ballot does so with reasonable knowledge of the qualifications of the candidate. When however, it becomes necessary to organize large cities the problem changes. Here the work of departments becomes enormous, making it necessary not only to appoint superintendents and sub-superintendents; but also large forces of clerks who work at specihally outlined tasks, and furthermore no matter how short the ballot may become, the candidates for offices of great power and trust, are little or not at all known to a large majority of the voters, so bringing into the field a new risk. No one has as yet seriously suggested to place a state government in the hands of five men, yet it should be constantly borne in mind that a city like Cleveland, for example, is in population, revenues to handle and commun.al problems to solve, far larger than mauy of our states. It so becomes evident that forms of organization suitable for comparatively small urban communities are not necessarily adapted to the needs of the large ones, and that material modifications will have to bc undergone in order that serious mishap may be avoided.

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COMMISSION GOVERNMENT 173 What now is meant by the commission form of government? Broadly speaking, it is a form of government under which a city council of three, five or more members elected at large is entrusted with the entire city government. It is legislative, executive and judicial. It decides what money shall be spent, spends it, and is its own auditor and legal adviser. The initiative, referendum, recall, nonpartisan ballot, nomination by petition and like features are not necessarily a part of this form of government. These measures may be made adjuncts to any form of municipal government whatever. Galveston and Houston, Texas, have neither the initiative, referendum nor recall, whereas in Ohio, where there are no commission governed cities, the initiative, referendum and nomination by petition are now a part of every city’s government. Therefore in discussing the relative merits of the commission and other forms of government it becomes largely a question of the number and powers of the officials to whom it is purposed to entrust the city’s welfare. Let us glance briefly at the argument put forward in favor of the commission plan. First, we are told that it has proved itself in practice. How is this proof established? As far as the general public is concerned, almost exclusively by statements appearing in newspapers and periodicals and perhaps in some information received through personal correspondence. Where does the data come from? Trace it back to its source, and you will find that it almost invariably emanates from the officials in charge. In fewer words, correct or incorrect, the evidence consists of the ex parte statements of interested officials. What are they worth? To the practical expert, prima facie, very little. Having had numerous occasions for examining the official annual statements of many cities under all sorts of governments, and of listening to campaign arguments advanced by those aspiring to election or reelection he has learned that statements and speeches, even when given in good faith, are strongly colored by bias, and frequently given with no knowledge of practical conditions which oftentimes forced the hands of predecessors. Many 8 move that was at fist hailed as an improvement was subsequently, upon a riper experience, shownto be a mistake. Although an expert may read any given statement with interest he yet holds it with a light hand until it has undergone thorough scrutiny. This is exactly the course followed in private business. A oms a factory. B a friend, owns a similar one in another city. B writes A that by a change in his plan of organization he has very greatly improved his showing. This statement would interemit A, but as can well be imagined, he does not at once reorganize along the lines indicated by B. There are a few things of which he would fist desire to satisfy himself. First, what sort of organizatip had B before? Second, what is the character of B’s improvement in its concrete items? To determine these points he would find it necessary to make a careful practical comparison, in con

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174 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW Crete detail, between B’s factory and his own. On the results of this analysis would depend his subsequent action. Is there any reason why municipal affairs should be handled differently? Granted, however, for the sake of argument, that the statements published are all true; what do they prove? Merely this: That the particular city under consideration has bettered its condition since it adopted the commission government. This is merely a relative proposition, and has no definite value for raformers in other cities. The point is, not whether this or that city has now a better form than it had before, but the question is how does this new form compare with forms prevailing in other cities or with other obtainable forms? It is frequently asserted by advocates, that the people of commission governed cities would not consent to return to “the old form.” The impression left with many is that the old form is some definite, universal form resembling their own, whereas in fact it is only the particular local form, which m.ay or may not coincide with forms prevailing elsewhere. The foregoing statement should be amended by substituting the word “their” for the word “the” in order that there may result no false impression. When the new form of government was adopted the whole public was interested. For the first time in the history of many of these cities the people themselves took an active interest in the selection of officials and in the results of their work. It is therefore certainly a fair question how much of the improvement is due merely to the change in form and how much is due to the awakening of the public conscience. Read the statements issued by the socialist government of Milwaukee and you will at once be led to the belief that there has been a change from corrupt, wasteful government to honest and efficient administration, at the same time there was no change in form of organization at all. In endeavoring to determine the causes of a given result all factors involved should receive due credit. It is unscientific to a.ssign the result to any particular factor to the exclusion of t.he rest. Estimating all published evidence at its full value the careful investigator is forced to conclude that the success of commission government has not yet been inductively established. Unproved evidence based upon unripe experience is not to be cited as proof conclusive. The second proof offered in defense of the plan is that it follows the line and principles of private business organizations. Let us examine this somewhat in detail. How does a private corporation organize? The stockholders elect a board of directors and into their hands is practically placed the entire management of the business. What assurance have the stockholders that their trust will not be abused?, What checks operate on the conduct of their representatives? First, there is the check of a man’s individual conscience. Secocd, there is the fear of the,law which Again, another point should not be lost sight of.

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COMMISSION GOVERNMENT 175 punishes criminal acts, and third, most potent of all, is the check of selfinterest. As we all know, directors are aIways stockholders, frequently very large stockholders, and at times even the only stockholders. It will at once become evident that in managing the business as directors they are practically managing their own business. The director gains in wealth as the business prospers and loses directly as the business suffers. In short his personal gains and losses are dependent upon the results of the business ventures. There is a further fact that should not be forgotten, and that is that stockholders at all times know whether dividends go up or down, or if the dividends are converted into an assessment. Here we have a reasonably close connection between self-interest and the conducting of a trust. But in spite of these checks upon directors we are painfully aware that trusts are frequently violated. It is not uncommon to note the milking of stockholders by the voting of inordinate salaries to particular individuals, and furthermore it is nothing unusual for a board of directors to wreck the corporation for the benefit of some outside business in which their interests are greater. Many of us are looking forward to the day when the laws of the state will be so changed either in the restriction of the powers of the directors or by some other provisions, so that minority stockholders will receive their just due. In brief the tendency in private organization is rather in the line of curtailment of officiaI power than in its extension. Taking now this method of private organization and applying it to municipal organization, what would we have? We would have the citizens as stockholders electing a board of directors known as the city council, in whose hands likewise would be placed the entire management of the city. What are in this instance the checks against wrong doing? Exactly as in the case of the private corporation, we have the check of individual conscience and the fear of the criminal statutes. But when we have mentioned these checks we have practically mentioned all. The powerful check of identity of individual with corporate in'terests is absent. Although public officials as citizens are presumably stockholders yet it must be evident to all that their interest as such stockholders is so infinitely small as compared with their interests as individuals, that for all practical purposes it is a negligible quantity. In fact this method of Organization would be exactly the same as though a private corporation were to elect its board of directors from non-stockholders, which to say the least, would be deemed an unsafe procedure. As a matter of fact the main reason stockholders have for trusting their directors lies in the fact that the directors are themselves interested in the business in a financial way. No man who has ever given governmental organization any serious thought would dream of organizing a city after this fashion. How to make the interests of the governing class

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176 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW approach in identity that of the governed, has been the basis of discussion in all theories of government and constitutional conventions. The writing of many volumes has still left the question somewhat open. But it becomes a matter of necessity that our cities be governed. What is to be done? So far bitter practical experience has dictated but one course, and that is, in the absence of those natural and automatic checks which maintain and are operative in private business, it has become a matter of absolute necessity to establish artificial checks. What‘ is their character? First, when public officials are placed in power they are not given unlimited authority. On the contrary, they are directed to do only certain specific things and in a certain specific manner. This is generally known as the theory of delegated power. Second, as the connection between officials and the people is extremely loose, as it almost approaches impossibility for citizens to check up with any degree of certainty the tremendous work carried on in municipal departments, in electing officers we endeavor to so arrange matters that officials will be a check one upon the other; or, in other words, weestablish cross-checks. This Eethod is generally spoken of as the theory of divided functions. Reading some of the statements issued today by some book men and doctrinaries one would be led to the belief that the theories of delegated powers and divided functions or “checks and balances” were obsolete, and no longer of consequence. Whereas in fact they find their roots deepin the natureof human beings and must exist until the human race has attained a far higher standard than at present prevails. Every private corporation of any magnitude whatever establishes in its routine the most complete system of checks and balances that it is possible for it to devise. Examined on the score of business principles, a commission government would find its analogy in a private business which elects its directors from non-stockholders though limiting their power. It would be hard indeed to find stockholders who would organize their business on any such basis. Analysis clearly shows that commission government has not its counterpart in private business organization, there being a material difference on a very vital point. There is another cross-check in municipal administration that experience has demonstrated the wisdom of establishing. This has reference to the management of a city’s debt. It has been found the prevailing practice of most cities to shirk a proper provision for the payment of its outstanding bonded debt in order to provide more spending money for current purposes. For example, a given outstanding debt might require an annual contribution to the sinking fund of $500,000. Examination into the workings of many cities will disclose that the administration instead of levying this sum would proceed to reduce it by $300,000. This would mean an extra $300,000 to spend with no corresponding increase in the tax rate. Or the administration might go further and prior to an election,

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COMMISSION GOVERNMENT 177 reduce the levy by $500,000 thus giving the extra $300,000 for spending money and at the same time actually reducing the tax rate. This is one of the easy and very common ways for throwing dust into the eyes of the people with no discomfort to the money spender. The people as a rule are innocent of any knowledge pertaining to sinking fund matters, and as the bonds themselves would not mature in the near future the scheme is a safe one for the officials in charge. Refunding is also an easy and safe method for relieving officials from the need of economizing. This makeshift of riding on the sinking fund has proven a very tempting one, of which a great many cities have availed themselves. In Ohio this form of misfeasance was first brought to public notice some thirty-five years ago, in Cincinnati. As a result there was appointed in that city a board of sinking fund trustees who were given entire control of the liquidation of the city’s debt. The law specifically prescribed that whatever the trustees certified as necessary to levy for interest and sinking fund purposes must be placed in the council tax levy ordinance first, in preference to any other item in the budget and for the full amount certified. Thus there was taken out of the hands of the regular administrative officers who levied money and spent it, the power of controlling interest and sinking fund levies. The cities of Columbus and Toledo shortly afterward followed the plan adopted by Cincinnati, and in 1902 when the general code of the state was formulated, the appointment of sinking fund trustees became a general law of the state applicable to all municipal organizations. It must be clear to all that levies for interest and sinking fund purposes are current expense just as much as are police pay rolls. To shift them on future generations savors strongly of gross injustice. But we are toId that if we adopt the commission government we will have none of these bad men in office. We will only have such men in control as will finance a city justly and in accordance with the moral code. Let us see. Take the city of Des Moines as an example. The figures here given are from the annual report for the year ending March 31,1911. The bonded debt of this city, excluding the park purchase debt, is $1,256,000. The annual interest charge is $51,380. The computed annual sinking fund charge is $65,425 or a total annual charge for interest and ‘sinking fund obligations of $116,805. Calculating in the usual manner, the accumulated sinking fund from the date of issue of each series up to 1911 and we *rive at a total of $455,935, which sum should appear in the sinking fund for application upon the principal of the outstanding debt. Add to this the $51,380, interest to be provided for and we have the grand total of $507,315. The Des Moines report does not contain the term “sinking fund,” but instead the term “bond and interest fund,” is used. This in the report is given as $68,487.23, which indicates a shortage in this department of $438,827.77.

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178 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW Doubtless the major part of this shortage was inherited from the old administration, nevertheless it becomes an interesting question “What has the new government done in the line of correcting former errors, and making proper provision for the maintenance of the city’s credit?” During the last eight years preceding 1908 the interest and sinking fund levies ranged between 3 mills and4.5 mills or an average of 3.675 mills. During the years 1908, 1909 and 1910 the levies were 3.9, 1.3 and 2.6 mills respectively, or an annual average of 2.6 mills. In 1909 this levy was made so small that it fell far short of yielding even the current interest charge to say nothing of making the proper sinking fund provision. Unless the printed report for the year March 31, 1911, fails to correctly exhibit the financial administration of the new government, there is but one inference to be drawn, and that is that the new government like the old has systematically evaded its moral obligation, and is playing fast and loose with the city’s credit. On a tax valuation of $19,551,000, the levy for interest and sinking fund purposes during 1910 should have been 5.9 mills instead of 2.6 mills. In addition to this levy sound financial administration would make it imperative to levy in each year an additional amount in order that the inherited shortage would be gradually absorbed. Had this been done the tax rate of the new government would have very materially exceeded that of the old, a circumstance by the way that would hardly appeal to the officials in charge and especially in the face of an impending election. Now as the members of the new government are reputable men, how is this sort of administration to be explained? Simply on the score of certain traits in human nature which make themselves felt whenever time is ripe. When the city changed to the commission government great things were promised and great things were expected. The new officials endeavored to make good and in a manner that would be most apparent to the people. A new city hall, a handsome bridge and a beautiful river bank were among the most important results. But great things mean great outlays. Extra money means extra taxes. Increased taxes were not among the great things promised or expected. As in the eyes of most citizens improved government manifests itself mainly in reduced tax burdens. The government was thus confronted with a problem. How to get the great things without increased taxes. In other words “how to have the cake and eat it too.’’ This problem is old. It has been faced time and again by nearly every city in the country. Des Moines proceeded to solve it, and solve it it did, exactly as most other cities have solved it generations ago. The solution was easy. It consisted simply in diverting money into the hands of the spending department which should have been saved up against the principal of the debt. “Let our successorn worry over the debts when they mature. ” This is an old maxim.

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COMMISSION GOVERNMENT 179 Not only has the new government failed to brace up and strengthen its savings account, but it has further aided in its depletion. In the administration of its debt, Des Moines compares very unfavorably with many other cities that have not had the advantage of being governed by a commission. Space does not permit of an examination into the details of many of the statements issued by commission governed cities. It will however be needful to say that many of their methods in every day work hailed and applauded as wonderful improvements are either old in many other cities or are crude and adapted to small town conditions only. From the foregoing statement it will be noted that cross-checks are of some use even in cities governed by commission. Glancing over the pamphlets issued by the commission government propaganda, prominent among the benefits promised we find the following: “It insures honest and economical government. ” It does not take much of an expert to detect the fallacy of any such claim. No government whatever, no matter what its forms, will insure honest and efficient government, for no matter what the form of government may happen to be, it must be administered by human beings, and as long as they are fallible the results will fall short of what is desired. We have well nigh perfect systems of accounting, but as long as your bookkeeper is negligent, incompetent or dishonest your results will be correspondingly deficient. The counties in the state of Ohio and perhaps in many other states have for generations been governed by a commission of three members elected at large exercising large legislative and executive powers. Up to the present time no one has ever noticed any particularly brilliant results attending their efforts. In the planning of a city government it is not wise to have in view ideal men, nor the more than ordinarily good men that come into office at those spasmodic times when the public is temporarily aroused. Rather must we have in view that average class of citizens which will control when affairs have returned to the routine swing. In spite of the statements recently pushed forward it becomes necessary to impress the fact that no form of government can insure mccess. All that can be accomplished is to frame such a form of government as will permit of honest and efficient work and at the same time make due allowance for certain tendencies in human nature that need restraint. The remainder rests with the people themselves. They will then get as good government as they deserve. The commission government has not as yet demonstrated its final worth. The cities adopting it are too small to set any pace for the large communities, and those cities among them which have attained the size of 100,000 or more have operated under this form so short a time that it cannot for a moment be conceded that the benefits they may have obtained will prove permanent.

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180 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW The strength in this form of government lies in its adaptability to the sffairs of small communities, its short ballot and its comparative simplicity in organization. As .a rule the smaller cities and towns have been harassed with too much officialism. A condition growing out of the fact that when municipal codes are being prepared in the state legislature, they are usudly framed by the representatives of the larger cities. These men have no realization of the simple conditions that prevail in these communities and proceed to burden them with a cumbersome organization, which might be suitable to their own localities, but are utterly out of proportion with simpler duties. This will account in a large measure for the universal welcome commission government has received from small municipalities. Any change towards simpler organization would have proved advantageous. The weakness of commission government will develop when it is endeavored to apply it to large cities. Lack of adequate and much needed checks will prove a menace and its ultimate undoing. Be this however, as it may, it is certainly a fact that there is large dissatisfaction with the municipal organization as it exists in general today. The strong trend is toward a shorter ballot and centralized responsibility. Along this line the following plan may be suggested. It is but a mod& cation of the general code in use in Ohio and follows somewhat federal lines. The first step toward real reform is in the lengthening of official terms of office from two years to four years. It will hardly need much argument to convince the people that experience in public office is a valuable asset. If a proper system of recall is adopted this extension can be allowed with reasonable safety. By a proper system of recall is meant not the loose system which is so prevalent, which permits any opposition to take a flyer at an official in the hope of superseding him, or the calling of an election so as to turn the government over to the chance favorite of the day, but a recall should be so drafted with proper safeguards as to operate as a positive public condemnation of the official recalled. If it fails to do this it is worse than useless. The city government might then be outlined as follows: First, a council of five elected at large whose duties are to be purely legislative. Second, a mayor who shall be in fact SLS well as in name, the chief executive of a city, appointing the heads of the various departments and responsible for their subordinates. Third, a city solicitor and fourth, an auditor. The last two officials serving as checks on behalf of the citizens upon the other officials acting under delegated powers only. Checking officers directly elected by the people would not be dependent upon or mixed up in the affairs of the officials whose actions they are supposed to check. Anyone who is at all conversant with public work on its practical side will at once recognize the value of this provision. The m.oment an auditor, for example, is mixed up with or made a part of the

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COMMISSION GOVERNMENT 181 department he is supposed to check, that moment his value as a checking officer is weakened, for he is in a measure but called upon to check his own work. It is interesting to note the makeshifts adopted by some of the commission cities for offsetting this inherent weakness. The city treasurer being merely the custodian of funds levied by and at the disposition of council should be appointed either by the council or the mayor or by the conjunction of both. His position although responsible, covers only routine work. Under this form of government there would be eight officials to elect. Divide them into two shifts of two years each and then you would have at one election the selection of a mayor and three councilmen and at a subsequent election two years later, the selection of a solicitor, auditor and two councilmen, or any other arrangement that might be deemed advisable. This would give a very short ballot for but four officials. The appointment of auxiliary boards, the initiative, referendum. recall and like features could also be provided for if desired, but as far as the administration of general city affairs is concerned, it should be centralized in the city council and the mayor. This form of government it is believed will yield all the benefits that can possibly be claimed for the commission form while at the same time eliminating its weak features. It should be borne in mind however, that this form is not suggested as an ultimate form of universal application. Whether it will fairly meet the involved conditions in very large cities is a matter of conjecture. It might be found necessary here to increase the size of council and also provide for district representation. These are problems that must be solved by those familiar with actual local conditions, and even then one must look to time for the demonstration of the wisdom of plans. One point must be strongly insisted upon throughout this entire controversy, and that is the seriousness of the problem. Conclusions should not be jumped at, but should always be preceded by pains-taking investigation and calm judgment.

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THE THRALDOM OF MASSACHUSETTS CITIES BY HARVEY N. SHEPARD] Boston, Massachusetts HEN any one, who is familiar with the early history of Massachusetts, compares the legal position of its towns then with W what it now is, he well may wonder if it is the same commonwealth. The contrast between their freedom before t.he Revolution and their present subjection is startling, and with very few parallels in history. Most of the towns are older than the state government; and their powers came not under any grant from it, .but by virtue of the right of local aelfgovernment, which was brought over from England by our ancestors and which rests upon the magna charts. Town government was recognized by the state; it was not created by it. But now a town in most respects, and city altogether is in a position of utter helplessness. As a creature of the legislature, a city has no other powers than those which are enumerated in the laws which create it. Doubt is resolved against it and the power is denied. Its legal standing is that of an infant or of an idiot or of a lunatic. It can do no act. and can make no contract, not expressly authorized; and all acts beyond the powers expressly granted are void. A town or a city cannot defend against encroachment its own boundaries or even its own existence. The legislature can change the boundary lines according to its own views of public expediency. Although the constitution provides that no city government shall be erected in any town without the consent of the inhabitants of the town, a town may be annexed to a city already established, for (‘the power to create, change and destroy municipal corporations is in the legislature, It may amend their charters, enlarge or diminish their powers, extend or limit their boundaries, consolidate two or more into one, and abolish them altogether, at its own discretion.” The celebrated Dartmouth College case, by its construction of the federal constitution, incorporated into American jurisprudence the principle, which has been attended with such important consequences, that privileges and franchises, granted by legislative act to a private corporation, when accepted, constitute a contract; and hence a law altering the charter of such a corMr. Shepard has been president of the Boston city council and one of the trustees of the Boston public library. For four years he was first assistant attorney-general for the commonwealth and has served upon two commissions to frame municipal charters, He is a graduate of Harvard University, class of , among his classmate3 being Senator Lodge and Biahop Lawrence. 182

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THE THRALDOM OF MASSACHUSETTS CITIES 183 poration is unconstitutional. But the charter of a municipal corporation is in no sense a contract between the state and the corporation, and the power of the legislature over it remains supreme. During the Indian and French wars,.and also during the war of the Revolution, the towns of Massachusetts again and again raised and equipped soldiers and built and maintained forts, and nobody questioned their right and their duty to do so. But early in the last century a different opinion began to appear. In the war of 1812 with Great Britain the enemy were destroying property in places near to Fairhaven, and this town was in immediate danger. So the people came together at a regular meeting and voted unanimously $1200 for defense. But the court heId the vote to be illegal; and that the town could not protect and defend its own inhabitants. So a citizen, who furnished cattle to British officers at the request of the selectmen of the town, in order to prevent the burning of the town, cannot recover any compensation therefor, since the protection of the town was no concern of its selectmen. Neither can a town raise money for the uniforms of a company enlisted from its inhabitants, and therefore a vote to raise five hundred dollars for that purpose is void. In order to help the government to put down the rebellion the town of Scituate voted to pay to volunteer soldiers belonging to the town, who were mustered into the service of the United States, ten dollars a month during such service, but the soldiers never got the money, since not only was the vote of the town illegal, but also a statute, which conflrmed all acts of towns in agreeing to pay bounties for soldiers furnished by them for the war, did not make this vote valid, because there was nothing to which this statute could apply, the vote itself being void. The public property of a city, such as its streets, although built and paid for andkept in repair by it, does not belongto it, as the property of an individual belongs to him, or of a private corporation to*it; but is subject to the authority of the legislature to transfer it and to confiscate it, against the will of the city and without any compensation therefor. A city cannot require compensation for the use of its streets, nor in granting a location to a street railway company impose a condition regulating fares. It cannot prohibit the distribution of handbills and of other papers upon its sidewalks; or grant permits for parades and processions; or adopt rules for the regulation of itinerant musicians; or .prescribe a sum which shall be paid to open its streets for laying pipes and wires; or collect reasonable compensation for the injury to its streets by excavations made therein. Boston tried to obtain authority from the legislature to follow the practice of European cities and make a cliarge for street privileges and tried in vain, until this year, when the legislature passed an act, that the charge for .a permit to make excavations in any street or sidewalk shall not exceed fifty cents.

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184 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW It required a special statute for the city of Worcester to permit the Worcester Bleach and Dye Works Company to build a bridge across one of the streets to connect buildings on opposite sides of the street; and another for the city of Haverhill to construct a footway from one part of the city across the Merrimac River to another part of the city and another for Boston to construct a street from one of its avenues across one of its parks to connect with another of its streets; and the state directed this to be done by the executive department without the concurrence of the council. The legislature this year directed a state commission to construct a street from a certain point in Boston to the boundary line between Boston and Dedham, and that all damages assessed together with interest and costs shall be paid by the city. The state has ordered the paving of cerain specified streets. The legislature may take from a city all control of its streets and may provide for work upon them, at the expense of the city, but through other agents than those appointed by it. The legislature may authorize a street railway company or a gas company or an electric light company to occupy the streets in a city, even if owned in fee by it, without its consent and without payment to it. In this way a large propor#ion of the streets in the cities of Massachusetts are given over to private corporations; and the locations cannot be revoked without the consent of the state. The Boston Elevated Railway secured in this way its original location and its subsequent extensions. The legislature gave to two steam railroads the right to construct a union station, and as incident thereto, ordered the city of Boston to close certain of its streets and to change other streets at its expense without compensation. It has directed the construction of tunnels and subways in Boston, and has authorized its commission to use the public ways, lands, embankments, and parks, of the city, without compensation; and in the name of the cit? to contract with the elevated railway, if the railway consents thereto, but the consent of the city is not asked, “for the sole and exclusive use of the subway for the company, for the running of its cars therein and for other purposes, for a term of twenty-five years.” Boston spent a large sum of money and tore down many buildings to lay out Scollay Square, to improve the means of transit in that vicinity; and, when the state transit commission proposed again to erect buildings in the square in connection with the subway, the aldermen requested the commission to secure a building on either side of the square and reconstruct it for a subway station, and the commission refused the request. The city, in order to preserve the old state house in a condition worthy of its importance as a historic building, declined to renew the leases of its tenants when they expired, and so loses every year a considerable revenue. This same transit commission, however, has taken possession of most of the street

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THE THRALDOM OF MASSACHUSETTS CITIES 185 floor of this building and has leased it to the Boston Elevated Railway Company. Neither of these things would have been done if Boston could control its own streets and buildings. The situation in Boston is especially bad, as it has no control over any one of the big public service corporations within its limits, the transportation, gas and electric companies all having their authority from the state, so that one never knows when a street will be dug up and its expensive repairs destroyed. The present mayor is said to have characterized as a stupid arrangement the lack of uniformity in the placing of wires beneath the streets, electric light wires going down one day and telephone wires another, and to propose a municipal conduit for all the wires at a fair rental-an excellent idea, which the state already has refused to allow. Most states recognize the city’s rights in its streets and public places; and in several states street railways, telegraph, telephone and electric light lines, and gas, water and steam-heatingplants cannot use the streets without the consent of the city. In New Jersey no rights in the streets may be granted unless a petition stating the details is filed and public notice given before the enactment of an ordinance. Such rights then may be granted for twenty years; and, if a longer franchise is desired, the matter must be submitted to a vote of the citizens. To carry on the various branches of government buildings are necessary for its officials in performing their duties. But the city cannot erect any other than strictly official buildings. It cannot build a theatre or a social hall, or any other place of recreation, or put up a statue or a monument. But it may build a market house; and in deciding this question the court found it necessary to depart, at least a little, from the doctrine that cities are altogether creatures of the legislature, without any power except so far as it is expressly conferred upon them. For like reasons a city may erect a hall for political rallies, and may make expenditures, though not within the terms of the statutes, for reservoirs to supply fire engines; for a public clock, and for hay scales, burial grounds and wells. It cannot use its school buildings for social centers, as is done now with such large gain in more than a hundred cities of other states and in nearly all the cities of Europe. The legislature last year, however, has given permission, not to the city government, but to the school committee to grant the temporary use of halls in school buildings for public or educational purposes. Take this statute of the present year as an example of our complex administration: “The park commissioners of the city of Boston are hereby authorized upon the request of the school-house commissioners of the city, with the approval of the school committee of the city, to permit the erection of a building for the High School of Commerce within the limits of the Back Bay Fens in the city of Boston.”

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186 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW The necessity to go to the legislature again and again for power to build naturally has led the legislature, in place of giving the city general authority sometimes to direct specifically who shall do the work, and sometimes to proceed itself to do the work. Many public buildings of Boston have been erected in this manner, in complete independence of its municipal administration. A recent act appoints in the city of Haverhill a commission, names its members, and directs them to erect upon a specific lot of land a high school building at a cost not to exceed $350,000. A Massachusetts city cannot engage in any trading enterprises; and even the legislature cannot authorize it to buy coal and wood for sale to its inhabitants, no matter how necessary these may be to life itself. Moreover if a city gets permission to enter upon some enterprise, a water supply for instance, it has no assurance whatever that it will continue. Boston furnished itself with excellent water at a cost of several millions of dollars; but the state took over both the supply and the plant without asking the consent of the city. A franchise to establish and operate ferries, water works, gas works, electric plants, or street railways, is a contract, if granted to an association of stockholders constituting a private corporation, and is protected by the constitution, but is not a contract, if granted to an association of individuals constituting a city, and is not protected by the constitution, or by anything else, and may be taken without compensation at the pleasure of the legislature. It is only a law which may be amended and repealed by the legislature as it sees fit, without regard to the wishes of the people affected by it. As all government existsonly for the good of the people, the determination of the powers a city should assume rests wholly on the ground of expediency, and its action should not be limited in any direction in which the good of the people would be attained. In an expanding civilization it is impossible for a city to stand still. New conditions give rise to new needs. What before has been left to private performance may require municipal control. It is not my purpose in this paper to advocate or to oppose municipal ownership and operation of the public utilities, but rather that this is a question for each community to decide for itself and that it should be perfectly free so to do. In the matter of its revenue and of the purposes for which it may be expended the position of a city is one of entire dependence upon the state. It cannot without express permission celebrate a historical event such as the Declaration of Independence or the anniversary of its founding. It cannot pay the members of a private company for services rendered as engineman, although the company turned out at fires and rendered the same services as the other engine companies in the town. It cannot open

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THE THRALDOM OF MASSACHUSETTS CITIES 187 its schools to children of foreign residents; offer a reward for the apprehension of a person suspected of the murder of one of its inhabitants or the burning of one of its buildings; nor defray the expenses of a committee to attend a convention of American municipalities, where subjects pertaining to the administration of cities are to be discussed, because the “education of the mayor and aldermen upon matters relating to municipalities is not a public purpose.” The town of Natick was unable without the express permission of the legislature to pmove the obstruction in Charles River within the limits of the town, and the legislature allowed it to use only $1000 therefor. Neither could the town of Walpole spend $250 for a visiting nurse to its sick and poor; nor the city of Boston pay the widow of one of its employees $1000 on account of his death; nor Holyoke pay the widow of its collector of taxes “$1000, as part of the salary that would have been due to him had he continued to serve the city during the current year;” nor Boston pay the widow of one of its aldermen the salary, which he would have been entitled to had he lived to complete his term of service; nor Boston pay an annuityof $300 for ten years to the widow of anemployee who was drowned while in its service. In the year 1885 Massachusetts passed an act limiting the tax levy in Boston to $9 on every $1000 of the average value of the taxable property for the five preceding years; and in the same year another act limithe the borrowing capacity, except for water, to 2 per cent of the valuation. These acts were passed under great pressure, and with the expectation that there would be a large saving in the expenditures of the city. Mark, however, the result. The city council proceeded immediately to increase the expenditures so as to exhaust the whole of the possible levy, and ever since has followed a like course. The council naturally makes no distinction between the possible sum from taxes and the possible sum from loans, but considers them together as the amount it is given for city needs, and straightway proceeds to spend it. If men are told they may spend so much, they proceed to spend the whole of the permitted sum. The appropriations, therefore, become larger rather than less. Money borrowed within the debt limit usually has gone to purposes formerly paid for from the tax levy, and all large improvements, and not a few of ordinary character, have been met by special loans authorized by the legislature outside of the debt limit. The council has learned that if needs arise, the legislature will authorize additional loans. Its members feel little responsibility, as the legislature has assumed it for them. For instance, the legislature this year authorized the city to spend $100,000 outside the debt limit for a playground. In the ten years preceding the acts of 1885 there was a decrease in the net debt of the city. In the ten years succeeding these acts there was an increase of 90 per cent. In the This should have been expected.

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188 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW period from 1890 to 1910 the net indebtedness increased over 257 per cent and in the same period the assessed valuation of property increased only 69 per cent. November 30, 1910, the net indebtedness of the city stood at the enormous total of $116,259;993.37. As a remedy for this serious condition, the legislature has not changed the act of 1885, nor has it ceased to order Boston to spend money and to contract debts, and, above all, it has not permitted Boston to seek and apply a remedy for itself, but it has authorize4 the governor to appoint another state commission “to investigate appropriations, loans, expenditures, accounts, and methods of administration affecting the city of Boston or any department thereof, ” and to report thereon in January of each year. This is an illustration of the tendency in Massachusetts to special legislation. In place of providing by general act for some inspection or control by the commonwealth of the financial affairs of all its cities, as is done in Great Britain under the auspices of the local government board, by this act the financial affairs of Boston alone are subject to the inspection of a state board. The limitation of the tax levy has been extended to all cities, with the result that they flock to the state house year after year and beg permission of the state to exceed it, so that the legislature, and not the city government, has become the 6nal judge of the expediency or necessity of most municipal enterprises. Let me cite a very few of many instances: The city of Chicopee is hereby exempted, until the first day of January in the year nineteen hundred and iifteen, from the operation of limiting the rate of taxation in cities. The city of New Bedford, for the purpose of constructing a new school building may incur indebtedness beyond the Limit fixed by law to an amount not exceeding one hundred and forty thousand dollars. For the purpose of erecting a building for school purposes the city of Lynn may incur indebtedness in excess of the debt limit fixed by law to the amount of one hundred thousand dollars. The city of Fall River may incur indebtedness outside of the debt limit for public park uses, to an amount not exceeding iifty thousand dollars. In making the appointment of city officials subject to a certificate of the civil service commissioners of the commonwealth, Boston again has made an exception, and its officials alone are subject to such control. Another illustration of this besetting evil is found in a statute directing that the names of the candidates for aldermen, not in all the cities, but but only in Cambridge, “shall be printed in the order in which they are drawn by the city clerk, whose duty it shall be to make such drawings.” The last legislature passed an act em.powering a man to maintain a suit against New Bedford, then pending in the superior court “as fully and with the same effect as if all provisions of law relating to the ordering of materials and labor for the city had been complied with.”

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THE THRALDOM OF MASSACHUSETTS CITIES 189 A city or town cannot control most of its officers, and cannot remove them for misconduct, because the state calls them its officers and not of the city or town, although elected and paid by it. Some years ago when cattle were kept quite generally in the country towns of Massachusetts it was the custom to elect in the town meeting an officer called the field driver, whose duty it was to impound any cattle found wandering upon the highways; and the state called even this petty officer its agent, and it was held that the town has no control over him in respect to his observance or neglect of his duty. In another town at its annual meeting the inhabitants, after a long debate upon the question whether they would establish a regular fire department or would elect fire wardens as a substitute, finally chose to do the latter; nevertheless the selectmen established a fire department, their power to do so being independent of the town. Certain towns own rights of fishing and fowling which have come down to them from colonial days, and in one of these towns the inhabitants at their annual meeting voted what permits the selectmen should grant during the ensuing year and upon what terms. The selectmen refused to be directed, restrained, or controlled by the town. Policemen, of course, are not the servants of a city, their appointment by it beingmerely a “convenient mode of exercising a function of government,. ” It logically follows that the state may take over the police of any city, as it has done in Boston and two other cities, where the police have been put under commissioners appointed by the governor, all expenses, however, being paid by the city upon their requisition. The last legislature has gone further than ever before, and has passed an act, again applicable only to Boston, ordering its school committee to wholly appropriate a fixed percentage for the purpose of increasing the present salaries of the teachers in the public schools of the city. It also has ordered the park commissioners of the city of Worcester to perform the duties of the city relative to the management of a certain tract of land in the city; and has abolished the sewer commissioners, the water board, and the surveyor of highways in the town of Peabody and has established in place thereof a commission of public works; and in Boston has established a board of appeal and has restricted the mayor in his appointments to candidates nominated by certain designated societies and associations. The inhabitants of the town of Stratton, at the annual meeting in March, 1906, appointed a committee to investigate the doings of its board of health. This committee made a report, with charges against the board, which report was accepted and adopted, and another committee was appointed to hear evidence upon the charges against the board, and to report their findings of fact and their recommendations at an adjourned town meeting. The committee made a report finding the charges proved and recommending the removal of the board ; ‘r maladministration and misfeasance in

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190 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW office. The report was accepted and adopted, but the members of the board held on to the office, and the court said the town could not remove them. There are no less than forty separate departments in the city of Boston, some elected by the council, some by the people, some appointed by the mayor and some appointed by the governor. Another distinct department has been established within a few months to have the sole care, custody, management and control of one school. They might be grouped or consolidated with great gain and economy, but as to many of them the state has expressly forbidden this to be done. The council of Chicago, in comparison, may create departments and at any time abolish or amend them. It required a special act for the city of Springfield to establish for that city a building department; and another for the city of Newton, when the head of any department dies, to appoint the head of another department, or some other person, to perform temporarily the duties of the office. Many departments have become independent, either through the direct appointments of their heads by the governor of the state or through the legislature making them distinct corporations, so that they have a being separate from that of the municipal corporation itself and beyond its power to change. Some of them spend money without check and without regard to the appropriations made by the city council. The trustees of the public library of Boston, formerly chosen by the city council, recently appointed by the mayor, asked the legislature to make them a distinct corporation. This was done. And when it was a question of building a new library these trustees, as a distinct corporation, not asking the city council, but obtaining authority from the legislature so to do, made their own contracts and put up their own building. An apt illustration of the disintegration of our city governments is found in the reported statement of the park commissioners of Boston, that, if the council should make any attempt to disturb them, they would petition the legislature to take away the control of their department from the council. We see frequently the. representatives of one department appear before a committee of the legislature advocating something which is opposed by the representatives of some other department, or by the officers of the city, and it has happened more than once that the mayor himself has met with opposition before legislative committees from officials supposed to be under his jurisdiction. It also has happened that when the mayor and the council do not agree both appeal to the legislature. This was the case when the last charter was imposed upon the city. Recently the council failed to adopt the recommendation of the mayor to purchase two lots of land for the extension of a street, and thereupon he declared that he would petition the legislature next year to have a state commission

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THE THRALDOM OF MASSACHUSETTS CITIES 191 undertake it. Much is said about a city being a business corporation. It is this, and much more. But even as a business corporation, no one would expect success from a private corporation unless the directors could control the expenditures. If one or more departments of any corporation could spend what they pleased without regard to the wish of the directors, we should expect that corporation to reach insolvency; and yet that is exactly the situation of Boston. It must be conceded that the administration of ow many state commissions is efficient and in itself satisfactory. The appointments generally have been admirable; and the public work has been done with intelligence, dispatch and economy. This paper is not a criticism of individuals, but of a vicious system, the effect of which upon the people is lamentable. They act less and less vigorously in municipal life. Having been so long under the control of the state they are more accustomed when they desire to make a change in policy, to have recourse to the legislature rather than to their own local government. It is of little moment, comparatively, whether the work committed to the charge of these commissioners is well or ill done, since it is far more important that the people should determine their own affairs than that they should be furnished by an outside authority with a perfect administration. The highest praise given to our institutions by foreign writers has been because of our provisions for popular control; and now to depart from these is voluntarily to surrender our most precious heritage. What has happened recently in Lawrence shows the deplorable effect of this vicious system, The city is old and rich; it has a population of 86,000, and yet by the word of its most prominent citizens, it is financially and morally bankrupt; and so they ask the state to take over its charter and administer its affairs. One of the largest cities of the state, for more than sixty years managing its own affairs, a long-established seat of industry, bearing one of New England’s proudest names, confesses its inability to govern itself. The situation is not the result of accident, and it touches the credit of the commonwealth. The city in Massachusetts is not a self-governing community, free to apply its own remedies to its own ills and to learn by experience how to work out an administration adapted to its local needs; and the absolute dominion of the legislature has made the voter helpless and hopeless and has stifled local patriotism. Such an abuse of power would be monstrous to every citizen of an European city. It would be difficult for him to grasp even the idea of its possibility. The citizens of Birmingham govern Birmingham; the legislature of Massachusetts governs Boston. Twenty-two states now protect their cities by constitutional provisions against such abuses of power, and many of them give the right to each city to frame its own charter and to change it at pleasure.

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192 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW The relation thm established between the commwlity and its organic law has exercised great influence upon the civic life of the people. The fact that the responsibility for a charter rests not with the legislature, but with the people of the city, has aroused a civic spirit which is felt in every department of the government; and there is developed a more definite as well as a higher standard of city life. No community of free men can secure from sources outside of itself a government better than it can evolve from within. Temporary’ relief may be had from outside, but theonly kind of government with which we ought to be satisfied must be secured by internal growth. It should be in the nature of a general act, which the people of any city, or of any town qualified to become a city, may adopt if they see fit, and which they may change at their own will and pleasure, determining for themselves the details of their organization, subject to the general laws of the state. The gate should be open to reform whenever the people wish it. The legislature should not make the change, but the city council by ordinance. The reason given for action by the legislature rather than by the council, that any future municipal government would find it difficult to undo the work, is the very best reason why we should not go to the legislature. If no outside authority intervenes and if a city’s government be dependent solely upon its own citizens, they will find a way to one adapted to the local needs. Experience is the only effective teacher. We must learn by our own errors, just as we learned when children to dread fire, when we put’a hger into the flame. There is no other remedy for bad government than the ancient remedy-self-government. The city itself must set its political house in order, and keep it in order. When the citizens of Chicago sought a remedy for bad government they made over their council, because by the state constitution Chicago could not appeal to the legislature for a change. But in Massachusetts the legislature is so in the habit of revising or appealing this or that statute under which cities are conducted that their government at any time is simply one of a series of legislative experiments. In no community can affairs be managed successfully when the legislature stands ready to remodel the charter whenever a minority in the city can command the support of a majority in the state. Anything which will alter this relation, so as to free cities from special legislation, not only will improve the cities but also the legislature, which is burdened by numberless local questions. The sweeping subjection of Massachusetts cities to legislative authority arises from the failure to distinguish between the two spheres of municipal activity. So far as the city is an agent of the state to carry out state policy, in respect to state interests, supervision by state authority is right; but, so far as the city is a local cooperative community, it should decide No charter should be imposed upon a city. Why should we tie our hands? Are we afraid of freedom?

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THE THRALDOM OF MASSACHUSETTS CITIES 193 for itself. Home rule excludes the state from control over those affairs which affect the city apart from the whole body of the people; but it does not mean that the city shall do as it will with reference to affairs of state concern. It does not mean that within municipal limits the police power of the state has been abrogated, or that in public education the state is debarred from control; but the control should be by the way of super& sion and not by doing the things itself. As an example of the different methods of control in Great Britain and with us, take the police. The state, of course, has a vital interest in the maintenance of an efficient police. When the local authorities fail in this respect our method is for the state to administer the local police through officials responsible to it; that is, to do the work itself, but at the cost of the local community. On the other hand, in Great Britain, where the police are managed by a committee chosen by the city council from among its own members, should it be reported to the home office by inspectors that the police of any city fall short of efficiency, th’e home office, which under ordinary conditions defrays out of the national treasury one-half the sum required to pay and clothe the police, would withhold its grant. We have here a system of control which makes for efficiency without intermeddling with the rights and the duties of the local authorities. It now is agreed generally, outside of Massachusetts, that the powers of the city, instead of being specified, should be conferred by a general grant to exercise all powers not inconsistent with state laws. In place of its present humiliating position, that a city can do only those few things for which distinct authority has been given, it should be clothed with complete authority to do everything which is not distinctly forbidden. Then and then only may we expect that full civic life which is characteristic of the cities of Europe, and then and then only may we expect that civic interest which is the only assurance of good government. It would be folly to set forth in detail the things a man may do. The practical method is for the law to enumerate the things a man shall not do. The same rule holds good in regard to local government. Any functions not specifically forbidden by law should be the right of a city. Like other corporations it derives its existence and its power to act from the state; and this is the only necessary connection between a city and the state. It needs no further assistance. Two things are necessary if city government is to revive in Massachusetts: The city must be left absolutely alone so long as it does not offend against state laws applicable to all, and the city must be given the power to do the things which a modern city should do for the welfare of its people. The present legal presumption that it has no power, not plainly to be found in a legislative grant, should be reversed, and the city presumed to possess every power not clearly denied to it under the cofistitution of the state.

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194 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW A city in Germany is free to do anything it likes which is not contrary to law. Home rule has full swing, with marked advantages in awakening local patriotism and securing men of high character and ability to manage city affairs. It may perform and render every kind of public service, subject only to the laws applicable to all. It controls all franchises within its own limits. Contrast this ample grant with the helpless condition of a Massachusetts city which may not control even the paving of its own streets. Were our cities so treated, unable to resort to outside assistance, and secure against ourside interference, compelled to work out their own welfare, the very necessity of the case would develop an enlightened public opinion and give us good government. While satisfactory and progressive city government is impossible under the present conditions in Massachusetts, the outlook is not without hope. The demand for greater municipal freedom steadily grows, notwithstanding such relapses as the imposition upon Boston, without a vote of its people, and against the protest of its council, of the city charter. Men see now that the good they expected from it cannot be realized so long as it remains uncertain whether the people wish it. The general interest in the expendiency, if not the right of home rule, has continued to live, and has appealed strongly to most of our recent governors. One of the two important political parties of the commonwealth has now declared definitely for home rule, and its candidate for governor has made this a prominent feature of his campaign.

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CIVIC SURVEYS BY THOMAS H. MAWSON, HON. A.R.I.B.A.~ London, England WAS once asked ‘I What is the most useful tool of the town planner?” and my questioner was somewhat surprised when I replied that I considered, for the kind of site we were dealing with, a bicycle wm the most useful asset he could command. What I had in my mind in making this half jocular answer to my friend’s serious question was that, the chief point to be gained in a preliminary view of the site, was a thorough sense of locality and the correct relationship of its several parts, and some rapid means of getting from one part to the other greatly aids in this by allowing us to see each portion in its relationship to the other portions from every point of view while the subject is fresh in ourminds. This truth struck me very forcibly when working on a site in the North of England. I knew before visiting it that it was comparatively flat and devoid of trees so decided to do it on foot. When I had been there some days and had got the topography fairly well fixed in my mind, I had occasion to drive along a road passing through the estate for nearly its whole length and I was surprised what a difference the slight extra elevation made to my outlook and how easier it was to grasp the relationship of the parts of the estate, and especially its tortuous lanes, as we moved rapidly along with a good horse. I would therefore say, use whatever means of rapid conveyance is available or the nature of the ground makes possible, the automobile on a smooth road, the bicycle across agricultural land, or a strong wiry pony over rougher ground still. Of course, in this work, one would make first for the highest points from which to obtain a panoramic view of the surrounding country and there, unfolding the plan, note the positions on it of all the features to be seen and particularly roads, rivers, rights of way, villages or the best points at which to cross railways, rivers, canals, or other obstacles and also swamps or rocky ground and anything else which occurs to us is likely to inffuence our design. Weshall do well to make on our plan the exact position of any tall chimney, church spire or very prorriinent tree which will form a landmark to help our sense of locality as we move from point to point of the estate. Before we have been at this work very long, ideas for the direction and route of the principal traffic arteries and sites of the various classes of 1 Thomas H. Mawson is honorary lecturer on landscape design at the University of Liverpool. He is the author of “Civic Art” and has been concerned with the planning of the following communities in Great Britain : Westminster, Dunfermline, Bolton, Perth, and Port Sunlight. 195 I

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196 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW buildings will suggest themselves to the mind and we can do nothing better than to walk over the various routes and sites which occur to US to be obvious, not because there can possibly be any finality in these first rough guesses at a scheme for laying out the ground, but because it will give our itinerary a purpose and we shall notice more thoroughly and with less conscious effort every feature which suggests an easy means of development or the reverse. We shall, of course, also traverse every existing road and follow all water courses and, in a partly developed district, we shall try the effect of continuing the lines of existing streets and studying to connect the new with the old. In my work in England, I have always made as much use as I could of the street car services. For instance in preparing my scheme for the improvement of Bolton, I found that by riding out of the town in all directions into the country on the top of a street car, I obtained from this excellent vantage point, much valuable information. This preliminary work over and, as soon as we feel that we have a thorough knowledge of the site and all its surroundings, the next step is to open a temporary ofice in the town nearest the site and there interview every one who is interested in the proposed scheme or who, through having work on the site, or watched the development of surrounding places, is able to give information which may assist us in realizing all that is valuable in the local point of view. There can be rarely anyone so dull or so devoid of imagination that it is total waste of time to listen to all he has to say of what he knows of the place and, when confronted with what is obviously a glaring impossible point of view, we should try to trace the mental processes by which it has been arrived at when we may be rewarded by obtaining material which, by more logical methods of deduction, will produce a result of the greatest value. William Pitt, a hundred and fifty years ago used to argue politics with a man of no special capabilities,whose opinion on such subjects was of no more value than that of any “man-in-the-street.” When asked the reason he replied that he used the man as a ‘( Foolometer,” a term he coined to express the idea that he used the man to find out the point of view of the unintelligent individual on matters of state. We must do the same. We must act in the spirit of the old fashioned saying which tells us to“Listen to all the advice we can obtain and act on as much of it as coin.. cides with our om inclination.’’ By this means we shall gather together, not only a vast accumulation of material about the locality, none of which can be entirely without its bearing upon what we propose to do, but also we shall be enabled to grasp that individual spirit which obtains in every district and which it is so important our scheme should foster and express. This is most important for, as its location or the prevailing trade or manufacture may influence the town’s character or individuality, so ought thees to be expressed in the design. Educational and ecclesiastical towns .such

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CIVIC SURVEYS 197 as Oxford or Canterbury will necessarily be planned on altogether different lines from shipping towns such as Liverpool or Cardiff. Each should wear an altogether different external appearance in order to be expressive of its own civic character or individuality. This is the first quality looked for by the civic architect who adequately and reverently approaches the problem of city planning. As Mr. Charles Mulford Robinson says, it is that tangible something which the city says, which is the secret of its own particular charm among cities. A man may be most learned in engineering, in landscape gardening, in architecture, but unless he is so sympathetic to the spirit of cities that he can catch the individual expression of each, he must fail in the making of city plans. It needs a nature extremely fine in its susceptibilities to catch the differing civic spirit of, say, London or Edinburgh, Montreal or Toronto, that something which it is perhaps impossible adequately to convey by words yet can be expressed and augmented by art. This process, first getting to know all that there is to know about the topography of the site and its surroundings, and then interviewing everyone who has any interest in the proposed scheme should provide the landscape architect with a thorough knowledge, not only of his subject, but, what is still more important, of its history, and so of the r'equirements to be met and the possibilities for future development. It will now be time for him to call to his aid the specialists, the antiquarian, the sociologist, the hygienist, the sanitary engineer, the educationalist, the commercial expert and any others whom the particular circumstances would suggest as essential to a result which will recognize all the requirements of d concerned. Accompanying them would be a carefully drawn up circular of instructions giving tersely and succinctly areview of thenature of the scheme proposed, the instructions received by the landscape architect from the promoters which may have a bearing on their reports and the results so far arrived at by the preliminary itinerary of the ground. When these reports are received the real work of city planning will commence. First will come the important task of so collating and presenting the information gathered together by the various experts as to make it instantly accessible. This will generally be done by taking one or more copies of the large scale plan and showing on it, by a differently colored ink or pigment, the requirements of each class. For instance, if, in the case of an old town, we find on the plan so treated that the antiquarian haa marked an architectural feature as of sufficient national interest as to make its retention an absolute necessity, and around it, a different color or a key plan, shows that the hygienist has condemned a considerable area as too low lying for healthy dwellings, we have at once a determinant factor suggesting as imperative that this area shall be cleared of existing slums and dedicated as an open space to the use of the public, the ancient buildings

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198 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW providing the dominant interest in their lay-out to which all other features will be subordinated. Or suppose that the sanitary engineer has shown that a portion of the site is too high to be reached by the available water supply without resource to expensive pumping operations while the artist has scheduled it a place of special beauty from which unique views are obtainable, this cumulative evidence in favor of its preservation will immediately become apparent when we indicate the recommendations of each by separate colors on one sheet as suggested. These are of course simple cases which would hardly call for elaborate methods but they indicate the principle which, if adopted, will enable us to deal far more thoroughly with these recommendations, and especially to detect conflicting interests and solve the problems they represent, than would otherwise be possible. It is the bane of the specialist everywhere that he grows in time to a grossly exaggerated sense of the importance of his own particular branch to the exclusion of interest in any other. Charles Darwin, the great popularizer of the revolutionary theory of creation and progiess, fully realized this even in his own case, for, in his intensely interesting book, The Voyage of the Beagle, he bemoans that, the more he studied the scientific anatomy of nature, the less he saw of nature's beauty until, towards the end of his life, it became almost a closed book to bim. The greater difficulty, however, will be with the amateur with the fixed idea and filled with a boundless enthusiasm for it and possessed of sufficient personal magnetism to obtain support for it. Such persons, from their very enthusiasm are generally promoted to a place on the board of promoters of a town-planning scheme, and the more plausible their hobby, the greater the danger of their wrecking, or, at least, crippling the scheme. As an instance of this, I may mention a scheme for agarden suburb inEnglandwhere one of the most prominent members of the committee insisted that every other consideration of whatever kind should be sacrificed in order that each house should be placed at the northeast corner of its plot so that it might have a southwest aspect. In vain was it pointed out that every house has four aspects, that such a plan would prevent all privacy in half the gardens, that the public service pipes would be lengthened by 25 per cent, that all massing and grouping of the architectural details would be rendered impossible and the scheme as a whole be ruined. Such instances could be multiplied almost indefinitely but there is one case which crops up perennially on every piece of work with unfailing regularity. This is the person who would sacrifice everything and permanently injure the scheme, to avoid the removal of even the most decrepit trees. I grant, most heartily, that every healthy tree is an inestimable asset to the scheme, and should be preserved and made a feature of the layout if this is possible, but to alter injuriously the Infinite tact will be needed in this work.

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CIVIC SURVEYS 199 whole line of a main road which, once planned, is more or less hed for all time, in order to save a tree which can be replaced in fifty years, is a grave mistake. I could point to an English town-planning scheme which has been entirely spoiled by this very thing. The preparation of the plan, collating and comparing the requirements of the various experts called in to advise on points outside the province of the landscape architect having been completed, the initiatory work incidental to the preparation of the scheme itself may be said to be over and the main business ready for consideration. The principles that will guide the landscape architect in his street planning, the proportioning and adorning of his boulevards, the design of his parks and gardens, and the merging of town and country will be dealt with in subsequent lectures, as they form themes of far too great a magnitude to be dismissed or even dealt with at all adequately in the remaining time at our disposal. Instead I would try and aid the tyro in this work by showing him some of the main principles which must receive recognition in the work of laying down the broad lines of his scheme. My own method, after completing the street planning, would be to prepare a number of tracings or drawings on transparent paper which may be laid over the main plan and in which only one subject is dealt with. By this means, every part of the complex business of planning a town will be represented without crowding so much detail onto one sheet as to cause confusion. Thus on one tracing would be shown the different character of the various neighborhoods, whether residential, manufacturing] business, and so on, while another would show the varying densities of population] that is, the number of houses to the acre, to be allowed in various districts. These two would be closely related as would those showing the most economical drainage scheme possible on the site, the water service, the gas, electric, and sometimes the hydraulic power services. Other sheets would deal individually with various traffic problems; one would show, for instance, the routes which the fire engine would take to reach any part of the radius it serves, and so show whether the fire station were central in more than name; another would indicate all the playgrounds and show the traffic routes which small children would necessarily have to cross to reach each one from the districts it serves or whether they could be got at without danger to the little ones; another would show the traffic scheme in its relation to the principal railway stations and markets; another the same problem in its relation to the main routes out into the country; another the street car service, an extra thick line showing where two independent services use the same lines for a portion of their route, as this has a direct bearing on traffic problems; another would show the distribution of the town’s open spaces and, by a systematic color scheme, the purposes to which they are to be put and this, again, would need careful collation with

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200 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW the sheet we have already mentioned showing the varying classes of the different districts, and also that showing the allowable maximum of population. Besides these, which would cover the whole of the town, there would be others devoted to the problems incidental to a part of the scheme. Thus one would show the railway and canal facilities to be provided in the manufacturing district, while another, dealing with the same area, would show its relation to the part allotted to the homes of the workers and how they would reach their work. When these, and all the other problems of city-pla,nning, have been dealt with in this way, and so disposed of by means which are, at the same time, both concise and thorough, certain parts will need more detailed treatment than can be given them on the main plan drawn, as we have suggested, to about the scale of twenty-four inches to the mile. Plans of these will have to be made to a larger scale and the additional details filled in. Thus, each of the public parks and ornamental squares will need such treatment as will also boulevards and other open spaces and, in particular, the town squares in order to show clearly the sites for the principal buildings and their relation to the vistas down the streets approaching it. Then, of course, each railway station and its approaches will require detailed consideration and monopolize a separate sheet, as will every market or other place which will have its own traffic or other problems. Far better would it be to aim at making the main town-plan intelligible to the average man in the street who has had no architectural training and who consequently cannot understand or read a plan. In England or Canada, our most important task in arranging the presentment of our scheme is to gain the interest and approbation of the public. If it seems to them visionary or a needless waste of public money we shall never get the average citizen to allow it to proceed. We have, to begin with, the unit, the plain citizen, John Smith. It may be the fault of our democratic constitution that John Smith rules the roost in town-planning. In Germany they arrange things on imperial lines and the town-planning officials are above the reach of the voters. Both systems have their advantages and their disadvantages. The late Sir W. S. Gilbert, when writing his plays always had before his mind’s eye a stolid individual to whom the music and the jest must be understandable, and we, in presenting our town planning schemes must do the same. I have seen more than one scheme in Europe prepared by good and capable men and which if not showing signs of genius in the promoters, were yet good and worthy of the occasion, fall flat from just this very cause. The very dearth of town-planning schemes in Britain may be traced to this lack of imagination. This multitude of undistinguished men like our friend John Smith are, as units, obscure, and draw little notice in their narrow spheres of action, yet, in their corporate capacity, they are a grand force which may wreck governments. Most

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CIVIC SURVEYS 20 1 likely as somebody has pointed out, John Smith must have a stake in the city, before you can interest him very deeply in the more complicated problems concerning it, but, that he is a power to be reckoned with, when it comes to the question as to whether a town-plan shall be adopted, no one who has had any experience in these matters will deny for a moment. Instead, therefore, of giving him unnecessary detail to quarrel about, and which he will think he understands when he does not, the mind of John Smith must be illuminated by a clear and vivid representation of some of the main and indispensable features of the scheme, so placed before him as to awaken his enthusiasm for that which is good in it, and will not only arouse civic aspirations in him, but will appeal strongly to his democratic perceptions and practical philanthropy. In short, John Smith is a good chap, and, if he can be made to see the good in a scheme.and be impressed with its practical and financial advantages, he will back it up for all it is worth. It is only and solely from first to last, because Mr. Ebeneser Howard, the author of Garden Cities of Tomorrow, possessed at the same time the imaginative qualities of the artist, and the sound practical knowledge of the world, which enabled him to make his theories understandable to the lay mind, that the great experiment at Letchworth in England ever came about. We therefore see that, when his more immediate task is completed, the town-planner must also be in a position to take up this fresh task and, as Lord Houghton puts it, “To try and teach the souls you reach to feel and understand.” This is a great task, but one which may be very much lightened by the hearty cooperation of an enthusiastic town-planning commission who, knowing the neighborhood and the trend of local opinion, may by their help and advice, and especially by the way in which they assist in placing the plans before the electorate, overcome mountains. To do him credit, John Smith is quite ready to admit his ignorance of the artistic side of the work, but he feels that he has practical endowments which have enabled him to carve himself a niche in the universe and that he is capable of adjudicating on this side of the scheme. “I know I am an ass,” said the gentleman in the play, “but I am not a silly ass,” and this somewhat illustrated his attitude to town-planning schemes. We must therefore, in all we do, endeavor to show the man in the street the essential connection between the artistic and the practical, how they interlock at every point and how the attempt to divorce the ideal from the practical cannot but end in a machine-made lifeless standardization which, ,though it may succeed in rearing the grand external, can never satisfy human aspirations or elevate the public taste. We must, aa I have put it elsewhere, ‘I insist on the practicability of idealism.” There is one point in connection with the administration of such a scheme which I desire to mention not because it is a part of our present

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202 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW subject, though it arises out of it, but because it is of too great importance to be neglected, The subject I mean is the answer to the question, “How far should the individual plot-holder on the area included in a t,own-planning scheme be controlled in the development of his own holding and especially how far should his architect be restricted in the preparation of his designs for proposed buildings on the plot?” I think that we shall all agree that the fewer vexatious restrictions imposed the better, but, nevertheless, it is evident that, although the broad lines of the scheme are entirely in the hands of the town-planning commission and their expert adviser, what will mar or make the scheme will, ultimately, be the suitability of the details chosen and the way in which the small finishings are managed. To illustrate what I mean, I need only remind you to what an extent such little things affect the ultimate result in such matters as dress, or the furnishings of our homes. It is evident, therefore, that, whatever drawbacks there may be to the process, some sort of restraint must be exercised to prevent a few tasteless or ignorant individuals from ruining the whole of the aesthetic effect or creating a nuisance. Local conditions and characteristics will enter so deeply into the solution of this problem that no town-planner would act or set up a code of conditions without going into the questions involved most thoroughly with his advisory committee, but there are a few broad lines which are applicable to all cases. The restrictions may take two forms. In the first place, as already mentioned, various sites may be dedicated to special purposes. Thus, on the leeward side of the town considered as such in relation to the prevailing winds, a large area may be set apart for factories while, in another part, private residences only may be allowed with special exemptions for lodges for servants, and so on. In the second place, we may place restrictive clauses in the agreement of sale of the plot on a privately promoted scheme or frame by-laws for submission to and for the sanction of the proper authorities in the case of a public scheme. If such restrictiom are wisely drawn up they should be welcomed by the property owners, for not only will they prevent him from doing acts detrimental to the scheme but they will prevent his neighbor from injuring his own plot or causing its depreciation by spoiling the amenities of the neighborhood. Obvious subjects for such by-laws or restrictive clauses are the prevention of the establishment of trades in a good district which give off a disagreeable smell, the prevention of very high buildings which shut out the daylight and dwarf and overshadow other buildings near them, the provision of a proper building line up to which the main frontage of the buildings must come, the obligation to plant or maintain treesalong the boundary between the plot and the public road, regulations as to a levy on all the

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CIVIC SURVEYS houses round an open space laid out as a common garden to provide for its upkeep and such like arrangements which have been tried for many years in England with complete success so far as they have gone, only unfortunately most of us are persuaded that such things have not been done as much as they might have been. On several English schemes lately there has been an attempt made to go much further than before in regard to the regulation of the designs of buildings to be erected. Most of the conditions relating to this matter enact that the designs for all buildings about to be erected shall be submitted to the town-planning commission in order that their town-planning expert may report to them as to its suitability for the site on which it is proposed to erect it. In case his decision is adverse to the design in any way, the expert is to state his reasons and how, in his opinion, it may be altered so as to harmonize with its surroundings and the prospective builder is bound to come to an agreement with him M to what shall be done before the commission will give their consent to its commencement. There are very obvious difficulties in such a course as this and, as it is on its trial in England it hm not been tried long enough or often enough for US to be able to say how it will work or even which is the best and most satisfactory procedure. One can only say that in some cases it seems to be working very well, while in others it is producing what looks dangerously like a complete deadlock, This is no doubt due, to some extent, to the personality of the advisory expert and his committee and also as to how the matter has been put before prospective builders. Tact, in such a case, can work wonders as too can the lack of it in another sense.

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CONSERVATIVE ASPECTS OF THE RECALL BY H. S. GILBERTSON‘ New York City INE years have elapsed since the principle of continuous control over their elected servants was enunicated by the people of Los N Angeles. The originators of the recall put their measure forward in a gingerly fashion. They gave it an innocent place among a number of other charter amendments to be voted upon by the people and directed public attention to the other matters. In much the same automatic way that referendary measures have been known to go into law, the recall was adopted. These political leaders knew they were putting forth something unconventional but it may be questioned whether they considered that they were fathering anything the least bit revolutionary. They had no notion, I believe, that there is anything supremely “representative” in the system whereby the people choose their servants’ at fixed intervals and then bid farewell to their sovereignty till the lapse of a period of years. Neither did they have any notion of substituting “purp_ democracy” for representative government. More probably they had no attenuated theories of any kind. They were confronted with an aggravating set of conditions in very human shape. Representative government in California till very recently was a fiction and a delusion and no amount of theorizing could make anything else out of it. Public officials calmly defied the most intense public opinion, and thrived in so doing. It was to reach these unrepresentative servants that the recall was invented-not the most consistent, logical means, perhaps, but one having a peculiar point under the conditions, when government otherwise was so far away from the average citizen. It found favor with a group of public-minded citizens in Seattle who were seeking leverage against a certain ward councilman more offensive than ordinary, and it was inserted in the city charter. Mr. U’Ren’s group in Oregon took it up as a logical supplement to their own system which embodied the identical scheme as applied to measures instead of men. It soon took root also in the middle west where the Galveston plan of government was gaining recognition, for it seemed to the framers of the commission-government laws to be a valuable counterbalance to the great concentration of power in the hands of a few men which is an essential feature of that plan. It seemed to them only consistent and proper to give the people an opportunity to revise their judgments and correct their mistakes in the electionof public officials. Since 1909 the recall has become From Los Angeles the idea extended gradually up the Pacific coast. Assistant Secretary of the Short Ballot Organieation. 204

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CONSERVATIVE ASPECTS OF THE RECALL 205 closely identified with the commission government movement, though probably it is in no appreciable degree responsible for its success. SufEce it to say, however, that out of a total of 185 cities under this plan, only a few are without the recall feature. But the recall is also applicable to all elected officials in California, Oregon and Arizona, and to officers in most of the Washington cities. So that now, under a variety of minor variations in no less than 250 municipalities, ’any elective official is subject to removal by popular vote. To the discriminating good sense and judicial-mindedness of the American voter and to his general desire for bestowing a “square deal” the recall is a frank tribute; it was conceived in a spirit of optimism as to his ability to take anlintelligent part in recurring elections and to do justice to his servants while they are in office. Thus is another item added to the responsibilities of citizenship, and I propose herewith to inquire how the electors appear to be keeping the faith. It is true that sufficient evidence on the practice of the recall has not yet been accumulated to afford dogmatic conclusions of any sort, but the rather meager facts which are available in this matter are suggestive of some of the characteristics of the American citizen wEich we may expect to see in operation when he possesses larger powers of direct government than he enjoys at present. At the outset, it will be well to recollect that the recalling of officers is something different from hunting big game. There are certainformalities to be observed before one can do any shooting. Nor will it do to compare a recall campaign to the Newark, Ohio, mob, or a Coatesville lynching party. The framers of the recafi were carefuI to guard against just such outbursts of passion. They provided that a respectable minority, usually 20 or 25 per cent of those voting for the officer at the last preceding election, should bring an indictment before ever the title to his position was called into question. The signatures to recall petition are certified and become a matter of public record. And, in practice, the petition has shown itself to be no vain thing. I am mindful of the remark which is credited to a certain astute politician that he could get signatures to a petition to hang all red-haired men. It is one thing to start such a petition; it is quite another to get the names of one-fourth or one-fifth of the active voters subscribed to an absurd proposal. Not long ago a frantic effort was made in Tacoma to secure signatures at five cents per name on a petition to recall the mayor. Barkers stationed on the street corners, inviting, cajoling, begging for names. But this is a si&cant thing: they did not get them in sufficient numbers to bring the recall to a vote. Again, an attempt was recently made by certain politicians to reach the mayor of Colorado Springs. Petitions were started in every election district of the city, but in less than three days ’

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206 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW their efforts had proved hopeless. During last winter the liquor sellers in Marshalltown, Iowa, tried the same tactics; seeking to reopen the license question which had been tightly sealed by a decisive vote of the people. They too failed. Similar fruitless effort were made in Seattle in the hope of unseating the present mayor, himself the successful candidate at a recall election. All these abortive movements tend to demonstrate that a reasonably large petition is a real safeguard against a recall based upon slight reasons. And another fact is not without cogency: With this power to depose a galaxy of elected officials within the reach of the people of 250 cities, the number of cases in which it has been brought to a vote thus far is but eleven? of which five were in cities which were Yder commission government at the time. And even if past performances contain no absolute promises as to the future, it should be remembered that recalling a public officer is a trqublesome, expensive business, not to be undertaken in a big city without more funds than a wholly irresponsible person or organization can easily cornmand. Thus the cost of securing the necessary 8500 signatures (8 per cent of the registered voters) tb’a popular measure in Oregon experience is found to be about $1500. Recall petitions require: as a rule from two to three times this number of signers. In New York City on this basis a 25 per cent recall petition would cost something like $45,000. This would be but the initial expense. Add to it the cost of printing and distributing literature and of hall rent for conducting a campaign. The leaders of the campaigns in Los Angeles, Seattle and,Tacoma knew that success only comes after an infinite deal of effort to reach the individual voter in his own neighborhood with convincing evidence. So that from its own designed clumsiness the recall in its usual form, is its own prophylactic. By its own mechanism it has so far effectively taken care of the mischief-making fraternity. In the absence of a serious reason for its use it has proved itself unworkable. And generouslp have the fashioners of this instrument estimated the possible number of those who thoughtlessly or for trivial cause would invoke its use. But how about the larger and more sober host which deliver the final verdict? Not only have the fashioners of the recall provided against a tyranny of insignificant and thoughtless minorities, but they have made due allowance for the working of the sober second thought of the majority. Those “momentary gusts of passion” celebrated in Mr. Taft’s Arizona veto message, with just a suggestion that they were a more or less typical * Twice in LOB Angeles and Dallas and once in Seattle; Tacoma; Huron, 8. D.; Wichita, Kan.; Estacada and Junction City, Ore.; SaD Bernardino, Cal. * The number of petitions required to institute a recall election varies from 15 per cent to 35 per cent. Des Moines and Haverhill record the same experiences.

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CONSERVATIVE ASPECTS OF THE FECALL 207 phenomenon among our people, have no real existence under any recall scheme unless one may stretch the moments to cover a period of days and weeks, the interval between the filing of the petition and the election. But what becomes of the essential justice with which the law has sought to hedge about the tenure of public officers? The American people have been exceptionally generous in this matter, for while they have never conceded to public office the characteristics of property or contract, they have surrounded it with similar immunities. Thus the principle of due notice and an opportunity to be heard in one’s defense is rarely overlooked in the statutory forms of removal. Formally, though of course in no strict judicial sense, the recall preserves these immunities. The statement of charges on the petition is a rough indictment. Opportunity follows for the officer to prepare and present his case, through the press and on the platform. But, as one might say, this is no impartial trial which the people give; theirs is a rough and ready justice; they ignore the elaborate immunities which the law has laid around the accused parties; they admit irrelevant evidence; they give to suspicion and prejudice the weight of facts. True, the electors lack many of the ideal characteristics of a just judge and an impartial jury. But right here a misconception must be met: The recall is a political, not a civil instrument. And for that reason its procedure is not capable of the close circumscription which is possible in the case of the civil procedure. But the political processes do have certain rough analogies to the other. For example, may it not be said that a good political equivalent for judicial immunities is the habit of conservative fairmindedness among the people, which gives an official a chance to prove his worth as a public agent? And lest this conception appear a mere nebulous fancy, let us consider some of the facts of the recall in its actuai use : The seriousness of the occasions upon which the recall has actually been brought to the point of a popular vote is to my mind, an evidence of this spirit. The city of Los Angeles had had the recall in its charter one year before an election thereunder had been held. One of the ward councilmen was then put on the carpet, as it were, on several charges. One allegation was that, he had taken the liquor interests into his confidence and that his public acts were influenced by that connection. That he voted to establish an offensive slaughter house in his district is a matter of public record. That he received money for his vote on this question was a matter of suspicion. An election was held and the councilman was duly recalled but on technical grounds he secured a writ of mandamus to compel the city council to allow him to retain his seat. Later, a second election was held and he was again recalled. He carried but one of the sixteen precincts in his ward Let us take the principal cases in the order of their occurrence.

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208 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW and his opponent received 63 per cent of the votes cast. Whether or not the evidence in this case would have proven a violation of the statutes which would have made removal possible in the ordinary way I am unable to say. Certainly the persistency of his constituents in bringing his official conduct to a popular vote is a prima facie evidence of R deep and well-founded suspicion of his lack of sincerity, and an adverse vote of 63 per cent is rather conclusive evidence of the voters’ lack of confidence. The first use of the recall in the case of a mayor was that of Mr. A. C. Harper of the same city. Mr. Harper, elected in 1906, had not been long in office when it began to appear that his appointments were not directed primarily by considerations of public interest, but with a view to satisfying office seekers. Within a year after his election the city prosecutor complained of laxness in the enforcement of the vice laws. The responsibility for this condition clearIy lay with the mayor and an appointee of his on the police commission. The charge was made, and supported by specific evidence, that the mayor and police commissioner were protecting vice. This, however, the mayor vigorously denied, with a challenge to an investigation before the grand jury, which happened to be in session at the time. The matter was immediately taken up by them. After months of investigation ra majority report was filed, which found that the laws relating to vice were sufficiently dehite, and were quite enforceable, but that they had been neglected by the administration. The jury, however, refused to file a presentment on the ground that since the investigation had begun, the laws had been enforced. But a minority report, however, definitely accused the mhyor and the police officials of complicity with the vicious elements in the city. In the face of this evidence, the Municipal League in Los Angeles, in the spring of 1909, assumed the responsibility for a recall campaign. The outcome was the unseating of Harper and the election of George Alexander as his successor. In Dallas, Texas, the rech has twice been invoked in the case of school trustees. In the face of a strong popular protest and for alleged political reasons, the school trustees removed t,he principal and a teacher of the high school, both of whom were popular favorites. No charges against these men were brought at the time of removal4 and the public demanded for them both the reasons for removal and a public hearing on the merits of their case. Two members voted against a public hearing, and it was against them that the recall was successfully directed. Once their successors were seated in the board a demand arose for an investigation of the administration of the school superintendent. The investigation started but the remnant of the old board is said to have blocked every attempt 4 My correspondence does not show whether or not this was a violation of the law or the teachers’ contract.

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CONSERVATIVE ASPECTS OF THE RECALL 209 which would have produced evidence damaging to their appointee. Again the recall was invoked and two of the recalcitrant trustees wereousted. (The charter of Dallas requires a 35 per cent petition to institute a recall election.) The Seattle charter contained a recall provision for four years before it was directed against Mayor Hiram C. Gill in the fall of 1910. This officer had irritated the public through his opposition to important public improvements. He had seemed to play into the interest of the local electric lighting company. He had opposed the establishment of a garbage crematory. But the most serious opposition to his administration arose out of his conduct of police affairs. It seems above doubt that gambling and other forms of vice were flourishing under police protection. Finally the city council on November 21, 1910, made an investigation through a committee of five of its members and brought specific charges of maladministration. After a lively campaign the mayor was removed. The Tacoma recall in 1911 was launched against the entire commission. The situation here is not at all plain, but out of the many accounts seem to come these facts. The people of Tacoma in adopting the commission form of government, had given too little heed to the calibre of the men they elected. The man whom they chose for mayor was a seasoned office holder, avowedly hostile to the new idea of government, but 6th a big personal following which he had cultivated by various charities and a general reputation of being a “good fellow.” Other men of mediocre ability were elected to commissionerships. A factious spirit arose in the city council and the enforcement of the laws languished. The net result was a big increase in the cost of government during the first year under the new charter which the people resented. Mayor Fawcett too lost support by getting through an “anti-treating” ordinance and other acts regarded locally as “freak” legislation. To gffect “a new deal” all around the recall was invoked as the most able instrument. A series of elections followed, in which the mayor and two other commissioners were displaced. Almost simultaneously with the trouble in Tacoma, a recall movement was instituted against the commission in Huron, S. D. The force propelling this step was apparently the increase of taxation. For the fist time in the history of the city the council had provided a sinking und to meet outstanding indebtedness. This meant an increase of taxation amounting to $25,000.00. A sufficient number of petitions (15 per centum) was secured to cause the recdl to be submitted to a vote at the regular spring election. The effort, however, failed. Since that time, the recall has been successfully invoked in Wichita, Kan. A year ago a bitter primary election was waged for city officers. By a shrewd disposition of their forces in a three-cornered fight, the supporters of the successful candidates managed to narrow down the final

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210 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW contest for the mayoralty to two men, both of whom were signally unsatisfactory to all but their immediate supporters. The third faction felt that they had been tricked. Almost immediately after the opening of the new administration recall petitions were put into circulation against the mayor and two other commissioners. No charges of graft were made but the recallers found issues in matters of public policy. The mayor, it is said, had sought to unload on the city, by purchase, the plant of a private water company at a figure much higher than its actual value. Other minor issues were found. Either side was hotly upheld by one of the leading newspapers and resulted in the retirement of the mayor and another commissioner. Such in brief is the histor3 of the successful campaign^.^ Just how great has been the potential, that is, the admonitory, effect of the recall on officials subject to its operation, is, of course, impossible even to estimate. An account of this pha.se, if it were only obtainable, would make interesting reading, but we must stick to the more potent facts. Never yet has the recall been successfully invoked, without, its promoters having at least a good semblance of a public purpose in mind. Whether or not the reasons for invoking it would have been serious enough to have brought the question of removal through the ordinary means into the forum of trial is beside the point. It remains reasonably certain that in each case a majority of the electors found substantial reason to revise their judgment of public men in the light of their actual service and had a competent means to put their judgment into effect. That is to say, the recall campaigns appear to have been, on the whole, both sane and just from the political point of view. And the recall has been an effective instrument in so far as without superfluous definitions of its purpose, it has reached certain aggravated accumulations of unrepresentative acts which, singly, might not have been grave or serious epough to have been reached by any other method. Not only have the reasons for each removal been politically substantial, but the merits of each case have received an adequate public hearing-in the political sense. No one can wade through the newspaper accounts of the Los Angeles, Seattle, Tacoma or Wichita campaigns without being convinced that every material fact of the cases has been brought out and discussed from every possible angle. Civic societies and neighborhood improvement clubs in each of the cities took responsibility in the campaigns to themselves. Small halls and big auditoriums were brought into use by both parties to the contests. No citizen needfully missed an understanding of what was going on. All the interest of an ordinary election The available data on the use of the recall in San Bernardino, Cal., and Estacada and Junction City, Ore., are too incomplete to justify conclusions of any kind.

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CONSERVATIVE ASPECTS OF THE RECALL 21 1 campaign was present, with an added measure of personal int,erest thrown in. And so searching has been the calcium upon the administration of the accused officials, that with one or two exceptions these men have sought to withdraw their case from the popular forum to a safer haven in the courts of law. In so doing they have flatly denied the political character of the recall; they have treated it by implication as an impudent attack upon their civil rights. They have been inclined to forget that by their own word of mouth in their campaign for election, they made definite promises. And those promises consisted not in assurances that they would be honest and efficient and keep out of jail, but that they would conform their course in,office to the wishes and interests of the people. The recall is the first instrument which has ever been given to the people of American cities for isolating their unrepresentative officials and applying an appropriate remedy to their offenses. And this is the recall in practice: not n “nostrum” of “Neurotics” or a firebrand in the hands of an infuriated mob, but a simple guarantee of representative conduct on the part of public officials between elections.

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SHORT ARTICLES BOSTON’S STREET RAILWAYS URING the past year nothing really novel or extraordinary has arisen in the general relations between the street railways and D the public. Perhaps the most noteworthy development during this period is found in the extension of the idea of regulation by commission. Among the states which have newly adopted this method of regulation in its most modern form, Ohio and Connecticut are conspicuous. Even in conservative Massachusetts whose pioneer railroad commission, though weak in legal power has yet been mighty in strength, the newer ideas were vigorously urged by the legislature, and the attempt was made to confer on its commission practically all the power of compulsion possessed by many of the later commissions. Outside of Massachusetts we find the general spirit of commissions is to call themselves weak, unless possessed of the most plenary power to oversee and supervise practically every act; and to undo practically every decision which the management of the corporation may make. In Massachusetts, however, broad and extensive as are the powers of the commission in many cases, there is another very important class of cases in which no such power exists, and yet the conclusions of the commission are as highly respected and as cheerfully accepted both by the public and by corporation in one class of cases, as in the other. Thisis really an excellent example of the development of the system of governmental regulation of this class of business. The adherence by the Massachusetts railroad commission to the theory of impartiality, the painstaking character of its investigations and researches before a conclusion is reached and the fairness and courage exhibited in its decisions, have aroused the admiration and respect of many other states. It would seem that the general tendency of the times is to push unduly railroad management and corporate interests. In the field of all public service corporations there is only one asset upon which the companycan permanently count. A company may have its right of way; its power plant; its general equipment; its cash resources; above all these its one great asset is the good will of the public, and if the anti-corporate tendency of the times brings these public service corporations to a realization of this fact, it will be best for all concerned. Publicity is the only means by which the public service corporations can remove public prejudice and cultivate the public goodwill. The prevention of accidents has been one of the problems that has given the street railway companies a great deal of concern since the introduction 212

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BOSTON’S STREET RAILWAYS 213 of the electric cars. A vast majority of the accidents can be attributed to the lack of care of the persons killed or injured. To obviate these, the street railway companies have used every method possible to notify people of the responsibility that not alone is upon the passenger, but on those who use the streets. During the week beginning December 10, 1911, the Boston Elevated Railway Company published in the daily and weekly newspapers of Boston and vicinity an advertisement announcing a prize competition for verses in rhyme, written by pupils in the high schools and corresponding grades of private schools, living in the municipalities in which the company operates. The theme was “Caution in the streets, particularly relating to street cars.” The object sought was “TO compel the children to think and remember.” In response to this announcement nearly 750 poems were received. Two hundred and eight prizes in gold were awarded for the best verses. The following poem which took a first prize of $50 is an excellent example of the standard set : THE ELECTRIC CAR’S TALE A giant of wonderful power am I, An ogre with many hands; My hands are destruction, illness and deat h And I’ve homes in a great many lands. My jacket is painted a very bright hue, I have loud-ringing gongs as a warning to you Of yellow, deep orange or red; And a brilliant white light at my head. Now all of you children, small laddies and maid, Though you’re not a great monarch like me, Your friend I would be, but your foe I am made, For my signals you ne’er seem to see. You race o’er the tracks .and you hop on my side, Disregarding my bell’s warning clang. And many a child who has stolen a ride Has experienced pain’s deadly pang. There are pale hopeless cripples, young maidens and boys They cannot partake of youth’s manifold joys, Who have paid a sad forfeit to me. For my signs they neglected to see. So now I will finish with just one command For laddies and small lassies sweet; Don’t race in the way of the king of the land; Watch for me when you’re crossing the street. ANNA LOUISE MCCARTHY.

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214 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW The company undoubtedly hopes by this method to secure the cooperation of those who have the custody and instruction of children in their effort to compel the children to think and remember about cars when crossing the streets or stealing rides. About 3500 employees of the Boston Elevated Railway Company were rewarded January 1, 1912, by the corporation for faithful service during the year. Following the custom adopted several years ago more than $80,000 in gold coin was distributed among men who were in the service of the company at least six months and made creditable records during 1911. Those who had not earned a reward in 1910, but did in 1911, were given $20. Those whose records and length of service entitled them to rewards for 1911 and 1910 too, were given $25. Nowadays, corporations are so big that the individual is likely to be obscured, and anything that reminds an employee that he is a personality whose individual contribution of .service counts in the general scheme is likely to make that employee take a new interest in his work. This is particularly tme when such gifts are bestowed as rewards for personal merit. Every man who is honored by one of these gifts, whether it is small or large, has a fine glow of satisfaction in finding his effort recognized, and has a new incentive to efficient and courteous service. It is especially appropriate that such a system of reward should be applied by a public service corporation, and the size of the rewards should te gauged by the employees’ service to the public. Too often the managers of public utilities overlook fhe fact that intelligence, industry and courtesy shown by ‘employees who come into contact with the public is really the most valuable form of loyalty to the company they serve. The most important recent franchise ‘change was the act of the board of railroad commissioners on January 1, 1912, in announcing the granting of permission to the Boston Elevated Railway Company to carry express and freight over its lines b,y means of electric cars, notwithstanding the refusal of the Boston city council to .act favorably upon the petition at a hearing held shortly before. The commission found that public interest and convenience required the granting of the company’s petition, but the commission’s order allowing the same was made subject to the following regulations and restrictions : 1. The company shall receive and deliver baggage, express and freight at suitable places or stations and without discrimination or favor to any person or corporation. 2. No authority is herein granted to the company to transport baggage, freight or express matter, except by or in electric cars, or to delegate or lease to any other persons or corporation the rights hereby granted. 3. All baggage, express and freight shall be transported in suitable cars, to be provided with proper fenders, brakes and safety appliances, and to be

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BOSTON’S STREET RAILWAYS 21 5 run at no time at a higher rate of speed than that at which the company operates passengers cars. 4. The exercise of authority herein granted shall in no way alter or abridge the duties and obligations of the company relative to the transportation of passengers, nor in any way interfere with the conduct of the passenger service. 5. The facilities by which and the manner in which the business is conducted shall be subject to supervision and regulation by the board from time to time as the public interests may require. 6. The authority herein granted is given upon the express condition that it shall not operate in my way to enhance the value of the assets of the company in the event of a purchase of the railway property by the city or state. There are in the United States 823. cities and towns in which electric railwaysnow operate an electric freight and express business, and it is in a manner very similar in all details to that in which it is conducted in other cities, that it is the desire of the Boston Elevated Railway Company to operate in Boston. One or more terminals as is customary in other cities will be established in the metropolitan district as near the center of the city as the conditions will permit and from these points cars will be operated over such routes and in such manner as will not interfere with the passenger traffic to outlying terminals. It is the intention of the company to receive and deliver express, freight and baggage at the various terminals. All the freight and express so received dl be transported over the rails by electric cars to outlying terminals or to connecting roads. The railroad commission has full jurisdiction in regulating the manner in which the service is to be conducted, the rates to be charged, cars, routes, etc. The company appreciates perfectly that its primary duty lies in the proper conduct of its passenger business; but it does believe that there is an opportunity for it to act as a common carrier of freight in such a manner as not to interfere with its passenger business. The annual report of the Massachusetts railroad commission shows the street railway companies of the state made a net increase during the past year in mileage of 15,528 miles of street railway line, 2499 miles of second track, 18,027 miles additional side track, making a total net increase of 25,492 miles. The aggregate capital stock of the 66 companies June 30, 1911, was $86,639,175-an increase of $2,294,110 over the amount returned June 30, 1910. The total amount of dividends declared the past year was $4,788,907.24. The total number of passengers carried during the year on the railways in operation as reported by the 72 companies making returns to the Board was 683,362,717. The report shows that there are now in Massachusetts 2111.22 miles of main and branch railroad line; that the total length of railroad track within the Commonwealth is 4816.31 miles. The aggregate capital stock June 30, 1911, of the 30

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216 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW Massachusetts corporations, Nantucket excepted, was $324,445,165.70a net increase of $39,344,8?5 over the previous year. The total amount of dividends declared during the year was $21,780J406.45-an increase of $2,783,749.45. In compliance with a resolve of the Massachusetts legislature of 1910, the board of railroad commissioners and the Boston transit commission sitting jointly, held public hearings, duly advertised, on the question whether it was advisable, expedient and in the public interest to provide in advance of the expiration thereof, for extensions of the existing leases to the Boston Elevated Railway Company, of the subways and tunnels in Boston. After careful study, consideration and thorough discussion, the joint commission submitted a comprehensive report. It found unanimously that it was'advisable, expedient and in the public interest to provide for the extension of existing subway and tunnel leases to 1936, and further it recommended the expiration on the same date of leases or contracts for the use of all new subways and tunnels not executed but authorized. In the bill which it drafted, the joint board recommended that either the city or the company should have the option to secure further extensions beyond 1936, in connection with a further provision for determination by three arbitrators appointed by the chief justice of the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court, of both the length of the further period and the rate of rental required in order to make it possible for Boston to pay at maturity, without renewal, all bonds heretofore or hereafter issued by the city for subway or tunnel purposes. It was and is the consensus of opinion that an orderly and comprehensive design for the street railway system of Boston is desirable and extremely important. If private capital is to continue to furnish transportation for Boston, it is axiomatic that it should and must be upon the ordinary terms of business, namely, the expectation of profit. At least the mercantile and business portions of the population realize that the street railway company should not and cannot be required to embark upon extensive and expensive additions to its system without being assured, on some ba?is, of the integrity of its system. On the other hand, it is equally clear that if the public through its legislature insures the company stability of tenure of its leases and contract rights that the needed improvements in transportation facilities and service should not be delayed. The whole trend of legislation in Massachusetts has been to give the public and the street railways a fair show, and to leave disputed questions to the judgment of expert tribunals-the board of railroad commissioners or the Boston transit commission. The strength of the commission idea when fairly sustained by law has been demonstrated here in Massachusetts. It is true that the decisions and conclusions of the railroad commissioners do not depend for their effectiveness on tbe legal authority of that commisThe average rate of dividend paid was 6.73 per cent.

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BOSTON’S STREET RAILWAYS 217 sion but are accepted as cheerfully by the public and corporation both, and are as willingly complied with, if they come within the recommendatory power which that commission has, as ifthey fall within the commission’s power of. mandate. After the report of the railroad commission ov the question of extension of leases and building new subways, a long public discussion both in the papers and on public platforms followed, and in July, 1911, it was finally settled, and as is usual in Massachusetts, it was settled in favor of the people. It was a complete victory for the business organizations and newspapers of the city that insisted upon short term leases. It was a triumph for public opinion and particularly for the men and institutions that have championed the interests of the city and directed and formed public opinion The bills which were finally passed by the legislature were in substance satisfactory to the public, represented by the newspapers and organizations, to the city officials and to the street railway companies concerned. A large part of the credit for the settlement of this question, which threatened to lead to much trouble in the legislature, without any satisfactory result in the year 1911, must be given to Governor Eugene N. Foss. The substance of the bills which eventually went on to the statute books is as follows: 1. The extension of all the existing subway leases until 1936. 2. Leases running until 1936 for the newly authorized subways and extension of East Boston Tunnel. 3. The newly authorized Boylston Street and Dorchester tunnels, and the extension of the East Boston Tunnel to be built at once andleased to the Boston Elevated Railway Company at a rental of 49 per cent pe~‘ annum. 4. All leases of existing and authorized subways and tunneIs after 1936 to be considered as indefinitely extended, subject to annulment by the city of Boston, upon direction so to do by an act of the state legislature, or by a vote of the Boston city council, approved by the Board of railroad commissioners. The Boston Elevated Railway Company may likewise terminate all said leases on July i, 1936, by giving to the mayor of Boston at least two years’ prior notice in writing. 5. Consolidation of the Boston Elevated Railway Company and the West End Street Railway Company, instead of a fifty-year lease of the latter by the former on a 7 per cent basis. The most essential point in the agitation was that the differences ambng those interested should not be allowed to stand in the way of the three main features of public interest, namely, to provide for immediate progress on the new subways, to make the various subway and tunnel leases expire at the same time instead of expiring at various scattered dates, and to

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218 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW clear up the situation with regard to the West End Street Railway. All these things were accomplished by the legislation which was fmally enacted. By special legislation enacted early in the year 1911, and under a unanimous approving order of the Massachusetts railroad commission, the Boston and Northern Street Railway Company on June 29,1911, absorbed the Old Colony Street Railway Company, and the two systems are now one. Both roads have been owned for several years by the Massachusetts Electric Compmies, a voluntary ho1,ding company, and, therefore, had been practically under the same management, but they remained until June 29, 191 1, separate companies with separate officers, accounts and other business details. The merged company has the largest mileage of any railway system in Massachusetts. Special legislation was necessary to merge the systems, because they do not connect, and under the general street railway law the railroad commission cannot approve a consolidation of companies which have no physical connection with each other. The merger is the largest of its kind to pass through the railroad commission. So many parties were directly interested in the deal that notices of the public hearings had to be sent to 89 cities and towns, and 125 copies of the board’s orders had to be issued. ABRAHAM E. PINANSKI.’ MUNICIPAL STREET CLEANING AND ITS PROBLEMS HE American methods of municipal street cleaning have long been the subject of the most frequent, if not the most intelligent critiT cism. Citizens have. often resorted to comparison between the cleanliness of streets in European cities and the deplorable waste of money and effort in municipal street cleaning in this country. These frequent criticisms and comparisons have resulted in a chaotic multiplicity of experiments that lack scientific backing, and are handicapped by a false conception of economy which by the employment of superanuated and inefficient workers tends to save expense in the poor department and avoid congestion in the old men’s home, to the detriment of street cleaning work and public comfort. Until recently a street, from the standpoint of municipal government, was honsidered a thoroughfare, or a means of reaching various parts of the community without regard to the surrounding property, be that of a business or residential character. A closer ohservation, however, makes it Mr. Pinanski who won the Baldwin Prize of the National Municipal League in 1909, is now connected with the legal department of the Boston Elevated Railway Company.

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218 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW clear up the situation with regard to the West End Street Railway. All these things were accomplished by the legislation which was fmally enacted. By special legislation enacted early in the year 1911, and under a unanimous approving order of the Massachusetts railroad commission, the Boston and Northern Street Railway Company on June 29,1911, absorbed the Old Colony Street Railway Company, and the two systems are now one. Both roads have been owned for several years by the Massachusetts Electric Compmies, a voluntary ho1,ding company, and, therefore, had been practically under the same management, but they remained until June 29, 191 1, separate companies with separate officers, accounts and other business details. The merged company has the largest mileage of any railway system in Massachusetts. Special legislation was necessary to merge the systems, because they do not connect, and under the general street railway law the railroad commission cannot approve a consolidation of companies which have no physical connection with each other. The merger is the largest of its kind to pass through the railroad commission. So many parties were directly interested in the deal that notices of the public hearings had to be sent to 89 cities and towns, and 125 copies of the board’s orders had to be issued. ABRAHAM E. PINANSKI.’ MUNICIPAL STREET CLEANING AND ITS PROBLEMS HE American methods of municipal street cleaning have long been the subject of the most frequent, if not the most intelligent critiT cism. Citizens have. often resorted to comparison between the cleanliness of streets in European cities and the deplorable waste of money and effort in municipal street cleaning in this country. These frequent criticisms and comparisons have resulted in a chaotic multiplicity of experiments that lack scientific backing, and are handicapped by a false conception of economy which by the employment of superanuated and inefficient workers tends to save expense in the poor department and avoid congestion in the old men’s home, to the detriment of street cleaning work and public comfort. Until recently a street, from the standpoint of municipal government, was honsidered a thoroughfare, or a means of reaching various parts of the community without regard to the surrounding property, be that of a business or residential character. A closer ohservation, however, makes it Mr. Pinanski who won the Baldwin Prize of the National Municipal League in 1909, is now connected with the legal department of the Boston Elevated Railway Company.

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MUNICIPAL STREET CLEANING AND ITS PROBLEMS 219 clear that the street is essentially the means of approaching a home and of serving its conveniences. It is the hallway which connects the school and the church, the factory and the office with the home. From the standpoint of the tenement dweller, the street is the nursery and playground of young, the social center and meeting place of the adult, the free market place for the transaction of business, and the display and distribution of the food supply. Not infrequently during hot weather the street is the common bedroom of the dweller in the congested, ill-ventilated and over-heated tenement house district. With such broad functions it is clear that the constructmion and care of streets implies more than the requirements of accessibility, easy grade and safety. What is needed is a permanent adjustment to the needs of the neighborhood of the methods of construction and maintenance of streets so as to make their use healthful and pleasant The maintenance of clean streets also involves an important sanitary problem which so far has not received the attention that it deserves. Street dust while not of necessity loaded with dangerous diseases producing bacilli is injurious to the health. This dust, as is well known, contains tiny fragments from the wear and tear of pavements and building material, minute particles of quartz or other mineral substances, which when inhaled lacerate the delicate membranes of the air passage, thus serving as inoculation needles which permit entrance into the system of any tuberculosis or other disease germs which may be present on the mucous membrane. That disease germs are frequently present in the nose and throat of apparently healthy individuals has been conclusively shown by various experiments. It is unnecessary to point out that this devastating dust is not confined to the. street, but is projected with every gust through open windows into our living and sleeping rooms, our offices and stores, where it continues its work of injury to the human system and destroys millions of dollars worth of merchandise annually. The breeding of flies and other vermin against which such frequent and costly sanitary campaigns are directed is due in no small part to the lack of proper refuse removal from our streets and the premises abutting on our streets. This subject of refuse removal brings up the larger problem of the removal of garbage and refuse by the municipality, and suggests at least the broadening of the work of the street cleaning department so as to include the efficient removal of all waste and refuse whether they be deposited on our streets, alleys or back yards. From what has been said above it would seem, therefore, that street cleaning has a broad social significance. It is a problem which affects and is affected by our method of refuse removal and disposal, the pollytion of the air by smoke nuisances and other mineral wastes from manufacture, the methods of preventing and controlling dust, etc.

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220 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW A study of the street cleaning methods employed in eleven New England cities disclosed them to be ineEcient because of the diEculty on the part of the authorities and the public to realize the following principles : (a) Clean streets can be maintained only with a proper system of prevention of dust and refuse. (b) Street cleaning involves scientific principles which require the service of well-trained and experienced leaders. (c) Street cleaning is expensive but is a good investment. (d) Clean streets cannot be secured without well built pavements. (e) Street cleaning requires the intelligence and effort of efficient men who can do eight hours work in eight hours time. (f) To maintain clean streets we must have the' cooperation of the city departments concerned with the maintenance of order and cleanliness and unflinching support of the public. The failure to apply these principles is undoubtedly the most deeprooted cause of our inefficient street cleaning work. In order to define more clearly the problems of dust and refuse prevention and removal, the writer made a careful analysis of about sixty miles of street in five different New England cities, analyzing the various kinds of dust and litter, scrutinizing the abutting property and watching the traffic in its influence upon the cleanliness of streets. In order to make the analysis more thorough six different types of pavement were included in the sixty miles examined with the idea of forming an estimate both of the problems of dust and litter formation, their accumulation and removal. Generally speaking the following causes were found to be prevalent : A. MAIN CAUSES OF DUST 1. Litter produced by the wear and tear on the street caused by traffic, weather conditions and delay in street repairs. 2. The dust and litter produced by the construction of private and public buildings. 3. The falling and decay of leaves, bark and other vegetable matter falling into the street from trees and other vegetation. 4. The improper banking up of land which is above the street level and which through the influence of weather conditions yields a certain amount of dust and mud that is carried into the gutters and streets. 5. Materials carried' into the city streets by vehicles coming from country districts with mud or other litter adhering to the wheels or other parts of the vehicles. 6. Tha highway construction and repair which entails the use of dustproducing materials such as sand and crushed ston;.

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MUNICIPAL STREET CLEANING AND ITS PROBLEMS 221 B. MINOR CAUSES OF DUST 7. The tearing up of streets in underground construction. 8. Dust coming from adjoining unaccepted and unconstructed streets. 9. Dust, soot, ashes and other mineral matter particularly soot coming 10. The waste materials caused by the decay of parts of buildings parfrom manufacturing concern. ticularly, shingles from roofs, dry paint, falling plaster, etc. A. MAllv SOURCES OF REFUSE I. The droppings of horses and other animals using the streets. 2. The refuse caused by the throwing into the street of waste and refuse by tenants in tenements abutting upon the streets, and the tracking and sweeping of refuse from the homes, stores and cellars into the streets. 3. The overflow of refuse from ill-kept yards, and alley-ways bto the street. 4. Papers and refuse thrown into the street by pedestrians and persons traveling in vehicles, particularly straet cars. 5. Litter produced in the unloading and loading of merchandise and by the small street stores which display much of their wares upon thesidewalks or carry them in vehicles through the streets, as well as the dropping of materials from imperfectly loaded wagons, particularly those which are used in the transportation of waste materials. 6. The improper fencing in, or protection of public and private dumps which makes possible the carrying into the street by the wind, or other means, of paper, dust, ashes, etc. B. MINOR SOURCES OF REFUSE 7. The absence of proper fences about unoccupied land which is frequently used by the neighborhood as a dumping ground. 8. The removal of advertisements from bulletin boards without proper care of the waste preparatory to the application of new advertising matter. Even a casual analysis of the above causes of dust and refuse would indicate that a large share of street cleaning work is of a preventive character, the value of which can hardly be over estimated. The amount of preventable refuse and dust has been variously estimated at from 60 to 90 per cent of the total now found upon our streets and alleys, and the examination made by the writer of large areas of street would warrant such estimates. That this fact is not generally known to city officials is evident from the fact that most of them seem to mistake activity for efficiency, and expenditure for service. On the other hand there is a striking lack, of coordination between street cleaning work and street construction, and a dis

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222 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW tribution of responsibility between various city departments which makes it impossible to control street conditions without the conflicting authority of a number of municipal agencies. It is not within the scope of this article to discuss the modern methods of street cleaning. The most that can be done is to consider briefly the recent experience of American cities and abroad which has shown unmistakably that the following factors are fundamental in determining the degree of efficiency attainable in street cleaning work. 1. PAVEMENTS City streets, particularly in congested sections, should be constructed of smooth, washable and sweepable material. This has not been a general practice in American communities. Macadam roads of various kinds with their dust producing tendencies have been constructed in some of the most congested sections of our cities, and this not excepting the public thoroughfares where street cars and elevated railways miD.gle their noises with the dust of automobiles, carriages and heavy trucks. The macadam street, even under the best condition, is productive of dust, and as they cannot be swept freely without injury to the surface they are practically useless from the point of view of clean streets. The type of pavement to be chosen for a particular district must of course be determined by the amount and kind of traffic, the congestion of population, the changes in season, the grade and the presence or absence of trees. Under any condition, however, a pavement which is of itself dust;producing, unless heavily tarred, or in some other way bound with material which prevents the formation of dust should not be encouraged. In the construction of pavements the am.ount and type of street cleaning work that may be necessary for proper maintenance and the influence that such work may have upon the pavement and the air (which is part of the street) and the character of the neighborhood in which it is constructed should be most seriously and most carefully considered, by well trained and experienced officials. 2. TRAFFIC One of the most serious evils in street cleaning work is the absence of proper traffic regulation and distribution. Frequently some of the poorest and most crowded tenement districts are traversed by streets which carry heavy traffic and which are used as thoroughfares for railways and railroads of varying kinds and speed. Such a condition of traffic congestion deprives the people residing in the districts of the privilege of using and enjoying the streets which are the only accessible out-doors facilities for them. The difficulty in the way of proper street cleaning under such conditions of

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MUNICIPAL STREET CLEANING AND ITS PROBLEMS 223 traffic can be easily realized, and the discomfort to the tenants resulting therefrom may be discovered by casual examination on the part. of even the least observing citizen. Only when the working classes are housed on streets which are largely devoted to the use of the tenement dweller and when foreign traffic.is diverted tb subways and business streets will street cleaning become effectual in the poorer districts. From the poht of view of street cleaning work more must be done towards the regulation of trac and street specialization. 3. SPRINKLINQ AND FLUSHING The dust produced by street pavements, whether they be rough or smooth must be laid or removed as frequently as possible. The open doors and windows of the houses and stores, the exposure of human beings to the dust of the streets, are recognized to be injurious, and for this reason, if for no other, it must be prevented or removed. The ridiculous and selfish “potato patch street sprinkling” used in some of the American municipalities where abutting owners pay for the service is one of the shames of our city government, and European cities would laugh at such an unintelligent and undemocratic practice. Some of the municipalities sprinkle only the better residential sections, and leave the tenement district to the chance sprinkling bestowed by natural sources. The municipalities of the future are sure to build their streets so that they would need no sprinkling, and where washing would be the practice. A system of water supply separate from the general water supply of the city, which could be put into use for the purpose of washing streets is already part of the water supply systems of many cities, and the time is not far distant when such systems will be an inherent part of our street maintenance department. Only by washing can we remove the dust and bacteria with any degree of certainty and prevent their accumulation and distribution. Here must also be raised an objection against the common practice of oiling streets. Greasy, sticky dust is not what is needed. The homes of the poor are hard to keep clean under any condition and the oiled street is an added hardship to the already overworked and discouraged householder. There is no reason why at this stage of our municipal development every city should not build its streets as non-dust-producing as possible without the use of materials which increase rather than’reduce filth. That oiling does furnish some relief can not be denied, but’its effect is only temporary while as a germ destroyer it has proven worse than useless.

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224 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW 4. REFUBE REMOVAL The removal of refuse from yards in many of our municipalities is left to the charice of uninforced and sometimes nonexisting city ordinances, Health regulations and city ordinances are, in the vast majority of cases. not enforced, and propel-ty owners allow back yards to remain in a state of dilapidation from year to year. Cities should be subject to a system of police or health regulations-that are enforceable and enforced, and which would place the responsibility for refuse removal either upon the city authorities or upon property owners. If such regulations were made the general practice in American municipalities we would solve not only the problem of maintaining proper surroundings, but we would reduce our street cleaning bill by reducing the over-flow of refuse from yards into streets. 5. POLICE CONTROL One of the most effective means of maintaining our streets in a cleanly condition is police cooperation. When we speak of police cooperation we do not mean the bullying of citizens and the fining of poor tenants for neglect, nor the arresting of people at irregular and unexpected times for the purpose of creating city revenues and hard feeling. The function of the police officer in cooperation with the street cleaning department should be one of supervision and education and the time is not far off when our police officers will have to be recognized as “agents of the peace” and protectors of community health, by making the prevention rather than the discovery of crime their chief function. 6. PUBLIC COOPERATION There is no function of municipal government which depends so largely upon the public for an effective carrying out of its work as street cleaning. It is important, therefore, that a wide-spread educational campaign be constantly maintained by the street cleaning department, the schools and the health authorities whereby emphasis would be placed upon the importance of municipal cleanhess as an import,ant asset in the maintenance of peraonnal cleanliness. 7. DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION AND COOPEEUTION Conflict between the duties and functions of the highway department, the street cleaning department, the police authorities and the board of health in matters of preventing conditions of uncleanliness of streets and their surroundings has frequently interfered with the work of cleaning streets. Unsupervised and improperly closed street openings, a poor

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STREET CLEANING IN GERMANY 225 system of household refuse removal, the indifference of police officers relative to the enforcement of street cleaning ordinances aie evils that can be avoided by a proper coordination of street cleaning functions and intelligent distribution of responsibility among city deportment. Where the effective handling of the seven factors above enumerated ends the work of street cleaning begins. What the method of cleaning should be must be determined entirely by the conditions that prevail in each community and the facilities available. The philosophy of clean streets may be stated in the following formula: The least amount of cleaning work with a correspondingly high amount of preventive service; the least amount of expenditure of money with the highest regard for public health and comfort. CAROL hONOVICl, PH.D.~ To supplement this suggestive article of Dr. Aronovici’s we print herewith by special permission of the Engineering News, Mr. Rudolph Hering’s review of Dr. Niedner’s important brochure on “Street Cleaning in Germany.” STREET CLEANING IN GERMANYZ The clean condition of the cities of Germany, when compared with those of other countries, including even Paris, which was once considered the cleanest city of the world, has become a matter of comment, sdciently to make the appearance of a work describing the cleaning of German cities a matter of much interest to all who are engaged in this branch of engineering. The author is a municipal engineer in the city of Dresden, and besides treating of German cities in general gives special attention to his home city and to the experiences elicited from engineers during the International Congress of Street Cleaning held in Brussels in 1910. The book is concisely and well written, well illustrated and supplied, with tabular matter. The metric measure and German money are, of course, the units in which the data are given. But cost data are given generally also on the basis of time and square meters per annum. The subject is divided into and discussed under five heads: (1) Ordinary Cleaning, (2) Suppression of Dust, (3) Winter Cleaning; (4) Roughening of Smooth Pavements, (5) Organization of Street Cleaning Departments. The discussion of ordinary cleaning is divided into superficial and thorough cleaning. The former refers to gathering up manure, paper, and rejected food wastes. The brooms, shovels and other tools, barrels and hand-carts are described and many 1 Director Bureau of Social Research of Rhode Island. Organized fist Street Cleaning Conference held in the United States. Die Strassenreinigung in den Deutschen Staedten unter Besonderer Berueqksichtigung der Dresdner Strassenreinigung-By Dr.-Ing. Franz NIEDNER, Stadtbaumeister Privatdozent an der Koniglich Technischen Hochschule zu Dresden. Leipzig; Wilhelm Engelmann. Paper; 74x11 in.; pp. 99; 5 plates, 66 text illustrations and 22 tables. Marks 4; American price, $1.60, net.

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226 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW are illustrated. Thorough cleansing is discussed under the headings of hand sweeping, machine sweeping, and flushing. The details of the apparatus are described and their efficiency is stated. The sweeping machine is credited with cleaning 5000 to 6000 square meters in one hour. It is sometimes preferred to sprinkle the surface a short time before sweeping to increase the efficiency of the latter, but sprinkling attachments are now beg made to some of the machines, the water being delivered in front and the sweeping done at the rear. The water consumption is given as from 30 to 40litres per 1000 square meters (6.6 to 8.8 gallons per 1000 squafe yards). Endeavors are being made at present to introduce vacuum cleaners, but they have as yet not been successful. Endeavors are also being made to abandon horse power and substitute electric and other powers. The flushing of streets having large traffic, particularly of asphalt, wood and stone blocks, with asphalted joints, is proving to be the best means of cleaning. There is the flushing by hose or by wagon, followed by an automatic revolving broom or squeegee. The best method of flushing is stated to be, first, sprinkling so as to soften the dirt, and then flushing for final cleaning. This method may save water, but the condition of the street surface between the two treatments, unless immediately following each other, would be generally objectionable. Squeegee attachments are more generally preferred. The water consumption is given at about 1 litre per square meter. The Helmers machine has sliding squeegee attachments, called scrubbers, sometimes preceded by a broom roller. The Hentschel machine has a revolving roller with screw-like arranged squeegee attachments. The water consumption ranges from & to 1 litre per square meter, and the efficiency is about 4000 to 5000 square meters per hour. The use of motor wagons for flushing is becoming more common every year as the efficiency is found to be increased from 25 per cent to 50 per cent. The following chapter has a discussion as to the selection of the best means of cleaning for given conditions, such as wages, paving, tra5c and weather. Another chapter relates to the frequency of cleaning, depending chiefly upon the amount of traffic and importance of the streets. A chapter on the best time for cleaning calls attention to the importance of having a chief cleaning and an after cleaning for the removal chiefly of horse droppings and paper which accumulate on the streets almost continuosally. Night cleaning is customary in the busiest cities, but because of darkness, higher wages and less efficient work, it isendeavored to make most of the cleaning in the early morning hours, when the traffic is least. Importance is given to the necessity of cleaning adjoining streets simultaneously, so as to prevent as much as possible the dragging of dirt from uncleaned upon cleaned streets. An interesting and valuable chapter then follows and covers the cost of cleaning different kinds of pavements and of cleaning them in different ways. Several of the tables give also the time necessary to clean a thousand square meters of different pavements in different ways, which makes these tables more directly applicable to countries having other wage units. These tables permit also of the best ways of arranging the cleaning 80 as to aacertain the amount of labor that will be necessary for a given stretch of street or given area and amount of dust. Tables give the amounts gathered per square meter and per capita, showing the economy of good pavements and of good management. The second division of the book treats of the suppression of dust. After the introduction relating to the hygienic dangers and nuisances of dust, the first chapter A chapter is then devoted to the removal of the sweepings.

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STlU3ET CLEANING IN GERMANY 227 describes the systems of sprinkling employed to allay the dust. The amount of water used, for sprinkling, depending on the kind of pavement, ranges from 0.2 to 0.7 litre per square meter, and the number of sprinklings per annum ranges according to the kind of pavement, climate and traffic condition, from 30 to 500, and the number of days per annum requiring sprinkling range from 50 to 125. The conditions are stated under which sprinkling is most and is least effective, and a number of good rules are given. A chapter relating to the use of various chemicals, hygroscopic salts, oils and bitumens, gives some interesting data concerning their efficiency in suppressing dust, and of the advantages and disadvantages in using them. The following chapter describes practical means of measuring the amount of street dust. It is recommended to collect the samples on the sidewalks of a street and about from 13 to 24 meters above the surface. The measurement should indicate the weight of dust per cubic meter of air and the amount eettled per square meter of street surface. The Royal Hygienic Institutes of Dresden and Leipzig have made interesting and valuable observations regarding the dust quantities contained in city air. It is urged that cities should generally make such investigations on account of the increasing measures now being taken for dust suppression. A chapter then describes and illustrate3 various sprinkling wagons used in Germany, and indicates the growing use of automobile conveyance. Three further chapters describe the means of filing sprinkling wagons with water, the quantity of water to be carried by them, and the cost of sprinkling. Diagrams and tables, reduced to areas, quantities, and per capita units, make them more generally useful to the profession. Suggestions are also given of the methods for obtaining the greatest efficiencies. The snow-removal methods are described by words and illustrations. The best means of such removal and the cost thereof is discussed. Tables give quantities and cost, including also the per capita and per square meter data for cities ranging from the smallest up to 2,000,000 inhabitants. To indicate the means of securing safety for horses and pedestrians on smooth pavements, and generally when sleet and ice cover them, the fourth division of the book is devoted to a description of sanding surfaces. Considerable attention and care are given to this matterinEurope and the book gives an account of the methods in use. The fifth division relates to the organization of the street-cleaning department. In the smaller cities the cleaning should be and is most frequently done by the abutters. In the larger ones it is exclusively done by the municipalities. Further, in the latter very few cities employ contractors for cleaning, as nearly all of them get better and cheaper results with a permanent and trained force of officers and men, and by the freeselection of the best tools and machines for the various kinds of work to be done. It is pointed out that contract work requires supervision, which is difficult and expensive, and that the contractor will never do more than he is obliged to do under contract conditions, which in exceptional cases might make modifications desirable that it was impracticable to fpTesee and embody in the contract. Contract specifications can furthermore not measure or control the e5ciency of labor in such matters as street cleaning, which is largely a matter of personal judgment. Such cleaning is too important for the welfare of the inhabitants to allow it to be placed in the hands of outside interest and profit-making. A municipality should have the liberty of so The third division of the book treats of the cleaning in winter.

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228 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW arranging the work of cleahing at every moment as it deems best for the general good. It has been found that the cleaning of asphalt streets is particularly more advantageous in the cities' own hands. Next in order come the macadam streets, and the least benefited parts of streets when cleaned by the public are the sidewalks. Adiagram relating to German cities up to 1,000,000inhabitants shows these results, as well as can be done in figures. , There are also given tables stating the areas rerequired for each purpose of the department in the administration buildings, and the number of tools, wagons, and personnel required to do the work upon given areas. There is given much good advice regarding details of administration, all of which indicates the superior efficiency and economy of permanent bodies, trained for their specific duties and rewarded accordingly. The book closes with an Appendix containing Answers to Questions submitted to a large number of German cities, regarding the subject matter it was intended to discuss in the book and forming the basis upon which the conclusions therein have been reached. ' If a translation of this book were available it should be in the street cleanink department of every city, for it contains more useful information than any other book on the subject that has appeared up to the present time. HOUSING, HEALTH AND MORALS IN RICHMOND, VlRGTNIA NE of the most interesting discussions at the National Municipal League meeting in Richmond, Virginia, last fall was that on 0 housing, health and morals. It was opened by John Ihlder, field secretary of the National Housing Association, whose address was published in the January number of the REVIEW.^ The chairman and the other speakers on the program were, with one exception-President S. C. Mitchel of the University of South Carplina-natives and residents of Richmond, who not' only brought out a large amount of new information regarding living conditions in a southern city, but showed their northern visitors that the south is awakening to its social needs. This was particularly true of what Miss Elizabeth Cocke had to say on housing and morals in Richmond and of what Dr. Ernest E. Levy, Richmond's health officer, added in corroboration. Mr. Ihlder brought out the economic value of sanitary housing and the lack of reliable information in American cities on such vital matters as birth and death rates and the physical effect of insanitary living conditions. Miss Cocke supplemented this by describing the effect of bad housing on the morals of the people, as she had seen it in' the course of her work as a nurse. Our local conditions in Richmond have, as yet, nothing which approaches the tenement. There are a few old houses occupied by, possibly, some .I 'See vol. 1, page 64.

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228 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW arranging the work of cleahing at every moment as it deems best for the general good. It has been found that the cleaning of asphalt streets is particularly more advantageous in the cities' own hands. Next in order come the macadam streets, and the least benefited parts of streets when cleaned by the public are the sidewalks. Adiagram relating to German cities up to 1,000,000inhabitants shows these results, as well as can be done in figures. , There are also given tables stating the areas rerequired for each purpose of the department in the administration buildings, and the number of tools, wagons, and personnel required to do the work upon given areas. There is given much good advice regarding details of administration, all of which indicates the superior efficiency and economy of permanent bodies, trained for their specific duties and rewarded accordingly. The book closes with an Appendix containing Answers to Questions submitted to a large number of German cities, regarding the subject matter it was intended to discuss in the book and forming the basis upon which the conclusions therein have been reached. ' If a translation of this book were available it should be in the street cleanink department of every city, for it contains more useful information than any other book on the subject that has appeared up to the present time. HOUSING, HEALTH AND MORALS IN RICHMOND, VlRGTNIA NE of the most interesting discussions at the National Municipal League meeting in Richmond, Virginia, last fall was that on 0 housing, health and morals. It was opened by John Ihlder, field secretary of the National Housing Association, whose address was published in the January number of the REVIEW.^ The chairman and the other speakers on the program were, with one exception-President S. C. Mitchel of the University of South Carplina-natives and residents of Richmond, who not' only brought out a large amount of new information regarding living conditions in a southern city, but showed their northern visitors that the south is awakening to its social needs. This was particularly true of what Miss Elizabeth Cocke had to say on housing and morals in Richmond and of what Dr. Ernest E. Levy, Richmond's health officer, added in corroboration. Mr. Ihlder brought out the economic value of sanitary housing and the lack of reliable information in American cities on such vital matters as birth and death rates and the physical effect of insanitary living conditions. Miss Cocke supplemented this by describing the effect of bad housing on the morals of the people, as she had seen it in' the course of her work as a nurse. Our local conditions in Richmond have, as yet, nothing which approaches the tenement. There are a few old houses occupied by, possibly, some .I 'See vol. 1, page 64.

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HOUSING, HEALTH AND MORALS IN RICHMOND 229 half dozen families to the house, but though these show very bad conditions in room overcrowding, there are no conditions of lack of light and air, if the windows are opened to admit ventilation. In one instance I have found a bedroom, occupied presumably by seven people, in which there is no window at all; one door giving upon another room with two windows, and a second door upon the entry on the upper landing. Among the comparatively small foreign population there is a very great deal of room overcrowding, but the most extensive of these conditions exist among the negroes. These appear to be the most squalid and least progressive, but this I believe to be largely due to the demoralizing effects of bad housing and surroundings which do not tend to any uplift. Can children raised in Jail Bottom, whose only outlook is a mountainlike dump of rotting rags and rusty tin cans on the one side, and on the other a stream which is an open sewer, smelling ta heaven from the filth which it carries along, or leaves here and there in slime upon its banks, have any but debasing ideas? Can parents inculcate high moral standards when across the street or down the block are houses of the (‘red-light” district? When a dry-closet blocks the one small window of the kitchen, can lack of decency be called to account? Is the world so small that there is no room left for the amenities of life? Are ground space and floor space of more value than cleanliness and health and morality? It is certainly a fallacy that the poor do not want good housing. In a wonderful address, given last spring at the Child Welfare Conference, in Richmond, a negro speaker said in substance: ((We would use the bath tub as frequently and enjoy it as much as our white brother and sister, if we could afford to rent houses which have the bath tub in them. We do not prefer dilapidation and discomfort, nor being forced to live in districts where there is only depravity and lowsurroundings; but the better ones of us have too much self-respect toforce ourselves on our white brothers, if they do not want us living along side of them.” All that Miss Cocke said was endorsed by the chairman, John Stewart Bryan, who as publisher of one of the most influential newspapers in the south, The News Leader, is in a position to know the facts. “It is an old story to any engaged in work of this sort,” he declared, “that a person situated as the negro is in Richmond pays more taxes than the richest man in Richmond, because the taxes he pays take such a large part of his income and he gets so little in return. &I that Miss Cocke says is true. They are segregated in Jackson ward, and under a new ordinance they are being still further segregated. That is radically wrong, it is economically wrong, and nothing in the world can change it but an awakening of public sentiment, and it ought to be awakened and it will be.” Dr. Walter S. McNiel, who had made a special study of housing betterment in Germany described the methods used by German cities, especially Frankfort, to provide wholesome homes for the people. “The problem is as big as the interstate commerce question in this country, because as the cities grow it will affect a greater and greater fraction of the total popula

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230 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW tion. As to its solution, he believed that this could not be undertaken by the federal government, at least in the south. It can not be solved by small groups like charity and church organizations or by general benevolence or individuals. .“I do not mean” he added, “that any scheme of reform should overlook those factors; they can and do help a great deal. But in the city government only do we find a government so local as to be thoroughly informed as to local conditions and so strong as to be able to combat them.” Dr. Levy, the last speaker, referring to Mr. Ihlder’s address, declared that it is easily shown that the prevalence of typhoid is six times as great in a community not sewered as in one that is sewered, that there is a map in the Richmond health department showing that the fatal cases of measles and whooping cough are in general associated with unsanitary surroundings, and that the same is true of diarrhea. “But,” he added, “whether this is caused by living in these houses, or whether it is because the people living in these houses are poor people and have poor food and weakened constitutions, I do not know. I think we have a vicious circle here. People live in poor houses because they are poor and they keep poor because they live in poor houses. You have got to break into that vicious circle.” “While I enjoyed Mr. Ihlder’s paper very much,” he continued, “I confess to a frank disappointment in that he did not suggest a remedy. We may not know what to do unless the specialists tell us, and if he did tell us we would not know what to do unless he showed us.” To this Mr. Ihlder responded that while he had no opportunity to see the hovels described by Miss Cocke he had seen some of the large houses and apartments on the best residence streets and that they showed the need for a remedy he would propose, the enactment and enforcement of a law regulating the percentage of lot area which may be occupied by bujldings and requiring that every room shall have adequate light and ventilation. Some of these hduses on the best streets occupy from 90 to nearly 100 per cent of the lot. They are built as if they would always, as at present, stand without neighbors, their windows looking out over adjoining property. When the owner of this adjoining property builds thegreater part of their rooms will be dark and airless. Even private residences are built closer together than should be permitted in the erection of detached houses. This comment aroused a number of the Richmond people present who emphatically endorsed it. New York. JOHN IRLDER.’ 1 Field Secretary National Housing Association,

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GENERAL PLANNING BOARD FOR BOSTON 23 1 GENERAL PLANNING BOARD FOR METROPOLITAN BOSTON OWHERE else in the world does there exist a poIiticaI situation parallel to that of Metropolitan Boston. Here are thirty-eight towns and cities as intimately related in everything that concerns daily life m the wards of an American city, but with no power or means, barring water supply, sewage disposal, and parks, of controlling, constructing, or improving public works or of taking public action that is for the promotion of the business, hedth, safety or convenience of the metropolitan district .as a whole. Throughout all parts of the district, among all classes of the population, there is now a deep-seated convictionthat the conditions under which the people are working and living, are, in many respects, unsatisfactory; that in part, at least, these conditions are due to serious gaps or deficiencies in the present form of the organization of thc district, and that it would be of immense and direct benefit to the district as a whole and, indirectly to the entire commonwealth, if an acceptable and practical method could be brought forth for remedying existing evils. The Metropolitan plan commission appointed in June, 1911, by Governor Foss of Massachusetts to investigate the feasibility of a plan for coordinating civic development in the thirty-eight independent towns and cities that comprise sthe Boston mdxopolitan district, has recently presented its report to the legislature. The commission began its work by attempting to visualize the existing situation and its cost, to discover the principal causes that have brought it about and to outline what seemed to it an available remedy. The commission endeavored at the outset to enquire into the cost of a lack of intelligent, systematic planning in the past. The purpose of its inquiry was not to fix responsibility or blame upon any political official or any government, but to point out the inherent waste and weakness of the present system from which public officials and governments have no escape; and then to make a sound,business argument for the prompt adoption of a better method for the future. No one questions the tremendous loss to Boston, a loss which extends far beyond its boundaries, of a congested business center. Washington Stmet, a main thoroughfare, on which the largest retail stores are located, has a roadway which reaches its greatest width at 40 feet and in some places is as narrow as 26 feet. This roadway carries two lines of street cars and an immense volume of business teaming. The sidewallcs are only from i to 10 feet in width. The situation with regard to Washington Street is not exceptional among Boston’s retail business streets. Yet the city of Boston has spent within the last fifty or sixty years over $40,000,000 in street widening and street straightening. N

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232 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW No one questions the inconvenience and loss in time and money to Metropolitan Boston of a loose, disjointed system of transportation. To use the word system to describe it is a courtesy. How costly, day after day, is the lack of a connection with the South Station, the principal railroad terminal, and of other points of almost equal importance. The saving and gain from a coordination of all transportation facilities within the district would be literally incalculable. No one who knows the conditions questions the handicap to business resulting from the lack of suitable traffic thoroughfares. A local merchant has estimated that there is an average loss in Boston of from two to three hours a day on all vehicles, due to inadequate street facilities, equal, according to his estimate, to $lOO,~OO a year in hauling. Very few persons now question the loss to Massachusetts, in fact to all New England, from the failure to plan ahead for railway and dock development. The work of the recently appointed dock board will be more costly because belated. Moreover, it will not yield the largest possible returns unless its work is organically planned to connect with those other related features of waterfront development, such as internal transportation, traffic highways, sites for industries, and suitable homes for workmec, all of which are or ought to be inseparable from a scheme of large waterfront improvements. This is a hard fact, clearly demonstrated by the experience of European cities. No one who knows the facts can fail to be aroused by the unsatisfactory housing conditions in Greater Boston and more alarming still are the present tendencies. In the most congested sections of Boston, not single blocks, but in areas of a hundred acres or more, there is a density of 500 persons to the acre. More than half of these people live under conditions where they sleep in rooms with less than 400 cubic feet of air space per capita. Thus they are living under copditions below the lowest standards fked as the minimum by any city in the United States or Europe which has undertaken to establish a minimum. But this is not the most disturbing feature of the housing situation. It is the unlimited extension of these worst conditions. Under the present organization of the district, the worst conditions of the city of Boston may be repeated not only in any part of Boston, but practically in any part of the Metropolitan district. The same economic causes that made it natural and profitable to create these conditions where they now exist, will make it natural and profitable to extend them to new areas. The efforts of single towns and cities to control and improve housing are likely to be ineffective. This wasteful policy is not yet at an end. Many large improvements are now being made or contemplated. The district is in a period of inevitable reconstruction, due to growth, expansion, and new ideals. Highways, subways, elevated railways, and bridges are being planned and con

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GENERAL PLANNING BOARD FOR BOSTON 233 structed to connect the towns and cities with one another. At last it seems as if the North and South Stations were to be connected; and many other improvements. of metropolitan character are actually under way or assured. Are they to be skilfully planned in relation to one another, or are they to be developed piecemeal one at a time? Will they be based upon a careful survey of future needs and a farsighted plan, or are they to serve only the immediate need, involving reconstruction and consequent waste in the future? From its studies, the commission became convinced that all metropolitan improvements now being made in the district; except those under metropolitan authorities or with the metropolitan viewpoint, were characterized by the same sort of loss and penalty, because no comprehensive plar! exists, no agency for treating the district as a unit. The present situation in the metropolitan Boston district is admirably illustrated by an allegory of metroplitan planning written by one member‘ of the commission and included in the commission’s report. It reads as foIlows: They had enough land, considerable borrowing capacity and unlimited self confidence. Each family wanted to build its own part of the house exactly as it pleased. The cellar and the roof were admitted to be common to all, and after some discussion they decided to go shares on these parts of the building and have a builder and a building committee to look after them. Then they started to draw their plans. And the Brooklines planned an elegant suite with tiled baths, French windows, open fireplaces and white marble exterior. The Miltons schemed a cosy flat with English half timbered work outside and leaded windows, the Bostons laid out three stories of rooms, 26 in all, the lower story fireproof, the upper two warranted to burnin any weather. The Nahants wanted sleeping porches and white stucco, the Somervilles chose concrete blocks, the Wakefields stained shingles and the Winchesters a colonial effect in white clapboards. The differencesdid not stop with the outside, for the Quincys stood for ’I-foot studding while the Reveres on the same floor wanted 12. The Lynns were content with a narrow entry, while the Swampscotts beyond them wanted a wide one, and everybody quarreled over the placing of the stairs. The families on theground floor didn’t need stairs and didn’t want to pay for any. The top story families didn’t care to deaden their floors, and most of the plumbing pipes had to run through a neighbor’s best rooms and could be heard if not seen. When the plans were completed, the heads of families held an interesting meeting at which each proclaimed his own needs and intentions to be carried out regardless, or else he and his would go on living in a back street in an inconvenient ugly house all by themselves. At last some one said, “ Let us call in an architect and show him our plans. I don’t suppose he can give every one of us exactly what we are asking for. Maybe some of our climbers will have to comfort themselves with cut-glass door knobs and silk rugs just for their own use, but if he knows his business he will give us the right kind of entries and Once upon a time 38 families agreed to build a house. 1 J. R. Coolidge, Jr.

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234 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW halls and stairs and lifts, and will make the house look better, sell better and cost less than our brilliant but inharmonious efforts. If we don’t like his plans we can make him show others till weget what we wantwithin reason. Shall we do it?” And the 38 famili’es saw the light and employed the expert and he builded better than they knew. In its report the metropolitan plan .commission recommends that a permanent metropolitan planning board be appointed, three members by the governor of the state and two by the mayor of Boston. The chairman of the board, who is to be appointed by the governor, to receive a salary of $10,000 a year and the other members $1000 a year each. The board so constituted, is to collect the data for a metropolitan plan through a systematic consultation with all the local authorities, using existing surveys and making additional surveys of its own. The board is to work out and publish from time to time a comprehensive plan for the metropolitan district, setting forth its present and probable future condition as regards main thoroughfares, transportation lines and facilities of every sort; properly coordinated. It would study questions of metropolitan scope that do not fall within the province of any existing agency, such as the prevention and relief of congestion both of population and of traffic, the better control of fire hazard, the better distribution of areas and of buildings for the several purposes of residence, manufacturing, trade, and transportation, the better coordination of public transportation facilities, and the best methods of financing and assessing the cost of public improvements. More important than any power over single subjects would be the power of the proposed board to consider the relation of one subject to another, to coordinate matters that ought clearly to be coordinated, to recognize again and again the unity of the district in many matters. Such a planning board would have the knowledge and the power, for example, to consider the relation of traffic highways and traffic open spaces to transportation, of transportation to parks and playgrounds, of parks and playgrounds to the homes of the people, of the homes of the people to manufac turing districts, of manufacturing districts to transportation, and on and on, through that unending relationship and inter-relationship which stamps the character of modern life, and on the profitable and skilful provision for which depends, in many instances, the success or failure of a public improvement and the return or dividend on a public investment. The planning board would have power to examine all plans by public authorities before final steps toward execution were actually taken, expressing approval or disapproval of such plans, with its reasons for the same, and seeking to effect coordination of the plans. In case a plan by a local authority conflicted with larger plans for the whole district, it should have power to suspend the execution of such a plan for not more than one year in order to give opportunity for its revision and possible advantageous

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GENERAL PLANNING BOARD FOR BOSTON 235 conformity with the metropolitan plans. Except for this suspensive veto, ihe legislation proposed would in no way abridge or affect the powers of existing authorities. The metropolitan planning board would not be an executive board, for the execution of the work shown upon its plans would rest, as it does now, with the state, county, or local authority. The approval of the metropolitan planning board and the execution of an approved metropolitan work would involve classification of the work by the board either as an ordinary or an extraordinary metropolitan improvement. The effect of such classification would be to have the work financed outside of the debt limit of the cities and towns of the district by the loan of the state’s credit, and with the ultimate contribution by the state of 10 per cent of the entire cost. The participation of the commonwealth, however, would be limited to $500,000 in any one year. Of the remaining 90 per cent, 65 per cent for ordinary improvements and any proportion up to 65 per cent for extraordinary improvements would be paid by the localities in which the improvements were actually made, and 25 per cent or more by the remaining cities and towns of the metropolitan district. A special commission appointed by the supreme judicial court would apportion from time to time the several liabilities to be paid by the cities and towns of the district, which would be ic accordance with the benefit to the cities assessed, taking due account also of population and valuation. In concluding its report, the metropolitan plan commission expressed the conviction, based up.on its investigations, that metropolitan planning would benefit the district in at least three ways. In the fist place, it would reduce the cost of livbgbyplanning metropolitan works sb that theywould be more enduring, promoting and not hindering the transaction of business; also by improving or abolishing conditions which make so many citizens a burden, rather than a benefit to themselves and to the communitj. Secondly, metropolitan planning would benefit the district by advancing through conscious public action the commercial and industrial prosperity of the thirty-eight towns and cities in the district, in which prosperity the entire commonwealth would share. Thirdly, better planning would result in a coordinating of public functions so that they would be more efficient in their service to the community. The theory of the proposed legislation is to evolve a constructive, persuasive, and voluntary system of metropolitan cooperation to make improvements that are not now sufficiently provided for, that will be increasingly more difficult and expensive the longer they are postponed. JOHN NOLEN.’ 1 Mr. Nolen, of Cambridge, Massachusetts, is a member of the Metropolitan plan commission, the work of which he describes. He is the author of a series of reports on city plans and planning, which have attained a high place in the literature of thin subject and is also the editor of Repton’s Art of Landscape Architecture.

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236 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW THE BUSINESS SIDE OF CITY PLANNING' HIS sounds most disagreeable. Business seems to suggest the sordid, unpleasant side of life, while art implies all that is charming, T sweet and good. Now, city-planning is a serious affair. Life is not all play-and not all work, but a judicious combination of both. So our cities must provide for the workshop and the business street as well as for the park and playground. The demand that we make for beauty is reasonable and proper and it can be secured without neglecting commercial considerations. In fact the beauty that we seek is based on the principle of increasing the efficiency of the business world. A cityplan is a program for the development of the city and it simply means the exercise of prudence and foresight such as would be necessary to secure the success of any organization. A natural desire for the increasing dignity and splendor of our cities is to be encouraged and fostered, but the beauty of the modern city must be founded upon industrial advancement and upon the increase in health and consequent happiness of the citizens. The principles of city-planning are rapidly becoming better known and it is fast taking the position of an exact science. But science alone is not enough, we need art, too. To secure supreme results the city-planner must have a constructive imagination which will not ignore facts, humanity and common sense, but which will in its higher flights lead us to splendors unthought of today. The beauty of the Place de la Concorde always impresses us whenever we visit PaTis. We enjoy the fountains splashing in the sunlight, the setting of the central obelisk, and the monumental aspect of this great square placed at the intersection of important thoroughfares, each of a different character. But we must remember that it is planned so that the traffic is admirably distributed, and that it perfectly fits its purpose of providing the best possible circulation for innumerable vehicles that cross it in every direction. Small parks and playgrounds that are placed in the congested tenement districts bring light and air, flowers, grass and trees to the dwellers in the slums. The old houses facing the park inevitably disappear and are replaced by modern structures-so the influence of the open space spreads on all sides producing an astonishing decrease in crime and disease and a proportionate increase in public welfare. Public buildings harmoniousiy grouped make 'fine architectural compositions and with their terraces and frame of trees and lawn become the pride of the city, but the fact of grouping them in proper relation to each other results in a marked economy of time and effort for the employees and citizens having business in the various departments. 1 A condensation of an address before the American Civic Association, at its annual meeting in Washington, December, 1911.

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THE BUSINESS SIDE OF CITY PLANNING 23 7 The proposed water front improvements that are so necessary for many cities would secure water-side parks; recreation grounds, picturesque views of the river, harbor, or bay, and they would also result in greater facilities for the shipping and its independent traffic. This is illustrated by the Chelsea improvement in New York, where a broad, dignified thoroughfare now takes the place of the former crowded-ill-kept street. The water front of Algiers is another example. The graded roads leading from the water level to the upper street level pass in front of rows of warehouses with arched doorways until they reach a terrace upon which excellent buildings are ranged. The river front on Budapest is an instance of admirable water front treatment. Every facility is provided for the shipping, the warehouses, and the trolley cars are taken care of, and above this there is an avenue lined with trees and bordered by buildings of great architectural dignity. Both business efficiency and beauty are thus secured and each supplements the other. This avenue facing the Danube is a delight to the soul-and to the body. It is thoroughly appreciated by the citizens who $lock there in the afternoon and evening, sit at small tables in front of the hotels and cafds, listen to the music, and enjoy the splendid panorama spread before them. Commerce is active and the river is full of craft, boats of all sorts and sizes passing by, darting here and there, and crowding the wharves. Business efficiency is secured and assisted in every way, while the beauty of the river front is jealously guarded. This enterprising city decided some years ago to remit the taxes on buildings of a cehain degree of excellence in order to encourage better architecture. The experiment worked so well that they have now repeated it, and in order to secure the advantages of the new law permitting a thirty-year remission of taxev, buildings are being erected all over the town with an activity that is truly American. Unlike us, however, they cheerfully submit to municipal regulations which compel the buildings to conform in style and which regulate their height. The result is a series of streets and parkways which are singularly harmonious and beautiful. It is to be noted that Budapest is a commerical city and is extremely prosperous. A good system of streets and circulation of traffic is a most important factor in a city’s prosperity. The direction, width and treatment of thoroughfares need carefuI consideration, for all streets must not be equally wide. We want what we want where we want it. The character of the street and its traffic must determine its treatment. Now, the great extravagance of our cities does not lie in lavish expenditures for public buildings, monuments and other improvements, but in the improvident way in which the work is performed. We resort to tempoWe may learn much from Budapest. Trees are appropriate in one case and not in another.

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238 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW rary makeshifts and shirk the real problem. New York is the best known example of a great city with a smaIl plan-a plan that hampers and restricts it. It not only endures this initial mistake, but suffers from the manner in which municipal works are carried on. We know-we always knew-that galleries under the streets were required for the various underground services, such as gas, water, steam pipes, etc., etc. But on account of the initial cost of construction we have submitted to a constant upheaval of the streets-as repairs are continual and everlasting. Who doubts that the original cost of pipe galleries have been far exceeded by the4. cost of these diggings and repaving? The traffic has been grievously obstructed, business seriously injured and the result of all this annoyance and loss is the perpetuation of m unsatisfactory system! The old pavements were patched and repatched long after such repairs were advisable. Now it is a pleasure to know that the president of the borough of Manhattan, George McAneny, takes a sensible view of all this and insists upon doing all city work in a thorough, workmanlike manner. And this is good business. If our prosperity is to continue we must afford it. It is the best investment that we can make. But, when we indulge in city-planning let us do it sanely and reasonably. A civic center need not be created in the most expensive portion of the town. In Cleveland, for instance, we selected for the great civic center that is being constructed there, a piece of land that had been entirely neglected. In Rochester, Mr. Olmsted and I selected the site for. the civic center and the new city hall with all regard to economy, and the portion of Main Street where land values were the lowest was the part that we selected, apd we believe that the selection has met with general approval. Naturally, the improvement of a neglected portion of a city greatly enhances the value of the surrounding property, and ai this value increases the taxes increase and so the improvement becomes an asset to the city in actual money value, by degrees paying for itself. England has solved the question by what is called the law of “excess condemnation. ” In New York State a constitutional amendment was suggested making this possible, but its advantages were not understood and the amendment was defeated at the last election. Let me give you an illustration of how it works in London. It was found that communication between Holborn and the Strand was difficult. These two thoroughfares were separated by a tangle of streets and by most undesirable property. Accordingly, a new avenue was planned and it was found that cutting through this network of streets left irregular shaped pieces of property. Some were little triangles, others long slices, many of them unfitted for building purposes. Accordingly, the city of London not .only acquired Here in America we ask ourselves if we can afford city-planning.

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THE BUSINESS SIDE OF CITY PLANNING 239 the property necessary for the new street, but also bought a strip 100 feet wide on each side of it. These bordering strips were then cut into pieces of property suitable for building. The value of all this property when it was bought was low, the neighborhood was undesirable. The new avenue which the city created entirely changed the character of the neighborhood and these building lots, bordering the King’s Way, as the new street is called, became very valuable indeed. The city then soM these building lots at the market price with the result that this great improvement is paying for itself, the city, as a city, making the legitimate profit which resulted from the new values that it, itself, had created. When I was in London I asked the architect of the London county council, whether he had found these calculations correct and if the scheme was working out as he had expected. He assured me that it was entirely successful and that London would do it again. As far back as 1861 the Garrick Street improvement, which was operated ofi the same principles, succeeded in paying 72 per cent of the cost of the construction, and in 1876, when Northumberland Avenue was constructed, it resulted in a profit of $600,000. I think that we may call this the “business side of city-planning.” There is no reason why we should not have laws making this possible, in fact in our cities where the value of property is enormous it seems the only way by which we can make the changes that are now absolutely necessary on account of the growing increase of population and the congestion of traffic. I believe that civic art pays; a great gallery of pictures, or a statue by Saint Gaudens, a fine civic center, a beautiful park, is a commercial asset to any city. Many cities in Italy-Venice, for instance-are living on their beauty. Writers extol their loveliness and the public flocks to do them honor. Such publicity first made the little walled town of Chester famous at a time when it was known to only a few of the initiated who fled from Liverpool to enjoy its quaint streets and restful atmosphere. Then Mr. Howells made himself its historian, acclaiming its peculiar charm, and incidentally crowded its inns and shops and brought an unexpected prosperity to its doors. The money brought by the tourist is not to be despised. Possibly, you have not stopped to consider that the tide of traveI is changing. That little red book, Baedeker, has appeared among us and there is now published an edition for the United States. This indicates the tremendous number of travelers that come here, and where do they go? Naturally, to the beautiful, not to the ugly, squalid city. A star in Baedeker is indeed a commercial asset. These are a few instances taken at random which indicate that the requirements of beauty and business may both be met by a good city-plan: This is not a new thing over there. There is another bit of business to which I should like to refer. It is not all eastward; it is now very generally westward.

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240 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW City-planning does not mean the creation of a civic center and grouping public buildings; It does not mean the arrangement of streets and boulevards nor perfecting the Pystem of circulation and traffic; It does not mean tree planting, the location of fountains and statues, nor the creation of great vistas; It does not mean the formation of a park system with its connecting parkways and small city squares; It does not mean the treatment of the water-front, nor the solution of the railway problem with its arches, tunnels and terminals; It does not mean suburban development, nor the creation of garden cities; It does not mean the location of school houses or playgrounds, either for children or grown-ups; It does not mean the method of bonding the cost of the improvementsthe law of excess condemnation-the legislation required. It means all of them considered together, the business side of city-planning not being neglected, and I believe the most practical result to be attained is not the beauty of the city, but the consequent elevation of the standard of citizenship. ARNOLD W. BRUNNER.~ eC0NOMY AND EFFICIENCY IN HEALTH ADMINISTRATION WORK Some phase of municipal health and sanitation has been presented at each meeting of the National Municipal League for a number of years past, but except on the first of these occasions (the Providence meeting oi 1907) there has been but little discussion. At the Richmond meeting, in November, 1911, a paper entitled “Economy and Efficiency in Health Administration Work” was presented by Mr. Selskar M. Gunn, assistant professor of sanitary biology and public health in the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Boston, Mass. A lengthy discussion followed, the essence of which is presented in the following pages. The main points brought, out by Professor Gunn in his paper are however here summarized: No satisfactory statement of what corstitutes economy and efficiency in health administration work is possible until the true functions of a health ‘Arnold W. Brunner of New York is an architect of high standing, a member of the board of supervision for public buildings and grounds in Cleveland, a member of similar commissions in other cities and of the art commission of New York. Professor Gunn’s paper was printed in the REVIEW^ for January. 3 See vol. 1, page 49.

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240 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW City-planning does not mean the creation of a civic center and grouping public buildings; It does not mean the arrangement of streets and boulevards nor perfecting the Pystem of circulation and traffic; It does not mean tree planting, the location of fountains and statues, nor the creation of great vistas; It does not mean the formation of a park system with its connecting parkways and small city squares; It does not mean the treatment of the water-front, nor the solution of the railway problem with its arches, tunnels and terminals; It does not mean suburban development, nor the creation of garden cities; It does not mean the location of school houses or playgrounds, either for children or grown-ups; It does not mean the method of bonding the cost of the improvementsthe law of excess condemnation-the legislation required. It means all of them considered together, the business side of city-planning not being neglected, and I believe the most practical result to be attained is not the beauty of the city, but the consequent elevation of the standard of citizenship. ARNOLD W. BRUNNER.~ eC0NOMY AND EFFICIENCY IN HEALTH ADMINISTRATION WORK Some phase of municipal health and sanitation has been presented at each meeting of the National Municipal League for a number of years past, but except on the first of these occasions (the Providence meeting oi 1907) there has been but little discussion. At the Richmond meeting, in November, 1911, a paper entitled “Economy and Efficiency in Health Administration Work” was presented by Mr. Selskar M. Gunn, assistant professor of sanitary biology and public health in the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Boston, Mass. A lengthy discussion followed, the essence of which is presented in the following pages. The main points brought, out by Professor Gunn in his paper are however here summarized: No satisfactory statement of what corstitutes economy and efficiency in health administration work is possible until the true functions of a health ‘Arnold W. Brunner of New York is an architect of high standing, a member of the board of supervision for public buildings and grounds in Cleveland, a member of similar commissions in other cities and of the art commission of New York. Professor Gunn’s paper was printed in the REVIEW^ for January. 3 See vol. 1, page 49.

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ECONOMY AND EFFICIENCY IN mALTH 241 department have been defined. No such definition has yet been framed although there has been progress toward it. This process has consisted largely in an agreement that health departments should be relieved from such work as garbage disposal, plumbing inspection, and other municipal and private’ cleansing, and that they should also be relieved from hospital administration and the care of the poor; all to the end that they may have more time for the really essential health-protective work, the aim of which is the decrease of preventable sickness and the prolongation of life. The present lack of knowledge, or perhaps the author might more truly have said, lack of comprehension, of the comparative importance of various branches of health-protective work results in a great variation in the stress laid upon each by different health departments and inmuch over-emphasis of certain branches, with as notable neglect of others. The need of better training for health officers and of training as a prerequisite for employment in such positions was dwelt upon. Referehce was made to the difficulty of demonstrating the real value of health-protective work. The improvement of the milk supply at Richmond, Virginia, under the administration of Dr. E. C. Levy, chief health officer, was cited as an illustration of valuable work. The need of reform in accounting methods of health departments was mentioned and reference was made to a plan for standardization which has been undertaken by the Association of Massachusetts Boards of Health. Finally, the author spoke of the necessity of freedom from politics as an essential to economical and efficient health administration and the necessity of putting this work “in the hands of trained sanitarians who shall understand the relative importance of the different lines of endeavor and who will then be able to disburse an adequate appropriation in such manner that the community will receive the maximum protection at the lowest possible cost.” The formal discussion of Professor Gunn’s paper was opened by Dr. E. C. Levy, of Richmond, and M. N. Baker, who were followed by a number of other speakers. Dr. Levy agreed with Professor Gun’s statement that standardization in public health work has not yet been reached. He was of the opinion that economy in health work cannot be measured in the same way as economy in other municipal activities, since health work has to do with human lives, which cannot be compared with miles of water mains or blocks of street pavement. Moreover, lives differ enormously in value, both as to age and usefulness regardless of age. “A conimunity which can prove that it has saved the life of one citizen of eminence,” Dr. Levy said, “certainly would prove that it had, bq that act alone, justified every cent it had spent or could possibly spend in a year on its health department.” Elsewhere‘ Dr. Levy stated that he had shown that during the year 1910 1 In a pamphlet reviewing typhoid fever at Richmond, Virginia.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW the health department of Richmond had saved lives from death by typhoid fever conservatively valued at a total of $385,000, or ten times the expenditures of the health department for all purposes during the year. By way of forcible illustration of the necessity which sometimes arises for apparent extravagance in life saving, Dr. Levy told how ‘a nurse used a costly lace curtain to extinguish the burning clothing of an infant which had caught fire from a spark from an unprotected open grate. There was here no question of trying to economize by saving the curtain rather than the child, but both could have been saved at comparatively little expense and with no risk whatever by providing the proper fender for tha fireplace. The moral of this story as applied to health protective work is obvious. Finally Dr. Levy remarked that while the standardization of public health work in many directions is “a splendid thing” yet public health expenditures cannot be and should not be too closely standardized. For instance, typhoid fever in Richmond, as in other cities of the south, prevails to a marked degree, while scarlet fever is almost a negligible disease, there having been not more than three deaths from scarlet fever in Richmond in any one year since 1888, while there were only four deaths in the last five years (present population 129,000). The relative prevalence of the two diseases in northern cities is generally reversed, so it would be utterly misleading to compare the money expended or the measures carried out to combat either one of these diseases in Richmond and in a northern city of equal size. Dr. Levy was followed by M. N. Baker who remarked that the first essential to efficiency is to determine what is what in public health work. However much public health work may broaden out in the future, for the present it seems necessary to concentrate efforts in a few specific and unquestionable directions. The first and most important of these in the interests of efficiency is not the collection of garbage or other branches of municipal cleansing, as so many people think, but rather the control of communicable diseases. Efficient control can only be had by going to the source which, in case of communicable diseases, is the individual sufferer. The efficiency of public health work cannot be judged without agreement upon some measure or standard. From.the dollars and cents point of view, a rational classification of health board expenditures is essential to determine whether the appropriations available are distributed in accordance with the relative importance of the different classes of work undertaken and whether the results obtained are commensurate with the corresponding expense. One of the greatest difficulties encountered in attempts to measure efficiency in health and other municipal departments arises in taking account of the quality as well as the quantity of the work done. This, as Dr. Levy suggests, is particularly difficult where human lives are involved.

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ECONOMY AND EFFICIENCY IN HEALTH 243 There is reason for congratulation in the fact, as stated by Professor Gunn, that a committee of the Massachusetts Association of Boards of Health has undertaken the formulation of a scheme for the annual report of local boards of health and that the scheme will include suggestions for a uniform statement of health board expenditures. There has been some measure of cooperation between the committee named and the League committee on municipal health and sanitation and it is hoped that the work of both committees will be brought into line with the scheme of financial statistics of cities formulated by the bureau of the census. Another. essential of health board efficiency, as already suggested by Professor Gunn, is the right sort of men as health officers. The question is how and where to get trained men for the work. Our technical schools are turning out more engineers than the country can absorb but until recently no iristitution in the country and even yet only a few have offered training designed specifically to meet the needs of the health officer. The training of even the best medical schools is not in the direction of public health work. Both the schooling and the daily practice of the physician fit him to deal with the individual rather than with the masses of humanity which must be dealt with in public health work. We are not, however, so badly off as might be thought,’because some of the best of our technical schools, through their courses in sanitary engineering and in sanitary biology and chemistry are turning out men who are much better qualified to take up the work of the health officer than are the graduates of the medical schools. Already a number of cities are employing engineers as health officers. One reason for doing this is that it is difficult to induce a physician to devote his whole time to public health work, especially in the smaller places. The result is that where doctors are employed we fkd either a poor weakling of the medical profession who has been given his office out of pity or political favor or else an ambitious young man who is taking up the work while trying to build up a medical reputation and is more interested in the latter than in his work as health officer-that is, he is trying to serve two masters, a thing which has never yet been brought to a successful issue. Dr. Geier, of Cincinnati, when the subject was thrown open for general discussion, took issue with Mr. Baker. While he agreed that a large city has need of “a sanitarian or engineer” he believed that considering “the greatest good of the greatest number, it is necessary to go to the medical profession to fill the position of health officer in the average community.” Dr. Geier maintained that the question is not one of the ability of health officers to handle health board work, but the failure of communities to recognize the importance of health department administration and the need of putting the best available physician into it.

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244 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL RFJIEW The tremendous factor that good health administration might be made in awakening the people to the possibilities of good, clean municipal government was dwelt upon by Dr. Geier. By way of illustration, tha rccent experience of Cincinnati since the health department was taken out of politics was cited in some detail. There was no difficulty in getting good men as members of the board of health when they were sure that efficiency was the only criterion of service. The local milk supply has since been improved and the tuberculosis rate reduced. The Rev, G. W. Lay, of Raleigh, remarked that “efficiency in sanitation is found where things do not happen” and illustrated the paradox by telling the story of the boy who explained how pins have saved the lives of thousands of people-by not swallowing them. Dr. Flannagan, a member of the Viriginia State Board of Health, said that lumping together as a title “Municipal Finances and Health” is like keeping such federal health work as is done in this country under the Treasury Department. When the two subjects are separated and due prominence is given to public health work, a better appreciation of the latter by the general public may be expected. Only a few of the cities of Virginia have health drpartments worthy of the name and only a few have full time health officers. The same is true of other states. Educational campaigns are necessary. Among agencies which are taking a hand to this end Dr. Flannagan mentioned the national Y. M. C. A. and various life insurance companies. Elliot Hunt Pendleton, of Cincinnati, stated that the people must be taught the money value of public health work. Hereafter those who are thinking of locating industries in a given city are going to ask whether the city has the best schools, pure water, good sewage disposal, and an efficient health board. Oliver McClintock, of Pittsburgh, related an incident which occurred in Pittsburgh after the Pittsburgh Survey. One of the bad features that was mentioned in the report of the Survy was “Painter’s Row,” a number of houses owned by the United States Steel Corporation, in which the people were packed like sardines, with an inadequate water supply and no sewers. Legislation, Mr. McClintock stated, prevented the discharge of sewage into the Ohio River and as there was no other place to empty sewage, no sewers were built. The corporation thought it could not make the people move out of the houses because there was no place to which they could go. A few months after the report came out, however, the houses were levelled to the ground. This, the speaker thought, illustrated the value of publicity in bringing influence to bear on corporations. Richard H. Dana, of Cambridge, Mass., wished to know what Mr. Baker and Dr. Levy thought of the following plan for selecting health hoard experts for cities: Make up a committee composed say of Professor The city lacking these things will be passed by.

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CHICAGO CITY CLUB OPENING 245 Gunn, Professor William T. Sedgwick, and the chief executive of the state board of health, in a state like Massachusetts, and have it passin review the education, training and accomplishments of candidates, examine the candidates, and report to those charged with making appointments the names of the three candidates standing highest. In reply, Mr. Baker stated he thought &ch a plan would work well. He remarked further that for years past no person could be appointed as sanitary inspector or health officer of a New Jersey municipality who has not passed an examination before a commission appointed by the state board of health. Dr. Levy replied to Mr. Dana’s question that the plan would be impracticable in Richmond because the city charter requires that all city officials shall be residents and taxpayers-a provision which he declared to be absurd. A further difficulty at Richmond is that, owing to lack of trained men for physicians in the health department, it is necessary to employ untrained men and train them to their work. The salary is a fixed one, so that a man gets more than he is worth when he begins and less after he has been trained. Consequently, the trained men accept positions elsewhere after they become valuable. Lieutenant Shaw, of Norfolk, Virginia, said that the charter provisions of that city were similar to those just mentioned by Dr. Levy. The Norfolk charter provides that all appointments shall be made for fitness but with restriction of appointments to residents. With this restriction it is impossible to select sanitary or any other officials on the basis of fitness. The discussion closed with a statement by Mr. Dana that while ordinary city employees, such as street sweepers, must be residents of the city which they serve, experts may be appointed from outside the city. Condensed by MR. M. N. BAKER.’ CHICAGO CITY CLUB OPENING HE new building of the Chicago City Club, in the heart of the downtown loop district, was opened with appropriate and most sigT nificant ceremonies the second week in January. A series of house-warming programs were carried out on six nights from January 8 to 14. Different characteristic groups were the guests of the club on these nights. The first occasion was “Members’ Night” at which time a large portion of the membership of 1600, to which the club has grown in the past year, was present and the successive presidents of the club gave reminiscences of its history from its inception and organization 1 M. N. Baker is editor of Engineering News, New York City; president of the board of health of Montcldr, N. J.; and chairman of the National Municipal League committee on municipal health and sanitation.

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246 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW on December 5, 1903, when it met over Vogelsang’s restaurant, down to the realization of the club’s hope to have a digdied and commodious home on its present site. Towner K. Webster, its second president, described the first efforts of the club along civic lines, how Colonel Piper was @ported to rejuvenate the police force introducing as he did, a new word in the Chicago dictionary, “piperizing” the police. Dr. Favill, the present incumbent of the office outlined the tedious steps that were necessary to create the present structure, and the policy which is now dominating its active work. He considered the policy of maintaining membership dues at $20 a piece (exclusive of initiation fee of $10 beginning February 1) as a most interesting experiment, in view of the high cost of maintenance in so central a location, and with such a superb equipment. He said it could be done however, by keeping to the same simplicity which dominated the equipment and building, a simplicity that through the efforts of Pond and Pond, the architects, has given us beautiful proportions in the building, and the very best obtainable materials, but has avoided every note of luxury or extravagance. He felt it important that the dues should be maintained at this low figure to make it possible for the young, active, public-spirited men of Chicago, who could not afford large dues, to work together for civic betterment at this club center. Appropriate remarks were made by the architect, Irving K. Pond, the president of the American Institute of Architects and by Judge Julian W. Mack, of the commerce court, one of the founders of the club. The second night, Tuesday, found the rooms filed with officials of the city, county and state government. The leading speakers were Governor Deneen of Illinois and Governor McGovern of Wisconsin. The former reviewed the activity of the city government and brought out the designedly impossible procedure of the state legislature: The smothering of bills in committees, and the glut of measures passed at the last moment requiring the assistance on his part of.numerous lawyers to assist him in examining them. He dilated upon this as a premeditated plan for preventing necessary good legislation. Governor McGovern’s address was a most thoughtful survey of the progress in Wisconsin, of the economic and social philosophy underlying the state governmental achievements. The civic organizations on Wednesday night, were represented on the program by Miss Jane Addams and Mrs. Emmons Blaine. “Education night” in charge of a committee presided over by Dr. Henry Legler, the librarian of the public library, called out the address of Mrs. Ella Flagg Young, superintendent of Chicago public schools. One of the most unique of the week’s programs, was “Nationalities’ Night” on Friday. Some six Werent nationalities of Chicago, German, Bohemian, Polish, Italian, Scandinavian and the Irish, besides the Amer

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CHICAGO CITY CLUB OPENING 247 ican, were on the program, the presiding ofIicer having native Indian-herican blood. Charles R. Crane was to have presided on this occabion, but the death of his father, R. T. Crane, Sr., prevented this. The interplay of national pride as it flowed from the lips of the speakers, now in tones of eloquence and now in jest, was hugely enjoyed by the audience. It was remarked that the speakers were in every case the second generation of immigrants and that they spoke and appeared as thoroughly American as the most-dyed-in-the-wool Yankee. The program was very interesting and concluded by national folk songs and dances performed in costume. In the middle of the club house floor, space was made for the dances of the Italian tarantella, the German folk dance, for Swiss mountain songs and for Swedish dances, all in costume. Mrs. Smulski, the talented wife of the state treasurer of Illinois, gave delightful songs in native Polish. ‘I Labor Night,” which concluded the week, had been carefully planned by the committee in charge of Robert F. Hoxie, professor at the University of Chicago. The speakers included representatives from the socialistic and trade union groups and the purpose of tbe evening was to bring about closer cooperation between the more or less warring factions. It was at least, partially successful. The particular effort was to bring out the need of the organizations of inclustries as in England, rather than on the narrower lines prevailing in America. It was pointedly mentioned that the City Club building erected throughout by union labor, was nevertheless, delayed some three months owing to jurisdictional fights within the unions themselves. The City Club plans to have a good representation in its membership of all these groups and thus hopes to give them as free opportunity for getting together socially, as it does the government officials, private reformers and any other groups actuated by a desire to better civic conditions. The club building was erected and furnished at a cost of about $200,000. It is six stories in height, although the second and third stories are double height in the front part of the building to provide for the large lounge room on the second floor and the large main dining room on the third floor. The architects have adopted a combination of the free Renaissance with Gothic suggestions and, as Mr. Pond stated, it gave him his first opportunity for carrying out an artistic idea he has long had in mine in decorative treatment. He bad introduced at regular intervals, a plain square block, in colors, which interrupts the smooth flow of the adjacent plastic border outline. This he said had been introduced on the outside of the building and its interior decoration to represent the thought that all progress must meet obstacles, as has the City Club’s activity, which temporarily impede the honored movement, but which nevertheless strengthen and beautify the character subjectively. The main offices of the building are on the fourth floor where is also the

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248 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW library and the headquarters of the civic secretary, George E. Hooker, to whom ih the program a large share of the credit has been ascribed for the successful development bf the club. The upper two floors contain the committee dining rooms and a grill room. All necessary appointments, .such aa billiard rooms, storage rooms, waiting rooms, ladies’ reception rooms, kitchens and serving rooms are conveniently arranged. The top floor accommodates at present, the offices of the Elizabeth McCormick Foundation devoted to infant welfare; Sherman C. Kingsley director; and the Chicago bureau of public efficiency which grew out of the initiative of members of the City Club; George C. Sikes, former secretary of the harbor commission, is secretary of the new bureau. A civic exhibit installed on the three upper floors was one of the prominent features of the occasion. This was prepared by twenty-two civic committees and represented, graphically, the problems in which they are at present concerned. The exhibits were prepared under the direction of the civic exhibit committee of which Edward L. Burchard was chairman. The exhibits were grouped under the headings of THE CITY-F’HYSICAL, including city-planning, municipal art, streets, trafEc, harbor, lighting and telephone, shown mostly on the fourth floor; THE CITY-CIVIL, including elections, civil service, public safety, shown on the fifth floor; THE CITYSOCIAL, including charities, health, burial cost, reduction of noise, labor and housing, shown mainly on the fifth floor and some general exhibits on city finances, municipal publicity and statistics shown mainly on the sixth floor. There were also several exhibits from the Cleveland chamber of commerce, from the Milwaukee budget exhibit and from the United States census that were shown in a monographic form. The building was kept open to visitors for two weeks after the opening week and the effo.rts of the club officers resulted in bringing several thousands of people to the building, not only school teachers and university men and women, but people from the foreign colonies and from many private and public civic and social organizations. It is estimated that 4000 people saw the exhibit. Chicago. EDWARD L. BURCHARD. CHILD WELFARE EXHIBITS EARLY a million people attended the three great childwelfare exhibits held last year in New York, Chicago and Kanscts City: N 300,000 in New York, 419,000 in Chicago, 96,000 in Kansas City. According to the statement of Miss Jane Addams, not since the great world’s fair at Chicago’s “White City,” has any event occurred which has so called forth the enthusiastic cooperation of all classes of workers in that city. And following upon these greater exhibits, lesser exhibitions have sprung up all over the country.

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CHILD WELFARE EXHIBITS 249 All of these exhibits have the same aim-to show the conditions affecting the childhood of the given city, at home, at play, in school, at work, under all the difficulties of poverty, bad housing, bad sanitation, evil influences; and to offer suggestions, by an exhibit of all organizations dealing with children, of the ways and means through which childlife can be made safer and more wholesome. “One baby out of every four drops into the grave before reaching the age of one year. ” This is a statement around which gathered many exhibits from the board of health, pure milk commissions, district nurses, infant welfare stations. The causes of infant mortality and the methods of prevention were shown most graphically. And the showing involved the individual family and the city government alike. . For in these days the problem of homekeeping and the problem of city government are more closely connected than the average citizen realizes, until, perhaps, he sees a child welfare exhibit. One-third of the babies left at the baby “checkingstation” in the Chicago exhibit, were left by their mothers with bottles of tea. The ideas of infant feeding thus displayed afford a side-light on the cause of infant mortality. Into all these homes the nurses of the infant welfare department, recently formed in the Chicago board of health, are preparing to go, bringing information and education to the mothers. This is merely one glimpse of the way in which the city government is reaching out to touch the life of the child in the home. There was a section on homes, showing housing conditions, home occupations, cost of food and clothing, food values, sleeping conditions, books for the home, toys, and many other things. There were also sections on recreation, on settlements and clubs, on education, on industrial conditions, on the child and the law, on churches, on philanthropy. In short, every aspect of the city’s life was touched. The Italian mother was there, with a kerchief over her head, dragging her children along by the hand, tired and a little bewildered, but anxious to find out “what she could do for her children.” The mayor of the city was there, in Kansas City at least, spending several afternoons in close study of the needs of the city’s children. The high school civics class was there, in the afternoon and evening, proudly explaining to the passersby the meaning of the charts which they had drawn to show various types of city governments. The socialist and the representative of organized labor met in the section on industrial conditions and held fisry arguments with the child welfare “explainers” on the subject of workingmen’s compensation and seasonal trades in their effect on the home. A more thoroughly democratic gathering could hardly be imagined in The section on health was only one division of the exhibit. All sorts of people came to see “the show.”

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250 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW any city. For when, as in Chicago, 30,000 school children take part in entertainments, as an exhibit of the music and gymnastics of the public school, there will be 60,000 parents from every ward in the city. From the fashionable districts and from the crowded tenements alike, they came together on the common ground of the child’s welfare. And being of all kinds and ages, they learned all varieties of things. I saw one small boy coming out of the exhibit after an entertainment, bearing aloft a poster which he had obtained at the information desk. As he pranced along between his father andmother, a friend remarked: “Well! he’s learned his lesson, such as it is.” “What is it?” I inquired. ‘(Oh, that some good things come free, that not every one in the world is a tightwad,” she replied. After all, that is not such a bad thing for a a boy to learn, in these days, when a youth is trained from babyhood to look out for “the main chance.” At the other extreme from the boy was the prominent social worker, who remarked: We are all of us learning, for the first time, what place our work has in the city’s life. We have worked over our exhibits, trying to state in concrete terms our purpose and our success; then we see our organization placed here beside all the others, and we hd out how inadequate we all are, and yet how important, each at our own job. We find out where there is over-lapping and where we can use each other in the future. And then we walk over to the section on industrial conditions, or on housing, or on infant mortality, and we see the big underlying problems, that we haven’t any of us touched yet. And we realize that no private organization ever can touch those problems. Only all the people, acting for themselves through their representatives, can begin to make a dent in them. Almost inevitably a child welfare exhibit brings about closer cooperation, not only between social workers so-called, but between social workers and city boards. This is very greatly to be desired. Until very recently the social worker has been disposed to assume hostility on the part of the city government and to leave it out of his counsels altogether. As one prominent worker remarked, in a city where it was proposed that thz board of health be asked to cooperate with an exhibit: “You can’t get any help from them; you can’t ever expect arything from the city.” And, expecting nothing, this prominent worker has never received anything. Such pessimism may be well grounded in any given case; but if it is true, there is no hope for that city until the situation is radically altered. Until a given reform is made politically, it is not made permanently. The city government is the only machinery we have for reaching conditions throughout the city, and no private organizations can ever hope to do the work that the boards of health, of education, of parks, can do, when properly aroused and properly equipped. The private organizations may

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CHILD WELFARE EXHIBITS 251 blaze the trail and set the direction of the path; they can never build the highway for the peoples. All of these facts come out most strongly in the child welfare exhibits. The extent to which many municipal boards are doing “social work” in the care of children and young people, through nurses, playground directors, and teachers, is a revelation not only to the average citizen, but to many a trained social worker himself. And almost immediately there comes a popular demand that the city shall do even more than it has yet done. There is a disposition on the part of the people to make use of their public boards, when they are once shown graphically what a powerful instrument they have at their disposal. Several new pieces of legislation are to be laid at the door of the child welfare exhibits. In Chicago a new bathing beach was established in Grant Park for the downtown section of the city; an infant welfare department was added to the board of health. In Kansas City a factory inspection ordinance passed two days after the close of the exhibit, the opposing councilmen saying quite frankly that after what they saw‘“over there at Convention Hall” they dared no longer vota against it. In New York the board of estimate and apportionment increased the appropriation for the division. of child hygiene by $250,000, and a juvenile court committee was formed, and is now developing a model children’s court for the borough of Manhattan. Results in private organizations are not less marked. A course in eugenics at the New Yosk Y. M. C. A. was the direct outgrowth of the eugenics exhibit. A strong advocate of the large city institution for dependent children was converted to the cottage system and resolved to move his institution to the country where such a plan could be carried out. The present campaign for the improvement of newspaper comic supplements received its fist impetus at a conference in the New York exhibit. And, perhaps more remarkable than all, at least two employers of large numbers of women are known to have gone directly from the exhibit on wagesof girls in Kansas City, to look over their own payrolls and ‘(see what could be done toward giving a ‘living wage.’ ” Yet it seems hardly fair to estimate the child welfare exhibits by isolated examples of what selected individuals have done. All of these results might perhaps have been attained in a less expensive way, through individual consultations. They are byproducts of the exhibit, not its main aim. The unique work which the exhibit has to do is a work of popular education. The thousands of mothers from every station in life who received suggestions for the enriching of the home; the thousands of fathers who learned “what the city can be made to do for my child;” the thousands of ordinary citizens who sat in the galleries listening to the music of children and then, stirred as they had seldom been before, by the

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252 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW sweetness and beauty and hope of childhood, thronged down into the aisles of the exhibit to copy statistics and learn facts; and last of all, the thousands of children who, as Mrs. Ella Flagg Young remarked, were impressed more than ever before by the fact that they were part of a great whole, of a city which was planning for their future, and of a festival to which they might contribute their part for the enjoyment of their fellow citizens; these are the people by whom the exhibit is to be judged. For only as we learn to work and to play together, and to understand together, by thousands, the needs and the resources which we have in common, is there any hope of attaining that democracy of which our country dreams. ANNA LOUISE STRONG.’ MUNICIPAL CIVIL SERVICE REFORM T HAS been often’said that, to secure good city government, we must purify our city politics,” and I think this saying contains n large measure of truth. . . . . When we speak of “pure polititics, ” we mean politics controlled and guided by sincere, scrupulous and unselffish men; the politics of any community can be “purified” only by leading such men to engage in them and driving other men out of them; and each of us aids in the “purifying” process when he tries to render a political career attractive to our best citizens, and does what he can to make the worst gain a living otherwise. To this end, a first step, and a very long one (so long that it may go far towards making any second step needless), will be the thoroughgoing, practical application of the principles of civil service reform in our municipal government. Here, however, we may well pause a moment to see if we fully understand what “civil service reform” means; and there is the more reason to do this because I believe no little confusion of thought exists on this subject, even among those in general sympathy with the movement for good government and pure politics, and that to this fact much of the prejudice and apathy encountered by the advocates of civil service reform can be, more or less directly, traced; whatever reasonable doubt may exist as to whether the American people really want civil service reform arises only from a difference of opinion, or rather a misapprehension, as to what civil service reform means. Intruth,manypersons imagine that civil service reform, as a system, requires the selection of all public officers by competitive examination, or else their retention in office during good behavior, and associate with it no other idea whatsoever beyond these two. Undoubtedly, in many cases the principles of the reform can be best applied practically to the choice of public servants by adopting a 1, Director of the St. Louis Child Welfare Exhibit.

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MUNICIPAL CIVIL SERVICE REFORM 253 method of appointment which leaves no room for favoritism, and making continued employment and promotion depend, and depend only, upon proved efficiency and fidelity; but there is room for these principles, however the officer is chosen and however long or short, certain or uncertain may be his term. These principles, or, to speak more accurately, for they can all be reduced to one, this principle, is simply that every public office exists for the sole benefit of the people and cannot be maintained, consistently with the fundamental theory of our government, in any measure or under any circumstances for the benefit of the individual holding such office for the time being, or of any other individual or organization, and, therefore, every office ought to be flied with a sole regard to the fitness of the incumbent to so discharge its duties as to fulfil those ends which the people sought when they created it and seek when they pay for its maintenance. When a city is about to choose its principal administrative officer how can it apply the principles of civil service reform in this choice? In a recent German paper the following appeared: The salary is 21,000 marks ($5250) a year, including the rental of a dwelling in the city hall. Besides his salary the incumbent will receive 4000 marks ($1000) for his official expenses. The constitution and present laws of Maryland contain a virtual advertisement, published every four years, requesting those anxious for a like job in Baltimore to file applications with the supervisors of elections; which applications, each fourth year, are passed upon by the legal voters of the city on the Tuesday after the fist Monday of May. Two of these applicants, known respectively as the Democratic and Republican nominees, are allowed to obtain a recommendation for the place of a somewhat peculiar character from certain classes of these voters on the like day in April, and, although the law gives these two individuals no material advantage over any other in the competition, experience teaches us that one or the other of them will be certainly chosen. Some ten or eleven years ago, at a meeting of the National Civil Service Reform League held in New York, Theodore Roosevelt, then governor of the state, narrated an incident of his service as United JStates civil service commissioner. A request had been made to exempt from the competitive examinations customs officers on the Rio Grande frontier, becape their duties required them to watch and often chase and arrest a class of smugglers decidedly “quick on the trigger ” themselves and who needed officers no less “quick on the trigger” to deal with them. Mr. Roosevelt thereupon induced his colleagues to refuse the desired exemption, but to direct a competitive examination of candidates for these positions in shootThe place of mayor of Magdeburg is vacant. Candidates should apply before September 1.

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254 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW ing at a mark, and to credit those men who made good scores with a high percentage in their rating. A speaker who followed him at the meeting suggested that, if the candidates, instead of using a target, had been allowed to shoot at each other, the results of this competition might have been even more satisfactory and decisive, not to mention the incidental advantages that there could be then no room for complaint as to the fairness of the marks or need for preserving the records. It may seem, at first sight, that a system of competition somewhat similar in consequences to the one thus proposed has been provided for applicants for our Baltimore mayoralty; but, as these are permitted only to kill off each other politically, instead of physically, the voters, Grst of the two leading parties, afterwards of the entire elec+,orate, must, after all, bear the responsibility of deciding the contest; and a few words as to the principles on which they ought to decide it may not be untimely or wholly superfluous. In the Grst place, they must remember that the mayor’s obvious and most urgent duty is to frustrate the designs and foil the plots of those who correspond in mischievous activity to the Rio Grande smugglers. These people always propose to plunder and discredit the city in future as they have too often done, with great profit to themselves, in the.past; if they fail in this purpose, it will not be for want of trying, and, although the mayor (perhaps unfortunately), is not expected, or even permitted, to “wing” a grafter or put a “potshot” into a boss, whenever he runs across an active member of one or the other fraternity, he needs no less vigilance and no less resolution to deal with such gentry as they should be dealt with. If he comes before the examining board, consisting in my native city of 120,000, or thereabouts, which must finally pass on his claims, bearing a certificate from the very people it will be his business as mayor to watch and fight, a certificate saying, in substance, that he suits them “down to the ground,” and that they will do all they can, by hook or by crook, to get him the job he seeks, this endorsement ought to affect his chances as much as a glowing eulogy from the smugglers would have tended to promote the choice of a revenue officer. To “set a thief to catch a thief” may be sometimes good policy, but to set one picked out for the place by the thieves he is to catch seems more worthy of inmates of an insane asylum or of an institute for the feeble-minded than of other citizens. Secondly, in the rating of these would-be public servants a very large percentage should be given to the applicant’s record in making himself obnoxious to evil-doers and protecting the people’s interest while holding other positions of public trust. Especially is he entitled to high credit if he has earned the ill-wI11 of those who make their livelihood and gain actual or comparative wealth by preying on the public and particularly

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MUNICIPAL CIVIL SERVICE REFORM 255 on his municipality. On the other hand, if his record as a trustee of the public is one of unbroken harmony with those who grow richer by making his cetteux que trustent poorer, this fact ought to lower his average very perceptibly: a watchdog particularly friendly with wolves is not one to put on guard at the sheepfold. Thirdly, it will be well to conduct a brief written examination as to the candidate’s views about pending measures of great moment to his community, and desirable, most of all, to get them down in black and white as to what they severally think of any such measures which tend to prevent the use of patronage as “spoils.” Of course, it is possible that one may say he approves a proposal of this nature when his record shows, or tends strongly to show, that he speaks falsely; but, although possible, this is decidedly improbable; the chances are many to one that a man who doesn’t wish to see it a law or mean to aid in its enactment, will try to avoid speaking of it at all; or, if compelled to say something, will shuffle and quibble, will say he hasn’t had time to study its provisions carefully, or promise to support it with some unspecified amendments. Fourthly and finally, we must remember that, although inmany cities endorsements from the “affiliated” voters of the two great national parties, in the form of “nominations” for the office, are given, not by law, but by our political customs a very great weight in the determination of this question, these tustoms are by no means commendable, and, while it is overwhelmingly probable that in nine cases out of ten our choice will be practica.lly one between the Democratic and the Republican nominees, we ought to have no more hesitancy in voting against t,he one of these who may agree with us as to the tariff, or any other national issue, if his competitor promises to make a better mayor, than we should have, under the like circumstances, in voting against a candidate who shared our religious belief. Macauley says, in a passage I have myself quoted on other occasions : The points of difference between Christianity and Judaism have very much to do with a man’s fitness to be a bishop or a rabbi. But they have no more to do with his fitness to be a magistrate, a legislator or a minister of finance, than with his fitness to be a cobbler. Nobody has ever thought of compelling a cobbler to make any declaration of the true faith of a Christian. Any man would rather have his shoes mended by a heretical cobbler than by a person who had subscribed all the thirty-nine articles, but had never handled an awl. Men act thus, not because they are indifferent toreligion, but because they do not see what religion has to do with the mending of their shoes. Yet religion has as much to do with the mending of shoes as with the budget and the army estimates. And politics have about as much to do with the mending of shoes as with the paving of streets or the extinction of fires. The points of difference

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256 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW between Republicanism and Democracy have very much to do with a man’s fitness to be a president or a congressman, but they also have nothing or next to nothing in the world to do with his fitness to be a mayor or a city comptroller or a president of the city council. We say these things, not because we are indifferent to politics, but because we see how little, how very little national politics have properly to do with municipal officers. It is related that when General Bourmont was presented to Blucher, the latter, a man of violent prejudices but a thorough soldier, indicated his professional contempt for the deserter so unmistakably as to embarrass his more diplomatic staff. One of them, thinking it might please his commander, pointed out the enormous white cockade which Bourmont ostentatiously wore in proof of devotion to Legitimist principles. “Bah,” said the old Field Marshal; ‘I that doesn’t matter. A blackguard stays a blackguard, however you label him.” When the voters of a great American ciy clearly understand that “labeling” the tool of a corrupt “ring” the nominee of a great party leaves him just what he was before, and doesn’t change in the least their duty as vot,ers, when that time shall come then they will have a good mayor. CHARLES J. BONAPARTE.~ Baltimore, Md. REFORM VIA DEMOCRACY HE reformers of a generation past sought good government by way of “checks and balances,” seeking to devise a framework of govT ernment so ingenious that under it no official could fail to give good government. It was somewhat like tying the steering wheel of an automobile to make sure that the chauffeur would drive straight. The new generation, working for political reform, no longer tries to get good government on behalf of the people, but seeks to put the people in a position where they can easily get for themselves whatever kind of.government they want, believing that the people will be found to be conservative and at least as wise as that rvling class, the politicians, whose subjects they now are. Modern effort strives to create sensitive forms of government. Every elective official is to be made a shining mark for criticism. His responsibility is to be clearly fixed, and as a necessary requirement in fixing responsibility thus, the officer is to be given all the powers he needs to carry out the people’s wish. This article is a condensation of his address at the Richmond meeting of the National Municipal League, in November, 1911. From 1903 to I910 Mr. Bonaparte was president of the League. He is now a member of its council, chairman of its advisory committee and the chairman of the council of the National Civil Service Reform League. He was Secretary of the Navy and afterwards attorney general of the United States in President Roosevelt’s administration.

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A PRACTICE SCHOOL COURSE IN CIVICS 257 The most signal American instance of a government which is so sensitive to public opinion that it dare not disobey the public will is the commission plan. Although it was not designed to be an elective system, it has worked better than those that were. It vests all the powers of thecity in a single board. This board has power to raise as much money as it needs to give efficient service. It has power to cut down service as much as may be necessary to give low taxes. It has power to provide improvements or to make economies. If it fails to satisfy the people, the board has no one else to blame. It cannot say “we are helpless.” It cannot say “it was the other fellow’s fault.” It can only say to a complainant “we are sorry we overlooked that but we’ll fix it at once.” The individual officers are clear targets for public opinion and are correspondingly more sensitive to public opinion than the multitude of obscure officials in the typical old style plan. It is in design and operation a government which is so exposed to popular oversight that it can hardly resist the public wish. This is democracy. A reformer seeking to change conditions has only to explain his ideas to the people and excite their cupidity by making his proposal seem desirable. The commission plan is not an ideal democracy. Better ones have been found in foreign cities, and the new direction of political reform effort must be toward creating ideal sensitive democracies. RICHARD S. CHILDS.~ A PRACTICE SCHOOL COURSE IN CIVICS BOUGH boys and girls at the age of entering the grammar grades are not yet ready for the more formal treatment of civics which T might be profitable for older persons, they are, nevertheless, alrkady citizens, and as such should be trained to think about civic matters. Formal as this may sound, it becomes very simple when we stop to consider what we mean by thinking civically. At almost every turn the child is confronted by something which the community is doing. Whether it is the gas by which he studies, or the car which passes his door, or the policeman who protects him at the crossing, or the postman who brings the family mail, or the school where he spends so much of his time, he is constantly coming into close touch with civic affairs. The impressionable early years are the ones in which to lay the foundation of civic ideals and civic righteousness. If, then, early in the child’s school life we can begin to attract his attention to the services which the community is rendering and the return which he personally can make to the community, and get him to think on these things, we shall be arousing an interest in public affairs which will make for the efficient adult citizen. I Secretary, Short Ballot Organization.

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258 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW In the Practice School (fifth to eighth school years inclusive) of the Philadelphia School of Pedagogy, the following tentative course in civics is gradually being evolved, with the evident interest of pupil and teacher alike. In the first of the fifth year a beginning is made with the child’s common experiences within his home and his school. Gas is the first subject taken up informally and the children are encouraged to tell what they know about it and its uses. The teacher guides the conversation so that it naturally leads to the question of where we get our gas. The gas pipe is traced through the house to the meter and then to the street. When it is learned that the gas is manufactured at a central plant the children are encouraged to visit it, with teacher or parent, and the result of the visit is a letter or report on what wag seen. In like manner the subjects of electricity, water, sewage, and the telephone are considered, all of which, it will be observed, may come within the pupils’ immediate experience. After the service of the community to the child has been shown with each of the above, the reciprocal duties of the child to the community are brought out by careful questioning which follows the lines of the pupils’ own observation and experience. , In the second half of the fifth year what the child sees by looking out of the window, at home or at school, is drawn upon for material. For example, the policeman, the fireman, the postman, the street sweeper, the garbage collector, the ashes collector are severally taken up, in the manner already described, never omitting a possible trip and report or forgetting to emphazise the corresponding duties of citizenship resting upon the young citizens of the class. During the early part of the sixth year some of the educational institutions of the city are visited, such as schools, playgrounds, parks, libraries, museums, historical buildings and localities. The usual reports are made, followed by class discussion. Later in the year visits are made to various public institutions, such as city hall, bourse, custom house, mint, armories and arsenals, hospitals, juvenile court. The ensuing reports and discussions help the children to understand better what they have seen. Just what places shall be visited during the entire sixth year must depend on the accessibility of each place to the individual child, the membership of the Practice School being drawn from all sections of the city. No regular text books are used in the fifth and sixth years, but much supplementary material is introduced by the teacher to aid in the interpretation of what has been observed on the various trips. Among other suitable reading books used, special mention ought to be made of Richman and Wallach’s Good Citizenship and Hill’s Lessons for Junior Citizens. By the close of the sixth year the pupils have acquired a fund of firsthand civic information and experience of a concrete and practical nature,

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A PRACTICE SCHOOL COURSE IN CIVICS 259 no attempt having been made to generalize or to discuss political rights or duties from a legal standpoint. In the seventh year more attention can safely be given to the end and aim of governmental activity and the way in which public and private agencies unite to accomplish results. And for this purpose no better introduction can be found for Philadelphia girls and boys than the beginnings and growth of community action in their home city. They will see how various civic functions, such as street paving and cleaning, water supply, etc., at first performed by each householder for himself, were gradually taken over by the municipality and performed for all alike. This concrete example of community growth leads naturally to a discussion of the meaning of “community” and of “citizenship.” And the important truth is impressed upon the pupils that they are now citizens of various communities, namely, the home, the school, the playground, the church, the city, the state, the nation. The family and the home as factors in this community life are particularly emphasized, that the children may rightly appreciate the civic importance of the home. Then follows the story of the making of American citizens out of a constant stream of foreign immigrants, both as to naturalization itself and as to the educative process that may fit the strangers into their new city environment. A series of studies is next undertaken to find out how the community (city) aids the normal citizen in relation to life, health, property, working and business conditions, transportation and communication, education, recreation, religious worship. And this is naturally followed by a brief study of how the community (city) takes care of its sub-normal citizens, usually referred to as the dependents, the defectives, and the delinquents. Emphasis is placed upon the idea of prevention, or of restoration wherever possible. Poverty, vice and crime are coming to be recognized as social diseases, in large part, and this is a fact which every boy and girl should be made to feel. As each function is discussed, the organization of the city government to do this community work is outlined, with frequent reference to the Philadelphia charter and to ordinances of councils. And careful consideration is given to the cooperation of private agencies with various municipal bureaus and departments, that the pupils may see how community and citizen work together, How the city gets its money to do all it does is briefly explained. By the time the eighth year is reached the pupil has become so thoroughly grounded in the governmental activities of the city that he is ready to be taken into the larger field of state and nation. Very much the same plan is followed as in the preceding year. first, how the community (commonwealth)-:aids the normal citizen in his desire for During the first term the work shapes itself as follows:

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260 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW health, security of person and property, business opportunity, education ; and second, how the community (commonwealth) provides for its unfortunates, by means of charitable and penal institutions. This includes some consideration of the simpler forms of business law and practice, and also some of the commoner types of criminal offences and the method of their repression and punishment. The governmental organization-legislative, executive, judicial-back of these activities is sketched in outline, both as to selection and control of state officials; and not forgetting to discover where the money is found to keep the machinery going. During the second term of the eighth year the pupils learn, as fully as time permits, how the federal government looks after the varied needs and interests of a hundred millions of citizens and subjects, at home and abroad by the gathering of invaluable statistics and other information, foretelling the weather, charting the seas, negotiation treaties; or, even more directly, through the post office and postal savings bank. Once again the governmental structure-legislative, executive, j udicial-is sketched in outline, and the sources of income are made clear. While the study of municipal government is going on the class is organized on the plan of the Philadelphia city government, so far as practicable, and then according to the commission plan; and by an easy transition, when state and national government are reached the class takeson those organizations respectively. This will be recognized as differing from the well known “School City” plan in that the class is organized for purposes of instruction and not for purposes of self-government. For the seventh and eighth years, respectively, helpful text books have been found which admirably illustrate the newer civics: D.unn’s The Community and the Citizen and Formads Essentials in Civil Government. It will be observed that throughout the last two years, when the more serious study of civics is being attempted, the order followed is invariably that of the child’s own interest and appreciation, namely, from function to structure, from the executive department which does things to the legislative which plans the things to be done and the judicial which interprets and helps enforce those plans; and then, if necessary, to the charter or constitution which lays down the legal powers and duties of each branch of government. Moreover, the possibilities for cooperation between the community, acting through government, and the citizens, young and old, acting singly or in voluntary associations, is never lost sight of. How great is this departure from the solemn farce of practically memorizing the federal constitution) now in vogue in the City of Penn and elsewhere-can best be appreciated by those teachers who are anxiously awaiting deliverance from bondage through long overdue revision of their prescribed course of study. J. LYNN BARNARD.’ 1 Professor in the Philadelphia School of Pedagogy.

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REPORTS AND DOCUMENTS EDITED BY PROFESSOR JOHN A. FAIRLIE Uniueraily of Illinois, Utbana-Champaign, Illinois. The McAneny Committee Report.-The Interborough Rapid Transit Company in New York City, under date of December 5, 1910, made aproposition to the city to construct, equip and operate certain transit lines, the main trunk of which lines would carry'the Broadway subway down Seventh Avenue to the Battery, and the portion of the present subway on Fourth Avenue up Lexington Avenue to the Bronx. The public service commission conditionally recommended the acceptance of the proposition, and asked the board of estimate and apportionment to express its opinion on the terms proposed. The board of estimate accordingly appointed a special committee to confer with the public service commission, which committee was known as the McAneny Committee. During the consideration of the matter, and on March 2, 1911, the Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company made a proposition to build certain lines, the chief of which waa in Broadway, Manhattan, swinging eastward and entering the borough of Queens, its southern end connecting with the existing rapid transit lines of that company in Brooklyn. Subsequent to its first proposal it agreed, under certain considerations, to operate the lines proposed by the Interborough Company in case the city should so desire. The conference then had before it two propositions from these two companies, and after much consultation, on June 5, 1911, a report was made jointly by the board of estimate and the public service commission. The chief features of this included the following: (1) Leases for forty-nine years. (2) Provision for recapture of releases after a period of ten years. (3) For an equal division of profits, after providing for operating, fixed, and certainrotherjcharges on the part of the company. Operation costs on any separate division or extensions of the system to be figured on a cost-per-passenger basis, as figured on the whole system. (5) Deficits arising from the operation of extensions to be paid for out of the city's share of profits till the company has accumulated 3 per cent annually upon its total investment, in excess of operating and carrying charges. For the use of existing rapid transit lines of the Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company as thrown into the general system, the city proposed to permit the company to retain a sum equal to the net profits from the operation of its existing lines during the year ending June 30, 1911, before paying the interest or sinking fund charges upon either its own or the city's bonds. The Interborough Company refused to accept the terms proposed. The board of estimate thereupon voted to give the BrookIyn Rapid Transit Company the lines that had been offered to the Interborough Company. Construction work was then begun by the city upon the proposed lines. During the early fall of 1911, it was rumored that certain of the city 05cials were holding conferences with representatives of the Pennsylvania Railroad and of the banking firm of J. P. Morgan and Company. They were supposed to be acting as emissaries of the Interborough Rapid Transit Company in an endeavor to open negotiations with the hope that the city would again consider a proposition from the Interborough Company and would modify its former terms. At this writing (February 9, 1912), it has become certain that such negotiations are in progress. The Interborough Company, however, has not up (4) (6) 261

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262 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW to this time sent an official communication, incorporating a proposition, to the city. It seems, however, probable that such a proposition will be received in the near future. Under the terms proposed to the Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company, the city would have built all of the subways and leased them to that company on a forty-nine year basis, but subject to recapture at any time after ten years. The terms proposed by the city seem to have been just to the company and safe and acceptable for the city. The reason for again opening negotiations with the Interborough Company on the part of the city is not at the present writing clear. HENRY C. WRIQHT. New York City. * Recent City-Planning Reports.-The rapidity of the growth of interest in city-planning in American is amazing. You have only to look over the roll of honor as published at the back of John Nolen’s recent, report, “Madison a Model City,” to appreciate how many cities have got the city-planning fever. The enthusiasm is contagious. At the same time, however, it often blinds. Studying some thirty or forty of these reports as I recently had occasion to do, 1 was struck by several things. In most cases the demand was for a more beautiful city-a city to which the stranger would be immediately attracted and a city in the contemplation of which the native citizen could feel a just pride. In short the demand has been for those surface embellishments which catch the passing glance; those things which appeal to the unthinking crowd. In the concrete, it is the parks, the boulevards, and the broad avenues, the showy civic centers with their awe-inspiring approaches, which have in the main dominated American city-planning. Looking farther we see a change coming over these tendencies, and in a number of recent reports, we find a distinct gain in practicalness. The way was led by the report of the metropolitan improvement commission of Boston, which came out in 1909 and which was ably seconded by the report of the Pittsburgh civic commission of 1910, but most unfortunately none of the successors have adequately followed up this lead. A keynote of efficiency and thoroughness was set in this Boston 1909 report which argueswell forthe futureofAmericancityplanning. The principle is this: a city is essentially a place where people live and work, and work tolive; anything that can be done to make the city a better place to work in, a better place to live in should be done as a matter of common sense; anything that is going to make a man’s work easier or more enjoyable; anything that is going to make his life more worth the living is fundamental, absolutely, to city-planning. The work of the great majority of the people is entirely dependent upon the conditions governing manufacture and commerce, these in turn are in largemeasure dependent upon the facilities of transportation by water and by land. Whether life is worth while or not depends absolutely on conditions of housing, recreation, and transit. These things-transportation, transit, housing, and recreation (in its broadest sense) are the vital things in city-life. They are the things which twenty-four hours out of every twenty-four, profoundly affect the life of every man, woman, and child. Glance over the city-planning reports; pathetically few are those which haveseriously considered these facts. Cognizance can not be taken of them without a thorough impartial knowledge of conditions as they exist in the given community; this demands a series of careful surveys made by thoroughly trained and large minded experts. You can almost name on the fingers of one hand, the cities or towns where anything like this has been done, and in the cities which first occur in this connection, such as Boston, Pittsburgh, Chicago, Lo8 Angeles, and Rochester, you will find that such surveys have been

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REPORTS AND DOCUMENTS confined almost exclusively to transportation and traffic. In places like New Haven where a social survey was actually made it has been almost ignored in the public report. In city after city, for which attractive reports have recently been published, if you visit them with an open mind you will find festering slum gnawing at their very vitals which sooner or later with the inevitableness of fate will poison the whole mass. Intelligence and foresight can stop this. There is not a moment to lose, for it may soon be too late. If there is any one way in which cityplanning may be of the greatest service to the community it is in attacking this problem. If there is any one service city-planning can render to humanity, it is that of making the city a decent and a fit place for human beings to live in. Fundamental in the working out of a comprehensive plan for any city should be the consideration of these vital facts; any city which dodges them is worse than no plan at all. City-planning of the future must be a far bigger and more allcomprising thing than haa been cityplanning heretofore. Such is the problem we have inevitably to face. GEORGE B. FORD. * New York City. Civil Service Conditions in Kansas City.-The first board of civil service of Kansas City, Missouri, was organized April 26,1910. Since that time the board has held 448 competitive examinations with 4585 competitors. Of these approximately 52 per cent obtained places on the eligible lists-1253 certifications for appointment have beenmade exclusive of the 1068 appointments in the labor class. Only3 per cent of those certified have been discharged for cause. Approximately54 per cent of the persons holding positions prior to the examinations were successful in retaining their positions. Under the law the incumbents of positions were required either to win out by merit on competitive examinations or vacate in favor of persons heading eligible lists. According to the custom established by the board each examination has been conducted. by a special committee of citizens acting with the chief examiner. In selecting the citizen examiners, usually three in number, the board has undertaken to secure persons expert in or having definite knowledge of the requirements of the position. These citizens serve without pay and the city has thus had the assistance of 197 representative men and women. Of these 76 were engaged in business; 93 were of the leading professions; 14 city and government officials; and the remainder tradesmen and mechanics. In addition to the written examination each applicant is brought before the committee and questioned orally as to experience, habits, physical condition, etc., and graded, and this grade is averaged with the grade made in the written examination. The citizens committee in cooperation with the chief examiner prepares the written questions and grades the papers. The results have been gratifying. A comparison of twelve months in the license department under the merit system with a corresponding period under the former regime shows an increase of more than 40 per cent or $71,532.75 in the revenue with no material change in expenditures. The auditor in his report, speaking of b salaries for the year in his department, says: “The actual saving in money has amountedto$12,620.05, and the force has been reduced from an average of twenty-six clerks to an average of sixteen.” In the inspection division of the engineering department the cost of inspection under the former regime was 6.36 per cent of the cost of the work done, but for the period under the merit system the cost has been reduced to 2.9 per cent or less than one-half of the former cost. The superintendent of building srye: “The ‘don’t care spirit’ has entirely

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264 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW been eliminated from this department. I believe that the men in my employ at the present time are all doing conscientious work without fear and without showing favoritism to any one.” The superintendent of the’ board of public welfare says: “One effect of the examinations is to cause a very large amount of careful study and reading relative to all lines of work to be done by the city’s employees, and also by a large number of other people who contemplate taking these examinations. The educational effect of thissystem upon the whole community of social workers in Kansas City has been splendid.’’ It is generally admitted that Mayor Darius A. Brown has become stronger politically by consistently upholding strict enforcement of the civil service law. JAMES W. S. PETERS. 9 National Budgets and Balance Sheets as Related to Municipal Statements.A matter of no little importance in the improvement of municipal accounts and reports, now going on rapidly in various parts of the country, is the work at Washington of the “President’s commission on economy and efficiency,” relating to the national budget and to national balance sheets. The latter especially is of very great moment to municipalities, for the reason that classifications of assets and liabilities may, and in fact should, comprise almost identical categories for the nation, for the state, and for the municipality, whether town or city. While so broad a generalization would not be warranted if we were speaking of the transactions during the year, that is to say, of the revenues and of the expenditures, yet when speaking of the condition of the finances at the end of the year, namely, the “balance sheet” of assets and liabilities, we are stating the fact when such an assertion is made. It is evident that on the asset side the classification must be the same in all these governmental statements of condition. All have “cash” balances;. all have “accounts receivable” of one kind or another, to wit, uncollected revenues (taxes, fees, etc.) ; all have “ advances” or “suspense” accounts of various kinds. On the other side-the liability sideall have payables of various kinds. There are actual debts due to creditors and there are reserves; the latter in many categories, but all of the same general nature. In other words, while the purposes of expenditure in nation, state and city vary greatly and while the sources of revenue vary correspondingly, it is the fact that the statement of condition, i.e., the contrast of resources remaining available at the end of the year with the debts and reserves against these resources, is almost identical in purpose and in form of statement for all governmental functions. For this reason, we say, the work of the President’s commission should have a very great effect upon the municipal situation so far as forms of balance sheets are concerned. With the prestige of the national government behind it the commission may be able to provide classifications and categories which will be applicable all the way down the line, through states and counties to cities and small towns. It is expected that the results of the work of the Commission in these directions will soon be available and will in due time be published in these columns. I HARVEY S. CEASE. Washington, D. C. * The Philadelphia Milk Show.-The milk show which was held in Philadelphia from May 20 to 27, 1911, waa a success and its promoters have done well to give it permanent form by issuing this report which not only gives a good picture of the show but sets forth clearly both the commendable features of the dairy business and its faults that need correction. A list is given of the societies that managed different parts of the

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REPORTS AND DOCUMENTS 265 show, and there is a detailed account of the way it was organized, financed and given publicity. This part of the report is likely to be a source of useful information and fruitful suggestion to those who may undertake, by similar enterprises, to enlighten the public on milk, tuberculosis, the administration of cities, etc. The report emphasizes the fact that the milk problem presents itself in different ways to the producer, to the distributor or midaleman, and to the public and that all three of these are dependent on boards of health for the proper regulation of the business and on manufacturers for the machinery to carry it on. The function of the show waa to promote and harmonize these interests. It is told how the people, and particularly the, children, were brought to the show and encouraged to use milk by diagrams showing its food value and cheapness, by demonstrations of how milk should be prepared for babies and by the serving of good milk from a booth. Numerous exhibits by model dairies, c,ertified milk farms and boards of health, together with models, photographs and moving pictures taught the public to discriminate between good and bad milk and that the best milk might be spoiled by careless keeping in the home. Methods of pasteurization were shown and the relation of excessive infant mortality in the summer time to impure milk was explained by means of charts. It is stated that special efforts were made to bring the farmers to the show and to procure prominent speakers at the dairy institute organized for their .benefit. The list of men who, at the school of veterinary medicine at the University of Pennsylvania, addressed the health officers in convention at the show is given. So is a detailed account of each exhibit. Some thirty-odd full page half tones and numerous cuts illustrate the show; they are in the main instructive but some of them and the long lists of committee members might well have been omitted. The show coast $10,800 and was attended by about 110,500 people; it had a good influence in many parts of the country and it is hoped that the publication of this report may lead to big and little shows in every state in the Union. H N. PARKER. University of Illinois. 4? More City Plans.--The Municipal League News of Seattle for October 21, 1911, has published a review of the report of Virgil G. Bogue, the expert of the municipal plans commission, which had been approved by the commission and was presented to the city council, September 30, 1911. The report is a volume of 236 pages with 68 illustrations in the form of maps, diagrams, and drawings. It discusses such matters as arterial highways, park improvements, harbor improvements, development of a central water front, and street railways.’ In January, 1911, Bion J. Arnold submitted to the mayor and council committee on local transportation a detailed report presenting“Recommendations and General Plans for a Comprehensive Passenger Subway System for the City of Chicago.” During the winter these and other plans for subways, harbor and park improvements in Chicago have been given serious consideration. Charles H. Wacker, chairman of the Chicago plan commission has published a brief Manual of the Chicago Plan for use in the high schools of that city. The California Outlook for November 4, 1911, contains in full the preliminary report of Bion J. Arnold on the “TransportationProblem of Los Angeles.” The general outline of this report is indicated by a list of the main topical headings, as follows: Municipal railroad passenger stations; grade crossings; freight handling, local street railways; interurban railways; immediate relief from main street congestion; city and district planning, and a comprehensive and constructive transit plan. These topics show I The voters refused to approve this plan at the electron on March 5.

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266 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW that the report deals with much more than a system of urban passenger distribution, and is in considerable measure a general discussion of all phases of the transportation problems in .Los Angeles. The city-planning commission of Jersey City, has published several pamphlets under the general title, “Know City-Planning.” “A Plan for the Improvement of the River Front of Albany, N. Y,” has been prepared and published by a committee of the chamber of commerce. A special commission appointed in Cambridge, Mass., prepared and submitted, in June, 1911, a report upon a comprehensive plan for the development and improvement of the streets and the disposal of refuse. The fourth annual report of the Hartford, Conn., commission on the city plan, includes a monograph on public comfort stations, by Frederick L. Ford, formerly city engineer and secretary of the commission, and also a summary of ordinance provisions limiting the height of buildings in certain American cities. * Six Years of Municipal Research.The New York bureau of municipal research has published a record of its work since its organization in 1906 to the end of 1911, under the title “Six Years of Municipal Research for Greater New York.” This explains the purposes and methods of the bureau and summarizes the results of its more important investigations, with a brief reference to similar work in other cities. Since its beginning the bureau has received contributions amounting to $402,000, besides $268,000 for special purposes. Starting with a staff of eight it has had from forty to fifty during the past four years. Its methods have been the most intensive investigation of the subjects considered, in cooperation with public officials; followed by descriptive, critical and constructive reports to both officials and the general public, and supplemented by publicity and active efforts to correct evils and secure improvement in methods. The work of the bureau has centered to a large extent around finance administration, but including much more than the finance department. That department has been thoroughly reorganized, with notable improvements in its methods of inspection, audit, payment, collection and reports. Accounting methods in all the city departments have been revised. The budget methods have been radically reformed; budget estimates have been printed and explained in detail by means of press notices, budget exhibits and circulars to taxpayers organizations; and have been thoroughly discussed at conferences of officials, social workers and taxpayers. An investigation of water revenues led to a reorganization of collection methods which has increased the revenues from this source $2,000,000 a year. By standardizing supplies and salaries enormous savings have been made in expenditures-$QOO,000 saved in seven years by the board of education through standardizing fuel alone; ~1,200000 saved by standardizing the quantity and forms of official reports and books. By reconciling the comptroller’s and department’s books, $1O,ooO,000 has been released for reduction of taxes in 1912. The work of the New York bureau has led to the establishment of similar bureaus in Philadelphia, Cincinnati, Chicago, Milwaukee, and Memphis, and on a smaller scale in Boston, Baltimore, St. Paul and Atlanta. Agents of the New York bureau have made municipal research studies in St. Louis, Hoboken, Montclair, Boston, Buffalo, Pittsburgh, Rochester and Yonkers. A special fund has been raised for promoting efficient municipal accounting in American cities; and a detailed study of commission government, with plans for more efficient and progressive work, is to be published during the spring. To develop further work along the lines of this bureau, a National Training School for Public Service was established in 1911, to be conducted by the bureau.

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REPORTS AND DOCUMENTS 267 The Gothenburg System.-Stuart J. Fuller, United States consul at Gothenburg, Sweden, has prepared an account of the law and regulations governing the manufacture and sale of alcoholic beverages in Gothenburg, published as Special Consular Report, No. 49. The manufacture of spirituous and malt liquors in Sweden is regulated by the government as an incident t,o the collection of excise taxes. The retail trade in spirituous liquors (those containing 25 per cent of alcohol or over) is limited to the Gothenburg System Corporation, which operates a number of establishments and sub-licenses others. In 1910 there were 29 places in Gothenburg where spirits were sold at retail for consumption off the premises, and 44 places where spirits were sold at retail for consumption on the premises. These are strict regulations as to the maintenance of order, against sales to minors and limiting the hours of sale, the rules of the company in some cases imposing greater restrictions than those required by law. The company is limited to a return of 5 per cent on its capital of $27,000, profits over this amount being turned over to the state and the municipality. Under this system the sale of spirits has diminished, from 22 litrev per inhabi.tant in 1875 to 10 litres in 1905.’ But drunkenness does not seem to have been decreased, so far as may be judged from the number of arrests. In the twenty years from 1887 to 1906, the municipality received $3,317,000 from the company’s profits, which has been used largely for schools, libraries, museums, parks, and other welfare work. In 1910 the city received $160,000 as its share of the profits, and the national government $205,000. The sale of wine and beer is not included in the company’s monopoly; and dealers in these are licensed by the local government board. At the time of the report there were 518 shops licensed for the sale of wine and beer for offconsumption, and 187 places for sale on . the premises. This is a much larger number of places than will be found in most American cities of the same population a.3 Gothenburg (168,000). In additkn to the discussion of the system and its operation, Consul Fuller’s report gives translations of the royal ordinances governing the sale of spirits and wine and beer in Sweden, and of the special rules enforced in Gothenburg, with statistics published by the Gothenburg System Corporation. ?p Short Ballot and Home Rule In Ohio. -The Municipal Association of Cleveland has published two important reports addressed to the Constitutional Convention in session in that state. One of these is entitled “The Need of a Short Ballot in Ohio.” This shows that under the present laws, the voters of Cleveland are called on in each two-year period to vote for 74 separate officers, mare than 40 of each at one election. The ballot at the state and county election in 1908 contained the names of 391 candidates; and at the 1911 primary election 324 names appeared on the tickets of the two dominant parties. At the election in November,’ 1911, each voter in Cleveland received seven separate and distinct ballots; and each voter in Cincinnati received nine separate and distinct ballots. After discussing the state, county and municipal offices, the report proposes a reduction of the elective state officials (including members of theslegislature and judges) to an average of ten in each community, county officials to an average of nine, and city offices to a total of six, to be voted for by each elector. On this basis the total number of offices to be voted for at a state and county election would be reduced from 43 to 13, and the municipal offices from 30 to a maximum of 10. In view of the probable opposition from rural counties to a radical change in the present system, the report favors a grant of home rule both to counties and cities, which would permit

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW the more populous counties and cities to adopt a form of government based on the short ballot principle. The second report is on “Constitutional Home Rule for Ohio Cities.” This gives a brief history of legislative control of cities in Ohio, under the regime of special charters before 1851, the complicated system of classification developed under the constitutional restrictions on special legislation, and the rigidly uniform municipal organization in force since 1902. After discussing the defects of legislative control, the report describes the system of home rule charters now authorized in the eight states of Missouri, California, Washington, Minnesota, Colorado, Oregon, Oklahoma and Michigan. Lastly, there is considered the need for constitutional limitations on home rule in regard to public taxation, indebtedness, education, and uniformity of accounts. * The Wilson Ballot in Maryland.-The Honest Ballot League of Maryland has published a pamphlet on “The Wilson Ballot in Maryland Politics,” by Vernon S. Bradley. In 1901 a new election law abolished the party emblem on election ballots and did away with the provision for voting a straight party ticket by a single mark, requiring each voter to make a separate mark for every candidate for whom he voted. The Wilson law of 1904 applied at first tp nine counties and has since been extended to two others. Under this law party names (as well as emblems) and the alphabetical arrangement of names have been abolished; and the election supervisors in each county have power to arrange the names of candidates and to determine practically all questions relating to the ballot. Mr. Bradley, after considering various alleged objects of this legislation, charges that “the realobject of the Wilson law was to save the political lives of a Democratic ring of professional politicians.” In discussing the operation of the law, a series of ballots used in different counties are reproduced, showing the most whimsical variations in size, arrangement of names and devices to guide the instructed voter and confuse others. Different styles of type have been used in almost every county, with a tendency towards unusual styles, such as italics and Old English. In conclusion, Mr. Bradley claims that the Wilson ballot has disfranchised 50,O00 voters, and that it has made Maryland a one party state and has given that party a political ring. * Finance and Taxation.-The Single Taz Review, for May-June, 1911, is a Vancouver special number, with several articles discussing the results of the exemption of improvements from local taxation in that city. A report of the committee on housing adopted by the Pittsburgh civic commission, December 11,1911, recommends that the tax rate on buildings should be fixed at not more than 50 per cent of the rate on land, the change to be introduced gradually during a period of five years. Comptroller Prendergast of New York City issued in October, 1911, a pamphlet on “The Business of New York City: How the City Gets its Money and How It Spends It.” This gives a popular presentation of the city finances, including budget appropriations, tax levy and collections, funded debt and debt limit, and assessed valuations. The Massachusetts bureau of statistics has published a circular in regard to the form note certification act and the incurrence of debt under the general laws of the commonwealth. In the report of Comptroller Taussig of St. Louis for the year 1910-11, in addition to the detailed statements and estimates for the past and current year, there are comparative tables giving financial data from 1877 to 1911, and a comparative summary from 1895 to 1911. The report of the Auditor of Los

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REPORTS AND DOCUMENTS Angeles, Cal., for the year 1910-11, contains, in addition to the annual statements, an appendix of miscellaneous information with comparative tables of receipts and disbursements for several years and data relating to bonds, valuations, taxes etc. * The Boston School System.-The finance commission of the city of Boston has published a report on the Boston school system, the result of an inquiry made at the request of Mayor Fitzgerald. This includes an account of the development of the public schools, a financial review and a series of statistical tables comparing conditions n Boston with other large cities in the United States. In the main, the report endorses and approves the existing system, and finds little opportunity for retrenchment in school expenditures. The difliculties in the way of satisfactory statistical comparisons with other cities are pointed out; but so far as these can be made the result is shown to befavorable. The average cost for all pupils in Boston is exceeded only by San Francisco and New York; but this is chiefly accounted for by the large percentage of high school pupils in Boston, which is greater than in any other of the ten cities over 300,000 population from which data was secured. The large expenditures of recent years have been due to an attempt to supply the deficiencies of previous years and to meet real needs. The administration of the school committee, both on the educational and business sides, is entitled to the full confidence of the community. Some recommendations for minor changes in methods are made. * The Red Plague.-In 1910 the board of governors of the Commonwealth Club of California appointed a committee composed of both medical men and laymen to investigate and report on the influence of venereal diseases. At meetings of the club held in February, and April, 1911, the members of the committee presented papers on various aspects of the question: Dr. William Aphuls spoke on the Results of Reglementation and Prophylaxis; Mr. Wollenberg on the Statistics of Regulation and Methods of Education; Dr. Rixford on Preventive Methods. After discussion five of the six conclusions and recommendations of the committee were approved, as follows: 1. The establishment of free dispensaries for the treatment of venereal diseases. 2. Compulsory provision for the treatment of venereal diseases in the city and county hospital. 3. A system of public school education on sex questions and venereal diseases. 4. That the state board of health be requested to gather suitable data and disseminate literature on sex hygiene, assisted by the various health boards. 5. That the various boards of school directors throughout the state be requested to arrange for lectures to the pupils of the higher grades and their parents on sex hygiene. The addresses and discussions on this subject have been published in the Transactions of the Commonwerlth Club, volume vi, no. 1. * Ontario Liquor License Law.-The report on the operation of the liquor licenses acts, Ontario, for the year 1910 shows that the total number of provincial licenses issued has decreased from 6185 in 1874 to 2200 in 1909. The minimum number of licenses (1974) were issued in 1886, after which there was an increase to 3560 in 1889. Since the latter date there has been a steady reduction in the number issued. The number of prisoners committed for drunkenness has, however, increased from an annual average of 1920 for the five years from 1896 to 1900, to an annual average of 4974 for the five years from 1906 to 1910. License fees under the Ontario law range from $120 in unincorporated dis

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270 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW tricts to $1600 for a tavern license in a city of over 200,OOO population. The total amount paid to municipalities for the license year 1909-10 was $399,167; and the revenue received by the Province for the same year amounted to $497,776. A schedule shows a list of 275 municipalities in which prohibition was in force in 1910. The largest of these were Galt, Owen Sound and Brantford. The liquor licefse act, as amended to and including the session of 1911, has been published in pamphlet form. * State. Municipal Leagues.-The Proceedings of the Twelfth Annual Concention of the League of Cities of the Third Class in Pennsylvania, held at Easton, August 29-31, 1911, includes articles on assessment of real estate, the McKeesport filtration plant, the coal smoke nuisance and a discussion on street cleaning. Among the papers in the Proceedings of the Third Annual Convention of the League of Kansas Municipalities held at Topeka, October 11-12, 1911, may be noted those on the London sliding scale, uniform municipal accounting, the police problem, and municipal reference departments. The September, 1911, number of The Municipality contains a report of the proceedings of the thirteenth annual convention of the League of Wisconsin Municipalities, including addresses on oiling streets, garbage crematories and municipal reference bureaus. * Reports of the Chicago Bureau of Public Efficiency.-The budget of Cook County, Illinois, January, 1911. Proposed purchase of voting machines, May, 1911. Street pavement in the city of Chicago, June, 1911. Electrolysis of water pipes in Chicago, July, 1911. Administration of the office of recorder of Cook County, September, 1911. Plea for publicity in the office of county treasurer, October, 1911. The judges and the county fee offices, December, 1911. The park governments of Chicago, December, 1911. Merriam commission reports : The water works system of Chicago; bureau of streets, civil service commission and special assessment accounting system of Chicago. * Public Lecture6 in New York and Chicago.-The department of education of the city of New York has published an interesting report on the extensive system of public lectures conducted by the department for the year 1910-11, with outlines of courses of lectures and illustration. The council for library and museum extension have published a pamphlet on educational opportunities in Chicago, and a list of public lectures in Chicago for the season 1911-12. Copies may be obtained from the president or secretary of the council, N. H. Carpenter, the Art Institute, and Aksel G. S. Johnson, the John Crerar Library. * Street Lighting.-Bulletin 51 of the University of Illinois Engineering Experiment Station is a monograph on street lighting, by J. M. Bryant and H. G. Hake of the electrical engineering department in the university. This considers the general methods for the production of light, systems of distribution, photometry and illumination, lighting for various classes of streets and cost of operation. The information is presented in a form to be understood by the general public, without requiring special technical knowledge; and the bulletin should be of value in framing ordinances and contracts for street lighting systems. * Sewage Disposal in New York.-The metropolitan sewerage commission of New York City has issued a preliminary report discussing several plans and suggestions for disposing of the sewage of

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REPORTS AND DOCUMENTS 27 1 the Greater New York without causing serious pollution of the harbor or nuisance to the resorts along the New Jersey and Long Island shores. The various plans considered included the discharge at sea by outfall sewers extending several miles from shore; application of sewage to farm lands, and sedimentation and biological treatment; estimates of cost mount to about $140,000,000. * Municipal Documents.-The bulletin of the New York Public Library for January, 1912, contains a bibliography of recent accessions of city documents. The New York Public Library now has the largest and most valuable collection of municipal documents in the United States; and the publication of additions to this collection from time to time will be of much service to students of municipal problems throughout the country. In the list now published descriptive notes are appended to the titles of many of the more important reports. * Cleveland Vice Commission.-The vice commission of the Cleveland (Ohio) Baptist Brotherhood, appointed in May, 1911, has published a brief report. This discusses the financial status of the liquor traffic in Cleveland, the law and the saloon, social vice and public amusements. Comparative tables for the eighteen largest cities in the United States are published, showing statistics in regard to the police, arrests, saloons, public amusements, divorces and professional prostitutes. * Philadelphia City Club.-The City Club of Philadelphia has bound volumes of its bulletins for the past four years, volumes 1 and 2 being bound together, and also volumes 3 and 4. These bound volumes bring together a considerable amount of interesting information, including numerous addresses delivered before the Philadelphia City Club on a large variety of municipal problems by experts from all parts of the country. * Woman’s Municipal League of New York.-The year book of this organization for 1911 contains a number of valuable reports of committees and branches. The legislative committee presents the results of an inquiry into the medical examination of prostitutes in the United States. Beatrice L. Stevenson reports on working girls’life at Coney Island. Other committee reports deal with dance halls, motion pictures and a variety of additional topics. * Virginia Charities.-The third annual report of the state board of charities and corrections to the governor of Virginia for the year 1911, contains reports on municipal and county almshouses and outdoor relief, and on private charitable institutions and organizations, and also the addresses and discussions at the child welfare conference held at Richmond, Va., May 22-25, 1911. * Hartford Streets.-Bulletin 9 of the publications of the Municipal Art Society of Hartford, Conn., gives a history of Hartford streets, their names, origin and dates of use, prepared for the committee on parks and thoroughfares and playgrounds. . * Massachusetts Civic League.-In the annual report of this association for 1911, attention is called to housing problems and playgrounds conditions.

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CURRENT MUNICIPAL LEGISLATION EDITED BY JOKN A. LAPP' Legislatius Reference Department of the Indiana State Library PART I-REVIEW OF CERTAIN FEATURES OF STATE LEGISLATION FOR 1911 AFFECTING MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.* Alabama.-In addition to the legislation noticed in the January issue of the REVIEW, several laws of importance were passed. OneJ prohibits municipalities from charging as a license fee more than 2 per cent of the gross receipts of public utilities and permitting this intangible tax as an offset on the tax on tangible property. It is said that this has largely decreased the taxes of various public service corporations in Birmingham. Other laws provide for civil service in police departments in cities over 25,00O4; permit the pensioning of police and firemen in cities over 25,000;6 authorize6 street railways to furnish free or reduced transportation to police, firemen and sanitary officers and to grant a reduced rate to school children; authorize? cities of 100,OOO to control viaducts and subways in order to remedy grade crossing dangers; create a juvenile court for cities of 100,000;8 and in cities of 100,1 Mr. Arthur Croaby Ludington, who edited the department of leglsletion in the first Wue of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, has been compelled by reason of a change In his duties and obllgationa to relinquish the charge of the department, greatly to theregret of hiacollesgues. Weare fortunate, however, in being able to announce &s his succeaaor, Mr. John A. Lapp, legtslatlve reference Iibrarlan of the Indiana state library and editor of Spm'al Libraries. Mr. Lapp is admirably fitted both by training and deep Intereat to make thls department a striking contribution to literature of municipal advance and to the whole subject of comparative municipal legislation. f The summary of legislation by states supple menu the reviews published in the January bue of the REVI~W and with the exception of some legislation in five or sir other states which will be noticed in general summaries In a later Issue. these revlews cover the field of state legislation In 1911. No. 216. 4 No. 341. 8 No. 678. a No. 626. 1 No. 289. No. 475. 0009 provide for collection of taxes by the county tax collector, thus abolishing the city tax collector. Indiana.-Indiana cities are divided under the general municipal code into five classes. The first three classes are based on population; the fourth and fifth classes, on population and assessed valuation. Alllegislationis general, but care has not been tnken to make all laws conform to the classification. Frequently laws are passed applying to cities having a population differing from that of the established classes of cities. Their validity has not been fully determined by the courts thoughmany absurd classifications with small differences have been declared void. The legislature of 1911 passed many acts relating to cities, but none of wide general significance touching the form of municipal government. Three important measures, the referendum on municipal franchises; commission government; and a street paving bill putting the cost of paving intersections on the abutting property holders, were defeated -the first after one of tht bitterest fights of the session. The measures which were enacted include two relating to schools; the Term Haute school law,1o making the school commissioners elective by the people. This law was passed first in 1909,but the census of 1910 took Terre Haute out of the classification and left the law with no application to any city. A second school measureIl was that enabling Indianapolis to take over and conduct the Winona trades school which had been run as a private institution and to levy a 8 No. 156. 10 Ch. 147. 11 Ch. *March 1. 272

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CURRENT MUNICIPAL LEGISLATION 273 special tax for the purpose. The park law of 1909 which created a board of park commissioners for cities of the first class with rather wide powers was extended to cities of the second class.’ A new playground law2 was enacted for cities of the first class putting the control of playgrounds under the city board of health and charities and requiring the, council to levy a special tax for their support. Track elevation or depression which had already been provided for in Indianapolis and Fort Wayne was extended by special classification to South Bend.3 The Fort Wayne law was amended to conform to the new federal census.4 The South Bend law makes the cost payable, seventy-five. per cent by the railroad and twenty-five per cent by the city. If a street railway is on the street the company pays 10 per cent and the city 15 per cent. Two other measures are the weights and measures law6 and the amendment to the uniform public accounting law.6 The first makes the state food and drug commissioner the state commissioner of weights and measures and authorizes the appointment of city and county deputies. The significance of this law is the centralization of control in the state department. The uniform accounting law applying to all offices, state and local, which was the triumph of the 1909 session was supplemented to secure better collection of shortages. It is made the duty of the attorney general and prosecuting attorneys of the counties to institute the necessary proceedings to collect the shortages disclosed. The new law grants a hearing to officials found short in their accounts before publicity is given to the findings. The old law allowed all findings to be made public at once and resulted in many injustices to accused officials. 1 Ch. 231-M~~h 6. * Ch. 153-March 4. a Ch. 128-March 4. 4 Ch. 143-March 4. 5 Ch. 2B3-March 6. Ch. 11S-March 3. Kansas.-Judges, clerks and marshals of cities were made elective at the time of state and county elections.7 This was made necessary by a recent decisions declaring that officers of city courts are county officers. City councils in cities of over40,000 were authorized9 to provide additional street lighting, the equipment to be paid for by the property owners and operated by the city. Power was also given to all cities to treat streets with oil on petition of property owners, the cost to be sssessed against the abutting property owners as in paving and the intersection to be paid for by the city.10 Cities of second and third classes may pave intervening streets between parallel paved streets andlevy aspecial amount.11 A. C. DFXSTRA. 3! Michigan.-Pursuant to the provisions of Article 8, sections 20 and 21,lZ of the constitution of 1908, the legislature of 1909 passed what is known as the “Home Rule” act,13 which permits any city in the state to frame, adopt and amend its own charter. It was supposed, when the act was originally passed, in 1909, that it conferred upon the cities the power-to amendexisting charters, that is, charters granted by the legislature, but the supreme court has held that that was imp0ssible.1~ An 7 1911, oh. 96. 0 1911. oh. 82. 10 1911, ch. 121. 11 1911. ch. 123. 12 Sec. 20. The legidatwe shall provide by a general law for the incorporation of cities, and by a general law for the incorporation of villapas; such general laws shall limit their rate of taxation for municipal purposes, and mtrict their powers of borrowing money and contracting debts. Under such general lam. the electors of each city and village shall have power and authority to frame, adopt and amend its charter, and, through ita regularly constituted authority. to pasa all laws and ordinances relating to ita municipal concerns, subject to the constitution and general laws of the state. 1911, 82 Kansas. 190. Sec. 21. 18 Act No. 279, P.A. 1909. 14 Attorney General v. Common Councilof Detroit. 64 Mich. 369.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW amendment to the law was made by the legislature in 19111 to correct this error, but the supreme court has recently held this amendment unconstitutional,* thereby withholding from the cities the right to amend charters other than those which they have of themselves framed and adopted. A city desiring to revise its present charter, or frame a new charter,a may do so in the following manner: When its legislative body shall by a two-thirds vote declare for a general revision of the charter, or when a petition signed by 25 per cent of the qualified electors shall be presented therefor, the question of having a general charter revision shall be submitted to the electors for adoption or rejection at the next general or municipal election, or at a special election. In case the electors shall, by a majority vote, declare in favor of such revision, a charter commission shall be selected, consisting of one elector from each ward and three electors at large, having a residence of at least three years in the municipality. No city officer or employe shall be eligible to a place on said commission. All names of candidates for charter commissioners shall be placed on one ballot withou! party affiliations designated; the candidate having the greatest number of votes in each ward shall be .declared elected, and the three candidates-at-large having the greatest number of votes cast in the city shall be declared elected. The legislative body of the municipality shall fix, in advance, of the election of such charter commissjon, the place of its meeting, the compensation of its members, and provide the money for the expenses thereof. The charter when framed under this 1 Act No. 203. P.A. 1911. a Attorney General ex rel. Vernor v. Detrolt Common Council. 18 Dct. Legal Nma, 914; 133 N.W. 1090. See also Department of Events and Personalla under the head “Judlclsl Dectalons.” ‘The supreme court haa held that the general revlafon of a granted charter haa the same effect aa the framlng of an entlrely new charter. Attorney General V. Common Councfl, 164 Ilch. 369. act shall provide for a mayor and a body vested with legislative power, for the election or appointment of such officers as may be deemed necessary, for the levy and collection of taxes, for a system of accounting which shall conform to a uniform system required by law, and that subjects for taxation for municipal purposeg shall be the same as for state, county and school purposes under the general law; and generally for such incidental matters as are usually included in such charters. Each city may provide for annually levying taxes to the extent of not more than 2 per cent, and for borrowing money to the extent of not more than 8 per cent of the assessed valuation of all the property of the city, with certain limits as to the exercise of this borrowing power; and it may provide for owning and operating transportation facilities if it has a population of 25,000 or more; and any city may provide for purchasing franchises of light, gas, waterworks and power companies, and it may provide for a system of civil service and many other incidental matters pertaining to the government of cities generally. Such cities have no power under the act to increase the rate of taxation now fixed by law, except upon a majority vote of the electors and then only to 2 per cent per annum, nor to submit a new charter more often than once in two years after first one is adopted, nor to change the salary of any public official during his term of office, nor shorten his term, nor to adopt a charter unless approved by a majority of the electors, nor to issue bonds without providing a sinking fund for the redemption of the same. It is provided that such city may through its regularly constituted authority pass all laws and ordinances relating to its municipal affairs subject to the constitution and general laws of the state, with the exceptions above noted. This act was amended in 1911 in several respects and particularly for the purpose of permitting such cities to adopt the initiative, referendum and

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CURRENT MUNICIPAL LEGISLATION 275 recall, but, aa shown above, some of the provisions of this amendatory act have already been declared unconstitutional and the constitutionality of the entire act is now before the court. GEORQE L. CLARK. * New York.-Municipal legislation in New York is both special and general and the yearly output is enormous. 1 he 1911 session passed iifty-three acts relating to Greater New York; thirty-five to Bdalo; one hundred two to other cities, and thirty-nine to villages, making a total of 229 special laws for the government of cities. In addition thirty-two laws applied to the different classes of cities as defined by the statutes. Space forbids detailed examination of the numerous acts passed. Most of these were minor amendments of little general interest except as showing the futility of state legislation on the details of city action. Some acts of general interest are here given. One of the most important being a constitutional amendment granting home rule to cities. This must paas the legislature before being presented to the people. Court proceeding is provided for determiningthelegalityof doubtful bondissues and legalizing such issues where the requirements of the statute have been substantially complied with.' This does away with a dangerous kind of legislation which is also prevalent in other states, namely, special legalizing acts. Statistics of taxation, revenue and debt are to be furnished by all municipalities to the state comptroller and an abstract is to be published in his report.' This is B step toward uniform and comparable statistics by the method originally followed inMassachusetts andRhode Island. The commissioner of labor is required t.0 prepare an annual industrial directory giving facts of the advantages for manufacturing in the state.3 1 Ch. 673. 1 Ch. 119. 8 Ch. 585. Building inspection was extended in cities over 175,000 to cover inspection of plastering by the building department.' Sale of coal by weight was required in all cities except New York.6 This law formerly applied to all cities over !%,OOO. .4 law of special significance because of the long agitation for it, is the three platoon police law.' This requires three shifts of eight hours each for the policedepartment. Inebriate asylums were authorized in all cities' similar to that already authorized for New York City. Operator8 of moving picture shows must be licensed under a new law.8 Appropriations were authorized to continue the annual conference of officials of second and third class cities to promote economy and efficiency in their governments.0 New charters were granted to Amsterdam,10 Lockport,ll Oneida,12 and Watervliet." Several charters introducing the commission form of government were brought forth; one for Mt. Vernon passed the senate but not the assembly; one for the city of Beacon, passed both houses but was vetoed by Governor Dix oa the ground that a uniform optional law on this plan should be enacted for all cities if at all. Two special acts relating to New York City are: the fire prevention amendment" and the equal pay for equal work law applying to teachers, making the salaries of women equal to men for similar work.16 This law was enacted after several years' attempts. It was passed in the administration oIGovernor Hughes but was vetoed by him.18 4 Ch. 156. 8 Ch. 380. 7 Ch. 700. 8 Ch. 252. 9 Ch. 622. 10 Ch. 242. 11 Ch. 870. IS Ch. 848. Iz Ch. 000. 14 Ch. 899. 1b Ch. 802. '"he information on whioh thh summary b based waa furnlahed by Lawrence A. Ianger of New York City. 6 ch. 825.

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276 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW North Dakota.-An act was passed by the legislature in 19ll.giving the city council or commissioners of any city the power to prescribe by ordinance the maximum rates and charges for the “service, commodity or utility furnished by any person, firm or corporation exercising a franchise, right, license or privilege in or to any street, highway, alley or public place of such city.”’ Rates and charges so fixed must be reasonable, and when so fixed may not be altered by the municipality more than once in five years. Before prescribing rates and charges notice must be given to the person, firm or corporation whose rates and charges are affected, and they must be allowed a reasonable opportunity to be heard in the matter. At such hearing the city council or commission may. by resolution, require the production of accounts, records and ,vouchers. All rates and charges so fixed are to be held prima facie just and reasonable, if their validity is contested, but the question of reasonableness may be adjudicated in the courts. This act does not apply to corporations under the control of the state railroad commission which supervises street railway companies and telephone companies.’ I. A. AC~ER. * Rhode Island.-Since Rhode Island is governed under a system of special legislation, only two acts of a general nature directly affecting municipalities appear in the laws of 1911. Under one of thesea cities and towns are permitted to expend specified sums for celebrations and other public occasions. The other4 provides that cities and towns, which in this state have the custody of land and probate records, must under penalty provide fire-proof receptacles for records 1 Prlor to 1911 clties did not have this power. 1911. Ch. 71. * Ch. 658. Ch. 700. and documents. Enforcement is by the state record commissioner. Among the special acts, two‘ are concerned with details of organization, while a considerable number make grants of power to issue bonds for specific purposes. Among laws granting powers are acts to extend the authority of the board of health of Newport to include the impection of perishable food-stuffs;;‘ to permit Cranston to enact building ordinances,’ and to allow Providence to establish and maintain playgrounds. The line of demarcation between the functions of town councils and towr meetings has uever been clearly defined. The controversy is settled so far as Warwick is concerned by an act giving to the council of that town power to appoint all officers not otherwise specifically provided for and toexpend all appropriations made by the town meeting.8 In consequence of a system of village incorporation there appears an act incorporating a “lighting district” in one of the villages of the state.0 The district has power to contract with a private company for electricity or to establish a municipal plant to serve public and private uses. The district meeting may lay taxes, make by-laws and elect a moderator, clerk, treasurer, collector and three assessors. Following precedents already established, two practically identical acts provide boards of police commissioners for the city of WoonsocketIo and the town of Warwjck.ll The board consists of three members, one of whom retires each year. * The first incumbents are to be appointed by the governor, but their successors are to be elected by the mayor and council in one case and by the electors in the other. The powers conferred on the boards are to appoint, control and 8 Ch. 740, 760. 8 Ch. 754. ’ Ch. 763. I Ch. 763. Ch. 741. 10 Ch. 861. 11 Ch. 695.

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CURRENT MUNICIPAL LEGISLATION 277 remove the chief of police and all officers and employes of the police department and to act as a board of license commissioners in issuing all forms of licenses. In none of the municipal legislation of the year is there any departure from established precedents. FRANK G. BATES. PART 11. MUNICIPAL ORDINANCES Segregation Ordinances.-During the past year a number of cities have passed ordinances providing for the segregation of the races. The purpose of these ordinances is to ‘prevent negroes from moving into streets occupied by white people. Baltimore was the first city to pass such an ordinance and it is popularly known there as the “West ordinance,” having beenintroduced by Councilman West. The first ordinance on the subject was approved by the mayor in December, 1910, but it was heldinvalid on the ground that the title was defective. It was re-introduced and passed with a few amendments in the early part of 1911. The title of the ordinance is as follows: An ordinance for preserving peace, preventing conflict and ill feeling between the white and colored races in Baltimore city and promoting the general welfare of the city by providing, so far as practicable, for the use of separate blocks by white and colored eople for residences, churches and schooys. The ordinance makes it unlawful for any colored person to move into or use as a residence any building in a block occupied by white people. It is also made unlawful for any white person to move into a block occupied by colored people. There is also a provision requiring the applicant for a permit to erect houses, etc., on block where there are no buildings to state whether the houses are to be occupied by white or colored people. In other words, blocks in which there are white and colored people will continue to be “mixed blocks” and white and colored people can continue to move into them until all the occupants are either white or colored, in which event the block will hecome a “white block” or a “colored block” as the case may be. In the future development of the city, the first buildings erected in a block will determine whether the block will be “white” or colored.’’ If a majority of the property owners of the block protest against the making of a “white” or “colored” block which has not yet been occupied, then the permit will be denied. A section of the ordinance also makes it possible for a majority of the owners to either real or leasehold property in any block by application in writing to the inspector of buildings to exempt said block from the application of the section relating to blocks entirely “white” or “colored.” The ordinance also prohibits the use of any building as a church or for religious services or as a school by whites in a colored block or by negroes in a white block. There is a penalty of from $5 to $50 for each day the ordinanceis violated. The present ordinance has not been passed upon by the courts. Norfolk, Va., passed a segregation ordinance in June, 1911, and this ordinance was declared unconstitutional by the police justices. An appeal was taken to a higher court and the question has not been finally passed upon. The Norfolk ordinance does not go so much into detail as the Baltimore ordinance, but merely prohibits the occupation or use as a residence, church, school, or place of public meeting or assembly, of any building or premises on a white block by negroes or on a colored block by the whites. If a majority of the front feet on a block is actually occupied or used by negroes, the block is a colored block and the same rule applies for a white block. The ordinance provides, however, that it is not to interfere with the continued occupation or use of any property in the

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278 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW manner in which it is occupied or used at the date of its passage. Two other cities of Virginia, Richmond and Ashland, have passed ordinances on the subject very similar to the Baltimore and Norfolk ordinances. An ordinance following very closely the Baltimore ordinance has been introduced in the Municipal Assembly of St. Louis. There is an indication that the St. Louis ordinance will be made a little more stringent than the Baltimore ordinance, by not continuing as a mixed block, those blocks in which both white and colored live. Those living in such blocks would be allowed to continue to reside there, but negroes could not move into a block in which a majority of the houses are occupied by whites, and vice versa. In all of the ordinances, an exception is made in regard to domestic servants residing with their employers. ' HORACEI E. FLACK. * Harrisburg, Pa.-An ordinance wad recently adopted which makes it poasible for the state to go ahead with the idea of improving the approaches to the state capitol. An act of the legislature provided that condemnation proceedings in a limited way, could be undertaken, for making an enlargement of the park about the capitol building in the direction of the Pennsylvania Railroad. This action however, on the part of a commission created for the purpose, was contingent upon vacation by the city of the streets included in the terri, tory involved. The ordinance abovementioned accomplishes this result, and steps are thus now definitely taken toward adding some twenty-three acres to the capitol park, and making available to those who pass on the Pennsylvania Railroad, a beautiful view of the new capitol. J. HORACE MCFARLAND. * Portland, Maine, adopted in January an ordinance regulating the purchasing of supplies. Under its terms no supplies or articles of any description may be purchased and no indebtedness contracted unless by written order on a regular requisition blank provided by the city. This requisition must be itemized as to quantity and quality, must be signed by the person purchasing the articles, and be approved in writing by the mayor. The ordinance further imposes rigid requirements concerning the form of the bills of persons supplying goods and materials, and forbids the treasurer to pay such bill unless presented in the required form with requisition attached and unless it has the furthib written approval of the auditor. CLARENCE W. PEABODY. * Cincinnati, Ohio.-A codseation of Cincinnati ordinances, known as ordinance no. 2585, was passed on April 21, 1911. The principal parts of the ordinance relate to the organization and employes of the several departments of the city government, the building code, general regulations relating to street railroads, steb railroads, wires for light, power and alarm companies, and general miscellaneous regulations. The special ordinances granting franchises, etc., are not included. R. E. MILES. PART 111. SUMMARY OF LEGISLATION ON PARTICULAR FEATURES The Civil Service.-During the legislaws designed to introduce civil service' lative sessions of 1911, ten states, Aleregulations into the public business of bama, Connecticut, Illinois, Iowa, Masthe various municipalities of these comsachusetts, Montana, New Jersey, Tenmonwealths or to extend their applicanessee, Wisconsin and Indiana, passed tion where they already existed. In

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CURRENT MUNICIPAL LEGISLATION 279 general, the operation of these laws was extended so as to include the following municipal officials :The officers and members of the police and fire departments; subordinate city officers, assistants and employees; minor municipal court officers including deputy clerks and deputy bailiffs; employees in park departments; and city laborers and artisans and city marshals. Ample provision was made for the suspension, promotion, discharge or removal of delinquents and offenders; for the preferring, hearing and determination of charges; for a system of examinations to test the qualifications of applicants; and for the creation and maintenance of eligible and emergency lists consisting of those attaining to a predetermined minimum mark. Most of the laws provide that employees may be dismissed only for misconduct, incapacity, inefficiency, insubordination or disobedience and may under no circumstances be cashiered for political or religious affiliations or predelictions. The solicitation or reception of assessments, subscriptions or contributions in money or service from members of the classified service for any politicd party or organization is forbidden. Alabama.-The legislature of Alabama has placed the officers and.members of the police departments of all cities of that commonwealth having a population of 25,000 or more under civil service regulations. The act provides for no board of civil service commissioners, but the city council, city commission, city board or other governing body is authorized to exercise the functions usually conferred upon such commissioners.' Connecticut.-The Connecticut law is in the nature of an enabling act whereby any political subdivision of the state may adopt the merit system by submitting the question to a vote of the qualified electors. The act provides for the appointment and removal and prescribes the duties of a board of three civil service commissioners. Elective officers, officers responsibIe for the policy of a 1 Laws 1911. p. 681. department, one deputy and a private secretary are specifically exempted from the test and competition. Pupils in training schools may be classified as apprentices subject to promotion. All appointments are made for probation periods, at the end of which time the candidate may be peremptorily discharged.1 Illinois.-The legislature of Illinois extended the civil service regulations to all officers, assistants and employees of cities and villages which have previously adopted or may subsequently adopt the civil service act of 1895, except elective officersl the heads or sub-heads of important departments] and other prominent municipal officials.' And likewise to all officers and members of the fire and police departments, including the chiefs, in cities having a population of from 7000 to 1OO,OOO, and who have adopted the act of ,1903 providing for the appointment of a board of fire and police commissioner^;^ to the deputy clerks, deputy bailiffs and other subordinate officers and employees in the municipal court of the city of Chicago;4 to all officers and employees in any park district having or subsequently acquiring 150,000 inhabitants or more, except the office of park commissioner, all elective officers, a general superintendent, attorneys and one confidential clerk;K and to all city laborers and artisans when employed on any public work or improvement the cost of which exceeds $500.' Indiana.-An act ptlssed by the general assembly of Indiana and approved March 6, 1911, concerning weights and measures, provides that only those persons are eligible to appointment to the position of city sealer who were employed as city sealera of weights and measures at the time bf the passage of this act, or who have had recent experience in the dutiesof asealer,or whohavepassed asat1 Lam 1911, p. 1480. 3 Laws 1911, p. 139. 1 Lam 1911, p. 139. 4 Laws 1911. p. 257. 6 Laws 1911, p. 211. 6 Laws 1911. p. 637.

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isfactory examination given by the state commissioner of weights and measures.‘ Iowa.-By virtue of an act of April 13, 1911, the functions of the various civil service commissions of the cities of Iowa were considerably enlarged at the expense of the respective city councils. The appointment of the chief of the fire department and subordinates in the fire and police departments was placed in the hands of the commission. Honorably discharged soldiers, sailors or marines of the regular or volunteer army or navy of the United States, if otherwise qualified, are given preference in appointments, an advantage already conferred in cities of the first class in the police and fire forces.2 Mas sac hus e t ts.-Massachusetts,by four specific acts, both strengthened her civil service law and extended its application. A provision in a former law requiring that the examination of applicants for employment as laborers shall relate to their capacity for labor and their habits of sobriety and industry and to the necessities of themselves and their families was stricken out.3 Henceforth all answers of applicants to questions in examinations relating to training and experience, outside the labor service, must he under oath if the commissioners require it.4 No question may be asked in an application or examination requiring a statement as to any offense committed before the applicant reached the age of sixteen years, except in the case of applicants for police and prison servi~e.~ The provisions of the civil service act were extended to the superintendent, chief of police or city marshal of all cities except Boston and in all towns which have or may hereafter accept the provisions of that act.6 Montana.-The civil service laws of Montana pertain to any city having a 1 Laws 1911, p. 185. 9 JAWS 1911, p. 38. 8 Laws 1911, p. 38. 4 Laws 1911, p. 392. 6 Laws 1911, p. 71. a Lawe 1911, p. 343. commission form of government, and any city of the commonwealth may abandon its present organization at any time and adopt the commission form. The act is designed to apply to all appointive officers and employees of such cities except the departmental heads. The act provides for a board of civil service commissioners of 3 members, who are required to test the qualifications of applicants and supply an eligible list to the city council.’ New Jersey.-New Jersey passed three amendatory civil service acts. The competitive class is made to include all positions in the classified service for which it is practicable to determine the merit and fitness of applicants by competitive examinations. A “sectional eligible list” is provided for, to supply positions wherein aspecial acquaintance with a municipality or section of the state is necessary. The commission is authorized to admit citizens of other states to examination when the position for which the examination is held is of such character as torequirespecial technical training and specialization in a line of work for which candidates are not readily obtainable and when suitable candidates from New Jersey are not forthcoming.* Tennessee and Wisconsin.-Tennessee and Wisconsin amended, strengthened and clarified their laws, but made no important additions.9 9 State Public Utility Commissions.The legislation affecting municipal utilities through the establishment of state public service commissions or the extension of the power of the railroad commission over such utilities, was extensive during 1911, following the lead of Massachusetts, New York, Wisconsin, Vermont, Maryland and New Jersey which had previously established such control. CHARLES KETTLEBOROUGH. ’ Laws 1811, p. 108. 8 Lmws 1911, p. 35. I Laws of Wisconsin 1911, p. 689. Laws of Ten neasee, 1911 p. 1184.

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CURRENT MUNICIPAL LEGISLATION 28 1 The new laws follow in general the laws previously enacted giving power toinvestigate equipment, rates and service and fix reasonable rates, standards of equipment and seivice. Connecticut.-The Connecticut' law was enacted after a prolonged struggle covering several years during which a special commission made aninvestigation of the whole subject. The law applies to telephone, telegraph, gas andelectric companies supplying heat light and power, water companies, and street railways, besides the common carriers which had been subject to the railroad commission and by the law transferred to the new commission. The law does not apply to municipal plants. Kansas.'-The new law of Kansas, applies to 4elephones, except mutuals; telegraphs; pipe lines except those less than 15 miles long; gas and electric companies supplying heat, light and power; water companies and street railways. The law does not apply to municipal utilities. The power to regulate and control public utilities operated wholly within a municipality ig vested in the municipality subject to appeal to the commission. Municipalities may contract for prices and service and may require extensions and additions. An important provision is that requiring that grants of franchises shall be subject to approval by the commission. Approval is necessary from the commission that public necessity requires the grantingof a franchise before it can be granted. New Hampshire.3-The law applies to telegraph and telephone; gas and electric companies supplying heat, light and power; water companies; ferries; toll bridges and street railways. It does not apply to municipal plants. Nevada.-In Nevada4 the law applies to gas and electric companies furnishing heat, light, power; water and sewage companies. The law does not apply 1 Laws 1911, ch. 128. 2 Laws 1911, ch. 238. 3 Laws 1911, ch. 164. 4 Laws 1911, ch. 162. to street railways. The railroad commission law of 1907 extended to other common carriers and to telegraph and telephone lines. New Jersey.-The New Jersey law of 1910 was repealed in 1911 and a comprehensive measure was passed.6 The law of 1910 gave little power except that of inspection of facilities and service and recommendation. The new law applies to street railways, traction lines, canals, subways, pipe lines, gas, electric light, heat, power, water, oil, sewage, telephones and telegraphs. Extraordinary power is granted to the commission with respect to franchises. No franchise may be granted except on approval of the commission. 0hio.s-The Ohio law affects telegraphs, telephones, gas and electrical companies supplying heat, light and power, pipe lines, water works, steam heating and refrigerating companies. messenger and electric signalling companies and street railways. The law does not apply to municipal plants. Municipal corporations may fix rates subject to appeal to the commission by the public or the companies. City council may require and determine extension and additions. Oregon.'-The law of Oregon was suspended by a referendum petition and will be voted on in November, 1912. It proposes to regulate street railways; gas and electric companies supplying heat, light and power; water; telegraph and telephone companies which serve the public either directly or indirectly. Municipal plants are not subject to the law. Washington.8-The law in Washington affects street railways; gas; electriclight; power; telegraph; telephone; water docks warehouse companies and to vessels used in transportation. The commission may not fix rates or service or pass upon the reasonableness of facilities 6 Laws 1911, ch. 195. * Laws 1911. p. 549. 1 Laws 1911, ch. 279. I Laws 1911, ch. 117.

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282 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW and regulations of municipally owned plants but in other respects the municipal plants are subject to the commission. s Legislative Investigations.-The legislatures of different statesin 1911 directed investigations to be made by special commissiom or administrative officers, of many subjects of direct or related interest to municipalities. Massachusetts provided for a special commission on cold storage, another commission is directed to report a metropolitan plan to coordinate civic development in Boston and vicinity.' The railroad commission is to report on commutation tickets and practices, and on the equipment of street railways with fenders and wheel guards. In coijperation with the Boston transit commission the railroad commission will report on the transporation system of Boston. An ex-officio board of commissioners will look into the state engineering expense and organization. The director of the bureau of statistics is to report on the indebtedness and finance of cities and towns, and the state board of education will report on teachers pensions, high school education, state aid for schools and industrial education in textiles and part time schools. New York has a commission on food stuffs, their price, purity, production, distribution and consumption; another on the condition under which manufacturing is carried on in first and second class cities; and another looking into the charges of corrupt government in Albany city and county. Pennsylvania providedfor commissions to report on. the building laws and conditions; election laws; and recording titles to property. Illinois has a commissions investigating building laws; regulation of public utilities, and fire and old age insurance; Connecticut, on taxation of railways and streetrailways; Georgiaonuniform,meth'See artlcle of John Nolien, page 231. ods of local government; Wisconsin on school book prices and situation, and fire insurance rates and classification; Michigan and Oregon, Iowa, Rhode Island apd Utah on a general reform of taxation, and Oregon on election and registration laws. New York, New Jersey and the United States government have a joint committee on the port conditions and pier extension in New York harbor. Ohio-One Per Cent Tax Law.-The last general assembly of the state of Ohio passed a bill which has seriously affected the financial affaira of the cities of this state. It is popularly known as the Smith 1 per cent tax measure. By its terms thz aggregate amount of taxes that can be levied on the taxable property in any taxing district for the year 1911, and any year thereafter, cannot' exceed the amount collected during the year 1910. The maximum rate was fixed at 10 mills on each dollar of tax valuation. Exception is made for tahe addition of levies for the sinking fund and interest purposes. Certain limits are fixed for the aggregate of taxes levied, being 5 mills on taxable property in the municipal corporations. Provision is made for a budget commission, consisting of the county auditor, the mayor of the largest municipality in the county, and the prosecuting attorney. This commission considers the budgets which are submitted by all thc boards authorized by law to levy taxes. If the budgets are too high, they are cut down by the commission. Any item can be revised downward, but none can be incremed. When the commission determines that the taxes to be collected will meet the budget, the fact is certified to the county auditor. Another section of this law provides that the appropriations made by the various boards, as the city council, cannot be voted until the money is actually in the treasury. If it is found that the money raised is not sufficient to meet the expense of the taxing district, at the next election, the people can vote to increase the levy.

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CURRENT MUNICIPAL LEGISLATION The rate provided in this law has been made possible by a re-valuation of the real estate of the state, the effort being to return:it at ju!? value for taxation. The tax commission has nko made extensive increases in the values of property of corporations. ba The great difficulty encountered under this law has been to keep the appropriations and expenses within the amount of money available. No expansion, no growth, no development, no increase can occur because of the fixed limit. Ohio Stat. Univeisity Library. CHARLES WELLS REEDER. * Uniform Public Accounting for Municipalities.+tate systems of uniform public accounting for city and other local offices as well as the state offices and institutions, continued tomakeprogress during 1911. California1 established a uniform accounting system under the state board of control. For local uniform accounting the board appoints a superintendent of accounts who with two assistants, constituteyhe executive force. They are required to install and supervise a uniform system of accounts and reports for all officers and persons in the state who have the control or custody of public money or its equivalent. The examiners may require reports and informa11911, oh. 349. tion and may inspect and audit the books at any time. All expenses are borne by the state. Michigad established a uniform system of accounis in state offices and institutions and in county offices but the law does not apply to cities and towns. In Wisconsina the tax commission was given authority to require reports from cities, villages, towns, and counties, on blanks prepared by the commission. On request by any local government, the commission must install a system of uniform accounts and when established, it must be continued in force. The commission may, on request or on its own motion, audit the accounts of any village, town or city. All expenses of installation or audit are to be paid by the local unit. Utah4 provided for a state examiner for state accounts but did not extend his authority to municipalities. Nevada.6 The state board of examiners, boards of county commissioners of counties, board of trustees or other governing body of municipalities are required to audit accounts of all offices, having to do with public funds, once a year and they may employ an expert accountant for the work. The report of the accountant is to be laid before the grand jury for investigation. * 1811. no. 183. s IQIl, oh. 623. 4 1811, ch. 112. 8 1911, oh. 131.

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EVENTS AND PERSONALIA PROFESSOR CHARLES A. BEARD, Columbia University, New York, Associate Editor in Charge. ASSISTED BY PROBESSOR MURRAY GROSS, Drexel Institute, Philadelphia DR. EDWARD M. SAIT, Columbia University, New York I. STRUCTURE OF GOVERNMENT Municipal Home Rule.-The chief interest of the Ohio conference centered in the question of municipal home rule. The Municipal Association of Cleveland, ten days before the conference convened, sent to each of the delegates copies of its report on “Constitutional Home Rule for Ohio Cities,” in which the committee strongly urged the fullest grant of local self-government to the cities of the state in the new constitution. In the Columbus conference there was not a dissenting vote on the question of home rule. The following resolutions were unanimously adopted : WHEIIEAS, the cities of Ohio have throughout their history been completely dependent upon the state le islature, and have been constantly interfered with in the conduct of their purely local affairs, and, as such de endence and interference is not only dtrimental to the best interest of the cities, but consumes the time of the legislature which should be devoted to the larger problems of state government, and whereas the most qffective remedy thus far proposed for these defects in our system of state control has been the principal of local self government, as adopted and in force in eight states of the Union, therefore, be it RESOLVED, that this conference expresses its firm belief that the only effective and permanent relief for our cities from the evils of legislative interference is to be found in the adoption of the principle of municipal home rule; and be it further RESOLVED, that we respectfully and earnestly request the constitutional convention to incorporate into the new constitution provisions whereby the authority to frame their own charters and to exercise the fullest power of local self government will be granted to the cities; and that a committee of fifteen be ap ointed by the chairman to appear before the proper committee of the convention and advocate the incorporation of the following sections, as expressing the views of the conference on the provisions which should be made for the government of cities and villages in the new constitution. A committee of twenty was appointed to frame the specific provisions which the conference would recommend to the Constitutional Convention. Prof. A. R. Hatton of Western Reserve University, was made chairman of the committee. Two reports were submitted: the majority report as recommended by Professor Hatton and the delegates from Cleveland, and the minority report as advocated by A. Julius Freiberg and the Cincinnati delegates. There was no difference of view on the question of home rule; the only difference was as to the wording of the provisions. The discussion on the majority andminorityreports occupiedmost of two sessions of the Conference. Professor Hatton defended the majority report and Mr. Freiberg the minority. The majority report was accepted, section by section, by the vote of all the delegates, except the Cincinnati delegation. A committee of fifteen was appointed by the conference, and according to arrangement previously made, went before the municipal committee of the constitutional convention on Thursday afternoon and submitted their plan. The municipal committee indicated full sympathy with the principle of home rule and asked the committee of the conference to submit their pro284

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EVENTS AND PERSONALIA 285 visions in the form of a brief accompanied by short arguments in favor of each particular section. The provisions as recommended follow somewhat the California plan of permitting cities to frame their own charters either upon the initiative of the legislative authority of the city or petition of 10 per cent of the qualified voters. The recommendations go further than any home rule provisions yet adopted in any of the states. In section 2 of the draft, the conference attempts to reverse the well established principle that only such powers as are specifically granted can be exercised by a city and asserts the principle that the cities have all powers in local affairs which are not specifically prohibited. The section reads as follows: Any city or village may frame and adopt acharter for its own government in the manner prescribed in Section 3, and may exercise thereunder all powers of local self government; but shall be subject to and controlled by the general laws of the state, except in municipal affairs. The conference recognized the necessity of certain well defined limitations being placed on the power of cities, such as the the power of taxation; the amount of indebtedness which the municipality may incur; the right of the state to have general supervision over the function of education; and state supervision of accounts. The general impression on the part of the delegates was that the constitutional convention was very favorably inclined toward the conference’s recommendations, and that home rule provisions in some form would without doubt be included in the new constitution. The newly organized Ohio Municipal League is already preparing for a campaign in favor of the home rule provisions. The officers and executive board of the new organization are: President, Newton D. Baker, Cleveland, Mayor; first vice president, Elliot H. Pendleton, Cincinnati; second vice president, F. A. Hartenstein, Youngstown, Mayor; third vice president, J. J. Miller, Springfield, Mayor; fourth vice president, David Got t lie b, Tiffin; secretary-treasurer, M a y o Fesler, Cleveland. Executive board: Brand Whitlock, Toledo, Mayor; F. W. Herbst, Columbus; A. Julius Frei: berg, Cincinnati; C. H. Slaughter, Athens, Mayor; W. S. Crandall, Dayton; A. A. Perrine, Mt. Vernon, Mayor.’ * Constitutional Reform in Indiana.The Hon. William Dudley Foulke, of Richmond, Indiana, president of t.he National Municipal League, addressed the Indianapolis Bar Association on February 7 on “Needed Changes in Our Fundamental Law.” He characterized the present constitution as inadequate and obsolete. He said in part: “Does Indiana need a revision of its constitution? The majority in the last legislature thought that it did, and one was provided ready-made and pushed through the caucus in a single session and, after some triflin amendments, it was rushed through %oth bodies of the General Assembly to be submitted to the people at the next general election. “It was a half-baked document, with some good features and some bad ones. No opportunity W&S to be given the people to separate desirable provisions .from those which were injurious, nor to introduce anything new which might be far more desirable than what was actually incorporated. No sufficient opportunity was given for public debate or modification of the different changes proposed, and the constitution, when ‘submitted, was to be Hobson’s choice, Take that or nothing. “That is not the way a constitution should be revised. Such revision ought to be kept as far as possible out of the domain of party politics. But whether that be done or not the people ought to have the right to take part in each step necessary to the change of the fundamental law. “We have become one of the most Bourbq? communities in t$ American Union, Mr. Foulke said, and largely because our fundamental law ties us ‘From Mayo Fesler, secretary of the Cleveland Munlclpal Assoalatlon.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW hand and foot and prevents the adoption of measures necessary to our full and free development.” “Today we are in great danger of injury from the special privileges accorded to corporate wealth,” he said, “from political manipulations occasioned by imperfect methods of representation, from a s stem of un‘ust taxation which protects cz[iefly the dishonest, from restrictions which withhold from our municipal corporations the necessary means for the development of their local affairs. “Our old constitution as it stands is obsolete. We need a revision. “Other states have reco zed this need. Outside of New Englanfkd New Jersey there is not a state in the American Union which has not a constitution newer than our own, except Wisconsin, and Wisconsin has adopted such radical amendments that her fundamental law has in this manner been brought down to date. “Here we have tied the hands of our legislature by provisions that make our own progress impossible along any lines. We must either release the fetters or we must impose prescriptions in conformity with our present needs. Mr. Foulke advocated a provision permitting cities to adopt any form of government they wished, and one to remove the limit on bonded indebtedness so as to allow them to purchase public utilities and to bond these utilities as permitted by the recent Michigan constitution. * Indiana Federated Commercial Clubs Favor Change in City Government.A committee representing the Indiana federated commercial clubs, of which T. F. Thieme, of Fort Wayne, is chairman, at a meeting held in Indianapolis approved the draft of a bill which proposes to make a considerable change in the government of cities of the state. Some of the principal features of the proposed bill are: Election of a board of fifteen city councilors to organize city administration for conduct similar to that of a business corporation; selection of a mayor and heads of departments of city government by the board; establishment of a civil service commission; removal of the mayor and the head of any department by a majority vote of the board; mayor and heads of departments to have active charge of the affairs of the city. The bill also provides that any member of the board of councilors may be recalled by a majority vote upon petitibn of 25 per cent of the voters; legislation may be initiated upon petition of 25 per cent of the voters; and referendum of legislation may be required by petiticn of 25 per cent of the voters. The committee, however, withheld ijs approval of these provisions for the initiative referendum and recall. * Boston’s New Charter has so far worked well in the opinion of the Boston finance commission. Its report on the subject concludes with these words: The commission believes that those branches of the city’s business which have been directly affected by the charter amendments have been improved; that many of the abuses which characterized the operation of the old charter have ceased; that the new system of nominations and elections has worked well; in short, that the value of the charter amendments has been proved. There is no demand for a reduction of the large powers which the charter amendments give the mayor, and while such large powers exist it would be unwise to remove any of the restraint which the charter amendments have placed upon him. In defense of the small council elected at large the commission says: The provision for a small council elected at large continues to be successful in operation. The council has been a bulwark against improvident longterm contracts for street lighting and refuse disposal. It has carefully guarded the city’s financial interests. The old form of general loan bill, passed as a compromise measure, has ceased to exist. The record of the council in the last two years is a complete refutation of the charge made b its opponents that districts without Zrect representation would not receive a fair share of local improvements. There has been no discrimination.”

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EVENTS AND PERSONALIA 287 This view is shared by the Monitor,’ The outcome of the recent election of members of the Boston city council has not ceased to give comfort to civic reformers as the event has receded in time. More than anything that has ha pened recently, it showed that the bafance of power in the city electorate has passed into the hands of non-partisans and that these independents are disposed to use their votes to the best advanta e. Coinciding m it did.with Bn e uafy gratifying cimplay of pohtical msig8t and poise on the part of voters for candidates for the school board, the verdict gave heart to workers who have often been tempted to fear that Boston might in time come to have a Tammany. That the outlook for the city’s olitical as well as commercial future is !righter now than in some decades is the belief of veterans fighting in the cause of local democracy; and it is due in part to a new munici a1 and local patriotism created and gstered by flourishing civic. institutions that did not exist when the century dawned and also to acharter that provides a form of government concentrating responsibility and authority and that gives to a finance commission rights of supervision of city administration that make it a medium for censorship such aa revious mayors and councllmen never gad to undergo. In its annual re ort this finance commission, while finiing considerable still to be done ere taxpayers and law-abiding citizens are given the full value of their annual revenue, is constrained to admit that methods of administration have been much bettered and officials -elected and appointed-raised in both morale and efficiency. The mayor, by travel and by study of European standards and methods of city administration, ha come to be broader as an executive, and is cooperating much better than during his first administration with all the quasi-governmental agencies of the city molding local evolution. Jud ing from Boston’s experience, a city mates a good investment that insures a study of European urban policies by its mayor. The egperience both sobers and inspires; it tones down vaingloriousness and American conceit; it also inspires to action that is above petty politics. which in an editorial declared: 1 Issue January 25. St. Cloud, Minnesota, Commission Government.-The distinguishing feature of the St. Cloud home rule charter is a commission plan with a legislative body separate and distinct from the executive body. The Minnesota constitution, sec. 36, art. 4, contains the following provision: “It shall be a feature of all such charters that there should be provided, among other things, for a mayor or chief magistrate, and a legislative body of either one or two houses.” There has been a great deal of dispute among attorneys as to whether or not under this clause there may be a commission or governing body which has both legislative and executive authority. Mankato and Faribault, Minnesota, both adopted plans providing for a commission of five men, one of whom is the mayor, and gave the commission all the governmental authority of the city both executive and legislative. The Mankato plan has been attacked as unconstitutional and the matter is now pending before the courts. St. Cloud in order to be within the constitution provided for two distinct bodies. First a commission of three, of which the mayor is one. This commission is the governing body of the city and exercises all the executive and administrative powers of the municipality including all powers of taxation and appropriation. It is the licensing body and it appoints all of the servants of the city except the councilmen and the city justices. The other body is the council, and its authority is expressly limited to the passing of ordinances. The subjects upon which it can legislate are expressly set forth in the charter and there is an additional limitation to the effect that any ordinance which imposes any limitations upon the commission shall be void. The three commissioners and five councilmen are elected at large. The commissioners receive salaries of $1500 each; ‘the councilmen receive none. The charter also provides for the initiative, referendum, recall, non-partisan primaries

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288 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW and the other essentials of the so-called commission form of government. The city, therefore, has most of the essentials of the commission plan, and at the same time retains the element of a separate legislative body. This is a distinctive feature of the St. Cloud charter, which so far aa we know, has not been worked out by any other charter in the country. St. Cloud is a city of 10,600 population, and the new charter was adopted at a special election held November 28 by a vote of three to one. The first election under the new charter will be held April 1.' * Wisconsin City Commission Government Law.-In an analytical pamphlet, John T. Kennedy, of Madison, Wis., points out the unusual features of the laws of Wisconsin relative to commission government for cities, some of which he regards as dangerous. Those features to which he makes special reference are: the unusually small number of commissioners, three instead of five, seven or nine; length of their term of office, which is fixed at six years; inability of any one to be a commissioner who has a profession or business which he is unwilling to give up; summary power of removal by a majority vote of the commissioners of all officers and assistants as well as all members of all boards of the city government; no provision for a civil service commission or an adequate recognition of the merit idea in appointments; no adequate pSovision for financial publicity; authority to act secretly whenever the commission desires it; referendum optional with the commission; absence of bond requirement for a faithful discharge of duties on the part of the commissioners; and finally, the commission form, if once adopted by any city, cannot thereafter be changed by the people of the city until the expiration of the six years, and even then the people. have as their only alternative [t I eturn to I From James L. Jenka. the charter andlawsunder which the city operated prior to the adoption of the commission law. * Chelsea's Rejection of Commission Government.-Among opponents of the movement for commission government for cities, there has been much unfounded rejoicing because Chelsea is said to have voted, at the last election, to give up the system. This is not true. Chelsea never had commission government in any accepted sense of the term. What is essential in commission government is the combination of administrative and legislative functions in the hands of a small body of men, and the enforcement of complete popular control by means of non-partisan elections, the recall, the initiative and the referendum. In Chelsea the legislative power was in the hands of a commission appointed by the Governor, while the administrative powers remained with the old departments. The appointed commission appropriated money, and the the departments spent it. Moreover, neither the initiative, referendum nor recall was provided for. The vote on November 7 ww not, therefore, a relapse from commission government. The record of the new municipal system is still clear: not a single city which haa accepted it haa returned to the old system.? * Commission Government in West Virginia.-West Virginia is moving toward commission government for its cities. In 1909 Huntington secured a pure commission form which vests all of its affairs in the control of ti board of three men. In the same year, Charleston secured a modified form under which a board of affairs is clothed with large powers. Wheeling has been granted a board of control with considerable powers, although the old system of councils was not done away with and therefore the 2 The Boston Common.

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EVENTS AND PERSONALIA 289 work of the board is likely to be impeded by the necessity of consulting councils about many matters which should be in its own hands. B Eureka (Cal.) Fails to Secure Commission Government Charter.-The proposed commission form of government for Eureka was defeated by a vote of 1048 to 124. This defeat is attributed to preference for the city manager plan recently proposed at Lockport, N. Y., which permits the five elected commissioners to appoint a business manager in absolute control of all the city work. * The League of Library Commissions.At the mid-winter meeting of the League of Library Commissions, a national organization of various state library commissions, held in Chicago in January, the question of the library features of city charters was touched upon and a committee appointed to consider what features ought to be incorporated in city charters relative to public libraries. 11. FUNCTIONS The Investigation of Chicago’s PoliceOn September 5 last, Mayor Carter H. Harrison, wrote the civil service commission, calling attention to newspaper stories to the effect that a criminal conspiracy existed between certain commanding officers of the police department and certain gamblers operating within the city limits. He said that it was openly charged that money was paid members of the police department to secure protection. The mayor asked that in connection with the examination of the efficiency of the various classes of the civilservice, the commissionundertake to establish the truth or falsity of these charges. On September 7, the commission replied that it would undertake the taak, would fix the responsibility for such conditions as might be shown to exist contrary to law or efficient police duty; would report for the information of the mayor such conditions as might be shown to exist tending to impair departmental or individual efficiency. The commissionwas actingunder sections 12 and 14 of the civil service act. On the 7th the Mayor wrote that it was likely that during the investigation representations would be made to the commission that the mayor desired certain things to be done or left undone in connection with it; that in advance he desired to say that no one was authorized to convey any message for him and that if he had anything to commanicate he would do so officially. The commission then asked for $lO,OOO; on September 25, $15,000 was appropriated by the council. W. W. Wheelock, Esq., was selected as special counsel and has, since September 10, devoted his entire time to the work. The comqission then directed its efficiency division, Major James Miles being chief of the division, to proceed with the investigation. They devoted their attention, first, to gambling; secondly, to violations of the order of the general superintendent of police of April 28,1910, concerning (1) The entering of boys under eighteen years of age into disreputable houses; (2) the harboring of inmates under legal age; (3) forcible detention, (white slave trade); (4) the presence of women in saloons; (5) indecent attire; (6) subsisting on the income of inmates; (7) street walking and soliciting; (8) signs, lights, colors or devices; (9) obscene exhibitions; (10) houses of ill fame, outside restricted districts; (11) the sale of liquor in houses; (12) the sale of liquor after 1 a.m. It also investigated the trade in cocaine, opium and, other drugs; closed up these places and got evidence not only against the sellers but certain physicians and wholesale drug houses. This evidence and much other evidence of various crimes will go to the grand jury.

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290 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW It then made a study of the departmental organization with a view to fixing the responsibility. It then made a study of the method of keeping reports and correspondence, departmental records and rules. It then investigated the office of the custodian of lost and stolen property. It also investigated the large number of patrolmen on special duty, clerical duty, or duty other than that of police duty (soft berths). It then showed the connection between the abuses in the police department and certain political conditions. It then showed the protection of pickpockets by members of the police force; it investigated and reported on superannuation and' incapacity; examinations; promotions; instruction in the police school; substitution of patrolmen. The reports are not all public as yet but from those seen their recommendations are summarized as follows: The commission finds: 1. That there is, and for years has been, police protection of criminal classes. 2. That a bi-partisan political ring exists by and through which the protection afforded the criminal classes by the police department is fostered and maintained. 3. That to such connection may be charged a great part of the disorganiaation, lack of discipline and inefficiency existing in the department. 4. That apart from such connection, inefficiency also arises through certain specified faults of organization and administration. 5. That the police department, as now numerically constituted, can, if honestly and efficiently administered, enforce the statutes, city ordinances and regulations in regard to crime and vice as well as perform routine police duty. The commission recommends: 1. That the division of the city in police divisions and districts be abolished. 2. That the position of inspector be abolished (there were five inspectors). 3. That captains be assigned to command important precincts and lieutenants the remainder and that each be held accountable for conditions therein, reporting directly to general headquarters. 4. That such numbers of captains and lieutenants be detailed to general headquarters as to constitute a working staff for the general superintendent, at all times subject to return to former duty. 5. That a system of inspection be installed that will insure a proper performance of police duty on the part of officers and men. 6. That methods of reports and correspondence and records be handled at headquarters in the manner specified in detail. 7. Assignments to special duties, other than police duty in the strictest sense, be not used, in order that every available patrolman may be on beat. That non-police duty in the department of police be performed by persons paid the regular salary for such work, and taken from the general lists of the proper class. 8. That the present method of assignment of sergeants be revised so as to secure substantial equality as to numbers of men supervised. 9. That transfers as a punishment or at the request of persons outside the department be discontinued and forbidden. 10. That the standard of promotion examination be raised as set forth in detail. 11. That police department efficiency markings be installed as set forth in detail. 12. That annual medical and physical examinations be held and made a part of individual efficiency records. 13. That an age limit be fixed for compulsory retirement. 14. That the police pension law be revised to prevent the payment of pensions to persons discharged from the force. 15. That substitute patrolman be used according to the plan set forth in detail.

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EVENTS AND PERSONALIA 291 16. That the police school of instruction be extended and a system of station schools of instruction uniform throughout the precincts be devised and installed and that a school for officers be established. (Detailed report on curriculum hours, period and expense of conducting the school.) 17. That rules regarding vice be revised and amplified in accordance with the reports of the vice commission, keeping the restricted district. 18. That the ordinance prohibiting street walking be amended so as to provide for a graded increase of fine for each offense, eliminating judicial discretion as far as possible. 19. That the laws regarding vagrants and persons of known bad character be revised as set forth in detail. 20. That a card index system be installed in every precinct station which will at all time show, up to date, the name, description, character, haunts, habits associates and relatives of every known person of bad character, residing in or frequenting such precinct, including classes of criminals set forth in detail. 21. That immediate and stringent measures be taken to disband the organization known as the United Police and to prevent the creation of any organiaation whose influence and tendency is to break down departmental organization and efficiency. Each of these points is dealt with in a detailed report. During the progress of the investigation, the commission’s trial board has been at work hearing the evidence against particular officers of the force. One hundred fifty of the highestpolice officials have been discharged and rendered ineligible to the city service in the future. The council has abolished the inspectorships, the police divisions and districts in accordance with the recommendations and report. Gambling has practically ceased within the city. A very large number of disreputable houses outside the restricted district have been closed. The public has had the most striking demonstration of the fact that when the connection between the bipartisan political organization and the police department is broken, the police force can easily enforce the law. The general superintendent of the police is so discredited that his removal by the mayor may be safely predicted. To illustrate the feeling and enthusiasm in which this “clean up” by the civil service commission has been received, 1 want to cite one instance: About fifty of the newspaper publishers and multi-millionaires of Chicago, met at the Union League Club and placed at the disposal of the commission a practically unlimited fund, Whether the commission will need it or not remains to be seen. The feeilng is that the mayor is cordially behind the “shake up,” but, if he is not, the commission is at present so strong, that neither the mayor nor any political force is strong enough to stop the investigation. The city council is also in the position where, while it is showing alacrity in passing ordinances along the lines recommended, it could not, if it wished, stand in the way. An ordinance re-organizing the police department from top to bottom is being framed and will, undoubtedly, go through. The credit for this whole matter is due to Elton Lower, civil service commissioner, James Miles, chief of the efficiency division, W. W. Wheelock, special counsel to the commission, and to the experts and investigators of the efficiency division. I do not know of anything since the great popular vote in Illinois which has so strengthenened the merit and efficiency system.l * Tramways Finance in Great Britain. At the conference of the Municipal Tramways Association of Great Britain, held in Glasgow last September, a notable paper was presented by Councillor James H. Rodgers, chairman of the Newcastle tramways committee, on the subject, “Tramways Finances and Policy.” 1 From Robert Catherwood.

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292 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW Mr. Rodgers had made a sort of unofficial investigation into the finances of the various municipal undertakings of Great Britain. He divided the municipally operated tramways into four lists, according to the soundness of their financial condition and policy. He found thirty undertakings that were doing well, These included the systems of many of the principal cities, such as Birmingham, Bradford, Cardiff, Huddersfield, Leeds, Liverpool, T.ondon County Council, Manchester, Sheffield, Newcastle, Aberdeen, Glasgow, Belfast, and Nottingham. The second list comprised fourteen tramway systems, each of which showed “fairly good results.” In these cases, however, in the opinion of Mr. Rodgers, “the committees in charge were not justified in paying the amounts they did towards the rates, taking into full consideration the low state of their reserve and renewal funds.” This list included among others, Blackpool, Northampton, Salford, and York. In the third list were 16 tramway systems, none of which showed a surplus on the year’s work sufiiciently large, in Mr. Rodger’s opinion, “to dow of the provision of $200 per mile of single track for the renewal fund.” He contended that unless such provision could be made, these tramways were not in a sound financial position. The fourth list consisted of thirty-two tramway undertakings which showed no surplus at all, in fact, all but three of them were a charge upon the rates. The third and fourth lists included such towns as Blackburn, Brighton, Dover, Lancaster, Oldham, and Perth. Mr. Rodgers stated that the first consideration of a tramways committee ought to be to make the undertaking financially sound, by the building up of a sdcient reserve and renewal fund; the second consideration, to see that the traveling public was supplied with proper accommodation and facilities; the third, to see that good conditions of labor were given to all the employees; and the fourth, to see that when the first three had been complied with, the rate payers who backed up the undertaking and over whose streets the cars were run should have some return in the shape of contributions towards the rates. He was insistent that at least $200 per mile of single track ought to be set aside each year to accumulate as a track renewal fund. On this basis, he estimated that funds would be available for the renewal of tracks about once in fifteen years. This paper called forth a lively discussion among the delegates to the conference. Councillor Spencer, chairman of the Halifax tramways committee, suggested among other things that where tramways had caused increases in land values, those values should be rated, and the proceeds handed over to public funds. Re suggested that Mr. Rodgers had forgotten some of the assets which municipal undertakings brought to the locality through which they run. He thought the urban district councils should pay their fair share of the cost of maintaining the roads. DELO8 F. WILCOX. * English Municipal Gas Works.-The report for the year ended March 31,1911, of the gas department of Stafford, population 25,000, contains some interesting information and figures. The gas works have been in the possession of the municipal corporation for thirty-three years, during which time the bonded indebtedness has been reduced from $550,673 to $182,189, a reserve fund has been provided, and municipal taxes have been reduced $286,019. The price of lighting gas is $0.65 per loo0 feet, with discounts up to 10 per cent according to consumption, and $0.48 per loo0 feet for power, with discounts up to 25 per cent, reducing the price all around to about $0.37. The gross receipts during the year in question were $162,899 and the expenditures $93,930, leaving a gross profit of $68,969. Loans repaid, interest, etc., amounted to $31,447, and the net balance

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EVENTS AND PERSONALIA 295 as a shield to responsibility. He should understand that he not only enricheshimself by protecting his own property but that he actually adds to his own wealth in protecting the property of his neighbor, because every species of property that is subject to taxation, when destroyed by fire places necessarily a higher tax upon the property that is not destroyed. Also there is no branch of learning properly taught in the schools of the nation that would yield better results than a course in fire prevention.” A committee of the Boston Chamber of Commerce submitted in September, 1911, a valuable report containing a study of the problem of reducing fire losses and making practical recommendations for the reduction of the construction hazard, the prevention of carelessness or deliberate mismanagement, and the improvement in the efficiency of 6re fighting systems. * Minneapolis Puts on the Lid.-The entire “Red Light” district of Minneapolis was closed up last year as a result of the aggressive efforts of the city government to show that a large city can be run without the social evil. It appears, however, that in consequence of the policy of the authorities, a large number of minor resorts have sprung up in all parts of the city with demoralizing effects upon the young people. This situation has been seriously aggravated by a large increase in the number of dance halls which attract into the streets a great number of unprotected girls from fifteen to eighteen years of age. * “The Solution of Denver’s Street Waste Problem” is the title of an in-’ teresting illustrated folder issued by the American Civic Association. It shows how Denver’s garbage is removed without cost to the citizens or to the municipality. * Tacoma Extends Library Service.Tacoma has not only established branch librariesfor the accommodationof thepeople of the city, but is making a special effort to furnish foreigners with easy reading English books as well as literature in their own language. The public school teachers have been given charge of the distribution. 5 Two Harbors Authorizes Municipal Coal Yard.-At the regular meeting of Councils December 4, the city of Two Harbors, Mich. , authorized a municipal coal yard. It is claimed that this plan will result in a reduction of from thirtyfive cents to a dollar a ton of coal to the consumer. * A Coupon Ballot.-In an address before the West Virginia legislature, Moncena Dunn, of La Crosse, Wis., submitted an interesting plan for a coupon ballot. His plan calls for printing the names of the candidates of the several parties on separate but different colored sheets so perforated that the name of each candidate can be removed from the sheet. If the voter desires to vote a straight ticket, he simply tears from the ballot tablet the whole sheet containing the names of his party candidates and deposits it in the ballot box. If the voter wishes to split his ticket, he merely detaches from the proper sheet the name of the man of the other party he desires and places it in a blue envelope, taking from his regular sheet the name of the candidate of his party for whom he does not wish to vote. By this arrangement the candidates for whom he votes are represented by the little perforated tickets placed in the blue envelope. Mr. Dunn believes that this method makes ballot counting several times easier and quicker. * Pittsburgh has Two New Commissions. -Two new municipal commissions have been appointed in Pittsburgh. One is the commission on municipal art, the president of which is John W. Beatty, director of the department of fine arts

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296 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW of Carnegie Institute; and the other is the commission on city-planning, the temporary chairman of which is former State Senator William Flinn. * Pi t t s b u r g h Hillside Dwellings for Workingmen. -The Pittsburgh civic commission, after two years of study, has devised a method for utilizing the unused, steep and unsightly hillsides of the city. Its report outlines a scheme for hillside dwellings for workingmen and suggests two distinct types. One is a row of small houses fronting on two streets only thirty-two feet apart but the one on a considerably higher level than the other; the other type, a line of attached houses fronting on terraces, the rows running up the hill at right angles to projected streets. * New Municipal Pier at PhiladelphiaThe Engineering Record of January 6 contains an illustrated article on the latest municipal pier at Philadelphia. This is the first of the piers built by the city for the purpose of trans-Atlantic passenger and freight business, and is one of the steps in a comprehensive plan for the improvement of port facilit.ies. A number of piers are ultimately to be constructed by the city, and all of them are to have connections with the belt railroad. * Chicago Extends Control of Lake Front.-What Mayor Harrison regards as a “big bargain for the people” was consummated in December when Chicago regained from the Illinois Central Railroad control of the shore of Lake Michigan from Grand Park to the Jackson Park connection. One member of the committee that negotiated the transaction said: “It will enable the city and the park board not only to place the Field museum withintreach of everybody in Chicago, but also provide a lake front for beach and park extensions and for driveways.” The city-planning commission, to which was delegated the work of providing a plan to beautify this tract, has plans on exhibition which show a lake shore boulevard bordered by elms, maples, chestnuts, oaks, and pines, and facilities for out-door activities, including baseball diamonds, tennis courts, playgrounds and recreation rests. * City Plan of Albany.-The city council of Albany passed in ordinance January 15 authorizing the commissioner of public works to select an expert to prepare a city plan and appropriated 85OOO for the purpose. Provision is made for public hearings by the commissioner of public works. The ordinance specifies that the plan shall show such mattem relating to streets, parks and public places, public buildings, works of art and other structures intended for the beautification of the city, the arrangement of street and other railroads, the location and places of residences and other matters. On the same evening the council authorized the improvement of State Street leading to the pier by wideningandotherwise improving. Five hundred thousand dollars in bonds was provided for to carry out the work. * Gary, Indiana, the “model city” built by the United States Steel Company, is to have a landscape architect to plan an extensive system of parks and playgrounds. The Commercial Club of Gary has retained Myron H. West of Chicago for this purpose. * Cleveland’s Upper Air Playgrounds.The new Eagle School, of Cleveland, which is to be located in the congested business section of the city, provides open play spaces on the second and third floors upon which the class rooms will open. An automatic elevator will make possible easy access to these open air rooms.

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EVENTS AND PERSONALIA 297 Compulsory Notification of Pulmonary Tuberculosis.-By a recent regulation of the British local government board, all cases of pulmonary tuberculosis, must hereafter be made known to the local medical officer of health at once. 111. POLITICS San Francisco’s new administration came’into power on January 8, and attacked the work of reorganization with energy. Mayor-elect Rolph had called the supervisors-elect together shortly after the results of the November election were known, and a series of meetings was held in which the committees were organized and a plan of municipal improvement was laid out. The first work undertaken was the reorganization of committees to cover the work of a city of today. The supervisors’ committees had been organized on the framework of thirty years ago, with a result that the burden of work fell upon a few while the greater number never met. Eighteen committees were formed, the principal ones added being those on electricity, public efficiency and civil service, public welfare, supplies, and one on the exposition. For effectiveness, all committees except the finance and exposition committees are made up of three members, the latter taking five each. The mayor’s inaugural address was short, and set forth his programme in brief as follows: a new city hall and civic center; the purchase of the Spring Valley works; improved street car transportation. Preliminary steps were taken at once by the supervisors to carry out these recommendations. Practically the entire water supply of the city is furnished by the Spring VaIley water works. The city has acquired valuable water rights in Lake Eleanor and the Hetch Hetchy in the Sierras, 170 miles away, but relief from this source is still many years in the future. Two years ago the citizens refused by a narrow marqin of votes to buy the Spring Valley supply for $35,OOO,OOO, a two-thirds majority being required. The board of supervisors has passed resolutions calling for a new proposition for purchase, and negotiations are under way to agree upon a price which can be put before the people. Two years ago the people voted $2,020,OOO to reconstruct the Geary street railroad with extensions from the bay to the ocean. The late administration put men at work only last fall on the approach of the elections, and less than one-fifth of the work has been completed. Mayor Rolph called for the completion of this project and its extension; and recommended amendment of the charter to encourage investment of private capital in railroad extensions, on indeterminate franchises with arrangements by which the city can purchase at any time. He also recommended that the 15 per cent bond limit of the city be modified by excluding self-sustaining investments from the calculated liabilities. He recommended certain other charter amendments, an improved auditing system, increase of parks and playgrounds, completion of unfinished public work, and the addition of San Mateo County to the city as a part of a greater San Francisco. Mayor Rolph made the following appointments to the administrative boards: education, Dr. A. A. D’Ancona, Mary A. Deane; police, Jesse B. Cook, James Woods; fire, H. U. Brandenstein; elections, C. L, Queen, Wm. McDevitt; civil service, E. A. Walcott; public works, Daniel G. Fraser; parks, A. B. Spreckels, Curtis M. Lindley; playgrounds, Rev. D. 0. Crowley, Mrs. M. s. Haywood, Marshal Hale, Timothy A. Reardon, Miss Sallie Jones. For his private secretary he chose Edward Rainey, a newspaper man. The holdover members of the various boards show every disposition to accept the

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298 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW situation, and in most cases elected the new members as presidents of the boards. An investigation of the board of public works begun by the finance committee of the board of supervisors, gave official demonstration of the extravagance which had been known to prevail in that department, and it is expected that further changes will be made in its membership. With the operation of a constitutional amendment adopted last October, all branches of the city government, except the school, playgrounds and park departments, come under the civil service commission. This service has been much neglected in the past, and there are now about 1500 places nominally under civil service, but held under “temporary appointments” by the head of the office. The purpose of the system has been defeated by making a minute classification of positions and holding no examinations for eligibles to the majority of classes. The new commis- ’ sion is reclassifying places, and it is expected that before the end of the next fiscal year, all appointments will have been made from the regu1ar)ists. To assist in solving the street railroad problem, Bion J. Arnold has been called from, Chicago and is gathering data to recommend plans for operating and extending the roads owned by the city, and a business method of dealing with the existing private corporations in order to secure better service. Provision for transportation to the grounds that will be occupied by the Panama-Pacific Internat onal exposition in 1915 is the first problem to be taken up, and will absorb most of the energy of the administration for the next three years. An election to issue $8,800,000 bonds to build a city hall and acquire a civic center, adjoining the old city hall destroyed in the earthquake and conflagration of 1906, has been called for March 28. An election to vote bonds for the purchase of the water system will probably be held before July 1.1 1 From E. A. Walcott. In an opinion rendered to Mayor Rolph the employment of experts on the water supply questions and on the traffic situation is approved as legal by City Attorney Percy V. Long. Auditor Thomas F. Boyle at once approved their warrants fbr payments due them, which he had held up awaiting a decision. Boyle raised the question of the validity of their appointments because of the charter provision that every employe must have been a resident of the city for a year prior to and during his services. City Attorney Long holds that the city has full power to employ experts to advise it upon municipal problems and that such experts need not be residents of the city. By copious quotation of authorities he shows that theyare not employes of the city in the sense indicated in the charter, but that they are rather contractors with the municipality for their services. The charter defines employes as those that are employed at fixed wages payable monthly, whereas the experts contract for a fixed service for stated amounts, without particular regard for the time they are engaged. The courts have repeatedly stated the view that such persons employed by a city are contractors, and therefore not subject to the charter provision about residence. 47 Boston’s Mayor.-The Boston finance commission finds fault with Mayor Fitzgerald’s administration of the city’s finance. Its report points out that the appropriations of the past year, for which the mayor may fairly be held responsible, were $13,392,796.42, an increase of $1,684,859.42 over 1910-11 and of $2,030,329.92 over Mayor Hibbard’s last term. It adds, however, that “the extraordinary size of the appropriations is partly accounted for by the large amount appropriated for improvements of a permanent nature, or of the kind for which loans have been authorized in earlier years.”

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EVENTS AND PERSONALIB 299 But “the appropriations for permanent improvements out of taxes and revenue are . creditable to the mayor and the majority of the city council which supported him in this policy,” it says. The commission’s worst count against the mayor is extravagance in payrolls. “Instead of effecting reforms in the payroll,” the report states, “the mayor has permitted an increase in the number and compensation of employes and an unwarranted allowance for overtime payments. “Exactly how much of the overtime money was unwarranted,” says the report, “cannot be stated, without a thorough investigation, but the commission is convinced that a considerable part of the amount spent for this purpose was not justified by the work done. “In 1910 just before Christmas, two of the mayor’s office force received from the city’s treasury $200 each in addition to their regular salaries, these payments being entered on the city’s books as overtime. They were lump sum payments unaccompanied by itemized statements such as are required in the cme of overtime payments by departments other than the mayor’s. There is no justification for this practice of the mayor in making presents of the city’s money under the guise of overtime payments . ’ The commission states, without comment, that the expenditures for the maintenance of departments under control of the mayor for 11 months ending December 31 last were $11,365,200.12 or $315,988.62more thanin 1910-11 andt669,236.04 more than in 1909-10. The commission rejoices however, over the fact that “the borrowing power hau been exercised with care and moderation,” and that onIDecember 31 there was left a borrowing capacity of $748,983.47. It finds, however, that “if :the city council had authorized some of the loans requested by the mayor, this margin would have been practically wiped out.” The city debt, too, was $275,919.50 less, or, exelusive of the rapid transit debt, $450,786.06 less, on December 31, 1911, than on December 31, 1910. “This,” states the commission, “shows that for the time being, at least, the tendency of recent years to increase the debt has been checked.” The commission also ha praise for the award of city contracts. “The manner,” the report says, “in which contracts involving $lo00 or more, which under the law require advertisement for bids, have been awarded in the last two years shows a marked improvement over the record of the Mayor in his first term.” The commission has one or two other flaws to pick in the Mayor’s record, however, regarding his failure to follow some of its recommendations. Of the mayor’s action on the matter of better fire protection, the commission says: “The mayor has done nothing to increase the fire fighting force or to provide the necessary motor apparatus, though both have been strongly urged by the fire commissioner. . . . The mayor has attempted to secure an extension of the building limits, so far without success. Neither the mayor nor the city council has taken any steps to restore the fire commissioner’s authority over the department in respect to the time-off and meal hours of the fiemen.” * Duluth, Minnesota.-At the city election, February 6, four charter amendments were adopted, of which the most important was that providing for a board of public welfare whose duties are to comprise corrections and amusements within the municipal jurisdiction. The project for a workfarm on municipal lines will be committed to this body. The other amendments relate to the limit of taxation, andthemethodofdividing asmssments, and an appropriation is sanctioned for bandconcerts in the parks.

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300 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW The principal issue was upon authorizing !he council to issue $700,000 bonds for a lighting plant. It was readily carried. It empowers the city to make a contract. for the construction of a plant within that sum, subject to ratification bypoptilar vote. Many who voted for the bonds, quite likely a majority, believe it would be more economical to pay the existing private company a price and a half for its plant than to build a competing plant, and this vote carried largely on the theory that the city would be in a better position to strike a fair bargain. The situation is somewhat complicated by the election for mayor of a candidate of the “good fellow” type who has not been identified with municipal ownership agitation. The Socialists appear above the surface for the first time, electing an alderman from the eighth ward.’ * Lowell (Mass.) Elections and the New City Charter.-In December the people of Lowell, Mass., adopted a new city charter providing for the administration ‘of affairs by five “elected selectmen” by a majority of about twelve hundred votes. At the following election held under the new charter, there were about seventy-five candidates for the positions, and, after a vigorous campaign, a mayor and four aldermen were selected. Four of them represented one religious denomination. At the same election, in the filling of a school committee four out of five members belonged to the same religious denomination. From this it appears that the election resulted in a division along sectarian lines instead of political. * Women in Municipal Office.-To the list of cities in which women hold public office the following in Texas are to be added according to the Dallas News: Member of the San Jacinto park commission, two members of the state library commission, two members of the board of mana5ers of the state institution for trainin juveniles, five members of the state %oard of nurse examiners, county clerk (Angelina County), district clerk (Brunnels and Wilson Counties), tax assessor (Coke County), treasurer (Archer, Crosby, Ellis, San Saba and Wheeler Counties), superintendent of schools (Bee and Marion Counties) ; three members of the board of regents of the state college of industry. IV. MEETINGS AND ORGANJZ.4TIONS Annual Meeting.-The annual meeting of the National Municipal League will be held this year in the city of Los Angeles, July 8 to 12. These dates have been fixed to enable members of the League to plan to take in the annual meeting in connection with their summer outing and to avoid conflict with the national party conventions which are called for June 18 and 24 respectively. A program of great practical interest is in course of preparation. The main attention will be given to charter reform in view of the general interest in the subject and especially on the Pacific coast. In connection with the annual meeting 1 From John S. Pardee. a Los Angelea committee, appointed by the council of that city, will submit a new charter for the consideration of the League so that the city may avail itself of the suggestions of the League in connection with the charter which it is proposed to submit for formal action at the November election. Among the subjects that will be discussed at Los Angeles are the following: Commission government for large cities, municipal finance and taxation, adequate civil service law, the expert in municipal affairs, honesty plus efficiency, how can we work the university graduate intomunicipal government? excesy condemnation, state versus municipal regulation of public utilities, street railway franchises

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EVENTS AND PERSONALIA 301 the actual operation of the initiative and recall in California, the actual operation of woman’s suffrage on the Pacific Coast, home rule in California cities, socialism in municipalities, how to educate the people to demand better government, the boss’ day in court, the elimination of the party boss in California cities, the work of the League of California Municipalities, an adequate housing program, a municipal health program, commercial’value of city planning, civic education, the handling of the social evil. * The President of the National Municipal League Speaks.-During December and January, the Hon. William Dudley Foulke, of Richmond, Ind., president of the National Municipal League, delivered a number of lectures on “Municipal Efficiency” at Chicago and other towns of the middle west. * The National Assembly of Civil Service Commissioners will hold its fifth annual meeting at Spokane, Washington, June 21 to 22 next. The opening address will be made by F. A. Chase, a member of the Spokane civil service commission. Among the subjects to be considered are the following: Political activity, organization of the new service, civil service in practice, efficiency: what is it? civil service in California, the awakening of Philadelphia. * A Second State Conference on Taxation was held in Buffalo, New York, January 9-11. In general it followed the plan of organization and discussion adopted for the first conference held at Utica last year. The attendance was larger and there was a more general participation in the discussions. Many of the delegates were state and local officials whose duties relate to the assessment or collection of taxes; and others represented local boards of trade and statewide organizations interested in taxation, so that the subjects discussed were considered from the taxpayer’s viewpoint as well as from the administrative side. The universities were also invited, so that the economist’s views might be presented, and there were also present state tax officials and members of investigating commissions from several other states. The chief topic of discussion was the improvement of local assessment methods and the securing of changes in the laws relating to assessment and collection of taxes, which, in New York, are far behind those of many other states. Among the resolutions of general interest was one recommending such a revision of the tax law as would prevent the double taxationof property of individuals or corporations doing business in more than one state, following the example set by the inheritance tax law amendments of last year, which abolished double taxation on the property of nonresidents. Another resolution, passed after a spirited discussion by a vote of 61 to 17, advocated a law compelling the true consideration paid for real estate to be either stated in the deed or given separately in an affidavit to be filed with the local assessor. The third conference will be held at Binghamton, January, 1913. These state conferences have been modeled upon the plan of the National Tax Conferences. Their purpose is. to secure the discussion of taxation and assessment methods by those directly concerned either as administrators or taxpayers. The attendance at both state conferences has been thoroughly representative of all sections of the state, and most of those present have come from the smaller cities and rural districts. In fact the country districts have shown more interest than the cities. This is in part due to the fact that more ‘progress has been made in the cities towards better assessment and in. administration generally, and therefore these problems are not so acute. Neverthe

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW less it is encouraging to Bee that the smaller taxing districts are taking such an interest in improving administration, as this is a great help in securing legislative action. Unfortunately, the statutes in New York as in many other states, enter into minute detail in matters of administration, and leave little to the discretion of the local governments. So that little progress can be made in any locality without securing authority from the legislature, or a general change in the law.‘ rp The Ohio Municipal Conference.-A municipal conference of delegates appointed by the mayors of fifty-three cities in Ohio met in Columbus on January 24 and 25. The conference was called by the Municipal Association of Cleveland as the oldest civic organization in the state, with the approval and cordial support of the mayors of the first ten cities of Ohio. The primary objects of the meeting were two: First, to consider the question of the positioD of cities in the new constitution now being framed; second, the advisability of organizing a state municipal league. One hundred and fifty-three delegates were present at the three sessions of the conference. The chief speakers were E. J. Schreiter, Jr., of Detroit, secretary of the League of American Municipalities, who gave an address on “State Leagues of Municipalities;” Rev. Washington GIadden, who delivered an address on “ Government of Cities, ” and Mayors Newton D. Baker of Cleveland, Brand Whitlock of Toledo, and Henry T. Hunt of Cincinnati, who discussed “The Position of Cities in the New Constitution.” An Ohio Municipal League was organized to bring about a closer cooperation among the cities of Ohio; to promote legislation beneficial to the cities and to collect and disseminate information on problems of municipal government and administration. The membership in the 1 From A. C. Pleydell. new organization is to be different from that of any similar state league in that the membership will be composed of ‘municipalities, local, civic, commercial and other organizations interested in civic affairs, and citizens from the cities of the state. It was the view of the conference that the time had come when city officials, civic organizations and citizens in general could meet in annual conferences and discuss the need of their respective cities. Ohio has eighty-three municipalities of over 5000, and more than 180 villages of over 1OOO. All of these will be eligible to membership in the new organization.2 CP New York Municipal Government Association.-The Municipal Government Association of New York wa~ organized at Albany on January 12, 1912. The officers of the new Association are: President: Hon. John K. Sague, may. or. of Poughkeepsie, and vice-chairman Democratic State League. Secretary: Ralph Bowman, former secretary of the Commission Government Association of New York State, now united with the new organization. Treasurer: Sam. A. Lewisohn, of Adolph Lewisohn and Sons, bankers, New York City. The Directors are: Robert 8. Binkerd, secretary the City Club, New York. Richard S. Childs, secretary Short Ballot Organization, New York. J. Hampden Dougherty, lawyer, New York. Prof. Herman L. Fairchild, Rochester University, and president National Geological Society. Darwin R. James, Jr., president Brooklyn Young Republican Club. Geo. W. Knox, president Board of Trade, and president Niagara Falls Commission Government Association. Howard T. Mosher, lawyer, Rochester. Charles Rohlfs, manufacturer, and director Buffalo Chamber of Commerce and Manufacturers’ Club. The program of the Association embraces : ‘From Mayo Fder, Cleveland.

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EVENTS AND PERSONALIA 303 1. Real home-rule by giving the city governments the powers to deal with local affairs without constantly running to the legislature. 2. Municipal elections on municipal issues, by a non-partisan municipal elections act. 3. Simple and e5cient forms of city government, by general statutes. 4. Sound financial methods, uniform municipal accounting, and constitutional protection of the right of local self-government. An investigation of county government, looking to its reorganization on lines of greater economy and efficiency, will also be undertaken. * Commission Government in Pennsylvania.-The action of the committee of allied civic bodies, representing cities of the third class and boroughs of Pennsylvania, in connection with the convention held at Lancaster January 18-19 is interesting and suggestive. A carefully prepared program was carried through, including addresses on the di5culties of good municipal government in Pennsylvania, on the advantages of the simpler form of short ballot charter and on plans for securing home rule. The attendance was satisfactory and the conference passed the resolutions which follow. Among the addresses made was one on " Getting Better Legislation," by J. Horace McFarland, which reviewed rather vigorously the conditions under which the people of third class cities and boroughs in Pennsulvania are not free and are not governed in a democratic fashion, as compared with foreign government. The resolutions adopted provided that the committee on laws be directed to prepare a proper bill to provide for nonpartisan nominations and elections in the municipalities. These bills are to be presented to the next legislature for enactment, after being approved by an adjourned meeting to be called by the president. It was also recommended that the president appoint a campaign committee to consist of one person in every city of the third class and borough of the state, who shall serve as chairman of the campaign committee in that community and that action be taken at once to form an organization and enter into a campaign of education. Each committeeis tosecure an expression from every candidate for the legislature as to his attitude toward the legislation demanded. Other recommendations made were: First: The election of a small council of five members with a salary sufficiently large to justify the members elected to devote all their time to the affairs of the city and to insure the election of capable men. Second: The council to be nominated and elected at large on a non-partisar ballot. Third: The council to appoint all subordinate officials and employes, with the power of removing them at will. Each councilman shall be the head of a department of the city and shall be responsible for the affairs of that depart ment. Fourth: The initiative, referendum recall and civil service. The following o5cers were elected for the ensuing year: President, A. M. Fuller Meadville, Pa. ; vice-president, Charles A. Miller, Harrisburg; secretary, Mayor Ira W. Straton, Reading; treasurer, Jacob Umnitz, Erie.' * New Jersey Mayors.-An informal conference of about twenty-five mayors of New Jersey cities was held on January 3 at .which Governor Woodrow Wilson presided. The object of the meeting was to discuss ways and means for bringing the antiquated charters of many new Jersey cities up to date. The new commission government of Trenton was cited as producing efficient 'results. As a result of the meeting Governor Wilson LFrom J. Horace McFarland. Harrfsburg.

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304 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW agreed, in an unofficial capacity, to appoint a committee to draw up a “sample charter” which the cities of the state might follow. * City Beautiful Congress.-In connections with the Clay Products and Permanent Home Exposition, held in Chicago, March 7 to 12, city mayors and delegates were called together in a municipal congress at which the chief topic of didcussion was the “Practical City Beautiful.’, The clay workers provided an exhibit showing not only a street with properly arranged and constructed sewerage lines, conduits, pavements, curbing, electric power transmission lines and telephone systems but also fire proof construction to prevent fire horrors. * An International Coal Smoke Abatement Exhibition was held late in March in London following similar exhibitions in other parts of Great Britain. The exhibition showed graphically all means for the abatement of both factory and domestic smoke, in order to show the progress in applied inventions and popularize the work of smoke abatement. * The Union Internationale des Tramways et des Chemins de Fer d’Int6r;t Local will hold its next session at Christiana in July, 1912. The union is composed of representatives from continental countries and deals entirely with the problems of transportation, particularly of urban transportation. The announced program coverssuchsubjects as the influence of transportation on urban development, the organization and character of service and the relat.ion of tramways to local railroad transportation. The problems discussed cover conditions all over Europe, practically every country being represented in the list of speakers. * Annual Meeting of the Municipal Association of Cleveland.-The annual meeting of the Municipal Association of Cleveland held March 2, in the Chamber of Commerce Auditorium was devoted entirely to the question of municipal efficiency. The Association is expanding its work to include the investigation of county and city offices, with aview to securing greater efficiency in their administration. John H. Clarke, a member of the executive board, spoke on the work of the association for the year and the plans for the efficiency work. Harry L. Vail, member of the board of county commissioners, pointed out the need of efficiency work in county offices, and assured the association of the hearty cooperation of the county’offices in their work. Newton D. Baker, mayor of the city, not only endorsed the movement, but pointed out that it could be of material assistance to the city administration. The association is engaged in a campaign for raising $20,000 for this purpose. Over half the fund is reported in sight. The Municipal Association formerly merely passed upon candidates for office, but during the past eighteen months has undertaken in addition to the investigation of candidates a number of constructive movements. It is also helping the short ballot campaign in Ohio. ’ * StilesP. Jones, of Minneapolis, amember of the council of the National Civil Service Reform League, has been active for some years in trying to secure the adoption of the merit system in his city. At his request the charter commission invited Elliot H. Goodwin, secretary of the League, to address them. He spoke before the commission upon the advantages of the adoption of civil service reform in the city government and the results that had heen obtained through it. On Monday afternoon he conferred with the committee of the commission on civil service regarding the provisions to he inserted in a civil service chapter. During hie stay he addressed the Saturday Lunch Club, the Adult Class of the Unitarian Church, the Women’s Club,

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EVENTS AND and the Civic and Commerce Association. This association, recently organized and having already a membership of over six hundred, voted at the close of its meeting on March 4 to appoint a committee to organize a civil service reform association. The city council, whose members were invited to attend themeeting of the charter commission at which Mr. Goodwin spoke, have taken up a consideration of the question of 6he adoption of the merit system by ordinance. 5 The United Improvement Association of Boston has elected Mr. Howard Whitmore to the position of executive secretary of the Association. Mr. Whitmore is a graduate of Harvard College and the Harvard Law School and is PERSONAL1 A 305 a practicing attorney. He has been prominent in social work in Boston; a trustee of the Wells Memorial Institute, the large and successful People’s Club; a director of the Newton Y. M. C. A. and a member of thg Boston City Club. 5 New York Washington Square Association.-The recent report of the Washington Square Association of New York City shows an active 1911. Its work during the year covered a large variety of matters, including a campaign against fire traps, improperly protected cellar ways, sidewalk obstructions, overflowing gutters,ldelayed garbage removal, push cart annoyances, street signs, overhead wires and inefficient policing. V. ACADEMIC AND EDUCATIONAL Instruction in Municipal AfIairs. On November 19, the New York Tribune printed an account of an “experiment in training men till they become experts in municipal government,” describing the school recently founded by Mrs. E. H. Harriman in coiiperation with thirty-one leading citizens of New York and with the Bureau of Municipal Research for training by means of practical work in municipal affairs a certain number of picked men who give reasonable indications of their likelihood to be able to contribute to the betterment of municipal government in this country by reason of such a training aa is proposed. The article states that Mrs. Harriman has given 180,000 towards this purpose, that the business friends and associates of the late Mr. Harriman have among them guaranteed 0120,000,and that the intention is to have the fund cover all expenses is connection with the school for five years to come. Recasting the Tribune’s heading to read lLan experiment in training men in the interests of efficient municipal government” it may be said that the facts cited above are substantially correct. Men who are actively engaged, or who have been actively engaged in municipal administration or operation will, if they conform to certain standards, be made to see how their tasks can be simplified and their efficiency increased; men who are experts in certain branches of municipal activity will be shown how to render their work more effective by reason of a broader conception of municipal government; men will be trained for general municipal advancement work and meu will be taught by intimate contact with practice and detail as illustrated by the New York City government how to deal with municipal problems. The Bureau of Municipal Research undertakes to administer this Harriman fund and to direct the time and work of the several classes of workers. It does this as a part of its tremendous campaign for civic betterment which has already borne such good fruit in New York and other cities. It does this in the firm belief that in furnishing to post-experience and post-graduate students the facilities for first-hand knowledge of living, practical city problems and activities it is rendering the greatest possible service to mu

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306 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW nicipal government in this country and is making possible of achievement Mr. E. H. Harriman’s desire for a .“better article of government at less cost.” It is impracti,cable here to discuss in detail the sys!em by which this work is to be carried on. The relations between the Harriman students and the public, and their relations to the Bureau of Municipal Research have not all been elucidated, and vary besides in the case of each individual man. One thing is certain, the establishment of a training school along these lines meets a long felt want-a want concerning which there has been much outcry since and before the days of Ambassador Bryce’s American Commonwealth, but for the satisfying of which very little has been done. If Mrs. Harriman and her allies, acting through such a proven instrument of effective publicity and uplift as this Bureau can manage at last to reach the American people and arouse their sense of civic pride then will they have done more towards solving the vexed questions of self-government than many national commissions or floods of philanthropic oratory. The fund is administered by a board of trustees, composed of George W. Perkins, C. A. Coffin and Mortimer L. Schiff. The students will be trained in the analysis of budget estimates, charter drafting and exposition, management of school problems, standardization of salaries, contracts and specifications, methods of assessing and collecting taxes, the preparation of handbooks on administrative practices, the investigation of proceedings of public bodies, and the preparationof public statements. In connection with the. regular courses excellent opportunities for field work will be offered under the supervision of experienced workers in the Bureau or in the city departments, which have offered to cooperate with the new school. Four classes of applicants are expected; college graduates wishing to go into public service or social work; candidates wishing to qualify for the analysis of public business; secretaries of civic organiaations desirous of taking up public business, and post graduate students in politics, economics, law and journalism, who wish to supplement their academic training by practical field work. This unique foundation is full of promise for the advancement of municipal science in the United States and will afford exactly the element which has been lacking in municipal instruction thus far -laboratory practice after theoretical training. WILLIAM H. ALLEN. 5 Dusseldorf’s Municipal College. Dusseldorf, Germany, one of the conspicuously well governed cities of Germany, and therefore of the world, has established a precedent that may well be followed, and to great advantage, in America. It has instituted a college for the specific instruction of municipal officials, who have a real career open for, them in that city and country. According to the advices from Germany, although she may h~ve and very likely does have the best staff of public officials probably of all the civilized nations, the recent development of municipal policies has proved that even in this field further extension is not only possible but necessary. The rapid growth of some German communities forced their officials into spheres of greater responsibilities than there were at the time when they took office, and it is therefore incumbent upon these officials, especially those among them who hold higher and more responsible posts, to spend much time and study to acquire the knowledge necessary if they wish to fulfill their duties, and to their credit it must be said that they are eager for instruction on the problem of meeting their new responsi bilities. Municipal administration in all its branches has become a distinct branch of modern political science in Germany. Consequently, the necessity has become evident there that men should be espe

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EVENTS AND PERSONALIA 307 cially educated for it. For a number of years several cities, at their head Berlin, have established special training schools for employees of certain departments like the police department and opened training schools for all kinds of municipal officers of the lower rank. Dusseldorf, however, has conceived a plan under which a school for the higher municipal officials has been created. This institution of learning, standing absolutely under the control of the municipality, opened its first course on October 30, 1911. The course is intended to cover two semesters of three months’ lecture periods each, at the end of which the students will have to undergo a graduating examination. The course of study will cover all phases of municipal law, connected. in several instances with practice;*also, the modern problems in the life of a city, as the labor question, social questions as a whole, the relief of the poor, public sanitation, organization of city government, city charters, etc. The teachers will be acknowledged authorities in their special branches, recruited from the circles of university professors and tutors, judges of high courts, and men who have had practical experience in municipal administration. Young men who have been graduated from a “gymnasium” or a “real-gymnasium” of the first class, or who have passed an examination equivalent to the graduating examination of one of these institutions, for instance the officers’ examination for the army, will be eligible to the college, according to the advices from Germany. Many officers of the army, finding that their advancement is too slow, aa well as people who originally intended to serve the state as jurists, give up these careers after some years and try to obtain positions in the municipal service. It is expected that a large number of these men will study in the new college. Furthermore, city officials who, without having passed the required examinations, make good this lack of academic training by years of practical work in the municipal service as mayors of smaller cities, etc., will probably likewise take up theoretical studies in the new university. And finally, engineers and men engaged in the several branches of technical work, whose cdperation is so important for the development of a modern city, will also enroll. People who do not wish to become regular students, but simply intend to hear one or more lectures, will receive permission to do so by the authorities on special application, provided they pay a small fee. This experiment in official training will be watched with keen interest and may, and in all likelihood will, be followed in this country, where municipal work is becoming more and more complicated and diflicult and calls for more highly trained men. When municipal service becomes an established career to which young men can look forward, then there will follow naturally preparations for training such as the Dusseldorf authorities have already provided. * Harvard Bureau of Research.Through the benefaction of two graduates Harvard University was enabled to establish last autumn n Bureau for Research in Municipal Government. This Bureau will be administered in connection with the regular instruction in that subject offered at the university to undergraduates and graduates. In its main purpose the Harvard bureau differs from the institutions of research established by city governments or by private philanthrophy for the assistance of city officials. It is first of all intended to be a place in which students of municipal government may obtain practice in the use of o5cial data; only incidentally is it designed to be a center for collecting and disseminating information in the form of bulletins or otherwise. All the more important official publications issued by the larger cities of the United States have already been acquired and put upon the shelves for the use of

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW Harvard students. The collection includes copies of the charters, revised ordinances, annual reports and statistical publications. In addition fairly complete files of the publications of the more important civic organizations, such as good government leagues, taxpayer’s associations, chambers of commerce, city clubs, and the like, have been secured. The programme of instruction inmunicipal government at Harvard comprises not only a general course on comparative municipal government under the direction of Professor W. B. Munro, who is also in charge of the Bureau for Research, but an advanced course on the Problems of Municipal Administration, given by Hon. Nathan Matthews, former mayor of Boston, and Bon. John A. Sullivan, chairman of the Boston Finance Commission. For graduates a course on Municipal Corporations is offered by Professor Joseph H. Beale, Jr., and a course on City Planning is in charge of Professor Frederick Law Olmsted, assisted by Professor J. s. Pray. * Cambridge to be Assisted by Harvard Experts.-By a vote of the corporation of Harvard University, it has been provided that within reasonable limits upon application of the city authorities of Cambridge to the president of the university expert advice on municipal affairs will be given gratuitously by suitable professors of the faculties of the university. This is only a part of a broader scheme for placing the staff. and facilities of the university at the service of the city. This plan is not expected to mean, however, that the faculty of law, for example, would supply the city with all requisite legal service that might be required or that the engineering staff would perform the engineering work of the city; it simply implies that the expert opinionof the professors of the university is made available to the municipal authorities. VI. JUDICIAL DECISIONS Initiative and Referendum.-Mention was made in the last number of the case of the Paci$c States Telephone and Telegraph Company u. Ovegon, involving the validity of direct legislation under the federal constitution, just then argued in the Supreme Court of the United States. On February 19 the court handed down an opinion disposing of the appeal on the ground that the question was a political, not a judicial one, in that it lies with the congress to determine whether or not the forms of government maintained in any state are “republican” within the purview of the federal constitution. Since congress has repeatedly expressed its judgment on the matter by recognizing members of both houses from states which legislate 1 PreFared by Rlohard W. Montague. Esq.. of the Portland (Ore.). in this manner, and still more unequivocally by providing for the admission of new states with constitutions including provisions for the initiative and referendum, the question is to all intents and purposes laid at rest. The friends of the system had hoped that the court would fully and finally dispose of the arguments against its “republicani~m,’~ which to many of them did not appear weighty. Considering the superior flexibility and adaptability of political over judicial decisions, the conclusion reached by the court may be deemed to have a strong tendency to make of the constitution a garment rather than a straight jacket; and let us hope that at any rate the settlement of the controversy will permit the consideration of direct legislation in a calm and rational spirit of inquiry to take the place of the extravagant encomium and

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EVENTS AND PERSONALIA 309 ignorant and frivolous condemnation, which have been all too common hitherto. * Crowding Street Cars.-Municipal legislation limiting the number of persons that might be carried in a street car received attention in Minneapolis Street Railway Company v. Minneapolis.’ An ordinance limiting the number of passengers at any one time to seventy-five and imposing a penalty for its violation was held reasonable and valid. Other ordinances required the company to furnish and run a sufficient number of cars to accommodate the traveling public; but no penalty was imposed for failure to comply with these latter, although it appears the state had some reserved right to forfeit the charter. The court holds that the prohibition against taking on an excessive number relieves the carrier of any obligation to stop and take on passengers, after the number was reached. Possibly some people will be surprised to hear that any such obligation existed. The decision indicates clearly that any useful reform in this matter must embrace both sides of the difficulty. Limitation of the number of passengers will be ineffective-often intolerable-unless it is coupled with vigorously enforced measures for securing adequate service. The REVIEW ventures to suggest that something might be done in the way of regulating the number of seats that should be provided for in a given area of car floor space. The present way of designing cars so as to seat 32 people and give standing room for 75 strikes some observers as a cynical and impudent denial of the right to seatsif there is any such right. * Political Activity of Municipal Employees.-The Sherman act of February 15, 1906, prohibiting certain specified kinds of political activity by municipal employees was upheld in the court of common pleas of Philadelphia on Feb.. Fed., 445. ruary 13. The court held that the act did not in any way conflict with constitutional provisions respecting free speech; that if in the judgment of the legislature political activity (and especially the taking of an active or managing part in political affairs) was likely to interfere with efficient public service, abstention from it might properly be required as a condition of remaining in the public service-just as engaging in any other business which tended to impair the employee’s usefulness might be prohibited. The court also holds that dismissal for the reasons set forth in the act is not dismissal for a “political cause,” which would seem sufficiently obvious. The decision is regarded as of high importance as making possible the hunting out of a large number of the “little foxes that spoil the vines” in the service of Pennsylvania cities. * Conduct Unbecoming an 0fBcer.-The suprgme court of Washington in State e.c rel. v. Seattle,* sustained a removal in a case where a police officer was accused of “conduct unbecoming an officer; being in a compromising position with a respectable married woman.” (Note the chaste restraint of the language; could Marie Corelli have outdone it?) Not to fall away a vibration from the high key thus set, the’ commission announced that they were not prepared to find that “Mr. S.” the patrolman, had been guilty of the serious offense with which he was charged? but sustained the removal on the ground that in cultivating the acquaintance of the lady he had been guilty of conduct unbecoming an officer. The court (preserving its gravity) held that while the discharge must be upon the ground stated in the accusation, and none other, it might be, and therefore was, sustained on a finding that the accused was guilty of a lower grade of the same offense. * 118 Paclfic Reporter. 821.

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310 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW Repeal of Franchise.-The city of Seattle undertook to repeal a franchise, pursuant to a reservation in the instrument of the right to repeal if the franchise were not operated in accordance with its terms. The franchise holdei sought to enjoin the repeal by suit in the federal court, alleging that it had complied with the ordinance and no cause for the repeal existed. The city contended that this was a pure question of fact which the federal court had no jurisdiction. Judge Donworth held that the real question was whether the repeal impaired the obligation of the contract created by the franchise, that this involved the construction of the instrument, and of the federal constitution, and that the question of fact could not be separatedfrom these questions of law. The opinion clearly and expressly recognizes the right of the city to repeal where a right of repeal is reserved, and affirms the established doctrine that if such right of repeal is absolute, the exercise of it is not in violation of the federa1 constitution. (0 Democracy of Commission Form of Government.-The distinction between political and. legal questions laid down by the Supreme Court of the United States in the initiative case .was certainly overlooked by the lawyers in Texas who contended that the commission.form of government (and in Galveston, the fons et origio of the system!) was not democratic. The court disposed of the question by saying: While the commission form of municipal government, which seems to have had its origin in the charter under which the city of Galveston now operates its city government, does not to the extent usual in city charters follow the tendency heretofore shown in the evolution of free popular government to avoid as far as possible the concentration of power in any one governmental officer, it is nevertheless a democratic form of government, which rests at last upon the consent of a 1 Seaflle R. R S. Hy. Co. 0. Seattle. 100 Fed, 73. majority of the governed. The several commissioners are given special charge of the respective departments to which they are assigned, and the powers conferred upon each commissioner in the management of his department are large and comprehensive, but he must, unless otherwise expressly authorized by the charter, exercise such powers in subordination to the will of the majority of the board who represent the supreme power of the will of the people.* * Dictagraph Evidence.-An interesting development of the law of evidence occurred in the Gary bribery trial (State of Indiana v. Williston) in the admission of evidence transmitted by the dictagraph to a shorthand reporter stationed in another room, to which the wires from the receiver were run for the purpose. No question appears to have been made except as to the ability of the shorthand reporter to take down all the conversations as rapidly as they occurred. The incident suggests that the much needed reform of our methods of taking testimony may come through the improved physical and psychological methods, of which some hints have been given us by Professor Miinsterberg, rather than by the interminably slow march of procedural reform. * Charter Revision in Michigan.-In Kuhn v. Common Council of Detroit,3 it was held that the recent constitutional and statutory amendments permitting cities to frame their own charters did not authorize piecemeal amendments under the act until a general revision had been made, containing the compulsory provisions of section 3 of the act and the restrictive provisions of section 5. The court is of opinion that this construction only is in harmony with the constitutional provisions to provide n municipal constitution for all cities in conformity with the fundamental proa Perrett v. Wagner 139 s. w. Rep., 884, 989. 164 Mloh. 389: 129 N. U'. ROD.. 879.

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EVENTS AND PERSONALIA 311 visions of which each city may govern itself according to the judgment of its electors. 9 Commission Government.-Legal proceedings have been instituted to test the validity of the commission form of government in Mankato, Minnesota, VII. SOCIAL AND National Department of Municipalities Suggested.-In the American City for January, several writers advocate the establishment of II. federal bureau of mur?icipalities. The subject is introduced by Philip Kates, of Oklahoma, who points out that the modern city is an industrial and not a political problem. He says: The idea that the city problem is a national problem, in the same sense that agriculture is a national problem, may seem strange to those who regard the city &s a local political unit, and not a part of the great industrial life of the nation. There are great national organizations whose work is slowly educating the country to regard the city problem in its proper light but these are non-officia1 organizations, supported by voluntary contributions of public s irited citizens. . . . If we wou~i'solve the problem for the future, the federal government must take up the work. I believe that the first thing we must have is a comprehensive and authoritative study of the munici a1 problem in its basic principle-its rePation to our industrial life. Such an investigation involves an industrial survey of national scope with its attendant investigations into causes of congestion of PO ulation, and the remedies by improvecf commumcation and transportation and other means; into sanitary conditions rn they affect not only the city proper but the industrial district; into housing, disposal of municipal waste, and above all into industrial working conditions. 9 ers of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW will undoubtedly be keenly disappointed to learn that owing to the limited appropriations made for the bureau of the Census Statistics of Cities.-The read' Pueblo, Colorado, and Salt Lake, Utah. As far as the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL RE%IEW is advised, no new points of general interest have come to light in any of these actions, nor have any of them resulted in any judgments denying the legality or constitutionality of 'the system. ' MISCELLANEOUS census, that bureau has found it impossible at the present time to print the finished report for the 1909 statistics of cities containing 30,000 population and over. This report of the financialstatistics of cities cannot be printed, by reason of the fact stated, until after the first of July next. The 1910 financial and general statistics of cities will be finished before this news reaches the readers of the REVIEW; and in turn this publication will be held up and cannot go to press, unless other appropriations are made specially available for the purpose, until after the first of July. The same shortage of appropriations will delay the statistics for 1911. The canvass for these statistics should have begun the first of February of this year; but moneys are not available for that purpose and will not be until after the first of July. This will necessarily delay the issue of the statistics for 1911 some five or six months. As much of the value of these statistics must come from their promptness of issue, all who are interested in the cause of publicity concerning city affairs which has been provided by these statistics will join in the regret that appropriations are not available for carrying forward this very useful branch of statistical work of the United States Government.' 1 It occurs to the Edltor to suggest that the readers of the Rmvrsw write their respeotlve senators and representatlves calling their attentlon to the lmportance of this work and aeklng them-to use their influence in preventlng a recurrence o thls delay. C. R. W.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW President Foulke of the League spoke before the Chicago School of Civics on February 8 on the subject of “Civil Service Reform,” with special re‘erence to the employment of experts in cities and higher municipal offices; on Friday, February 9, before the Commerical Club of Omaha; on Saturday, February 10, before the Voters’ League of Minneapolis, and February 12 before the ‘I Current Topics” Club at St. Paul, and on Monday before the City Club of Milwaukee, all on “Effective City Government]” and on Tuesday before the Wisconsh Civil Service League, on the application of the merit system in the employment of experts and municipal officers. * A Short Program for a Social Survey.Dr. Carol Aronovici has issued through the department of social and public service of the American Unitarian Association a pamphlet, entitled “Knowing One’s Own Community,” which will be helpful to social workers contemplating a local “survey.” The ideal which the author has in mind is set forth as follows: We believe that human nature under proper conditions is capable of Wtly greater efficiency, service and happiness than present conditions have ever made possible of attainment. Each locality presents its own special problems of human conservation and community efficiency, and it is the purpose of this bulletin to guide public-spirited citizens in the work of ascertaining the conditions that prevail in their own community] particularly small cities and towns. When the facts are known and the good is balanced against the bad, a consciousness of ublic res onsibility is bound to result wiich will Blast the way towards improvements of a constructive, far reaching and permanent character. This will result in a standard of human efficiency that will affect both production and its rewards in a manner that will create a community patriotism worthy of its brother, -the national love of country and nation. After stating his ideal Dr. Aronovici gives classified lists of questions on social and economic matters about which positive information must be secured before any real remedial work can be begun. The author insists, however, that the work of the surveying committee should not end with the knowledge of facts, but that a definite constructive program of public action will be formulated which will include every phase of community life studied and will affect every important aspect of the social, political and industrial life of the people. * , Social Survey in Syracuse,.-Last summer a committee of twelve representing equally the Ministerial Association, the Chamber of Commerce, the Trades Association and the Associated Charities undertook the investigation of social conditions in Syracuse. It was not intended to make an exhaustive study. Attention was concentrated on a few subjects such as health and its conservation, civic improvement, sewage, labor conditions and the housing of unskilled laborers. Shelby M. Harrison, director of the survey, was assisted by a corps of trained workers who either volunteered their services or were lent by state organizations. 10 order that their findings might reach the people and generate enthusiasm for reform the week of November 19 was set aside as “Know Your City Week.” Afternoon and evening the public were invited to hear the reports of investigators and the views of experts from New York, Chicago and other cities. Altogether 8ooo persons attended the meetings. Moving pictures illustrating welfare work were shown in one of the theatres. A departmental store filled its windows with statistical charts. The offer of prizes for essays on “How to Make a Better Syracuse” enlisted the interest of school children. A thousand of them studied the subject in the public library and entered the competition. The municipal program of the central committee, representing the cooperating associations, is embodied in the following resolutions.

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EVENTS AND PERSONALIA 313 First-That the mayor and common , council be urged to establish a city planning and housing commission to secure a plan for the city’s growth add development, and draw up a housing code such ns would meet the needs of the city for some time to come. Second-That the board of education be petitioned to consider and adopt a far-reaching plan for the education of the foreign population of the city by a larger provision of night schools, by the introduction of civics and industrial courses in night schools, and by the extension of vocational training to the grades. Third-That the police and school departments be petitioned to enforce the child labor laws relative to the street trades . Fourth-That the board of health should be petitioned to provide: (a)-For the ins ection of mercantile establishments an% for the enforcement of those provisions relating to child labor, hours of work of women, and sanitary conditions under which such people work. (b)-For the publishing monthly of the milk score of all milk producers whose milk is sold in the city. (c)-For more rigid inspection of tenements. (d)-For the engagement by the city of the services of some sanitarian of national standing to study and report on the needs of the public health of Syracuse, as a basis for planningfuture health work. Fifth-That the employers engaged in such industries aa require the plant to be in continuous operation be urged to make such adjustmentsas to assure everylaborer one day of rest in seven. Sixth-That there should be among the betterment agencies of the city a closer cooperation expressed in some system such aa a united charities, social service lea ue or an associated charities organize$ on broader lines than those in existence at present. “Seventh-That the city at large have some or anization for the study of the city neeis and development and to crystallize the findings of such studies in some yearly program such aa this Know-YourCity Week. Eighth-That to accomplish this end the central survey committee recommend to the respective bodies represented in the committee the formation of a comprehensive and democratic body to study the problems and promote the adoption of the reform suggested by the survey. Social Centers in Rochester.-A few years ago the attention of social workers was drawn to the very interesting experiment of the use of public school buildings as centers for civic education in Rochester, and they learned with regret, some months ago, that the enterprise had apparently failed. It is now announced, however, that after having been closed for six months, at least one school is to continue the experiment. It is reported that a great number were unable to gain admittance to the school on the re-opening night late in January and that enthusiasm ran higher than ever among the 1500 present. While it now appears likely that more schools may be re-opened as social centers, the civic clubs are still very much in disfavor. They may be permitted to meet in the schoolhouses in the near future provided no civic questions are discussed. There seems to be an idea that such discussions might result in giving the children and parents too much radicalinformation on civic matters. The civic clubs have not met since the schools were closed, the members refusing to pay rent on halls, and claiming that the school-houses were built as the places where the simple truth and facts concerning government should be taught. It is probable, however, that if the schools are opened at sll to the clubs, certain restrictions aa to how much may be said on civic questions will be laid down. The opponents of civic centers and .the politicians object to the enormous expense to which the city is subjected, although it appears that a large exposition park has recently been bought at an outlay of $300,000, while it is estimated that the cost of maintaining the social centers for one year is about $lO,OOo. Just why the school commissioners should now change their position taken upon the re-organization of the board after the mix-upsix months ago is hard to understand, but apparently they think that it is best to calm the people particularly as the “election day draweth nigh.” The principal cause of the trouble over

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3 14 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW the civic centers seems to have been the fear of socialism by the political managers in the city. For some time they had been planning to control the school board. Their cry was that business men who understand “practical affairs” should be chosen and that all “fads and fancies” should be eliminated from the course of study. Professor Forbes of the University of Rochester was president of the board. He had given twelve years of excellent service in the regeneration of the schools. Knowing the objection to Professor Forbes, the civic betterment committee decided upon President Rhees of Rochester University as the ideal candidate. But the organization was so strongly entrenched that he was set aside for a high-grade business man who, it is reported, is too busy in his own enterprises to have much time to give to the city, and who beside is a friend and supporter of the machine. The only reason for the failure to select President Rhees was the personal animus of the political boss, George W. Aldridge, who had been opposed by Dr. Rhees in arecent congressional campaign. He at once dictated to his school commissioners that they close the schools as evening social centers. Thousands of people were forbidden to gather in the buildings erected with their money; but having control of the schools once more, the politicians are now trying to regain popular favor.’ 5. Social Motives for City Evangelization.-In an article in the Christian City, Dr. E. L. Earp, of the Drew Theological Seminary, summarizes the social motives for city evangelization that exist in New York City and other large cities of the country. He points out that these motives are to be found in the effect of unemployment, especially unemployment of men unable to obtain work when mothers and little children are compelled to work at hard labor; of widespread 1 Prepared by Blrl E. Shulta. distribution of veneral diseases, endangering men, women and children in crowded tenements; lack of recreation opportunities which leads children to commit acts that make petty criminals of them and carry them before juvenile courts; extortion of “loan sharks” who prey upon workingmen; white slave traffic and street walking. In addit,ion to the work of rescue ordinarily carried on to reclaim and relieve the victims, Dr. Earp emphatically points out the need of the assistance of a host of strong men and women of the churches to study and master the conditions that cause the greater part of our city problems. 5 Milwaukee Social Work.-In a report covering the recent social survey of Milwaukee, Rowland B. Hayes, field secretary of the Playground and Recreation Association of America, recommended to the school board of that city the establishment of five social centers in the congested districts of the city and eight public playgrounds maintenance of which will cost $20,0oO a year. The 1911 legislature authorized the board to institute such school extension work and it is planned to begin it in 1912. 5 Recreation.-The Playground for January 1912 is devot.ed to the Year Book oj the Playground and Recreation Association of America. It contains a list of ,playground commissions and associations in the United States, and a list of what cities “played” last year and how. The Association in 1911 received reports from 257 cities, which maintained 1543 playgrounds and employed 4132 men, exclusive of caretakers, and expended $2,736,506.16. Thirty-sir of the cities employed 377 workers all the year round. In 88 cities the playgrounds were supported by city funds, in 83 by private funds, and in 72 by both; in 3 by state and municipal funds, in one by county funds, and in one by city and county funds. In 53 cities, 228 playgrounds

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EVENTS AND PERSONALIA were open all the year round, and in 112 there were 812 playgrounds open only during July and August. In 71 cities there were 287 playgrounds open from five to ten months. In 141 cities the grounds were open on holidays and in 57 on Sundays. In 1911 there were 115 playground associations, according to the Year Book, and37 havingplaygrounds or recreation commissions, and23 having both. In 67cities there were216grounds kept open in the evening. Forty-eight cities reported that their school houses were used as recreation centers. In 19 cities bond issues for recreation purposes were authorized during the year to the amount of $4,445,500. * Restriction of the Height of Buildings. -The New York committee on congestion is pushing in the state legislature a measure designed to restrict the height of buildings and prevent high buildings in undeveloped districts. The bill contains the following elements: 1. It amends the charter so as to give the Board of aldermen the power, with the approval of the board of estimate and apportionment, “to regulate and restrict the height, number of stories, proportions of lot areas which may be covered, ratio of volume of buildings to lot. areas which may be actuallyoccupied, and the distribution of such volumes of buildings to be hereafter erected in the city.” 2. It also provides for the appointment by the board of estimate and apportionment of a commission to draft any such ordinance or ordinances and to make such recommendations in the premises as the board may determine and for the expenses of the commission. 3. It provides that the city may for this purpose be divided into various districts or zones, with appropriate restrictions for each. * City Documents.-The New York public library has begun the publication, in its Monthly Bulletin, of a department of 315 “Recent Accessories” compiled by Adelaide R. Hasse. A brief note of descriptionand evaluation accompanies the more important titles. The first number (January) occupies ten pages. * Des Moines Has First City Hall Udder Commission Plan.-On the first of January, Des Moines dedicated its new, magnificent city hall, the first ever completed under the commission plan of government. It is, regarded as a distinct achievement in adaptingmunicipal buildings to the new ideals of city government. The main floor, reached by an artistic fight of marble steps, where the real business of the city is conducted, resembles, the counting room of a large business corporation. There are no private offices nor roll top desks to hide idle clerks. Every facility is provided to enable the citizen to transact his business quicldy and pleasantly. The floor above elegantly houses the legal department, the law library, the civil service commission, and other miscellaneous services. * Lynn Municipal Market.-An agitation is in progress in Lynn, Mass., for the establishment of a municipal market where the people will be able to purchase staple foodstuffs directly from the producer and thereby eliminate the middlemen. * Missouri River Sanitary Conditions.Last December a Kansas commission met with commissions from Missouri and Nebraska to consider means to bring about better sanitation of the Missouri River. The Kansas commission was made permanent and Dr. S. J. Crumbine selected as its secretary, He is now endeavoring to interest the public health and marine hospital service in the problem and conducting a campaign to , have every city on the Missouri from well up in the northwest to the Mississippi treat its sewage.

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316 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW City Planning in St. Louis.-City planning recently received an impetus in St. Louis that will do a great deal toward accomplishing something in the way of carrying out the plans already made for a civic center and the improvemept of the river front with additional boulevards and open spaces. Walter B. Stevens, who was secretary of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition commission, has been appointed permanent secretary of the city plan commission at a definite salary and with established headquarters in the new Municipal Courte building. The commission has been given an appropriation of $5000 to pay its expenses until April. Draughtsmen will be employed and plans already adopted by the commission will be drawn. Engineering work has, up to the present time, been delayed on account of the commissions having no money. The commission as it now exists can bz said to be the outgrowth of amovement started several years ago by Mayor Wells and later taken up by the Civic League. In 1902 the mayor appointed a public buildings commission which made and formulated plans for the grouping of public buildings. This commission first presented the scheme for the proposed civic center with the new city hall, the municipal courts building and the public library as a nucleus. These three buildings have been completed and occupied. In 1907 the Civic League made a more extended survey of the city and they put forth their plan and also an elaborate scheme for the improvement of the river front. In 1910 the City Plan Association was organized and its purpose was to unite a limited number of public spirited citizens to devote some of their time and means to the present and future development of the city. The association has issued a report covering their operations during the years 1910-11. The present city plan commission with its permanent secretary is the immediate outgrowth of this older organization. At the first meeting of the commission tentative plans were suggested for the " wrecking of several blocks between the river and Fourth street for use aa a park with extensions of a broad river drive leading north and south. The drive suggested is to line the river front the fu11 length of the city. Members of the commission believe such a scheme properly carried out would prove the biggest advertising feature of St. Louis could obtain. A similar water front on a more extensive scale recently approved by the Chicago city plan commission has created a favorable impression in that city and this plan is expected to act in the same manner in St. Louis. Glue factories and packing plants are to be shunted to the north and south sections of the city, thus restricting these industries to certain prescribed sections ridding the city of much offensive smoke and smell. How far the authorities can go in this restriction has not been learned, but the opinion is prevalent that any restriction of factory limits can be done through the police powers of the city. The commission expects to work along broad lines including most every feature of civic improvement in the scope of its work, cooperating with other city departments and private associations working toward making St. Louis a better and more beautiful city. The question of the wag and means for the elimination of smoke, erection and maintenance of public comfort stations, additional parks and boulevards and the beautifying of streets, the erection and placing of monuments and statuary, will be considered by the commission. In fact it is expected to exercise an advisory control over all problems that concern a more comely city. Just at this time Mr. Stevens and his staff are investigating the elimination of grade crossings and the elevation of railway tracks. A careful study of the problem as it exists in other cities, more particularly Chicago and Kansas City is under way with the intention of learning the methods and success of these cities with the hoDe of reaching the best solu

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EVENTS AND PERSONALIA 317 tion of the situation as it presents itself in St. Louis. The board of public improvements is at work on the draft of an ordinance over which there is much controversy concerning the payment of damages resulting to adjacent property owners from the elevation of tracks. An ordinance passed in Kansas City in 1909 known as the Kansas City terminal railway ordinanceis unique in this regard. Under it the city received from the Ter'minal Association $376,372.35 to reimburse property owners,with the attending feature that a two hundred year franchise was granted to the railway companies with many very valuable privileges. In the matter of the elimination of grades Chicago furnishes the most interesting example, $66,256,000.00 having been spent there for the elevation of tracks within the last few years. The public library is taking an interest in the city plan movement and March Bulletin contained a bibliography of the material in the central library and its niunicipal branch in the city hall on this subject.1 * Denver's Civic Improvement.-Western cities, especially the ones in the far west have conditions to Teet that differ widely from the cities in the east and middle west. They have to spend so much on their physical development and necessary improvements, that there is often but little for development along artistic and ornamental lines. In spite of all of its drawbacks-youth, poverty, graft, greed, knockers, kickers -Denver has made remarkable progress in the way of civic improvements and is rapidly gaining areputation for beauty and civic art. The Denver. Artists Club, organized in1893, hasworkedsteadily and indefatigably for the best in art. To it much credit must be given for what has been achieved. Its preachment has been that art requires not only human creative energy but an appreciative public. The club holds its free exhibitions 1 From Jesse Cunnlngham. and works for the uplift and advancement of art in many directions. Through its influence the city art commission was instigated and established. This commissionis composed of six members, who are appointed by the mayor and serve without pay. Only $500 per year is appropriated to pay the current expenses. Henry Reed a well known artist, is chairman of the commission. To it are referred all matters pertaining to art, the architecture of public buildings, bridges, etc. The ornamantallamp posts and beautiful lighting of the city which have attracted so much attention were among the first notable achievements of the commission. Toit is assigned the supervision of the proposed civic center. The general outline for the civic center has been decided upon and active work will be begun upon it as soon as bonds can be issued to pay for land adjoining the capitol. The work has been delayed on account of the decision pending in the supreme court of the state, which has just recently beep rendered in favor of the civic center. Frederick McMonnies, who designed the pioneer monument for the city which he considers one of the best pieces of his work, in April will give advice upon the improvement of the civic center, especially as to the improvement of the plaza. Other eminent authorities will also be consulted. It has been proposed that the entire franchise payment of the tramway company next year amounting to $6O,OOO be turned over to the civic improvement fund. During the present administration of Mayor Robert W. Speer, Denver has attained an average of beauty that is not excelled by any other city. Many of its individual buildings, such structures as the new public library, the new post office, the two new cathedrals and many of the building blocks, would grace any city in the world. Two structures have been erected, which are monumental in character: the Welcome Arch, which commemorates the creation of the greater Denver, made possible by the

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318 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW charter of 1904, and the other is the white marble pavilion in Cheeseman Park dedicated last May to the memory of a pioneer of the city. Just now the city is rejoicing over the first piece of art that has been ordered for the civic center. It is a replica of the famous children's fountain of Dusseldorf. Nadeau, the sculptor of the original at Dusseldorf will be the creator of the Denver replica. He and his assistants are at work now on the piece in Florence, Italy, and it will be delivered in Denver in the fall. The fountain will cost $9OOO and will be paid for out of the park fund. Civic improvements in other American and foreign cities are set before the citizens through the municipal paper Municipal Facts which is published and distributed free among the taxpayers of the city. Through the pages of this journal a wider meaning is given to art, not only architecture, painting and sculpture but music as well. The free concerts given in the Auditorium and in the parks are advertised and the programs are given in full. These concerts are attended by hundred of thousands during the year. When Madame Schumann-Heink was here in January she attended one of these concerts in the Auditorium and was so impressed that she asked permission to give a free concert to the people of Denver, and her request WM eagerly granted. This was without exception one of the most magnificent concerts that was ever given in the west or anywhere. The audience was estimated at 15,000 and fully 25,000 people were turned away. At the last session of the legislature a bill for the creation of a state art commission was defeated, but the measure will be taken up and pushed forward to consummation. Art commissions probably will be established in the towns and matters pertaining to art will be dealt with in a systematic way. This will bring about the realization of a high standard of civic art in Colorado that will place her cities in the front rank of the beautiful cities of the world.' 5 City Planning in Boston. An approach to the city planning problem in Greater Boston was begun in 1889 when the Metropolitan Water Commission was created to provide a water system for the district. ln 1893 a park commission wm created, and about the same time a sewerage commission. Later the water and sewerage commissions were combined, and the total construction expenditures of these two commissions amounted to ' J40,000,000. The Park commission spent in the neighborhood of $11,OOO,OOO for reservations and connecting boulevards. In addition to these, three other commissions have since been instituted: the railroad commission, the transit commission and the highway commission. The first of these approves the location of all railroad and railway lines in the district, and special commissioners of this body are appointed to supervise the abolition of grade crossings within the district. The transit commission has for a special function the construction of subways by direction of the state legislature. Some years sgo a board of survey was created for Boston. By far the greater portion of Boston has already been surveyed and mapped out into streets. Private enterprise is free to open up streets as it pleases, but unless these openings are in accordance with the plans in the office of the street commissioners or meet with their approval the commissioners have the power to refuse to accept a street. The highway commission constructs state roads at a cost of 75 per centum to the state and 25 to the county. The engineers give advice to local authorities and the commission holds one hearing in each county every year. Supervision of telephone and telegraph lines and automobiles has con1From Nellla K. Grsvett, State Ltbrarian,Denver.

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EVENTS AND PERSONALIA 319 siderably limited its activities as tohighways. In 1911, the legislature created a commission of three men to report upon the necessity and advise ways and means for making a plan for the Metropolitan District. This commission is known m the “Metropolitan Plan Commission” and will report in January, 1912. At thesame session the legislature created a Port of Boston Corporation” wlth an appropriationof$9,000,000from thestate to bespent for the improvement of Boston harbor. There is now pending before the city council an ordinance to establish a Boston planning commission based upon a study of the best ordinances in existence. Its duties are to extend to a consideration of such subjects as the struc tural and sanitary safety of buildings; the prevention and relief of congestion of population and traffic; the control of fire; the proper distribution of build ings for purposes of residence, manufacturing, trade and transportation; the beautification of the city and the preservation of its natural and historic features; the extension of its water supply and sewerage disposal; the preservation, development and management of lands and buildings for public purposes; the coijrdination of transportation; the development of the water front; and the distribution of telephone, gas, electric light and other public utilities. This commission, which is to consist of five members, is to be appointed by the mayor fiom candidates selected by the Boston Chamber of Commerce, the Boston Society of Architects, and the United lmprovement Association; and the chairman selected upon the proposal of the other four appointed members. 5 Indianapolis Street Railways.-The local street railways in Indianapolis are operated by a single company. The franchise, granted in 1889, expires in 1933. A further franchise, to expire at the same time, was also granted, in order to provide for the entrance of interurban cars to the center of the city. The fares are low. Twenty-five tickets are sold for a dollar, including right of free transfer to other lines. Six tickets are sold for a quarter. The cash fare is five cents. Ae the city is widely extended, a single fare entitles a passenger to ride nearly twelve miles. The company is required to pave between its tracks. A franchise tax of $3O,OOO a year is paid to the city for park purposes. Extensions may be ordered by the city, which the company is required to build. Upon expiration of the franchise, the city may purchase the plant at the appraised value of the property, excluding franchise value; or a new franchise, shall be offered, at a competitive sale, and the occupying company shall have the right to bid. The power to order paving between tracks, to require extensions, and to regulate the service is vested in the board of public works, composed of three men, appointed by the mayor, and removable by him. The company is required to admit the cars of interurban lines to the use of its power and tracks, and to provide a central passenger and freight station therefor. Twelve such interurban roads, extending throughout Indiana and adjoining states, now make use of this privilege, giving a service of at least once an hour. This interurban business has greatly benefited the city. The service furnished by the local company has, on the whole, been good, although some complaint has been made, no doubt justifiably. Friction has arisen over the failure or delay, of the board of public works in requiring the company to pave between its tracks, in parts of the city and make extensions. A committee of the Commercial Club after investigation, reported grave delinquency, on the part of the company, in these respects. It appears that the company has been able to secure indulgences from the city government in respect to the amount of work required by the city to be done, but it does not. appear that the company

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW has failed to comply with the orders of the board of public works actually made. The prosecuting attorney of the county may bring suit to forfeit the franchise, on the petition of five hundred property holders, if the company fails to perform its obligations, but the legal obligations of the company in respect to street paving and extensions, appear not to arise, except when it has received orders from the board of public works. Through a system of leases, of guaranteed dividends, and of stock ownership in one company, by another, the city company and the interurban roads have largely passed under the control of one or two holding companies, supposed to have common ownership. In these operations, street railway securities here, have been expanded by large amounts of water. The earnings of the local company, gross and net, are not made public here, but are understood to be large. Extensions of plant as usual require additional capital, from time to time, in order to keep pace with the growth of Indianapolis. 4 Civil Service in Chicago.'-On the subject of reorganization the commission recommends that there be a civilirtn commissioner of police appointed by the mayor (under the civil service law he is the only person in the department whom the mayor can appoint without the usual civil service examination), to be assisted by three deputy commissioners. The first, to be charged with the enforcement of the laws and ordinances, the prevention of crime and the apprehension of criminals, the assignment and distribution of the active forcc and the regulation of traffic. To hiu will report all precinct commanders, the chief of the secret service, the chief of the traffic division, themotor cycle, marine and other special squads. The second deputy commissioner is to be charged with ascertaining and recording the 1 Thla note brings up to date the Item appearing under section 11, entitled, the "Investigation of Chicago Police," on p. 289. efficiency of individuals and groups, the care and custody of city property in the department and the expenditure of money, the inspection of the personnel, stations, equipment8 and other departmental property, the instruction of officers and men, the supervision of departmental records and the receipt and investigation of all complaints of citizens. To hi? will report the drill master, the director of the schools of instruction, the inspectors of personnel and properties, the secretary of the department and the superintendent of properties. The third deputy commissioner is charged with the supervision cf all questions on public morals, the supervision of saloons, cafbs, restaurants, hotels, dance halls and summer parks, the supervision of the ambulance service, the supervision of police matrons and the censoring of all moving pictures and performances of all kinds, and to him will report inspectors of all moral conditions, the chief of the ambulance service and the chief matron. Standards of examination for entrance into the service and promotion are recommended and present methods of transferring as a punishment or at the behest of outside influences, are shown to exist and condemned. Special duty assignments are shown to be sinecures and are to be discarded; certain corrections in vice rules and methods of handling vagrancy are submitted for the consideration of the city council. A scheme of indexing known criminals and undesirables and keeping it up to date is proposed for the consideration of the mayor and police commissioner. During the investigation, charges of inefficiency were preferred against three inspectors, five captains, seven lieutenants and forty-one men; in addition to which one captain, one sergeant and six men resignpd under charges; nine men were fined, three captains and one inspector resigned, without waiting for charges to be filed. The gambling squad operating out of headquarters iu to be abolished and t&ritorial responsibility fixed.

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EVENTS AND PERSONALIA 321 Protection and Planting of Shade Trees.-Park and Cemetery and Landscape Gardening for January publishes the address of Mr. William Solotaroff, before the American Civic Association in Washington in December, OD “Progress in Municipal Shade Tree Control.” Mr. Solotaroff is secretary and treasurer of the shade tree commission of East Orange, N. J., and his work in this direction is well known throughout the country. Mr. Solotaroff states in his address that in some of the commonwealths the chief bar to getting a shade tree law adopted is the telephone companies. Regarding the city of Washington he says that it has more shade trees and a greater variety than any of the capitals of Europe. The department for the planting and care of trees in Washington is known as the trees and parks division of the District of Columbia. It was organized in 1872. There are now over 95,000 trees along the streets of that city, all of which were planted under municipal control and paid for by the city. He believes that it is only when the planting and cere‘of shade trees is vested in a special department that all the principles essential to secure the most satisfactory effects can be applied. This takes care of the choice of the particular species, the use of one variety on a street and the setting out at uniform distances apart. As things are now in most of our cities trees on our streets may be planted by individual landowners or public officials. The results obtained in cities where this task has been left to the individual owners have been very unsatisfactory. There are often half a dozen or more species of trees on one street, undesirable mixed with desirable. all and care of shade trees on the highways of the municipalities of the state. Other states that have passed advanced laws in this direction are Massachusetts in 1899, and Pennsylvania in 1907. The laws of New Jersey and Pennsylvania are not of general application to all municipalities, but are local option laws. At the present time forty-six towns and cities in New Jersey have established shade tree commissions. In 1904 the legislature of the state of Ohio granted cities the power to regulate the planting, control, and preservation of shade trees in cities, etc. In Cleveland there has been an active tree department since 1907. The laws and ordinances of a number of other states and cities are given in this interesting and valuable paper. (0 Boston’s Civic Service House.--Severa1 years ago the Civic Service House initiated the policy of organizing the graduates of the local evening schools into alumni. These graduates show more loyalty to the school and to the neighborhood than day school graduates, who leave too young to get very definite convictions regarding their duties to their Alma Mater. This patriotism of the evening school graduates shows itself in many ways. For example, two of these clubs, one representing the graduates of the young men’s school and the other of the young women’s school, both affiliated with the Civic Service House, worked for several years to secure the establishment of the local evening high school. The account of their successful movement in which the House cooperated at every step follows :

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW in the Eliot School. Later it was found that one class was not adequate to supply the demand of the young people of this neighborhood for that education which obtains in an evening hi h school. We secured over tto hundref fifty names of young people who signified a strong desire to attend the classes of an evening high school if such were established in the vicinity. These names with a petition were resented to the mayor, city council an$ the school committee. We are gratified in the result of our effort. The club is now engaged in the organization of another neighborhood improvement. It is circulating apetition among residents, business men and taxpayers of the North End for the enlargement of the North End Park andequipping it with gymnasium and recreational facilities. The Civic Service House this year also initiated a plan of cooperation with the Boston Fine Arts Museum. Large groups of Italians from the congested sections are taken to the Art Museum Sunday afternoons. Free cars are provided. Sixty to seventy are accommodated in each trip and are conducted by an Italian guide and lecturer assisted by several volunteers. The women are even more interested than the men. Each local institution is reached in turn: the public night school groups, the church groups and the settlement groups. The women showed keenest interest in tapestry. Some of the men especially admired the fine painting of George Washington.' * Park Civil Service Rules in Chicago.Under the rules of the civil service board of the South Park commissioners of Chicago, issued in October, 1911, the examinations for positions are not restricted to applicants who are residents of Chicago, but are open to all, though the superintendent of employment may, by giving proper notice, require that applicants for a particular examination shall have resided in Cook County for at least one year. The examinations must be held not less than sixteen nor more 1 From Philip Davis. than thirty days after the call has been made and the call must be made within thirty days after a vacancy occurs in the higher grades where no eligible list exists and within two days in the lower grades provided there is no active eligible list. Eligible lists in any case do not remain in force for more than two years. The examinations must also be advertised by the insertion of notices in a Chicago daily paper having a circulation of at least 50,OOO and in such other publications as in the judgment of the superintendent of employment would bring the examinations to the attention of persons qualified to fill the positions. Temporary appointments may be made in certain emergencies but the restrictions are such that it is impossible to make a permanent appointment under the guise of a temporary one. In the matter of removal it is the duty of any officer in charge of a distinct administrative branch to file charges against any employee under him if there be cause for removal of such employee. It is also the duty of the secretary of the civil service board to file charges when the records of the board show a prima facie case of cause for removal. In addition, charges may be filed by the park commissioners, by any one of them, by any executive under them, or, under certain conditions, by any citizen. Nineteen specific causes for removal are listed though charges may be based on causes other than those enumerated. Probably the most interesting of the causes enumerated is political activity. The clauses covering this are so drastic that an employee is barred from practically any political activity, and this applies not only to city and county affairs but to state and federal as well. As is customary the service is classified and graded, a grade being defined as comprising positions of substantiallysimilar importance, auth0rit.y and responsibility.' 1 Prepared by Edgar V. O'Daniel, of the New York Bureau of Munlclpal Research.

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EVENTS AND PERSONALIA 323 St. Louis Municipal Lodging House.The most protracted cold spell in years brought into St. Louis this winter hundreds of shivering, thinly clad, homeless men. Perhaps the announcement by the chief of police that a place to sleep with a cup of coffee and a bite to eat would be provided for such men was responsible for the large numbers. There seemed to be an influx from all points of the compass and the old Four Courts building was turned into a municipal lodging house for the men. The applications here grew from a few hundred to the record mark of 1020 on January 12. In addition to this number several hundred more were taken care of in district police stations and private lodging houses. Old and young presented themselves in equal numbers, the ages ranging as low as eighteen and as high as seventy-five. By the last of January the situation became so grave that a special meeting of the municipal assembly was called to act on an emergency ordinance appropriating $5ooo to feed and care for the indigent poor and homeless during severe cold spells. The bill provides for a board composed of the mayor, president of the council and the speaker of the house of delegates. At the discretion of the board the money will be used to provide for the poor. The commission was organized immediately following the passage of the ordinance and Dr. H. E. Kleinschmidt was appointed superintendent of the municipal lodging house. The city plans to give employment to all men who are willing and able to work. The street commissioner volunteered aid and provided shovels and brooms for street work. Each morning the superintendent visits the old Four Courts building to get men willing to work. Each man responding receives a coupon ticket; one coupon will pay for lodging, one for coffee and rolls and the third will obtain a meal of soup, hash, coffee and rolls at a restaurant. The city has contracted to redeem the meal coupons which are worth five cents. Men refusing to work will be denied relief: unless they are ill and physically unable, in which case they will be taken care of by the city. The state labor bureau gives aid in obtaining regular employment. * Milwaukee City-Planning Commission and Skyscrapers.-In December the Milwaukee city-planning commission sent a message to the common council relative to the attempts to limit the height of buildings within the city which in one respect at least will attract attention. The message says: If the city instead of undertaking to limit the height of future buildings will gra le with and solve more urgent proErems the matter of high buildings will take care of itself. The present law, which in one instance an attempt has been made to enforce, would limit the height of buildings to one and one-half times the width of the street upon which they are built. If the streets of the city were of a proper width there would be no objection to such a limitation, but by the same token, if the streets of the city'were what they should be, there would not be the demand for high buildings that now exists. Like most American cities which have grown with reat rapidity, Milwaukee streets have %men built upon a hit and miss plan, with little or no consideration for the amount of traffic which they must. bear. The modern science of street bmlding recognizes the vast importance of a true and exact relationship between the thoroughfares and the business of the city. Perhaps no other feature of a city plan will do so much toward relieving the evils of congestion as the construction of scientifically arranged thoroughfares. Referring to this message, the Chicago Post, December 23, said: Looked at in one way this indorsement of the skyscraper may seem about as necessary as an indorsement of Lake Michigan. Both are here and here to stay. But when it is remembered that Bostonbars the cloudpiercer and thatsentimept in our own town wtts strong enough to put a limit on buildings, it is seen that the Milwaukee city planners are not emulating the Dutch conquest of Holland. The secondary point they (the

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324 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW commission) make is decidedly worth while. “Take care of the tra5c values of your streets and the YFyscrapers will take care of themselves. * Playground Progress.-The Playground for January is devoted to the Year Book of the Playground and Recreation Association of America. It contains a list of playground commissions and associations in the United States, and a list of what cities “played” last year and how. The Association in 1911 received reports from257 cities, whichmaintained 1543 playgrounds and employed 4132 men, exclusive of caretakers, and expended $2,736,506.16. Thirty-six of the cities employed 377 workers all the year round. In88 cities the playgrounds were supported by city funds, in 83 by private funds, and in 72 by both; in 3 by state and municipal funds, in one by county funds, and in one by city and county funds. In 53 cities, 228 playgrounds were open all the year round, and in 112 there were 812 playgrounds open only during July and August; In 71 cities there were 287 playgrounds open from five to ten months. In 141 cities the grounds were open on holidays and in 57 on Sundays. In 1911 there were 115 playground associations, according to the Year Book, 37 having playgrounds or recreation commissions, and 23 having both. In 67 cities there were 216 grounds kept open in the evening. Forty-eight cities reported that their school houses were used as recreation centers. In 19 cities bond issues for recreation purposes were authorized during the year to the amount of $4,445,500. * Standardizing Municipal Park Reports.-E. T. Mische, Superintendent of Parks, at Portland, Oregon, published in the November number of Park and Cemetery and Landscape Gardening, an address which he read before the American Association of Park Superintendents, on “Standardizing Municipal Park ReCorts.” In the course of his brief paper he says: In the interest of real progress and of park development especially, it is desirable that reports on general and s ecific municiple affairs should be perio&cally made, and on occasion these reports should be harmonized for all cities. General annual reports should give fi - ‘ures of population, assets and indebtetness, revenues and ex enditures. Following these in detail sgould be departmental reports showing the budget appropriations and other resources, expenditures classified in su5cient detail to permit of intelligent analysis and showing justwhat has been accomplished with each outlay. The need of standardizing municipal ark reports is that it makes for a op&r understanding of work accomplisxed or of work left undone which should have been done; properly followed up, it supplies an efficiency of method that is a great assistant in administration . . . Reports of this sort furnish a basis for comparison of the work of this kind going on in the various cities. 5 Winnipeg Testing Municipal Control of Public Utilities.-Winnipeg is making a comprehensive attempt to control and operate its public utilities and affords an interesting field of study to any one interested in municipal ownership. The telephone system owned and operated by the gQvernment is considered one of the best on the continent. The city has secured an unrivaled water supply by sinking artesian wells and conserves this by drawing upon the Red River by high pressure pumping stations for flushing and fire protection. The municipality owns and operates its own asphalting plant, its own stone quarries, its own garbage and incinerating plant. It is now negotiating with the Winnipeg Electric Company to acquire the electric railway, power and light systems, and before long it will own its own gas plant, an appropriation having been voted for this purpose. t St. Louis Police to Have Merit System.-Upon the suggestion of A. A. B.

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EVENTS AND PERSONALIA 325 Woerheide, the board of police commissioners of St. Louis, of which he is president, adopted the following plan for selecting and maintaining the efficiency of the police force of the city: Civil sive had been done. The Civic League apparently will devote itself to coordinating the interest in the state for the solution of that problem. service examination for all applicants for position of probationary patrolman; training of all probationaries and the establishment of a school of instruction; a system of efficiency marks to determine promotion; the creation of a medical division; and the establishment of a gymnasium. The outline of instruction includes a training in the rules and reguhtions of the police department, the law of evidence and preparation of evidence, elementary criminal law and the rights of officers in making arrests. * German Ambassador on German City Kansas City Mayor Opposed to Red Tape.-Mayor Brown of Kansas City has started a movement to do away with red tape in connection with permits for building operations in his city. In an editorial,’ the Kansas City Star, comments upon his effort: Red tape does not make for efficiency. It merely blocks the way for doing things that need ‘to be done. The efficient government is the one that has the least to do with red tape; a system that has the shortest and most direct route between the thing to be done and the department charged with the responsibility to do it. m Government.-Count Johann Heinrich von Bernstorff, the German Ambassador in Washington, made an interesting address to the members of the City Club in New York on December 4, on “German City Government.” His discussion of German municipal government was a comprehensive one, and among other things he described the operations of modern German cities, approaching the subject from a historical standpoint. Among the topics he discussed are “Choice of town oEcers,” “Method of town planning,” “The requirements for light and air,” “Handling of the housing problem,” using certain cities as great examples. Ir Massachusetts Civic League Annual Meeting.-The Massachusetts C i vi c League held its annual meeting in Boston, November 24. The League is state wide in its scope, centering its efforts on certain community problems whose solution is sought chiefly through state legislation. The problem particularly emphasized was housing, it being pointed out that many attempts had been made for an improvement in housing conditions in the towns but that nothingcomprehenY Harrisburg Billboard Nuisance.-In a letter to the Star Zndependent of Harrisburg, Mr. J. Horace McFarland, preeident of the American Civic Association, pointed out to the people of Harrisburg in an emphatic way that the city could, if it chose, collect approximately five thousand dollars in fines for permitting ugly billboards within its borders in violation of ordinances. Mr. McFarland is now president of the Harrisburg board of trade and it is expected that he will conduct a vigorous campaign against the billboard nuisance or the “civic small-pox” as he calls it. * Life of Municipal Bonds.-New York City has at last ceased the indefensible practice of paying for pavement construction and reconstruction by issuing fifty-year bonds. Assuming that the life of a pavement is fifteen years, such a practice means that the tax-payers, after the forty-fifth year, must pay interest and sinking fund charges on four pavements covering one area. It is a wonder that any administration ever initiated such methods of finance. I December 17.

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326 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW BOOK REVIEWS THE IMMIGRATION PROBLEM. By Jeremiah W. Jenks, Ph.D., LL.D., and W. Jett Lauck, A.B. New York: Funk and Wagnall Company. The investigations of the federal immigration commission, conducted through 1908-9-10, mark an era in the discussion of the economic phases of the immigration problem. It is not necessary to go back of these investigations, which collated previousinvestigations and made at once a more varied and intensive use of statistics than had been made before in this field. Professor Jenks was a member of the commission and Mr. Lauck was associated with the commission’s work. The present volume summarizes the forty-two volumes report of the commission. It should be said at once that the book under review is not an all-round. discussion of the immigration problem. The immigration commission worked from a federal standpoint, with a particular aim of gathering facts and formulating proposals for federal action in the regulation of immigration. The sphere of federal action and even of state action would be necessarily restricted to a few broad lines, if the public school problem were left out of sight. These lines would be, roughly, restriction and distribution of immigration, and new forms of police protection called for by the new conditions which immigration creates. It would further, from the federal and state standpoint, be of importance to know the effects of immigration on the growing problem of the standard of livbg and the relations of capital and labor. Those fields of the immigration problem which the commission’s investigations did not cover, and which are not prominent in this volume, are the ultimate biological influence of immigration on the future American stock; the influence of immigration as bringing new strains of social heredity into the American stream. And it is worthy of note that the volume does not attempt to describe and place a value on those elements of the present day native eivilization which will be influenced, perhaps for better, perhaps for worse, by immigration. In other words, the commission and the authors of this book have not attempted a synthetic study of immigration but 8 practical analysis, from the governmental standpoint, of immigration problems. This statement should be qualified in the measure, that where a thorough and authentic treatment is given to the economic aspects of the subject, only a sketchy treatment is given the deeper social andethnic aspects. Probably these deeper problems, which are recondite and even as problems are only faintly recognized by students as yet, do not belong properly in a volume of this kind. To illustrate the summary treatment of some social complexities, one may quote from the opening chapter:’ The effect of immigration upon the morals of the American People, as shown by : (a) The criminal immigrant. The moral characteristics of the various races may be indicated by the number of crimes and the character of the crimes committed by them. (b) The social evil and the white slave traffic, indicated in part by court records and observations of social workers and special investigators. (c) The immigrant pauper: a study of the immigrants in the charity hospitals and of the relief given by charitable societies to immigrants. It is obvious that no adequate conclusions as to the effect of immigration on American morals could be based on the study outlined in the above quotation. With these exceptions made, one may say that Dr. Jenks and Mr. Lauck have given the public an indispensable book. A review of many thousand words would be required merely to note the practical questions, bristling with immediate application, which are covered both suggestively and concretely.

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327 The various sub-headings in the book give an idea of the range of its contents: “Causes of Immigration;” “Types of Immigrant Communities;” “The Immigrant in Agriculture;” “Immigrant Institutions” (the discussion of immigrant banks is vital to every community that has a foreign element); “Living Conditions and Congestion;” “The Immigrant as a Dynamic Factor in Industry” (this and connected chapters are models of accuracy, careful selection of material, and close reasoning. They break the problem up into its elements and compel thought even in the most casual reader ); “European and Mexican Immigrants;” “Agencies of Prot,ection, Dist ribution and Assimils tion;” ‘‘ Assimilation and Progress;” ‘‘Naturalization and Interest in Public Affairs;” “School Attendance and Progress.” The survey moves forward toward a discussion of “Legislation and Administration.” A condensed history of immigration legislation leads up to a statement and analysis of the present laws, and a final chapter on “Remedies” contains the majority and minority recommendations of the immigration commission and an independent discussion by the authors of this volume. The discussion is confined to those functions already acknowledged as clearly within the power of the federal government, to wit, the restriction and superv sion of the incoming immigrant stream. The authors make it plain on occasions throughout the book that in their judgment some check should be placed on the influx of cheap labor which is operating to lower the wage scale and to multiply social problems through congesting in immigrant ,communities. The case is strongly made; a discussion of the general failure of American communities and of our school systems to adopt farreaching measures toward socializing the immigrant, could have made the argument still stronger. Not only is the unlimited influx from Europe creating temporary backward movements in industry and politics, but down to the BOOK REVIEWS present our state and city governments, as social engines, have utterly failed to do their part in helping assimilation on the one hand or preserving immigrant virtues on the other. The practical result, from the standpoint of American institutions, is identical, whosover the fault may be, and the authors of this volumeconcur with the majority and minority reports of the Commission in urging the reduction of the rate of immigration at least of unskilled labor. The various means that have been proposed for this reduction are outlined impartially, and the authors suggest a combination of the several methods of illiteracy tax, discriminating head tax, and restriction to a fixed number of immigrants from any one country during any year. The volume gives in an appendix the present immigration law with proposed amendments as suggested by the immigration commission. There are many valuable statistical tables dealing with political condition, illiteracy, ability to speak English, congestion, transient immigration, industrial distribution, etc. etc. JOHN COLLIER. New York. * SHORT BALLOT PRINCIPLES. By Richard S. Childs. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company. Mr. Childs has written a book on Short Ballot Principles with incidental remarks on other phases of our political life. The book is interesting because of its originality. It is almost unique in that Mr. Childs, though he would ordinarily be classed as a reformer, writes in a spirit of charity. Practical politicians generally regard reformers as persons sled with envy, malice and all uncharitableness, hypocritically seeking access to the flesh-pots of Egypt for themselves, while abusing the experienced servants of the public, who have been honored with the public confidence. The real convictions of prac

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328 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW tical politicians rarely find adequate expression in the press because of their instinctive and almost universal dislike for newspaper notoriety. They regard reformers as notoriety seekers, and have no wish to emulate them in this respect. Reformers ordinarily account for this dislike of notoriety on the theory that the ways of politicians are dark and that naturally they shun the sunlight of public inspection. Mr. Childs shows us plainly that we owe a debt of gratitude to the particular men who govern us. He admits what is the fact that we can’t expect them to do all the work of running our exceedingly complicated political machinery without pay and that generally we pay but one salary for this unofficial service and 05cial service too. In our desire to have what we think is democratic government and to attend to all the details in person, we have elaborated our electoral machinery and patiently vote for clerks, constables and dog catchers, seldom reflecting that we are onlyenabled to do this by the devoted labors of those who arrange our complicated ballots for inspection on election day. We are accustomed to complain that bosses make the nominations to suit themselves, but when we delegate the job to a selected committee of reformers we seldom approve the result. Mr. Childs proves by example and illustration that there is a limit to the number of persons for whom we can intelligently vote at one session. He says that election day is a misnomer, we ought to call it “elections day” when we vote to fill forty offices at once. Mr. Childs has charity in his heart for both reformers and politicians. He does not, ascribe to either the characters they each give to the other. He seems to think that in the existing conditions of our society they both have been evolved as natural products with useful functions to perform, somewhat akin to the functions of the germs that inhabit our bodies and continually war upon each other, thus preserving a happy balance. The reviewer of a “best selling novel” always avoids revealing too much of the plot for fear the interest of possible readers shall be satiated in advance. Upon the same principle, it would not do to disclose here the novel and exciting argument which Mr. Childs presents. He has no patent remedy to purify political life and give us good government over night; he admits that we must do some work to achieve this heavenly goal, but he does disclose principles of real short cuts so that the old calf path we have been following through the woods of our communal life shall really and truly be shortened and made to advance on level ground instead of winding over unnecessary hills and rocks and through the morasses of municipal corruption. Not only does Mr. Childs make plain the principles which should govern those who are to be in good standing in the strictest sect of the short balloters, but he gives much valuable advice regarding methods of nomination, commission government, constitutional limitations, or the absence of limitations, upon legislative power, the structure of legislitive machinery and other interesting details of government, for which opinions he begs his readers to hold only himself accountable and not visit any supposed sins of his upon the devoted head of the distinguished President of the Short Ballot Association, the Honorable Woodrow Wilson, of New Jersey. The cleverness of this book makes it none the less a valuable contribution to the study of the art of government and the adaptation of our governmental structure to the real needs of a democracy, o the end that we may enjoy an intelligent, responsive and responsible government. New York. LAWSON PURDY.

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BOOK REVIEWS 329 WOMAN’S PART IN GOVERNMENT. By William H. Allen. New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1911. If one did not know who wrote Woman’s Part in Government, the most sympathetic friend, possible as well as the not-yet-voter, would say, it ia a book evidently written with all the prejudices of ages gone by, from a distinctly masculine point of view for the masculine reader. No woman, no matter how broad or tolerant her view, will fail to see the scarcely veiled antagonism of Dr. Allen’s attitude. He sacrifices his subject to along drawn-out statistical program. This reminds one of the teacher who asked a pupil how many of twelve sheep would remain in a pen if seven jumped out, and he replied, “None” Upon being corrected as to the mathematical solution, he replied, “You may understand arithmetic, but you don’t understand sheep.” While Woman’s Part in Government is divided under three heads, namely: (a) to do efficiently what her position requires of her m an individual member of society, (b) as a member of voluntary non-official organizations and groups, (c) as a “direct, conscious Uuencer of public opinion and official action”-it is the last division that sets forth the chief purpose of this book. Dr. Allen gives his positive assurance that women will have the vote, whether they want it or not; it is one of the inevitable things he does not seem able to prevent. At the same time, he points out innumerable ways in which women may continue to exert their nfluence, without franchise. He accentuates what might be a very compromising position of middle-man in the operation of public affairs. The versatility of talent he requires is amazing. An ordinary woman with no ballot, no diplomas, no pay, no anything, would have a hard time keeping the pace set for her as a diplomat and statistician in the r8le she would have to play in her part as “influencer of public opinion and official action.” We know there is a large number of women who are awake to their duties as members of communities, who have under opposition defeated plans for municipal mismanagement and maladministration. If women can be such potent factors in the contributions they make toward a higher social order, such as Dr. Allen points out can be secured through their cooperation for better sanitary and housing conditions, pure water, milk, food and drugs, clean streets, efficient public officers, good schools, and organized charity, why not put a little faith in her ability to cast a ballot with understanding. Can responsibility be placed where there is distrust? Can trust be placed without power of execution7 With all woman has contributed to civic righteousness, civic effort for beauty, health and morals, is it fair to assume that she is not prepared for the responsibilities of citizenship? Woman’s vote, and active part in government may not bring about greater reforms, “presto change,” but as soon as she is allowed to feel her responsibility as a citizen, she will be able to improve those things for which she strives, in the conservation of child life, child efficiency, and regulation of child labor, as well as in every question affecting the home, city or state that is embraced in the sphere she does not aim to revolutionize, but to remold. It is not to be presumed that the whole mass of women is going to be able to prove its “trusteeship” at once. In comparison with the last twenty-five years, think of what the women of twenty-five years hence will know, and be. What wealth of opportunity and appreciation will be theirs, and much of it gained by their intimate knowledge of what the women of this age have done. There are some chapters in this book, if you take them simply for their value as guides in constructive work, that bring immense satisfaction to the worker, who has gone into any one of the problems mentioned, with the methods that are endorsed and brought before the public, by one who is so sure he is on the

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330 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW right track, aa is Dr. Allen. It is a question, however, whether the women, presumably of the kindergarten class, whom Dr. Allen's arguments might convince, will ever avail themselves of the inestimable privilege of reading his book. H. M. DERMITT. Pittsburgh. 9 HANDBOOK OF SETTLEMENTS. Edited by Robert A. Woods and Albert J. Kennedy. New York: Charities Publication Committee for the Russell Sage Foundation. 1911, 326 pp. This valuable' handbook published by the Russell Sage Foundation affords convincing evidence of the vitality of the settlement principle in the United States. The last edition (1905) of the handbook published by the College Settlements Association included 204 American settlements; in this volume the number has increased to 413. The editors have listed the settlements of the country by states, presenting a well organized and surprisingly comprehensive array of facts with regard to social work in this field. There are represented thirtytwo states, the District of Columbia, and the Hawaiian Isltyds. An address list also indicates sources of information regarding settlement work in England and other foreign countries. So far as possible the editors furnish a statement as to the history, activities, residents and workers, and literature of each settlement. One is impressed by the amount and value of the bibliographical information included in the handbook. This is not confined to references on settlement work in general and on the history and activities of the various settlements. In addition extensive lists of social studies and other publications by residents and workers are provided. Thus is exhibited the great and growing influence exerted by the settlements in bringing about action for social betterment by municipality and state. For the purpose of facilitating communication between settlements and of bringing about helpful comparison of activities and methods this volume is admirably adapted. It will open to social workers of all classes a roll of kindred spirits in all parts of the country and thus will promote solidarity and sympathetic cooperation. WILLIAM H. GLASSON. Trinity College, Durham, N. C. * CIVIC BIBLIOGRAPHY FOR GREATER NEW YORK. Edited by James Bronson Reynolds for the New York Research Council. Published by the Charities Publication Committee for the Russell Sage Foundation. New York. 1911. Only one who has tried to find his way amid the wilderness of books and magazine articles dealing with civic and social problems can appreciate the task set for themselves by the compilers of the Civic Bibliography for Greater New York. Just how extensive the wilderness is may be understood for the firsttime, even by those who have wandered in it, when they see this closely printed volume of 296 pages containing only author, title, date, abbreviated name of publication, the initial of the library where it may be found, and a phrase or at most a sentence of characterization. The contents of the book are arranged under fifteen heads beginning with description, history and population and then listing whatever has been published on such subjects as economic conditions, public ,health, housing, education, etc. The value of such a compilation to the student or to an investigator who wishes to secure a fairly adequate knowledge of his special subject is very great. The hours that would be spent searching card catalogues in ten widely separated libraries are reduced to minutes and those minutes made more profitable than the hours are likely to have been. If a few books or articles have been skipped, or

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COMMITTEES if one is not listed under all the subjects which it covers, this must be forgiven in a first edition. The libraries whose coptents have been listed in the Civic bibliography include the Lenox, Brooklyn Public, Columbia University and collections which are especially strong in civic and social subjects such as those of the City Club and the School of Philanthropy. Over one hundred and fifty magazines have been examined and their contents noted. At the end of the volume is an unusually complete index. New York. JOHN IHLDER. COMMITTEES OF THE NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE, 19 12 COMMITTEE ON MUNICIPAL HEALTH AND SANITATION M. N. BAXER, Chairman, 505 Pearl Street, New York. GRAHAM ROMEYN TAYLOR, 31 West Lake Street, Chicago. PROF. SELSKAR M. GUNN, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Boston. JOHN IHLDER, National Housing Association, 105 E. 22d St., New York. D~.E.C.LEVY, HealthOfficer,Richmond, Virginia. PROF. CHARLES E. A. WINSLOW, University of the City of New York, New York. PROF. E. 0. JORDAN, University of Chicago, Chicago. COMMITTEE ON ELECTORAL REFORM ALBERT S. BARD, 25 Broad Street, New RICHARD S. CHILDS, 383 Fourth Avenue, DR. WILLIAM E. RAPPARD, Harvard UniOSWALD RYAN, Department of GovernRAYMOND V. INGERSOLL, 261 Broadway, THOMAS RAEBURN WHITE, West End York. New York. versity, Cambridge. ment, Harvard University. New York. Trust Building, Philadelphia. COMMITTEE ON CITY FINANCES AND EFFICIENCY GEORGE BURNHAM, JR., Chairman, 1215 DR. JESSE D. BURKS, Real Estate Trust Chestnut Street, Philadelphia. Building, Philadelphia. ALLEN T. BURNS, Civic Commission, HARVEY S. CHASE, 84 State Street, BosI ton, ,Massachusetts. M. N. BAKER, 505 Pearl Street, NewYork. DR. FREDERICK A. CLEVELAND, Winder WILLIAM B. HADLEY, City Controller’s HON. L. G. POWERS, Census Bureau, CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF, North Pittsburgh, Pa. Building, Washington, D. C. Office, Philadelphia. Washington, D. C. American Building, Philadelphia. COMMITTEE ON FRANCHISES ROBERT TREAT PAINE, Chairman, 16 State Street, Boston, Mass. J. W. S. PETERS, Scarritt Building, Kansas City, Missouri. DR. DELOS F. WILCOX, Public Service Commission, Tribune Building, New York. CHARLES RICHARDSON, 703 North American Building, Philadelphia. ABRAHAM E. PINANSKI: 101 Milk Street, Boston, Mass. COMMITTEE ON CIVIC EDUCATION ARTHUR W. DUNN, Chairman, 281 Fourth Avenue, New York. MISS MABEL HILL, High School, Lowell, Massachusetts. PROF. CHARLES A. BEARD, Columbia University, New York. DR. JAMES J. SHEPPARD, High School of Commerce, 165 West 65th Street, New York. DR. J. LYNN BARNARD, School of Pedagogy, Philaaelphia.

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332 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW JOHN COTTON DANA, Public Library, C. N. KENDALL, Commissioner of EduNewark, New Jersey. cation, Trenton, New Jersey. COMMITTEE ON MUNICIPAL REFERENCE LIBRARIES AND ARCHIVES DR. HORACE E. FLACK, Chairman, City HON. THOMAS LYNCH MONTQOMERY, MISS EDITH TOBITT, Public Library, DR. HENRY J. HARRIS, Library oGConDR. ROBERT H. WHITTEN, Tribune Hall, Baltimore. State Library, Harrisburg, Pa. Omaha, Nebraska. gress, Washington. Building, New York. SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON OPERATION OF COMMISSION GOVERNMENT RICHARD S. CHILDS, Chairman, 381 Fourth PROF. WILLIAM BENNETT MUNRO, HarPROF. CHARLES A. BEARD, Columbia DR. ERNEST S. BRADFORD, Bureau of CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF, North Avenue, New York. vard University. University, New York. Corporations, 'Washington, D. C. American Building, Philadelphia. COMMITTEE ON POLICE HOWARD S. GANS, Chairman, 27 William Street, New York. MAJOR RICHARD SYLVESTER, Municipal Building, Washington, D.C. HENRY DE FOREST BALDWIN, 49 Wall Street, New York. HARVEY N. SEEPARD, Exchange Building, Boston, Mass. PROF. WILLIAM BENNETT MUNRO, Harvard University. L~WSON PURDY, Hall of Records, Nem FREDERICK N. JUDSON, Rialto Building, PROF. CHARLES J. BULLOCK, Harvard HON. EDWARD M. BASSETT, Brooklyn, NELSON P. LEWIS, City Hall, New York. HERBERT S. SWAN, 510 West 124th Street, York. St. Louis. University. New York. New York. COMMITTEE ON TEE SELECTION AND RETENTION OF EXPERTS IN CITY GOVERNMENT~ CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF, chairman, North American Building, Philadelphia. HORACE E. DEMING, 15 William Street, New York. RICHARD HENRY DANA, 113 Brattle Street, Cambridge, Mass. STILES P. JONES, New York Life Building, Minneapolis, Minnesota. WILLIAM DUDLEY FOULKE, Richmond, Indiana. ELLIOT H. GOODWIN, 79 Wall Street, New York, ROBERT CATHERWOOD, Marquette Building, Chicago. COMMITTEE ON THE LIQUOR PROBLEM CAMILLUS G. KIDDER, chairman, Orange, New Jersey. PROF. AUGUSTWE RAYMOND HATTON, Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio. JOHN KOREN, 25 Pemberton Square, Boeton, Massachusetts. THE VERY REV. WALTER T. SUMNER, The Cathedral, Chicago. PRES. S. C. MITCHELL, Columbia, South Carolina. ALBERT H. HALL, 723 New York Life Building, Minneapolis Minn. MAYNARD-.N. CLEMENT, Albany, New PROF. F. SPENCER BALDWIN, Boston York. University, Boston. COMMITTEE ON THE TAXATION OF BENEFITS CAUSED BY THE GROWTH OF CITIEB AND EXCESS CONDEMNATION ROBERT s. BINKERD, Chair?na% 55 West I This ls a Joint Committee with the Natlonal 44th Street. New York. Cure Berrlce Reform League.

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ARTICLES IN RECENT PERIODICALS 333 STANDINQ COMMITTEE ON PUBLICATIONS WILLIAM R. HOWLAND, chairman, The PROF. L. S. ROWE, University of PennRICHARD S. CHILDS, 381 Fourth Avenue, JOHN IHLDER, 105 East 22d Street, New CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF, North Outlook, New York. sylvania, Philadelphia. New York. York. American Building, Philadelphia. COMMITTEE ON PROGRAM AND ARRANGEMENTS FOR THE ANNUAL MEETING OF THE LEAGUE MEYER LISSNER,LOS Angeles, California. PROF. ALBERTBUSHNELLHART, Harvard . University, Cambridge, Mass. CHARLES A. SUMNER, City Club, Kansas City, Missouri. PROF. WILLIAM CAREY JONES, University of California, Berkeley, California. CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF, North American Building, Philadelphia. ARTICLES OF MUNICIPAL INTEREST IN RECENT PERIODICALS GENERAL HOLMES, J. H. New Ideals and the City, Survey, December 2, 1910. (Cities have had three distinct stages of development, as field for political exploitation, business administration, social administration.) City Government and Socialism, Nation, November 16, 1911. (The vote for socialistic city officials due to the dissatisfaction of men with bad city conditions and belief that Socialists look upon city government as ap. opportunity of benefiting the community.) HEATON, J. P. Schools for Mayors, Survey, December, 9 1911. (An outline of the school started by Mrs. Harriman under supervision of the bureau of municipal research for the training of men in public service.) SMITE, H. L. Direct Legislation in California, Nation, December 11, 1911. BROWN, J., JR. Initiative, Referendum and Recall, Atlantic, January 1912. BESTER, A. E. Latest in Government, . Chautauquan, December, 1911. (An article on new things in government in general: Nothing New Concerning City Good.) HOUSING PROBLEMS Cooperative Homesteading, Survey, November 25, 1911. (Brief outline of tentative bill of homestead commission regarding aid to city workingmen in acquiring small homes in the suburbs.) SMITH, M. S. C. Latest Ideas in Housing. Chautauquan, November, 1911. MUNICIPAL ART SETON, E. T. If Da Vinci Came to Town, American City, November, 1911. (A plea to architects to break away from slavish imitation of Greece, and a demand for more color in buildings.) HAMILTON, JOHN J. What Government by Commission has Accomplished in Des Moines, Annals of the American Academy, November, 1911. (Great faults of old government-politics and lack of responsibility. Good results of new plan. Mayor and councils tend to become experts. Greater democracy. More civic pride.) HIGGINS, RICHARD I. Results of Commission Government in Kansas City, Kansas, Annals of American Academy, November, 1911. (A report veryfavorable to commission plan.) HILL, CHARLES E. Results of Commission Plan in Emporia, Kansas, Annals of the American Academy, November, 1911. (A report in favor of the commission plan because it pays city better, and locates responsibility.) NEAL, GEORGE I. Results of Commission Government in Huntington, W. Va., Annals of the American Academy.

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334 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW Growth of Commission Government, World’s Work, January, 1912. (Gives a list of 182 commission government cities according to states and also a map of the United States showing cities.) GILBERTSON, H. S. Short Ballot in American Cities, Review of Reviews, January, 1912. (Names twenty states that have adopted “blanket laws” in regard to giving of commission government. Defines commissiongovernment. Shows the efficiency results in some important cities.) WOODRUFF, C. R. Simplified City Government, Yale Review, January, 1912. (Shows how we are breaking away from check and balance theory in city government. This form of government will not run itself without good men.) PERCY, HON WALKER. Birmingham under Commission Plan, Annals of the American Academy, November, 1911. (A report that the commission plan has been very successful.) JONES, WM CAREY. Berkeley, California, under Commission Form of Government, Annals of the American Academy, November, 1911. (This report shows lowered taxes, less crime, great improvement.) Spokane’s New Charter, American City. (This article shows the advanced form of commission government in a city of over 100,000 population and explains the preferential voting system and other new provisions). Arguments for and against, results on commission government. Jones, W. C., Powers, L. G., Wooldbridge, A. P., Bates, F. G., Fairlie, J. A., Shamburgh, B. F., Scroggs, W. C., Mac-’ gregor, F. A., Bucklin, James W., Matthews, John, M., Wilcox, Delos F., Gardner, C., C., Gilbertson, H. S., Peters, James S., Cooper, Walter G., Carpenter, Dunbar F. , Holly, Charles C., Crosby, John Silvernail, A. D., Cheesborough, A. R., Dean, S. A. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, November, 1911. CITY PLAYGROUNDS CURTIS, H. S. The Need of a Comprehensive Playground Plan, American City, December, 1911. (Shows need of thorough investigation and planning before making playgrounds.) CIVIC ORQANIZATIONS National Municipal League Convention, 1911, American City, December, 1911. (A review of the National Municipal League Convention of November 1316 at Richmond, Virginia. MASON, G. College Men in Practical Politics, Outlook, September 9, 1911. FESLER, M. Relation of Civic and Commercial Organizations to Municipal Government, American City, November, 1911. (Some practical suggestions as to the most effective division of work between civic and commercial organizations, and for promoting of harmony with municipal administration.) MUNICIPAL BOARDS AND COMMISSIONS JOHNSON, F. R. Board of Public Welfare of Kansas City, Survey, December, 1911. (Gives a review of the principles laid down by the board and a list of its departments with some of their real work.) CITY PLANNING JENNER, J. Regulation of City Building, Survey, November 10, 1911. (Advocates making the city home-like through more city planning instead of making it a “show-place.” Provision of churches, clubs, halls, and settlements as part of centers.) JENNER, J. Chicago and Her LakeFront, Survey, January 6, 1912. (An article which gives a brief outline of Chicago’s new lake-front plans.) NOLEN, J. Putting a City-plan into Action, American City, Decembez , 1911. (If cities have not enough powers for city planning must get them from legislature. Shows shortsighted planning does not pay, that

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ARTICLES IN RI3CENT PERIODICALS 335 city planning is better and therefore American cities must have greater borrowing power to carry out municipal improvements. ADAMS, JOHN YOUNG. Problems and Achievements of the Art Commission, American City. (Artistic and practical difficulties that arise in the selection of public monuments and their settings.) MUNICIPAL FINANCES AND FRANCHISES CURTIS, V. Case of Voluntary Subscriptions towards Municipal Expenses, Quarterly Journal of Economics, November, 1911. (AcaseinwhichEverett, Washington, was voted dry, and yet no appropriation or tax had been levied to take the place of the $421,800 lost from liquor licenses. In this case the money was raised by voluntary subscription .) HOLCOMB, A. N. Wilcox’s municipal Franchises,, Quarterly Journal of Economics, November, 1911. (A review of Dr. Wilcox’s book.) MOVING PICTURES COLLIER, JOHN. “Movies” and the Law, Survey, January 20, 1912. Features of interest in the report of the committee on moving pictures appointed by Mayor Gaynor. Report defines motion-picture theatre, and suggests regulations.) SEWAGE Problem of Sewage Disposal, American City, December, 1911. (Importance of treating each locality as an individual problem. Some typical examples of actual projects. FULLER, G. N. SMOKE PREVENTION KERSHAW, J. B. C. Smoke Abatement, Nineteenth Century, December, 1911. LEWIS, V. B. Smoke and its Prevention, Nature, December 21, 1910. (A good article explaining component parts of smoke, way it moves, methods for securing smokeless fuel.) OWENS, T. S. Standards of Smoke Prevention, November, 1911. SOCIAL CENTERS GALE, Z. Achievements of a Human Being. Outlook, January 27, 1912. JEROME, MRS. A. H. The Playground as a socinl Centre, American City. (Shows the development of the child by contact with his fellows in play. WILSON, WOODROW. The Need of Citizenship organization, American City, November, 1911. (An analysis of civic and social centre movements and a statement of how they solve modern problems.) SOCIAL WORE CALDER, J. The Engineer in Social Service, Survey, January 20, 1912. (Demands social training for engineer. Not on line of municipal government.) GARRETT, R. Baltimore Social Service Corporation, Survey, January 20, 1912. (Gives a good outline of the corporations departments and their work.) STREETS The Public Belt Railroad of New Orleans, American City, December, 1911 (A system which furnishes terminal facilities for railroads, industries and a method of handling garbage. HOPKINS, L. H.‘ Civic Improvements as Applied to Street Lighting, American City, November, 1911. (Description of “Ornamental Tungsten StreetLighting.” Good illustr?tions.) PHILIPS, H. An Englishman’s View of New York Strike, Survey, November 25, 1911. (An article in which is contrasted the attitude of the English authorities in the London dockers strike with Mayor Gaynor’s attitude in street cleaners’ strike. Very unfavorable to Mayor Gaynor.) ROBINSON, C. M. Width and Arrangement of Streets, American City, December, 1911. (A review of Mr. Chas. M. Robinson’s book of same name.) DODGE, LOUIS A.

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336 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW Night Work as Drivers see it in New York Street Cleaning Department, Survey, November 25, 1911. (Gives a night driver’s view of the strike, the story of riots and issues raised by the strike.) Street Lighting as a Feature of Municipal Improvement, American City. December, 1911. (A description of the Magda tungsten lighting system of Warren, Ohio.) Desertion of th.e Street Cleaners, Survey, March 8, 1911. (An editorial advocating the formulation of measures which will make strikes in municipal service both impossible and unnecessary.) VACANT LOT CULTIVATION City Gardens versus Hoodlumism, Review of Reviews, November, 1911. (A review of an article by Mr. Jacob A. Riis in the Craftsman. An article which advocates recreation school houses and shops and city gardens for street boys.) BOOKS RECEIVED THE HISTORY OF THE GOVERNMENT OF DENVER (with special reference to its relations with public service corporations). Clyde Lyndon King, Ph.D. Denver: The Geisher Book Company. 12 mo, pp. xvi + 322. $1.50 CITY GOVERNMENT BY COMMISSION. Edited by Clinton Rogers Woodruff. New York: D. Appleton and Company. $1.50. COMMISSION GOVERNMENT IN AMERICAN CITIES. Ernest S. Bradford, Ph.D. New York: The Macmillan Company. $1.25. COMMISSION GOVERNMENT NUMBER OF “THE ANNALS”. November, 1911. Issued by the American Academy of Political and Social Science. Philadelphia. $1.00. CIVICS Am HEALTH. William H. Allen. Boston: Ginn and Company. $0.00. PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION. Humphrey. MUNICIPALCHEMISTRY. Charles Baskerville. New York: McGraw. December, 1910. $5.00. HAINES’ MINNESOTA LEGISLATION OF 1911. Lynn Haines. Minneapolis: Published by Haines. 60 cents. THE HISTORY OF THE BRITISH POST OFFICE. Harvard Economic Series, vol. vii. J. C. Hemmoon. Harvard University. 8vo, pp. 256. $2.00. SOCIALISM: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS. 0. D. Skelton, Ph.D. Hart, SchaEner and MarxPrizeEconomicEssays. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin Company. Pp. 328. $1.50. SOCIAL VALUE: A STUDY IN ECONOMIC THEORY CRITICAL AND CONSTRUCTIVE. B. M. Anderson, Jr., Ph.D. Hart, Schaffner and Marx Prize Economic Essays. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin Company. Pp. 200. $1.00. INDUSTRIAL ACCIDENTS AND THEIR PREVENTION. Gilbert L. Cambell. Hart, Hart, Schaffner and Marx Prize Economic Essays. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin Company. 1911. Pp. 103. $1.00. PROCEEDINQS OF TEE FOURTEENTH ANNUAL CONVENTION OF THE LEAGUE OP CALIFORNIA MUNICIPALITIES. Held at Santa Barbara, October 23-28, 1911. REPORT OF THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE UNION OF SASKATCHEWAN MUNICIPALITIES. Held at Yorkton, Sept,ember, 1911. Mocse Jaw, Sas.: The News Publishing Company., Limited. Edited by Hammond, Hall. London: Hazell, Watson and Viney, Limited. 3s, 6d. SIXTH ANNrJAL CONVENTION OF THE HAZELL’S ANNUAL FOR 1912.


NATIONAL
MUNICIPAL REVIEW
Vol. 1 APRIL, 1912 No. 2
THE MODERN CHAMBER OF COMMERCE
BY RYIRSON RITCHIE1 Botton
THE modem chamber of commerce is a new element in urban development, for in less than two decades it has come to be recognized as the active agency by means of which the city builds itself— moulds its character, shapes its physical qualities and forms its social ideals. Prosperity has invariably followed the work of the efficient modem chamber of commerce; and it has secured good government and good public service in every city where it has been established. It touches the city’s interests at so many points that one finds it difficult to express a few plain thoughts on so great a subject. I can only touch the edges of the. intricate problem, and, in any case the San Francisco chamber of commerce can know it only through its intimate study and experience.
I shall not try to explain that the basis of your communal growth and prosperity is trade and industry—you know and recognize that fact. Nor need I say that your commercial vitality is a multiple of the units in your business life that is a natural sequence and the object of your organization. The chamber of commerce is a composite, not only of the city's wealth, but of its intelligence.
You will not think it my privilege to outline what you may do, for indeed no one can foretell that, but it is safe to say that given the loyalty and support of your better manhood, with all that that means, the San Francisco chamber of commerce can get what it goes after.
1 Mr. Ritchie, the author of this article (which is the substance of an address before the San Francisco chamber of commerce), is the leading exponent of the idea which he advances.
He was one of the two men who helped reorganize the Cleveland chamber of commerce on its splendid basis; he organized the Detroit board of commerce and was the active man in establishing the Boston chamber of commerce on its present lines of efficiency and activity. He has recently been in San Francisco performing a similar work. Both the Boston and San Francisco chambers represent the merger of existing organizations into large, vigorous, progressive bodies.
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You want to take advantage of the experience of other organizations. You desire to build a solid foundation for your own, and to erect upon that foundation a superstructure that will endure. I come to you to say that you can improve upon the plans that have been followed in building chambers of commerce elsewhere. You can build an institution that will not only promote commerce but literally guide the course of the community.
If I seem tenacious of certain views you will remember that they have been fixed by study, observation and experience, covering a period of twenty-five years of service. I give you the point of view of those chambers of commerce that have passed through their formative stages and are now successfully established. I like to speak of them as chambers of citizenship, because the underlying motive of every one of them is the communal welfare rather than that of any particular interest or group of interests.
When the higher motives of service to the city inspire a chamber of commerce, when civic pride is greater than personal greed, the results are infinitely more advantageous from the standpoint of a wise and discriminating commercialism. Whatever opinion each one of you may have as to what your chamber of commerce may undertake, you should, as an organization, aim to win that indefinable yet very real element of power— public confidence.
Some people are blinded by prejudice and cannot see how a chamber of commerce may be an aggressive promoter of business and at the same time a faithful guardian of the public interest. A commercial body that is not a good servant of the community is not a good commercial bodyy And it is a short-sighted business or professional man who cannot see that the growth of the city, as a whole, profits his particular business or calling.
The San Francisco chamber of commerce will, of course, be precisely what you make it. It will take years to fashion and mature it—to make it fit for its great mission and work. It often takes many years to establish a small private business upon a sure foundation, and it may take years of time for this organization to attain the high position of deserving, by right, the unqualified support and confidence of every man of worth in the community, as well as the respect of the country at large. You will speed the completion of your formative work by keeping close, day by day, to the established principles and usage of business.
The problems of the city that bear upon its development—governmental, social, commercial—cannot be solved by the dignified adoption of resolutions, nor can they be disposed of by bursts of enthusiasm. Foresight and thoroughness are as necessary to a chamber of commerce as energy and enterprise. If sound business logic does not guide its course, then its course will be backward, not forward. If you follow the safe and sane principles of business in laying the foundation of your chamber, a great future is not only probable, it is absolutely certain.


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You are to mass the business intelligence and enterprises of San Francisco, and if you direct these resistless forces into constructive channels, you will discriminate between those undertakings that have a substantial up-building value and those that are merely emotional, temporary or intermittent. You will make the work of your chamber as good as your bond. The great merchant, manufacturer or banker does not say overmuch, but he judiciously analyzes and weighs every enterprise before he enters upon it and he makes certain that he can carry it to a successful issue. It is not uncommon for associations of business men in this country, to assume serious undertakings, and pass resolutions on the most important matters, without due reflection. The modern chamber of commerce should possess and treasure that priceless jewel—consistency.
The San Francisco of today is what you and your forbears have made it, largely by their individual enterprise; the prestige and reputation of the future San Francisco depend not alone upon what you do as individuals, but upon what you do through an organism of which each one of you is a part. In the formation of business character, much depends upon inherent qualities, but example and environment play an important part.. So it is with a chamber of commerce, and many of them go â– wrong at the very outset.
American cities everywhere are organizing boomers’ clubs, boosters’ leagues and chambers of hustlers—all supposed to be conducted by sensible business men. Some of these new associations go headlong into the booming and boosting business as if the prosperity of the community could be built upon bombast and exaggeration. Such bodies, obviously undignified and insincere, quickly become impotent. Which has profited more —the city of spectacular patriotism or the city that has the real thing?
When the honorary commercial commissioners of Japan visited this country and were so handsomely entertained and escorted throughout the United States by the associated chambers of commerce of the Pacific coast, they were received cordially by the cities visited. A distinguished American university professor, who had been an attache of the Japanese party throughout the journey, speaking of the reception of the visitors by the various commercial bodies, said, in an address at Chicago, that “the United States is a nation of braggarts.” That statement is not true; but then the professor was speaking of the bragging voiced by commercial bodies. Every one of the fifty or more metropolitan cities unblushingly boasted to its guests of its superiority over others.
The concentration of work upon those things that are vital is a lesson to be learned of the business man. The scattering of energies upon a multitude of projects leads to places that are said to be paved with good intentions. The incapacity of a chamber of commerce to make a success of its undertakings, saps its vitality and destroys its reputation for effectiveness.


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The business man’s association should not undertake a contract when it cannot deliver the goods. The accomplishment of one thing at a time will build up your strength and increase jour capacity so that your range of operation will be expansive. Multitudinous suggestions will be made to you—many of them excellent and hard to set aside—but for the sake of your very life, do not allow your good intentions to run away with your better judgment.
The chamber of commerce should be ever watchful lest self-seeking make inroad upon its independence of character. As your prestige grows, certain interests will ingeniously seek your aid; and you should refuse that aid if, in rendering it, you become champions of self-seeking interests.
If in the rebuilding of San Francisco, every property owner had patriotically tried to fit his particular building into one general plan, so that in structural diversity you would have architectural harmony, you would have had even a finer result than you have; but here and there the mass is scarred by the touch of selfishness, and time alone will efface these scars. So it is with the character of a chamber of commerce.
Every association conducted to promote a private interest has a right to support or defend that interest, but it is not its province to speak for the whole business community. Why do we resent the dabbling in legislation or in public affairs by a money power or a labor trust? Simply because we know that self-seeking is often hostile to the public good. Before today chambers of commerce have been caught napping, and have been “worked” by powerful influences for personal benefits and profits.
If a chamber of commerce be made the tool of any private interest, its influence will count for little, since people will suspect “a nigger in the woodpile” in whatever it undertakes and will ask, “Who’s back of that?” It is only when the chamber takes its proper place as the guardian of the city’s commercial credit and stability, the representative of business as a whole, that it engenders a spirit of confidence and respect that gives it power and influence.
Conventions are believed to be valuable as an advertisement for the city and profitable to business; consequently your convention bureau is supported in order to bring conventions to San Francisco. I mention this subject because I know that it interests you, but more especially because you ought to estimate the comparative value of all your undertakings.
Why is it that a chamber of commerce will work itself into a frenzy at the prospect of getting a great national convention for the city, at the same time the location of a modest industrial enterprise will hardly arouse a flutter of excitement?
Let me make a comparison for the sake of consistency. Suppose that twenty thousand visitors come to San Francisco to attend a big convention—what is the effect? The whole town is put into an uproar. The


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streets and public places become congested. The hotels, theatres and transportation lines may profit for a day or two, but the strain, the wear and tear, the damage to property, the interference with regular business— these and other things seem to be lost sight of. I have no doubt the convention has good value as an advertising medium, but every merchant knows that an abnormal condition in the city is not to be preferred to the regular and steady course of business. But aside from all that—figure it out for yourselves—the addition of one little industry that brings fifty families to San Francisco, whose members live and move about three hundred and sixty-five days in the year, is of more actual profit to business and more real benefit to the city than the sudden influx and outgo of the delegates to a great convention, with all their baggage and banners.
Inadequate support of a chamber of commerce is a common fault among the cities of this country. By some unaccountable perversity the business men do not furnish good tools to their chambers of commerce. Even here in San Francisco you have advocates of a cheap membership. There is not a single chamber of commerce in this country that could do its work effectively short of double the dues and five times the number of your low-grade membership. From a cursory examination, I can see that increased funds are necessary in order to continue the work already in hand; but your work ought to be extended into every field of action that is worth cultivating.
This is neither the time nor place to suggest what expert departments you may advantageously institute, because that is the duty assigned to your board of directors, but I may venture to refer to one that is not yet established—the industrial department. You know that industrial growth and the conditions governing industrial development vitally affect San Francisco. In this and other departments you will need expert managers, men who are fit for their jobs; men who can make good and earn their salaries. You will be obliged to delegate the technical work of important departments and committees to men fitted and employed for such work. That is what you do in your own business—why not do it in your chamber of commerce? The limitations of your chamber are fixed by you. Make it effective—make it able to do big things. Every dollar spent upon a weak chamber of commerce is wasted. Every dollar put into an efficient chamber of commerce pays a good dividend.
If you lived in Cleveland and desired to join the chamber of commerce you would be obliged to be of good business or professional standing, and, if elected, to pay $125 for your admission and membership—not as a firm or corporation, but as an individual—and, in addition, $25 per year. The only direct benefit you would get would be the privilege of working for the chamber and the city. The indirect benefit would come from increased population and more business. Since the Cleveland chamber of commerce


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was founded in 1893, that city has risen from the tenth place to the seventh and in my opinion she will rise to the sixth place during this decade. What has all this to do with membership dues? Simply this, that the Cleveland chamber of commerce has had ample funds to do effective work; from its surplus, it has built a fine home for itself and today has a waiting list of applicants for membership. Put these things together and you have the answer to your question. It is simply out of the question for you to build the greater San Francisco without fortifying your chamber of commerce with.ample resources.
For your encouragement I may say that when a chamber of commerce proves its worth it never lacks support, but, if the truth must be told, the number of American chambers of commerce that are in the first rank, as to standing and efficiency, is ridiculously small.
Like those good resolutions you have adopted in your commercial bodies, much of what I have said may be forgotten with the morning; knowing this, I have been trying to find a concrete example in proof of my theories, and I believe I have found it.
In the five states touching Lake Erie there are five cities that are competitors of each other: Cincinnati, Buffalo, Cleveland, Pittsburgh and Detroit. The development and growth of these cities within the last two decades has been responsive to and in consonance with public spirit, as expressed by their respective commercial bodies. This deduction is unmistakable to anyone having an intimate knowledge of the local influences that have affected the development of these five midland cities. I shall rank the cities as they stood in the population tables at the beginning of each decade:
1890 1900 1910
Cincinnati 296,908 Cleveland ....381,768 Cleveland 560,663
Cleveland 261,353 Buffalo ....352,387 Pittsburgh 533,905
Buffalo 255,664 Cincinnati 325,902 Detroit 465,766
Pittsburgh 238,617 Pittsburgh 321,616 Buffalo 423,715
Detroit 205,876 Detroit ....285,704 Cincinnati 364,463
The standing of these five cities is in exact line with the relative efficiency' of their respective organizations, considering each a unit. I know these cities—the spirit that inspired the energies and fired the ambitions of the more successful ones. I know the causes that hindered progress and sent, within fifteen years, the proud old city of Cincinnati, from the head to the foot of the class. And Buffalo is Dext to the foot.
Cincinnati has not yet succeeded in uniting her commercial bodies or her men in one comprehensive body: she has lost place through her own neglect. Clashing interests and factious rivalries, touching public questions, have hindered Buffalo’s progress. Both Cincinnati and Buffalo


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have needed the large vision of an inclusive chamber of commerce; they have needed it to unite men and to formulate, organize and carry to effect those enterprises that build cities.
The star performer is Detroit, for it began at the foot of the column ten years ago and is now third, showing the highest percentage of growth. Cleveland heads the column with a population now over six hundred thousand. Cleveland and Detroit more than doubled their population within twenty years, but, during the last ten years, Detroit gained more in actual number than Cleveland.
When the Pittsburgh chamber of commerce was reorganized four or five years ago it followed Cleveland’s model and is now one of the more efficient of our great modern chambers. Pittsburgh has risen from the fourth to the second position within ten years. The Pittsburgh chamber promoted commercial growth, improved industrial conditions and in other important particulars has done fine service for the common welfare.
The assertion cannot be fairly disputed that Cleveland and Detroit won the race over their rivals because they had the advantage of united, vigorous, well directed effort. Why the great iron ore business should center in Cleveland, instead of in Buffalo, is not accounted for by geographic or economic considerations, for Buffalo had these advantages. There is no economic or commercial reason why Detroit should be the preferred center of the automobile, stove, paint or pharmaceutical industries as against any of her rivals.
Detroit passed Cincinnati and Buffalo and gained perceptibly on Cleveland and Pittsburgh duringthe last decade. The Detroit board of commerce devoted itself chiefly to industrial development, with the result that the city has, since 1903 grown faster than Cleveland or any other midland city. The natural attractiveness of Detroit, its low tax rate and public debt and its excellent government were factors in this remarkable development, and, of course, the most was made of these in its promotive work.
Cleveland was the first American city to establish a modern chamber of commerce. The Cleveland chamber demonstrated that united effort in a public cause breeds a progressive spirit, and infuses new life and new enthusiasm into the whole community. Eighteen years ago Cleveland saw that the making of the city was not the work of the individual—however useful that may be—but of an inclusive society of individuals. It discovered that merchants, manufacturers, bankers, lawyers or physicians would, acting separately as classes, accomplish little, since each class would naturally work for itself. So it united these classes and today the Cleveland chamber of commerce is the finest model of organized efficiency and influence in this country. Its cooperative spirit became a contagion that energized the whole life of the community and set an example to other metropolitan. cities.


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Before 1920 Cleveland will have passed St. Louis. Why? Simply because St. Louis is not organized to thrive and work as a unit—Cleveland is so organized. St. Louis is as favorably situated as to commerce and industry and as strong financially as Cleveland, but its energies are divided, not united. During the last ten years Cleveland gained 180,000 people; St. Louis but 120,500. In the running Cleveland is now ahead and St. Louis hasn’t time enough to recuperate her forces and win the race.
If San Francisco were put into the comparison, she would have been at the head of the class in 1890; in 1900 she would have ranked third; and last year Pittsburgh and Detroit got ahead. San Francisco now stands fourth, but all the world knows why. Tonight you are looking forward. Do I need to argue with any man in this room to induce him to take his coat off and do something for this chamber? Your first need is more men and your next more money.
Maybe some of you think that the difference you have had among yourselves, the clashing of corporate interests, the circulation of truths and slanders about you, the exposures and scandals that have been given widespread publicity by eminent muck-rakers, have hurt San Francisco and set her in a class by herself. It may be that some of the scars are deep-seated and hard to eradicate, but it would do you good to live for awhile in the peaceful Quaker city, or the Hub; I am sure you would come back to breathe the ozone of your home city with a new sense of satisfaction.
For my part, I do not believe that San Francisco differs temperamentally from other cities. Like you, they all have their trials and troubles, but some of them work together just as if they had none. Such bodies as the San Francisco chamber of commerce bring men together in the common cause of city building, in which all have an equal interest.
The Chicago association of commerce during the last four years has done more than all the city clubs, reform leagues, and voters’ unions of that city to unite men and to infuse business ethics into municipal government. Already the Boston chamber of commerce, but three years old, has to be reckoned with in the conduct of the city’s business. The Boston chamber has some excuse for believing that the Hub will be a modern Utopia by 1915.
This is an epoch-making year for San Francisco. Three momentous incidents have taken place almost simultaneously. The President of the republic broke ground for the site of the Panama Pacific Exposition; the business men of San Francisco converted four representative organizations into one; and you have had an election. The exposition is to show the world that “San Francisco knows how;” the chamber of commerce is to show what it can do; and the election—but Mayor-elect Rolph and his cabinet are here.


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You, gentlemen of the city government and chamber, who celebrate the birth of a united commercial organization, constitute the life-blood of the city. The members of the chamber own and conduct the great commercial, industrial and financial institutions upon which the people depend for their employment and prosperity. Directly or indirectly, they pay a large proportion of the cost of local government. They support the benevolent and social institutions. Their enterprise and prosperity reflect and mould the tone and character of the community. The whole city is a dependency upon you, to be largely shaped and made as you will. Therefore, your chamber of commerce may fairly be regarded as the mainstay of San Francisco. You have already shown what you can do. There is not in the world’s history any finer achievement than the rebuilding of this city out of the ashes of its destruction five years ago.
Your people want the business-like view and the business-like solution of public problems, and if your chamber of commerce is absolutely worthy of their confidence, they will seek and be guided by its opinions. On the one hand it may be said that it is not an ideal condition when a democratic people, with sovereign rights, look to any class of citizens for protection and aid. The business men of the city form a class, and we know very well that in that class business honesty has ever had a hard fight against the avarice of business. But, on the other hand, honesty always has been, and must stand to the end of time, as the keystone of the arch of commerce. No class can be more safely trusted with public responsibilities; moreover, none is more respected.


COMMISSION GOVERNMENT:
ITS STRENGTH, AND ITS WEAKNESS
BY MARTIN A. GEMUNDER1 Columbus, Ohio
ONE of the most welcome signs of the day is the very apparent interest taken in problems relating to municipal government. Everywhere we note clubs and commercial bodies urging for a better administration of city affairs through a realization, though a rather belated one, of the fact that a good city government has its root in the patriotic activities of the citizens themselves. This realization is of great importance. If however the people are really to govern they must be prepared to assume in full all duties and responsibilities connected therewith and give time, attention and 'practical work for the common good. Dabbling is of little use, and under no circumstances should enthusiasm cloud sober judgment and a careful weighing of all sides of a question. It is not at all uncommon, just now, for organizations to pass resolutions endorsing this or that form of municipal government merely upon the overconfident statements of one or two enthusiasts. The cool, practical business sense so characteristic of our people seems to depart when municipal affairs are under consideration, so that we have the well known state of affairs, of innumerable individuals passing without hesitation upon a course of municipal administration, who would hesitate, on the score of inexperience, to prescribe an outline of daily routine for a corner grocery. It is not at all realized that the economical and efficient administration of the affairs of a city, with all its wealth of detailed work, is a large problem the solution of which will tax the combined best efforts of the serious student and the practical expert, and even their conclusions are subject to the veto of Father Time. The reading of a few books, magazine articles and newspaper squibs furnishes no short cut to a knowledge of municipal needs. When it is attempted to select a form of government for a city a task of great seriousness is undertaken. Every phase of the question should be scrutinized with care before any conclusion is to be accepted as final. A contrary method can only be classed as a reckless one, that cannot possibly lead to permanent betterment.
'Mr. Gemiinder has for fifteen years been the secretary of the Trustees of the Sinking Fund of Columbus, Ohio. His figures relative to Des Moines are drawn from the annual report of that city for the year ending March 31, 1910, pages 62, 63 and 146 for the year ending March 31, 1911; and from the state and city section of the Commercial and Financial Chronicle.
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The novelty of the day is the commission form of government for cities' Throughout the land individuals and clubs are advocating its adoption. The value of the evidence on which this advocacy is based it is now our purpose to examine. About a decade ago Galveston, a city of about 36,-000 inhabitants, was visited with a great calamity. Death and desolation reigned, and succor of the most practical kind became a matter of imperative necessity. The prevailing form of city government was not adapted to prompt work, consequently after some delay, it was superseded by a government consisting of a council of five men into whose hands was placed complete administrative control. As can well be imagined the men selected at such a crisis would be of the very best obtainable. It is not inconceivable that had the city administration at this time been placed in the hands of one man, allowing him to select his own associates, that the outcome would have been the same. When the period of reconstruction began, the United States government gave assistance through its engineers, and the state of Texas relinquished to the city of Galveston for the period of seventeen years as a substantial help, all of its ad valorem taxes collected in Galveston County. All reports indicate that Galveston has counteracted a great calamity in a manner worthy of great praise.
In the meanwhile the organization of cities in general throughout the United States was in a deplorable condition. Doubtless there were many cities that were well organized and honestly and efficiently governed, nevertheless it will hardly be contradicted that in the majority of instances looseness and inefficiency prevailed. Investigation will disclose that in innumerable cities the government consists of a loose aggregation of officials and administrative boards; a conglomerate built on the rule of thumb; the growth of local conditions many of them vicious, and following no scientific plan of organization whatever. The result, as might be expected, is dilatory and expensive work even when the officials themselves are good men. In addition to this the drawing of national party lines in local affairs is constantly felt as a blight and a source of evil.
The success in Galveston, by its commission was heralded throughout the land. It was therefore not unnatural that the thought would occur to many “If the commission plan has proved such a success in Galveston why will it not also work advantageously in our town?” Following this line of reasoning and after a period of more or less of investigation, one community after another has followed in the wake of Galveston, until at the present writing there are about 150 minor cities, towns and villages operating under some form akin to the so-called commission plan. Of this number but four show as high as 100,000 inhabitants in the last census. The largest, Oakland, California, has about 150,000 inhabitants. In these four cities the commission government has been in operation less than two years. The large majority of the communities however are small towns and


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villages mainly located in the west and south. So far reports, based however on a very limited experience, indicate that the change in government was a success, and the glowing statements of wonderful improvement are the subject of many a magazine article. Nor are these particular cities slow about making known their merits. As previously stated, the novelty of the day is the commission form of government. Information concerning it is eagerly sought throughout the country, and the cities using it are quick at recognizing advertising value. So they vie with one another as to which can make the most attractive statements in order to boom their own town. This information, so freely given, has evidently convinced many go.od citizens that a panacea for municipal ills has been at last found.
The arguments usually advanced in support of the commission plan are of two kinds: first, that it has proven itself a success in actual practice, and second, that it follows the line of private business organization. Before examining these arguments it might be well to concede in the beginning, that for small cities, towns and villages, the commission form would in all probability work well. In these communities departmental work is often so meager that it becomes necessary to combine several offices in the hands of a single individual. The work in any one department being too small to warrant the payment of any material salary. It is not uncommon, for example, to find the office of auditor combined with that of city clerk, and the secretaryship of several administrative boards. The very smallness of the amount of work itself naturally forces a condensation in official organization.
Again, citizens aspiring to office in these localities are as a rule well known to most of the people, so that the voter in casting his ballot does so with reasonable knowledge of the qualifications of the candidate. When however, it becomes necessary to organize large cities the problem changes. Here the work of departments becomes enormous, making it necessary not only to appoint superintendents and sub-superintendents; but also large forces of clerks who work at specifically outlined tasks, and furthermore no matter how short the ballot may become, the candidates for offices of great power and trust, are little or not at all known to a large majority of the voters, so bringing into the field a new risk. No one has as yet seriously suggested to place a state government in the hands of five men, yet it should be constantly borne in mind that a city like Cleveland, for example, is in population, revenues to handle and communal problems to solve, far larger than many of our states. It so becomes evident that forms of organization suitable for comparatively small urban communities are not necessarily adapted to the needs of the large ones, and that material modifications will have to be undergone in order that serious mishap may be avoided.


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What now is meant by the commission form of government? Broadly speaking, it is a form of government under which a city council of three, five or more members elected at large is entrusted with the entire city government. It is legislative, executive and judicial. It decides what money shall be spent, spends it, and is its own auditor and legal adviser. The initiative, referendum, recall, nonpartisan ballot, nomination by petition and like features are not necessarily a part of this form of government. These measures may be made adjuncts to any form of municipal government whatever. Galveston and Houston, Texas, have neither the initiative, referendum nor recall, whereas in Ohio, where there are no commission governed cities, the initiative, referendum and nomination by petition are now a part of every city’s government. Therefore in discussing the relative merits of the commission and other forms of government it becomes largely a question of the number and powers of the officials to whom it is purposed to entrust the city’s welfare.
Let us glance briefly at the argument put forward in favor of the commission plan. First, we are told that it has proved itself in practice. How is this proof established? As far as the general public is concerned, almost exclusively by statements appearing in newspapers and periodicals and perhaps in some information received through personal correspondence. Where does the data come from? Trace it back to its source, and you will find that it almost invariably emanates from the officials in charge. In fewer words, correct or incorrect, the evidence consists of the ex parte statements of interested officials. What are they worth? To the practical expert, prima fade, very little. Having had numerous occasions for examining the official annual statements of many cities under all sorts of governments, and of listening to campaign arguments advanced by those aspiring to election or reelection he has learned that statements and speeches, even when given in good faith, are strongly colored by bias, and frequently given with no knowledge of practical conditions which oftentimes forced the hands of predecessors. Many a move that was at first hailed as an improvement was subsequently, upon a riper experience, shownto be a mistake. Although an expert may read any given statement with interest he yet holds it with a light hand until it has undergone thorough scrutiny. This is exactly the course followed in private business. A owns a factory. B a friend, owns a similar one in another city. B writes A that by a change in his plan of organization he has very greatly improved his showing. This statement would interest A, but as can well be imagined, he does not at once reorganize along the lines indicated by B. There are a few things of which he would first desire to satisfy himself. First, what sort of organization had B before? Second, what is the character of B’s improvement in its concrete items? To determine these points he would find it necessary to make a careful practical comparison, in con-


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crete detail, between B’s factory and his own. On the results of this analysis would depend his subsequent action. Is there any reason why municipal affairs should be handled differently? Granted, however, for the sake of argument, that the statements published are all true; what do they prove? Merely this: That the particular city under consideration has bettered its condition since it adopted the commission government. This is merely a relative proposition, and has no definite value for reformers in other cities. The point is, not whether this or that city has now a better form than it had before, but the question is how does this new form compare with forms prevailing in other cities or with other obtainable forms?
It is frequently asserted by advocates, that the people of commission governed cities would not consent to return to “the old form.” The impression left with many is that the old form is some definite, universal form resembling their own, whereas in fact it is only the particular local form, which may or may not coincide with forms prevailing elsewhere. The foregoing statement should be amended by substituting the word “their” for the word “the” in order that there may result no false impression. Again, another point should not be lost sight of. When the new form of government was adopted the whole public was interested. For the first time in the history of many of these cities the people themselves took an active interest in the selection of officials and in the results of their work. It is therefore certainly a fair question how much of the improvement is due merely to the change in form and how much is due to the awakening of the public conscience. Read the statements issued by the socialist government of Milwaukee and you will at once be led to the belief that there has been a change from corrupt, wasteful government to honest and efficient administration, at the same time there was no change in form of organization at all.
In endeavoring to determine the causes of a given result all factors involved should receive due credit. It is unscientific to assign the result to any particular factor to the exclusion of the rest. Estimating all published evidence at its full value the careful investigator is forced to conclude that the success of commission government has not yet been inductively established. Unproved evidence based upon unripe experience is not to be cited as proof conclusive.
The second proof offered in defense of the plan is that it follows the line and principles of private business organizations. Let us examine this somewhat in detail. How does a private corporation organize? The stockholders elect a board of directors and into their hands is practically placed the entire management of the business. What assurance have the stockholders that their trust will not be abused?, What checks operate on the conduct of their representatives? First, there is the check of a man’s individual conscience. Second, there is the fear of the,law which


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punishes criminal acts, and third, most potent of all, is the check of self-interest. As we all know, directors are always stockholders, frequently very large stockholders, and at times even the only stockholders. It will at once become evident that in managing the business as directors they are practically managing their own business. The director gains in wealth as the business prospers and loses directly as the business suffers. In short his personal gains and losses are dependent upon the results of the business ventures.
There is a further fact that should not be forgotten, and that is that stockholders at all times know whether dividends go up or down, or if the dividends are converted into an assessment. Here we have a reasonably close connection between self-interest and the conducting of a trust. But in spite of these checks upon directors we are painfully aware that trusts are frequently violated. It is not uncommon to note the milking of stockholders by the voting of inordinate salaries to particular individuals, and furthermore it is nothing unusual for a board of directors to wreck the corporation for the benefit of some outside business in which their interests are greater.
Many of us are looking forward to the day when the laws of the state will be so changed either in the restriction of the powers of the directors or by some other provisions, so that minority stockholders will receive their just due. In brief the tendency in private organization is rather in the line of curtailment of official power than in its extension. Taking now this method of private organization and applying it to municipal organization, what would we have? We would have the citizens as stockholders electing a board of directors known as the city council, in whose hands likewise would be placed the entire management of the city. What are in this instance the checks against wrong doing? Exactly as in the case of the private corporation, we have the check of individual conscience and the fear of the criminal statutes. But when we have mentioned these checks we have practically mentioned all. The powerful check of identity of individual with corporate interests is absent. Although public officials as citizens are presumably stockholders yet it must be evident to all that their interest as such stockholders is so infinitely small as compared with their interests as individuals, that for all practical purposes it is a negligible quantity. In fact this method of organization would be exactly the same as though a private corporation were to elect its board of directors from non-stockholders, which to say the least, would be deemed an unsafe procedure. As a matter of fact the main reason stockholders have for trusting their directors lies in the fact that the directors are themselves interested in the business in a financial way. No man who has ever given governmental organization any serious thought would dream of organizing a city after this fashion. How to make the interests of the governing class


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approach in identity that of the governed, has been the basis of discussion in all theories of government and constitutional conventions. The writing of many volumes has still left the question somewhat open.
But it becomes a matter of necessity that our cities be governed. What is to be done? So far bitter practical experience has dictated but one course, and that is, in the absence of those natural and automatic checks which maintain and are operative in private business, it has become a matter of absolute necessity to establish artificial checks. What is their character? First, when public officials are placed in power they are not given unlimited authority. On the contrary, they are directed to do only certain specific things and in a certain specific manner. This is generally known as the theory of delegated power. Second, as the connection between officials and the people is extremely loose, as it almost approaches impossibility for citizens to check up with any degree of certainty the tremendous work carried on in municipal departments, in electing officers we endeavor to so arrange matters that officials will be a check one upon the other; or, in other words, we establish cross-checks. This method is generally spoken of as the theory of divided functions. Reading some of the statements issued today by some book men and doctrinaries one would be led to the belief that the theories of delegated powers and divided functions or “checks and balances” were obsolete, and no longer of consequence. Whereas in fact they find their roots deep in the nature of human beings and must exist until the human race has attained a far higher standard than at present prevails. Every private corporation of any magnitude whatever establishes in its routine the most complete system of checks and balances that it is possible for it to devise. Examined on the score of business principles, a commission government would find its analogy in a private business which elects its directors from non-stockholders though limiting their power. It would be hard indeed to find stockholders who would organize their business on any such basis. Analysis clearly shows that commission government has not its counterpart in private business organization, there being a material difference on a very vital point.
There is another cross-check in municipal administration that experience has demonstrated the wisdom of establishing. This has reference to the management of a city’s debt. It has been found the prevailing practice of most cities to shirk a proper provision for the payment of its outstanding bonded debt in order to provide more spending money for current purposes. For example, a given outstanding debt might require an annual contribution to the sinking fund of $500,000. Examination into the workings of many cities will disclose that the administration instead of levying this sum would proceed to reduce it by $300,000. This would mean an extra $300,000 to spend with no corresponding increase in the tax rate. Or the administration might go further and prior to an election,


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reduce the levy by $500,000 thus giving the extra $300,000 for spending money and at the same time actually reducing the tax rate. This is one of the easy and very common ways for throwing dust into the eyes of the people with no discomfort to the money spender. The people as a rule are innocent of any knowledge pertaining to sinking fund matters, and as the bonds themselves would not mature in the near future the scheme is a safe one for the officials in charge.
Refunding is also an easy and safe method for relieving officials from the need of economizing. This makeshift of riding on the sinking fund has proven a very tempting one, of which a great many cities have availed themselves. In Ohio this form of misfeasance was first brought to public notice some thirty-five years ago, in Cincinnati. As a result there was appointed in that city a board of sinking fund trustees who were given entire control of the liquidation of the city’s debt. The law specifically prescribed that whatever the trustees certified as necessary to levy for interest and sinking fund purposes must be placed in the council tax levy ordinance first, in preference to any other item in the budget and for the full amount certified. Thus there was taken out of the hands of the regular administrative officers who levied money and spent it, the power of controlling interest and sinking fund levies. The cities of Columbus and Toledo shortly afterward followed the plan adopted by Cincinnati, and in 1902 when the general code of the state was formulated, the appointment of sinking fund trustees became a general law of the state applicable to all municipal organizations.
It must be clear to all that levies for interest and sinking fund purposes are current expense just as much as are police pay rolls. To shift them on future generations savors strongly of gross injustice. But we are told that if we adopt the commission government we will have none of these bad men in office. We will only have such men in control as will finance a city justly and in accordance with the moral code. Let us see. Take the city of Des Moines as an example. The figures here given are from the annual report for the year ending March 31, 1911. The bonded debt of this city, excluding the park purchase debt, is $1,256,000. The annual interest charge is $51,380. The computed annual sinking fund charge is $65,425 or a total annual charge for interest and sinking fund obligations of $116,805. Calculating in the usual manner, the accumulated sinking fund from the date of issue of each series up to 1911 and we arrive at a total of $455,935, which sum should appear in the sinking fund for application upon the principal of the outstanding debt. Add to this the $51,380, interest to be provided for and we have the grand total of $507,315. The Des Moines report does not contain the term “sinking fund,” but instead the term “bond and interest fund,” is used. This in the report is given as $68,487.23, which indicates a shortage in this department of $438,827.77.


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Doubtless the major part of this shortage was inherited from the old administration, nevertheless it becomes an interesting question “What has the new government done in the line of correcting former errors, and making proper provision for the maintenance of the city’s credit? ” During the last eight years preceding 1908 the interest and sinking fund levies ranged between 3 mills and 4.5 mills or an average of 3.675 mills. During the years 1908, 1909 and 1910 the levies were 3.9, 1.3 and 2.6 mills respectively, or an annual average of 2.6 mills. In 1909 this levy was made so small that it fell far short of yielding even the current interest charge to say nothing of making the proper sinking fund provision. Unless the printed report for the year March 31, 1911, fails to correctly exhibit the financial administration of the new government, there is but one inference to be drawn, and that is that the new government like the old has systematically evaded its moral obligation, and is playing fast and loose with the city’s credit. On a tax valuation of $19,551,000, the levy for interest and sinking fund purposes during 1910 should have been 5.9 mills instead of 2.6 mills.
In addition to this levy sound financial administration would make it imperative to levy in each year an additional amount in order that the inherited shortage would be gradually absorbed. Had this been done the tax rate of the new government would have very materially exceeded that of the old, a circumstance by the way that would hardly appeal to the officials in charge and especially in the face of an impending election. Now as the members of the new government are reputable men, how is this sort of administration to be explained? Simply on the score of certain traits in human nature which make themselves felt whenever time is ripe. When the city changed to the commission government great things were promised and great things were expected. The new officials endeavored to make good and in a manner that would be most apparent to the people. A new city hall, a handsome bridge and a beautiful river bank were among the most important results. But great things mean great outlays. Extra money means extra taxes. Increased taxes were not among the great things promised or expected. As in the eyes of most citizens improved government manifests itself mainly in reduced tax burdens. The government was thus confronted with a problem. How to get the great things without increased taxes. In other words “how to have the cake and eat it too.” This problem is old. It has been faced time and again by nearly every city in the country. Des Moines proceeded to solve it, and solve it it did, exactly as most other cities have solved it generations ago. The solution was easy. It consisted simply in diverting money into the hands of the spending department which should have been saved up against the principal of the debt. “Let our successorn worry over the debts when they mature. ” This is an old maxim.


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Not only has the new government failed to brace up and strengthen its savings account, but it has further aided in its depletion. In the administration of its debt, Des Moines compares very unfavorably with many other cities that have not had the advantage of being governed by a commission. Space does not permit of an examination into the details of many of the statements issued by commission governed cities. It will however be needful to say that many of their methods in every day work hailed and applauded as wonderful improvements are either old in many other cities or are crude and adapted to small town conditions only. From the foregoing statement it will be noted that cross-checks are of some use even in cities governed by commission.
Glancing over the pamphlets issued by the commission government propaganda, prominent among the benefits promised we find the following: “It insures honest and economical government. ” It does not take much of an expert to detect the fallacy of any such claim. No government whatever, no matter what its forms, will insure honest and efficient government, for no matter what the form of government may happen to be, it must be administered by human beings, and as long as they are fallible the results will fall short of what is desired. We have well nigh perfect systems of accounting, but as long as your bookkeeper is negligent, incompetent or dishonest your results will be correspondingly deficient. The counties in the state of Ohio and perhaps in many other states have for generations been governed by a commission of three members elected at large exercising large legislative and executive powers. Up to the present time no one has ever noticed any particularly brilliant results attending their efforts.
In the planning of a city government it is not wise to have in view ideal men, nor the more than ordinarily good men that come into office at those spasmodic times when the public is temporarily aroused. Rather must we have in view that average class of citizens which will control when affairs have returned to the routine swing. In spite of the statements recently pushed forward it becomes necessary to impress the fact that no form of government can insure success. All that can be accomplished is to frame such a form of government as will permit of honest and efficient work and at the same time make due allowance for certain tendencies in human nature that need restraint. The remainder rests with the people themselves. They will then get as good government as they deserve. The commission government has not as yet demonstrated its final worth. The cities adopting it are too small to set any pace for the large communities, and those cities among them which have attained the size of 100,000 or more have operated under this form so short a time that it cannot for a moment be conceded that the benefits they may have obtained will prove permanent.


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The strength in this form of government lies in its adaptability to the affairs of small communities, its short ballot and its comparative simplicity in organization. As a rule the smaller cities and towns have been harassed with too much officialism. A condition growing out of the fact that when municipal codes are being prepared in the state legislature, they are usually framed by the representatives of the larger cities. These men have no realization of the simple conditions that prevail in these communities and proceed to burden them with a cumbersome organization, which might be suitable to their own localities, but are utterly out of proportion with simpler duties. This will account in a large measure for the universal welcome commission government has received from small municipalities. Any change towards simpler organization would have proved advantageous. The weakness of commission government will develop when it is endeavored to apply it to large cities. Lack of adequate and much needed checks will prove a menace and its ultimate undoing. Be this however, as it may, it is certainly a fact that there is large dissatisfaction with the municipal organization as it exists in general today. The strong trend is toward a shorter ballot and centralized responsibility. Along this line the following plan may be suggested. It is but a modification of the general code in use in Ohio and follows somewhat federal lines.
The first step toward real reform is in the lengthening of official terms of office from two years to four years. It will hardly need much argument to convince the people that experience in public office is a valuable asset. If a proper system of recall is adopted this extension can be allowed with reasonable safety. By a proper system of recall is meant not the loose system which is so prevalent, which permits any opposition to take a flyer at an official in the hope of superseding him, or the calling of an election so as to turn the government over to the chance favorite of the day, but a recall should be so drafted with proper safeguards as to operate as a positive public condemnation of the official recalled. If it fails to do this it is worse than useless. The city government might then be outlined as follows: First, a council of five elected at large whose duties are to be purely legislative. Second, a mayor who shall be in fact as well as in name, the chief executive of a city, appointing the heads of the various departments and responsible for their subordinates. Third, a city solicitor and fourth, an auditor. The last two officials serving as checks on behalf of the citizens upon the other officials acting under delegated powers only.
Checking officers directly elected by the people would not be dependent upon or mixed up in the affairs of the officials whose actions they are supposed to check. Anyone who is at all conversant with public work on its practical side will at once recognize the value of this provision. The moment an auditor, for example, is mixed up with or made a part of the


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department he is supposed to check, that moment his value as a checking officer is weakened, for he is in a measure but called upon to check his own work. It is interesting to note the makeshifts adopted by some of the commission cities for offsetting this inherent weakness. The city treasurer being merely the custodian of funds levied by and at the disposition of council should be appointed either by the council or the mayor or by the conjunction of both. His position although responsible, covers only routine work. Under this form of government there would be eight officials to elect. Divide them into two shifts of two years each and then you would have at one election the selection of a mayor and three council-men and at a subsequent election two years later, the selection of a solicitor, auditor and two councilmen, or any other arrangement that might be deemed advisable. This would give a very short ballot for but four officials. The appointment of auxiliary boards, the initiative, referendum, recall and like features could also be provided for if desired, but as far as the administration of general city affairs is concerned, it should be centralized in the city council and the mayor. This form of government it is believed will yield all the benefits that can possibly be claimed for the commission form while at the same time eliminating its weak features. It should be borne in mind however, that this form is not suggested as an ultimate form of universal application. Whether it will fairly meet the involved conditions in very large cities is a matter of conjecture. It might be found necessary here to increase the size of council and also provide for district representation. These are problems that must be solved by those familiar with actual local conditions, and even then one must look to time for the demonstration of the wisdom of plans. One point must be strongly insisted upon throughout this entire controversy, and that is the seriousness of the problem. Conclusions should not be jumped at, but should always be preceded by pains-taking investigation and calm judgment.


THE THRALDOM OF MASSACHUSETTS
CITIES
BY HARVEY N. SHEPARD1 Boston, Massachusetts
WHEN any one, who is familiar with the early history of Massachusetts, compares the legal position of its towns then with what it now is, he well may wonder if it is the same commonwealth. The contrast between their freedom before the Revolution and their present subjection is startling, and with very few parallels in history. Most of the towns are older than the state government; and their powers came not under any grant from it, but by virtue of the right of local self-government, which was brought over from England by our ancestors and which rests upon the magna charta. Town government was recognized by the state; it was not created by it.
But now a town in most respects, and city altogether is in a position of utter helplessness. As a creature of the legislature, a city has no other powers than those which are enumerated in the laws which create it. Doubt is resolved against it and the power is denied. Its legal standing is that of an infant or of an idiot or of a lunatic. It can do no act and can make no contract, not expressly authorized; and all acts beyond the powers expressly granted are void.
A town or a city cannot defend against encroachment its own boundaries or even its own existence. The legislature can change the boundary lines according to its own views of public expediency. Although the constitution provides that no city government shall be erected in any town without the consent of the inhabitants of the town, a town may be annexed to a city already established, for “the power to create, change and destroy municipal corporations is in the legislature. It may amend their charters, enlarge or diminish their powers, extend or limit their boundaries, consolidate two or more into one, and abolish them altogether, at its own discretion.” The celebrated Dartmouth College case, by its construction of the federal constitution, incorporated into American jurisprudence the principle, which has been attended with such important consequences, that privileges and franchises, granted by legislative act to a private corporation, when accepted, constitute a contract; and hence a law altering the charter of such a cor-
1 Mr. Shepard has been president of the Boston city council and one of the trustees of the Boston public library. For four years he was first assistant attorney-general for the commonwealth and has served upon two commissions to frame municipal charters. He is a graduate of Harvard University, class of ’71, among his classmates being Senator Lodge and Bishop Lawrence.
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poration is unconstitutional. But the charter of a municipal corporation is in no sense a contract between the state and the corporation, and the power of the legislature over it remains supreme.
During the Indian and French wars, and also during the war of the Revolution, the towns of Massachusetts again and again raised and equipped soldiers and built and maintained forts, and nobody questioned their right and their duty to do so. But early in the last century a different opinion began to appear. In the war of 1812 with Great Britain the enemy were destroying property in places near to Fairhaven, and this town was in immediate danger. So the people came together at a regular meeting and voted unanimously $1200 for defense. But the court held the vote to be illegal; and that the town could not protect and defend its own inhabitants. So a citizen, who furnished cattle to British officers at the request of the selectmen of the town, in order to prevent the burning of the town, cannot recover any compensation therefor, since the protection of the town was no concern of its selectmen. Neither can a town raise money for the uniforms of a company enlisted from its inhabitants, and therefore a vote to raise five hundred dollars for that purpose is void.
In order to help the government to put down the rebellion the town of Scituate voted to pay to volunteer soldiers belonging to the town, who were mustered into the service of the United States, ten dollars a month during such service, but the soldiers never got the money, since not only was the vote of the town illegal, but also a statute, which confirmed all acts of towns in agreeing to pay bounties for soldiers furnished by them for the war, did not make this vote valid, because there was nothing to which this statute could apply, the vote itself being void.
The public property of a city, such as its streets, although built and paid for and kept in repair by it, does not belong to it, as the property of an individual belongs to him, or of a private corporation to it; but is subject to the authority of the legislature to transfer it and to confiscate it, against the will of the city and without any compensation therefor.
A city cannot require compensation for the use of its streets, nor in granting a location to a street railway company impose a condition regulating fares. It cannot prohibit the distribution of handbills and of other papers upon its sidewalks; or grant permits for parades and processions; or adopt rules for the regulation of itinerant musicians; or “prescribe a sum which shall be paid to open its streets for laying pipes and wires; or collect reasonable compensation for the injury to its streets by excavations made therein. Boston tried to obtain authority from the legislature to follow the practice of European cities and make a cliarge for street privileges and tried in vain, until this year, when the legislature passed an act, that the charge for -a permit to make excavations in any street or sidewalk shall not exceed fifty cents.


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It required a special statute for the city of Worcester to permit the Worcester Bleach and Dye Works Company to build a bridge across one of the streets to connect buildings on opposite sides of the street; and another for the city of Haverhill to construct a footway from one part of the city across the Merrimac River to another part of the city and another for Boston to construct a street from one of its avenues across one of its parks to connect with another of its streets; and the state directed this to be done by the executive department without the concurrence of the council. The legislature this year directed a state commission to construct a street from a certain point in Boston to the boundary line between Boston and Dedham, and that all damages assessed together with interest and costs shall be paid by the city. The state has ordered the paving of cerain specified streets.
The legislature may take from a city all control of its streets and may provide for work upon them, at the expense of the city, but through other agents than those appointed by it. The legislature may authorize a street railway company or a gas company or an electric light company to occupy the streets in a city, even if owned in fee by it, without its consent and without payment to it. In this way a large proportion of the streets in the cities of Massachusetts are given over to private corporations; and the locations cannot be revoked without the consent of the state. The Boston Elevated Railway secured in this way its original location and its subsequent extensions.
The legislature gave to two steam railroads the right to construct a union station, and as incident thereto, ordered the city of Boston to close certain of its streets and to change other streets at its expense without compensation. It has directed the construction of tunnels and subways in Boston, and has authorized its commission to use the public ways, lands, embankments, and parks, of the city, without compensation; and in the name of the city to contract with the elevated railway, if the railway consents thereto, but the consent of the city is not asked, “for the sole and exclusive use of the subway for the company, for the running of its cars therein and for other purposes, for a term of twenty-five years. ”
Boston spent a large sum of money and tore down many buildings to lay out Scollay Square, to improve the means of transit in that vicinity; and, when the state transit commission proposed again to erect buildings in the square in connection with the subway, the aldermen requested the commission to secure a building on either side of the square and reconstruct it for a subway station, and the commission refused the request. The city, in order to preserve the old state house in a condition worthy of its importance as a historic building, declined to renew the leases of its tenants when they expired, and so loses every year a considerable revenue. This same transit commission, however, has taken possession of most of the street


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floor of this building and has leased it to the Boston Elevated Railway Company. Neither of these things would have been done if Boston could control its own streets and buildings. The situation in Boston is especially bad, as it has no control over any one of the big public service corporations within its limits, the transportation, gas and electric companies all having their authority from the state, so that one never knows when a street will be dug up and its expensive repairs destroyed. The present mayor is said to have characterized as a stupid arrangement the lack of uniformity in the placing of wires beneath the streets, electric light wires going down one day and telephone wires another, and to propose a municipal conduit for all the wires at a fair rental—an excellent idea, which the state already has refused to allow.
Most states recognize the city’s rights in its streets and public places; and in several states street railways, telegraph, telephone and electric light lines, and gas, water and steam-heating plants cannot use the streets without the consent of the city. In New Jersey no rights in the streets may be granted unless a petition stating the details is filed and public notice given before the enactment of an ordinance. Such rights then may be granted for twenty years; and, if a longer franchise is desired, the matter must be submitted to a vote of the citizens.
To carry on the various branches of government buildings are necessary for its officials in performing their duties. But the city cannot erect any other than strictly official buildings. It cannot build a theatre or a social hall, or any other place of recreation, or put up a statue or a monument. But it may build a market house; and in deciding this question the court found it necessary to depart, at least a little, from the doctrine that cities are altogether creatures of the legislature, without any power except so far as it is expressly conferred upon them. For like reasons a city may erect a hall for political rallies, and may make expenditures, though not within the terms of the statutes, for reservoirs to supply fire engines; for a public clock, and for hay scales, burial grounds and wells.
It cannot use its school buildings for social centers, as is done now with such large gain in more than a hundred cities of other states and in nearly all the cities of Europe. The legislature last year, however, has given permission, not to the city government, but to the school committee to grant the temporary use of halls in school buildings for public or educational purposes. Take this statute of the present year as an example of our complex administration: “The park commissioners of the city of Boston are hereby authorized upon the request of the school-house commissioners of the city, with the approval of the school committee of the city, to permit the erection of a building for the High School of Commerce within the limits of the Back Bay Fens in the city of Boston.”


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The necessity to go to the legislature again and again for power to build naturally has led the legislature, in place of giving the city general authority sometimes to direct specifically who shall do the work, and sometimes to proceed itself to do the work. Many public buildings of Boston have been erected in this manner, in complete independence of its municipal administration. A recent act appoints in the city of Haverhill a commission, names its members, and directs them to erect upon a specific lot of land a high school building at a cost not to exceed $350,000.
A Massachusetts city cannot engage in any trading enterprises; and even the legislature cannot authorize it to buy coal and wood for sale to its inhabitants, no matter how necessary these may be to life itself. Moreover if a city gets permission to enter upon some enterprise, a water supply for instance, it has no assurance whatever that it will continue. Boston furnished itself with excellent water at a cost of several millions of dollars; but the state took over both the supply and the plant without asking the consent of the city.
A franchise to establish and operate ferries, water works, gas works, electric plants, or street railways, is a contract, if granted to an association of stockholders constituting a private corporation, and is protected by the constitution, but is not a contract, if granted to an association of individuals constituting a city, and is not protected by the constitution, or by anything else, and maybe taken without compensation at the pleasure of the legislature. It is only a law which may be amended and repealed by the legislature as it sees fit, without regard to the wishes of the people affected by it.
As all government exists only for the good of the people, the determination of the powers a city should assume rests wholly on the ground of expediency, and its action should not be limited in any direction in which the good of the people would be attained. In an expanding civilization it is impossible for a city to stand still. New conditions give rise to new needs. What before has been left to private performance may require municipal control.
It is not my purpose in this paper to advocate or to oppose municipal ownership and operation of the public utilities, but rather that this is a question for each community to decide for itself and that it should be perfectly free so to do.
In the matter of its revenue and of the purposes for which it may be expended the position of a city is one of entire dependence upon the state. It cannot without express permission celebrate a historical event such as the Declaration of Independence or the anniversary of its founding. It cannot pay the members of a private company for services rendered as engineman, although the company turned out at fires and rendered the same services as the other engine companies in the town. It cannot open


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its schools to children of foreign residents; offer a reward for the apprehension of a person suspected of the murder of one of its inhabitants or the burning of one of its buildings; nor defray the expenses of a committee to attend a convention of American municipalities, where subjects pertaining to the administration of cities are to be discussed, because the “education of the mayor and aldermen upon matters relating to municipalities is not a public purpose.” The town of Natick was unable without the express permission of the legislature to Remove the obstruction in Charles River within the limits of the town, and the legislature allowed it to use only $1000 therefor. Neither could the town of Walpole spend $250 for a visiting nurse to its sick and poor; nor the city of Boston pay the widow of one of its employees $1000 on account of his death; nor Holyoke pay the widow of its collector of taxes “$1000, as part of the salary that would have been due to him had he continued to serve the city during the current year;” nor Boston pay the widow of one of its aldermen the salary, which he would have been entitled to had he lived to complete his term of service; nor Boston pay an annuity of $300 for ten years to the widow of an employee who was drowned while in its service.
In the year 1885 Massachusetts passed an act limiting the tax levy in Boston to $9 on every $1000 of the average value of the taxable property for the five preceding years; and in the same year another act limiting the borrowing capacity, except for water, to 2 per cent of the valuation. These acts were passed under great pressure, and with the expectation that there would be a large saving in the expenditures of the city. Mark, however, the result. The city council proceeded immediately to increase the expenditures so as to exhaust the whole of the possible levy, and ever since has followed a like course. The council naturally makes no distinction between the possible sum from taxes and the possible sum from loans, but considers them together as the amount it is given for city needs, and straightway proceeds to spend it. This should have been expected. If men are told they may spend so much, they proceed to spend the whole of the permitted sum. The appropriations, therefore, become larger rather than less.
Money borrowed within the debt limit usually has gone to purposes formerly paid for from the tax levy, and all large improvements, and not a few of ordinary character, have been met by special loans authorized by the legislature outside of the debt limit. The council has learned that if needs arise, the legislature will authorize additional loans. Its members feel little responsibility, as the legislature has assumed it for them. For instance, the legislature this year authorized the city to spend $100,000 outside the debt limit for a playground. In the ten years preceding the acts of 1885 there was a decrease in the net debt of the city. In the ten years succeeding these acts there was an increase of 90 per cent. In the


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period from 1890 to 1910 the net indebtedness increased over 257 per cent and in the same period the assessed valuation of property increased only 69 per cent. November 30, 1910, the net indebtedness of the city stood at the enormous total of $116,259,'993.37.
As a remedy for this serious condition, the legislature has not changed the act of 1885, nor has it ceased to order Boston to spend money and to contract debts, and, above all, it has not permitted Boston to seek and apply a remedy for itself, but it has authorize^ the governor to appoint another state commission “to investigate appropriations, loans, expenditures, accounts, and methods of administration affecting the city of Boston or any department thereof, ” and to report thereon in January of each year. This is an illustration of the tendency in Massachusetts to special legislation. In place of providing by general act for some inspection or control by the commonwealth of the financial affairs of all its cities, as is done in Great Britain under the auspices of the local government board, by this act the financial affairs of Boston alone are subject to the inspection of a state board.
The limitation of the tax levy has been extended to all cities, with the result that they flock to the state house year after year and beg permission of the state to exceed it, so that the legislature, and not the city government, has become the final judge of the expediency or necessity of most municipal enterprises. Let me cite a very few of many instances:
The city of Chicopee is hereby exempted, until the first day of January in the year nineteen hundred and fifteen, from the operation of limiting the rate of taxation in cities. The city of New Bedford, for the purpose of constructing a new school building may incur indebtedness beyond the limit fixed by law to an amount not exceeding one hundred and forty thousand dollars. For the purpose of erecting a building for school purposes the city of Lynn may incur indebtedness in excess of the debt limit fixed by law to the amount of one hundred thousand dollars. The city of Fall River may incur indebtedness outside of the debt limit for public park uses, to an amount not exceeding fifty thousand dollars.
In making the appointment of city officials subject to a certificate of the civil service commissioners of the commonwealth, Boston again has made an exception, and its officials alone are subject to such control. Another illustration of this besetting evil is found in a statute directing that the names of the candidates for aldermen, not in all the cities, but but only in Cambridge, “shall be printed in the order in which they are drawn by the city clerk, whose duty it shall be to make such drawings.” The last legislature passed an act empowering a man to maintain a suit against New Bedford, then pending in the superior court “as fully and with the same effect as if all provisions of law relating to the ordering of materials and labor for the city had been complied with.”


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A city or town cannot control most of its officers, and cannot remove them for misconduct, because the state calls them its officers and not of the city or town, although elected and paid by it. Some years ago when cattle were kept quite generally in the country towns of Massachusetts it was the custom to elect in the town meeting an officer called the field driver, whose duty it was to impound any cattle found wandering upon the highways; and the state called even this petty officer its agent, and it was held that the town has no control over him in respect to his observance or neglect of his duty. In another town at its annual meeting the inhabitants, after a long debate upon the question whether they would establish a regular fire department or would elect fire wardens as a substitute, finally chose to do the latter; nevertheless the selectmen established a fire department, their power to do so being independent of the town. Certain towns own rights of fishing and fowling which have come down to them from colonial days, and in one of these towns the inhabitants at their annual meeting voted what permits the selectmen should grant during the ensuing year and upon what terms. The selectmen refused to be directed, restrained, or controlled by the town. Policemen, of course, are not the servants of a city, their appointment by it being merely a “convenient mode of exercising a function of government." It logically follows that the state may take over the police of any city, as it has done in Boston and two other cities, where the police have been put under commissioners appointed by the governor, all expenses, however, being paid by the city upon their requisition. The last legislature has gone further than ever before, and has passed an act, again applicable only to Boston, ordering its school committee to wholly appropriate a fixed percentage for the purpose of increasing the present salaries of the teachers in the public schools of the city. It also has ordered the park commissioners of the city of Worcester to perform the duties of the city relative to the management of a certain tract of land in the city; and has abolished the sewer commissioners, the water board, and the surveyor of highways in the town of Peabody and has established in place thereof a commission of public works; and in Boston has established a board of appeal and has restricted the mayor in his appointments to candidates nominated by certain designated societies and associations.
The inhabitants of the town of Stratton, at the annual meeting in March, 1906, appointed a committee to investigate the doings of its board of health. This committee made a report, with charges against the board, which report was accepted and adopted, and another committee was appointed to hear evidence upon the charges against the board, and to report their findings of fact and their recommendations at an adjourned town meeting. The committee made a report finding the charges proved and recommending the removal of the board ; w maladministration and misfeasance in


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office. The report was accepted and adopted, but the members of the board held on to the office, and the court said the town could not remove them.
There are no less than forty separate departments in the city of Boston, some elected by the council, some by the people, some appointed by the mayor and some appointed by the governor. Another distinct department has been established within a few months to have th§ sole care, custody, management and control of one school. They might be grouped or consolidated with great gain and economy, but as to many of them the state has expressly forbidden this to be done. The council of Chicago, in comparison, may create departments and at any time abolish or amend them. It required a special act for the city of Springfield to establish for that city a building department; and another for the city of Newton, when the head of any department dies, to appoint the head of another department, or some other person, to perform temporarily the duties of the office.
Many departments have become independent, either through the direct appointments of their heads by the governor of the state or through the legislature making them distinct corporations, so that they have a being separate from that of the municipal corporation itself and beyond its power to change. Some of them spend money without check and without regard to the appropriations made by the city council. The trustees of the public library of Boston, formerly chosen by the city council, recently appointed by the mayor, asked the legislature to make them a distinct corporation. This was done. And when it was a question of building a new library these trustees, as a distinct corporation, not asking the city council, but obtaining authority from the legislature so to do, made their own contracts and put up their own building.
An apt illustration of the disintegration of our city governments is found in the reported statement of the park commissioners of Boston, that, if the council should make any attempt to disturb them, they would petition the legislature to take away the control of their department from the council. We see frequently the. representatives of one department appear before a committee of the legislature advocating something which is opposed by the representatives of some other department, or by the officers of the city, and it has happened more than once that the mayor himself has met with opposition before legislative committees from officials supposed to be under his jurisdiction. It also has happened that when the mayor and the council do not agree both appeal to the legislature. This was the case when the last charter was imposed upon the city. Recently the council failed to adopt the recommendation of the mayor to purchase two lots of land for the extension of a street, and thereupon he declared that he would petition the legislature next year to have a state commission


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undertake it. Much is said about a city being a business corporation. It is this, and much more. But even as a business corporation, no one would expect success from a private corporation unless the directors could control the expenditures. If one or more departments of any corporation could spend what they pleased without regard to the wish of the directors, we should expect that corporation to reach insolvency; and yet that is exactly the situation of Boston.
It must be conceded that the administration of our many state commissions is efficient and in itself satisfactory. The appointments generally have been admirable; and the public work has been done with intelligence, dispatqh and economy. This paper is not a criticism of individuals, but of a vicious system, the effect of which upon the people is lamentable. They act less and less vigorously in municipal life. Having been so long under the control of the state they are more accustomed when they desire to make a change in policy, to have recourse to the legislature rather than to their own local government.
It is of little moment, comparatively, whether the work committed to the charge of these commissioners is well or ill done, since it is far more important that the people should determine their own affairs than that they should be furnished by an outside authority with a perfect administration. The highest praise given to our institutions by foreign writers has been because of our provisions for popular control; and now to depart from these is voluntarily to surrender our most precious heritage.
What has happened recently in Lawrence shows the deplorable effect of this vicious system. The city is old and rich; it has a population of 86,000, and yet by the word of its most prominent citizens, it is financially and morally bankrupt; and so they ask the state to take over its charter and administer its affairs. One of the largest cities of the state, for more than sixty years managing its own affairs, a long-established seat of industry, bearing one of New England’s proudest names, confesses its inability to govern itself. The situation is not the result of accident, and it touches the credit of the commonwealth.
The city in Massachusetts is not a self-governing community, free to apply its own remedies to its own ills and to learn by experience how to work out an administration adapted to its local needs; and the absolute dominion of the legislature has made the voter helpless and hopeless and has stifled local patriotism. Such an abuse of power would be monstrous to every citizen of an European city. It would be difficult for him to grasp even the idea of its possibility. The citizens of Birmingham govern Birmingham; the legislature of Massachusetts governs Boston.
Twenty-two states now protect their cities by constitutional provisions against such abuses of power, and many of them give the right to each city to frame its own charter and to change it at pleasure.


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The relation thus established between the community and its organic law has exercised great influence upon the civic life of the people. The fact that the responsibility for a charter rests not with the legislature, but with the people of the city, has aroused a civic spirit which is felt in every department of the government; and there is developed a more definite as well as a higher standard of city life. No community of free men can secure from sources outside of itself a government better than it can evolve from within. Temporary relief may be had from outside, but the only kind of government with which we ought to be satisfied must be secured by internal growth. No charter should be imposed upon a city. It should be in the nature of a general act, which the people of any city, or of any town qualified to become a city, may adopt if they see fit, and which they may change at their own will and pleasure, determining for themselves the details of their organization, subject to the general laws of the state. The gate should be open to reform whenever the people wish it. The legislature should not make the change, but the city council by ordinance. The reason given for action by the legislature rather than by the council, that any future municipal government would find it difficult to undo the work, is the very best reason why we should not go to the legislature. Why should we tie our hands? Are we afraid of freedom?
If no outside authority intervenes and if a city’s government be dependent solely upon its own citizens, they will find a way to one adapted to the local needs. Experience is the only effective teacher. We must learn by our own errors, just as we learned when children to dread fire, when we put a finger into the flame. There is no other remedy for bad government than the ancient remedy—self-government. The city itself must set its political house in order, and keep it in order. When the citizens of Chicago sought a remedy for bad government they made over their council, because by the state constitution Chicago could not appeal to the legislature for a change. But in Massachusetts the legislature is so in the habit of revising or appealing this or that statute under which cities are conducted that their government at any time is simply one of a series of legislative experiments. In no community can affairs be managed successfully when the legislature stands ready to remodel the charter whenever a minority in the city can command the support of a majority in the state. Anything which will alter this relation, so as to free cities from special legislation, not only will improve the cities but also the legislature, which is burdened by numberless local questions.
The sweeping subjection of Massachusetts cities to legislative authority arises from the failure to distinguish between the two spheres of municipal activity. So far as the city is an agent of the state to carry out state policy, in respect to state interests, supervision by state authority is right; but, so far as the city is a local cooperative community, it should decide


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for itself. Home rule excludes the state from control over those affairs which affect the city apart from the whole body of the people; but it does not mean that the city shall do as it will with reference to affairs of state concern. It does not mean that within municipal limits the police power of the state has been abrogated, or that in public education the state is debarred, from control; but the control should be by the way of supervision and not by doing the things itself. As an example of the different methods of control in Great Britain and with us, take the police. The state, of course, has a vital interest in the maintenance of an efficient police. When the local authorities fail in this respect our method is for the state to administer the local police through officials responsible to it; that is, to do the work itself, but at the cost of the local community. On the other hand, in Great Britain, where the police are managed by a committee chosen by the city council from among its own members, should it be reported to the home office by inspectors that the police of any city fall short of efficiency, the home office, which under ordinary conditions defrays out of the national treasury one-half the sum required to pay and clothe the police, would withhold its grant. We have here a system of control which makes for efficiency without intermeddling with the rights and the duties of the local authorities.
It now is agreed generally, outside of Massachusetts, that the powers of the city, instead of being specified, should be conferred by a general grant to exercise all powers not inconsistent with state laws. In place of its present humiliating position, that a city can do only those few things for which distinct authority has been given, it should be clothed with complete authority to do everything which is not distinctly forbidden. Then and then only may we expect that full civic life which is characteristic of the cities of Europe, and then and then only may we expect that civic interest which is the only assurance of good government. It would be folly to set forth in detail the things a man may do. The practical method is for the law to enumerate the things a man shall not do. The same rule holds good in regard to local government. Any functions not specifically forbidden by law should be the right of a city. Like other corporations it derives its existence and its power to act from the state; and this is the only necessary connection between a city and the state. It needs no further assistance.
Two things are necessary if city government is to revive in Massachusetts: The city must be left absolutely alone so long as it does not offend against state laws applicable to all, and the city must be given the power to do the things which a modern city should do for the welfare of its people. The present legal presumption that it has no power, not plainly to be found in a legislative grant, should be reversed, and the city presumed to possess every power not clearly denied to it under the constitution of the state.


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A city in Germany is free to do anything it likes which is not contrary to law. Home rule has full swing, with marked advantages in awakening local patriotism and securing men of high character and ability to manage city affairs. It may perform and render every kind of public service, subject only to the laws applicable to all. It controls all franchises within its own limits. Contrast this ample grant with the helpless condition of a Massachusetts city which may not control even the paving of its own streets. Were our cities so treated, unable to resort to outside assistance, and secure against ourside interference, compelled to work out their own welfare, the very necessity of the case would develop an enlightened public opinion and give us good government.
While satisfactory and progressive city government is impossible under the present conditions in Massachusetts, the outlook is not without hope. The demand for greater municipal freedom steadily grows, notwithstanding such relapses as the imposition upon Boston, without a vote of its people, and against the protest of its council, of the city charter. Men see now that the good they expected from it cannot b§ realized so long as it remains uncertain whether the people wish it.
The general interest in the expendiency, if not the right of home rule, has continued to live, and has appealed strongly to most of our recent governors.
One of the two important political parties of the commonwealth has now declared definitely for home rule, and its candidate for governor has made this a prominent feature of his campaign.


CIVIC SURVEYS
BY THOMAS H. MAWSON, HON. A.E.I.B.A.1 London, England
I WAS once asked “What is the most useful tool of the town planner?” and my questioner was somewhat surprised when I replied that I considered, for the kind of site we were dealing with, a bicycle was the most useful asset he could command. What I had in my mind in making this half jocular answer to my friend’s serious question was that, the chief point to be gained in a preliminary view of the site, was a thorough sense of locality and the correct relationship of its several parts, and some rapid means of getting from one part to the other greatly aids in this by allowing us to see each portion in its relationship to the other portions from every point of view while the subject is fresh in our minds. This truth struck me very forcibly when working on a site in the North of England. I knew before visiting it that it was comparatively flat and devoid of trees so decided to do it on foot. When I had been there some days and had got the topography fairly well fixed in my mind, I had occasion to drive along a road passing through the estate for nearly its whole length and I was surprised what a difference the slight extra elevation made to my outlook and how easier it was to grasp the relationship of the parts of the estate, and especially its tortuous lanes, as we moved rapidly along with a good horse. I would therefore say, use whatever means of rapid conveyance is available or the nature of the ground makes possible, the automobile on a smooth road, the bicycle across agricultural land, or a strong wiry pony over rougher ground still.
Of course, in this work, one would make first for the highest points from which to obtain a panoramic view of the surrounding country and there, unfolding the plan, note the positions on it of all the features to be seen and particularly roads, rivers, rights of way, villages or the best points at which to cross railways, rivers, canals, or other obstacles and also swamps or rocky ground and anything else which occurs to us is likely to influence our design. We shall do well to make on our plan the exact position of any tall chimney, church spire or very prominent tree which will form a landmark to help our sense of locality as we move from point to point of the estate.
Before we have been at this work very long, ideas for the direction and route of the principal traffic arteries and sites of the various classes of
1 Thomas H. Mawson is honorary lecturer on landscape design at the University of Liverpool. He is the author of “Civic Art” and has been concerned with the planning of the following communities in Great Britain : Westminster, Dunfermline, Bolton, Perth, and Port Sunlight.
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buildings will suggest themselves to the mind and we can do nothing better than to walk over the various routes and sites which occur to us to be obvious, not because there can possibly be any finality in these first rough guesses at a scheme for laying out the ground, but because it will give our itinerary a purpose and we shall notice more thoroughly and with less conscious effort every feature which suggests an easy means of development or the reverse. We shall, of course, also traverse every existing road and follow all water courses and, in a partly developed district, we shall try the effect of continuing the lines of existing streets and studying to connect the new with the old. In my work in England, I have always made as much use as I could of the street car services. For instance in preparing my scheme for the improvement of Bolton, I found that by riding out of the town in all directions into the country on the top of a street car, I obtained from this excellent vantage point, much valuable information.
This preliminary work over and, as soon as we feel that we have a thorough knowledge of the site and all its surroundings, the next step is to open a temporary office in the town nearest the site and there interview every one who is interested in the proposed scheme or who, through having work on the site, or watched the development of surrounding places, is able to give information which may assist us in realizing all that is valuable in the local point of view. There can be rarely anyone so dull or so devoid of imagination that it is total waste of time to listen to all he has to say of what he knows of the place and, when confronted with what is obviously a glaring impossible point of view, we should try to trace the mental processes by which it has been arrived at when we may be rewarded by obtaining material which, by more logical methods of deduction, will produce a result of the greatest value.
William Pitt, a hundred and fifty years ago used to argue politics with a man of no special capabilities,whose opinion on such subjects was of no more value than that of any “man-in-the-street.” When asked the reason he replied that he used the man as a “ Foolometer,” a term he coined to express the idea that he used the man to find out the point of view of the unintelligent individual on matters of state. We must do the same. We must act in the spirit of the old fashioned saying which tells us to— “ Listen to all the advice we can obtain and act on as much of it as coincides with our own inclination.” By this means we shall gather together, not only a vast accumulation of material about the locality, none of which can be entirely without its bearing upon what we propose to do, but also we shall be enabled to grasp that individual spirit which obtains in every district and which it is so important our scheme should foster and express.
This is most important for, as its location or the prevailing trade or manufacture may influence the town’s character or individuality, so ought thees to be expressed in the design. Educational and ecclesiastical towns such


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as Oxford or Canterbury will necessarily be planned on altogether different lines from shipping towns such as Liverpool or Cardiff. Each should wear an altogether different external appearance in order to be expressive of its own civic character or individuality. This is the first quality looked for by the civic architect who adequately and reverently approaches the problem of city planning. As Mr. Charles Mulford Robinson says, it is that tangible something which the city says, which is the secret of its own particular charm among cities. A man may be most learned in engineering, in landscape gardening, in architecture, but unless he is so sympathetic to the spirit of cities that he can catch the individual expression of each, he must fail in the making of city plans. It needs a nature extremely fine in its susceptibilities to catch the differing civic spirit of, say, London or Edinburgh, Montreal or Toronto, that something which it is perhaps impossible adequately to convey by words yet can be expressed and augmented by art.
This process, first getting to know all that there is to know about the topography of the site and its surroundings, and then interviewing everyone who has any interest in the proposed scheme should provide the landscape architect with a thorough knowledge, not only of his subject, but, what is still more important, of its history, and so of the r'equirements to be met and the possibilities for future development.
It will now be time for him to call to his aid the specialists, the antiquarian, the sociologist, the hygienist, the sanitary engineer, the educationalist, the commercial expert and any others whom the particular circumstances would suggest as essential to a result which will recognize all the requirements of all concerned. Accompanying them would be a carefully drawn up circular of instructions giving tersely and succinctly a review of the nature of the scheme proposed, the instructions received by the landscape architect from the promoters which may have a bearing on their reports and the results so far arrived at by the preliminary itinerary of the ground.
When these reports are received the real work of city planning will commence. First will come the important task of so collating and presenting the information gathered together by the various experts as to make it instantly accessible. This will generally be done by taking one or more copies of the large scale plaD and showing on it, by a differently colored ink or pigment, the requirements of each class. For instance, if, in the case of an old town, we find on the plan so treated that the antiquarian has marked an architectural feature as of sufficient national interest as to make its retention an absolute necessity, and around it, a different color or a key plan, shows that the hygienist has condemned a considerable area as too low lying for healthy dwellings, we have at once a determinant factor suggesting as imperative that this area shall be cleared of existing slums and dedicated as an open space to the use of the public, the ancient buildings


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providing the dominant interest in their lay-out to which all other features will be subordinated. Or suppose that the sanitary engineer has shown that a portion of the site is too high to be reached by the available water supply without resource to expensive pumping operations while the artist has scheduled it as a place of special beauty from which unique views are obtainable, this cumulative evidence in favor of its preservation will immediately become apparent when we indicate the recommendations of each by separate colors on one sheet as suggested. These are of course simple cases which would hardly call for elaborate methods but they indicate the principle which, if adopted, will enable us to deal far more thoroughly with these recommendations, and especially to detect conflicting interests and solve the problems they represent, than would otherwise be possible.
Infinite tact will be needed in this work. It is the bane of the specialist everywhere that he grows in time to a grossly exaggerated sense of the importance of his own particular branch to the exclusion of interest in any other. Charles Darwin, the great popularizer of the revolutionary theory of creation and progress, fully realized this even in his own case, for, in his intensely interesting book, The Voyage of the Beagle, he bemoans that, the more he studied the scientific anatomy of nature, the less he saw of nature’s beauty until, towards the end of his life, it became almost a closed book to him.
The greater difficulty, however, will be with the amateur with the fixed idea and filled with a boundless enthusiasm for it and possessed of sufficient personal magnetism to obtain support for it. Such persons, from their very enthusiasm are generally promoted to a place on the board of promoters of a town-planning scheme, and the more plausible their hobby, the greater the danger of their wrecking, or, at least, crippling the scheme. As an instance of this, I may mention a scheme for agarden suburb in England where one of the most prominent members of the committee insisted that every other consideration of whatever kind should be sacrificed in order that each house should be placed at the northeast corner of its plot so that it might have a southwest aspect. In vain was it pointed out that every house has four aspects, that such a plan would prevent all privacy in half the gardens, that the public service pipes would be lengthened by 25 per cent, that all massing and grouping of the architectural details would be rendered impossible and the scheme as a whole be ruined. Such instances could be multiplied almost indefinitely but there is one case which crops up perennially on every piece of work with unfailing regularity. This is the person who would sacrifice everything and permanently injure the scheme, to avoid the removal of even the most decrepit trees. I grant, most heartily, that every healthy tree is an inestimable asset to the scheme, and should be preserved and made a feature of the layout if this is possible, but to alter injuriously the


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whole line of a main road which, once planned, is more or less fixed for all time, in order to save a tree which can be replaced in fifty years, is a grave mistake. I could point to an English town-planning scheme which has been entirely spoiled by this very thing.
The preparation of the plan, collating and comparing the requirements of the various experts called in to advise on points outside the province of the landscape architect having been completed, the initiatory work incidental to the preparation of the scheme itself may be said to be over and the main business ready for consideration. The principles that will guide the landscape architect in his street planning, the proportioning and adorning of his boulevards, the design of his parks and gardens, and the merging of town and country will be dealt with in subsequent lectures, as they form themes of far too great a magnitude to be dismissed or even dealt with at all adequately in the remaining time at our disposal. Instead I would try and aid the tyro in this work by showing him some of the main principles which must receive recognition in the work of laying down the broad lines of his scheme.
My own method, after completing the street planning, would be to prepare a number of tracings or drawings on transparent paper which may be laid over the main plan and in which only one subject is dealt with. By this means, every part of the complex business of planning a town will be represented without crowding so much detail onto one sheet as to cause confusion. Thus on one tracing would be shown the different character of the various neighborhoods, whether residential, manufacturing, business, and so on, while another would show the varying densities of population, that is, the number of houses to the acre, to be allowed in various districts. These two would be closely related as would those showing the most economical drainage scheme possible on the site, the water service, the gas, electric, and sometimes the hydraulic power services. Other sheets would deal individually with various traffic problems; one would show, for instance, the routes which the fire engine would take to reach any part of the radius it serves, and so show whether the fire station were central in more than name; another would indicate all the playgrounds and show the traffic routes which small children would necessarily have to cross to reach each one from the districts it serves or whether they could be got at without danger to the little ones; another would show the traffic scheme in its relation to the principal railway stations and markets; another the same problem in its relation to the main routes out into the country; another the street car service, an extra thick line showing where two independent services use the same lines for a portion of their route, as this has a direct bearing on traffic problems; another would show the distribution of the town’s open spaces and, by a systematic color scheme, the purposes to which they are to be put and this, again, would need careful collation with


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the sheet we have already mentioned showing the varying classes of the different districts, and also that showing the allowable maximum of population. Besides these, which would cover the whole of the town, there would be others devoted to the problems incidental to a part of the scheme. Thus one would show the railway and canal facilities to be provided in the manufacturing district, while another, dealing with the same area, would show its relation to the part allotted to the homes of the workers and how they would reach their work.
When these, and all the other problems of city-planning, have been dealt with in this way, and so disposed of by means which are, at the same time, both concise and thorough, certain parts will need more detailed treatment than can be given them on the main plan drawn, as we have suggested, to about the scale of twenty-four inches to the mile. Plans of these will have to be made to a larger scale and the additional details filled in. Thus, each of the public parks and ornamental squares will need such treatment as will also boulevards and other open spaces and, in particular, the town squares in order to show clearly the sites for the principal buildings and their relation to the vistas down the streets approaching it. Then, of course, each railway station and its approaches will require detailed consideration and monopolize a separate sheet, as will every market or other place which will have its own traffic or other problems.
Far better would it be to aim at making the main town-plan intelligible to the average man in the street who has had no architectural training and who consequently cannot understand or read a plan. In England or Canada, our most important task in arranging the presentment of our scheme is to gain the interest and approbation of the public. If it seems to them visionary or a needless waste of public money we shall never get the average citizen to allow it to proceed. We have, to begin with, the unit, the plain citizen, John Smith. It may be the fault of our democratic constitution that John Smith rules the roost in town-planning. In Germany they arrange things on imperial lines and the town-planning officials are above the reach of the voters. Both systems have their advantages and their disadvantages. The late Sir W. S. Gilbert, when writing his plays always had before his mind’s eye a stolid individual to whom the music and the jest must be understandable, and we, in presenting our town planning schemes must do the same. I have seen more than one scheme in Europe prepared by good and capable men and which if not showing signs of genius in the promoters, were yet good and worthy of the occasion, fall flat from just this very cause. The very dearth of town-planning schemes in Britain may be traced to this lack of imagination. This multitude of undistinguished men like our friend John Smith are, as units, obscure, and draw little notice in their narrow spheres of action, yet, in their corporate capacity, they are a grand force which may wreck governments. Most


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likely as somebody has pointed out, John Smith must have a stake in the city, before you can interest him very deeply in the more complicated problems concerning it, but, that he is a power to be reckoned with, when it comes to the question as to whether a town-plan shall be adopted, no one who has had any experience in these matters will deny for a moment.
Instead, therefore, of giving him unnecessary detail to quarrel about, and which he will think he understands when he does not, the mind of John Smith must be illuminated by a clear and vivid representation of some of the main and indispensable features of the scheme, so placed before him as to awaken his enthusiasm for that which is good in it, and will not only arouse civic aspirations in him, but will appeal strongly to his democratic perceptions and practical philanthropy. In short, John Smith is a good chap, and, if he can be made to see the good in a scheme.and be impressed with its practical and financial advantages, he will back it up for all it is worth. It is only and solely from first to last, because Mr. Ebenezer Howard, the author of Garden Cities of Tomorrow, possessed at the same time the imaginative qualities of the artist, and the sound practical knowledge of the world, which enabled him to make his theories understandable to the lay mind, that the great experiment at Letchworth in England ever came about.
We therefore see that, when his more immediate task is completed, the town-planner must also be in a position to take up this fresh task and, as Lord Houghton puts it, “To try and teach the souls you reach to feel and understand.” This is a great task, but one which may be very much lightened by the hearty cooperation of an enthusiastic town-planning commission who, knowing the neighborhood and the trend of local opinion, may by their help and advice, and especially by the way in which they assist in placing the plans before the electorate, overcome mountains.
To do him credit, John Smith is quite ready to admit his ignorance of the artistic side of the work, but he feels that he has practical endowments which have enabled him to carve himself a niche in the universe and that he is capable of adjudicating on this side of the scheme. “I know I am an ass,” said the gentleman in the play, “but I am not a silly ass,” and this somewhat illustrated his attitude to town-planning schemes. We must therefore, in all we do, endeavor to show the man in the street the essential connection between the artistic and the practical, how they interlock at every point and how the attempt to divorce the ideal from the practical cannot but end in a machine-made lifeless standardization which, .though it may succeed in rearing the grand external, can never satisfy human aspirations or elevate the public taste. We must, as I have put it elsewhere, “insist on the practicability of idealism.”
There is one point in connection with the administration of such a scheme which I desire to mention not because it is a part of our present


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subject, though it arises out of it, but because it is of too great importance to be neglected. The subject I mean is the answer to the question, “How far should the individual plot-holder on the area included in a town-planning scheme be controlled in the development of his own holding and especially how far should his architect be restricted in the preparation of his designs for proposed buildings on the plot?”
I think that we shall all agree that the fewer vexatious restrictions imposed the better, but, nevertheless, it is evident that, although the broad lines of the scheme are entirely in the hands of the town-planning commission and their expert adviser, what will mar or make the scheme will, ultimately, be the suitability of the details chosen and the way in which the small finishings are managed. To illustrate what I mean, I need only remind you to what an extent such little things affect the ultimate result in such matters as dress, or the furnishings of our homes.
It is evident, therefore, that, whatever drawbacks there may be to the process, some sort of restraint must be exercised to prevent a few tasteless or ignorant individuals from ruining the whole of the aesthetic effect or creating a nuisance.
Local conditions and characteristics will enter so deeply into the solution of this problem that no town-planner would act or set up a code of conditions without going into the questions involved most thoroughly with his advisory committee, but there are a few broad lines which are applicable to all cases.
The restrictions may take two forms. In the first place, as already mentioned, various sites may be dedicated to special purposes. Thus, on the leeward side of the town considered as such in relation to the prevailing winds, a large area may be set apart for factories while, in another part, private residences only may be allowed with special exemptions for lodges for servants, and so on. In the second place, we may place restrictive clauses in the agreement of sale of the plot on a privately promoted scheme or frame by-laws for submission to and for the sanction of the proper authorities in the case of a public scheme. If such restrictions are wisely drawn up they should be welcomed by the property owners, for not only will they prevent him from doing acts detrimental to the scheme but they will prevent his neighbor from injuring his own plot or causing its depreciation by spoiling the amenities of the neighborhood.
Obvious subjects for such by-laws or restrictive clauses are the prevention of the establishment of trades in a good district which give off a disagreeable smell, the prevention of very high buildings which shut out the daylight and dwarf and overshadow other buildings near them, the provision of a proper building line up to which the main frontage of the buildings must come, the obligation to plant or maintain trees along the boundary between the plot and the public road, regulations as to a levy on all the


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houses round an open space laid out as a common garden to provide for its upkeep and such like arrangements which have been tried for many years in England with complete success so far as they have gone, ODly unfortunately most of us are persuaded that such things have not been done as much as they might have been.
On several English schemes lately there has been an attempt made to go much further thaD before in regard to the regulation of the designs of buildings to be erected. Most of the conditions relating to this matter enact that the designs for all buildings about to be erected shall be submitted to the town-planning commission in order that their town-planning expert may report to them as to its suitability for the site on which it is proposed to erect it. In case his decision is adverse to the design in any way, the expert is to state his reasons and how, in his opinion, it may be altered so as to harmonize with its surroundings and the prospective builder is bound to come to an agreement with him as to what shall be done before the commission will give their consent to its commencement. There are very obvious difficulties in such a course as this and, as it is on its trial in England it has not been tried long enough or often enough for us to be able to say how it will work or even which is the best and most satisfactory procedure. One can only say that in some cases it seems to be working very well, while in others it is producing what looks dangerously like a complete deadlock. This is no doubt due, to some extent, to the personality of the advisory expert and his committee and also as to how the matter has been put before prospective builders. Tact, in such a case, can work wonders as too can the lack of it in another sense.


CONSERVATIVE ASPECTS OF THE RECALL
By H. S. Gilbertson1 New York City
NINE years have elapsed since the principle of continuous control over their elected servants was enunicated by the people of Los Angeles. The originators of the recall put their measure forward in a gingerly fashion. They gave it an innocent place among a number of other charter amendments to be voted upon by the people and directed public attention to the other matters. In much the same automatic way that referendary measures have been known to go into law, the recall was adopted.
These political leaders knew they were putting forth something unconventional but it may be questioned whether they considered that they were fathering anything the least bit revolutionary. They had no notion, I believe, that there is anything supremely “representative” in the system whereby the people choose their servants at fixed intervals and then bid farewell to their sovereignty till the lapse of a period of years. Neither did they have any notion of substituting “pure democracy” for representative government. More probably they had no attenuated theories of any kind. They were confronted with an aggravating set of conditions in very human shape. Representative government in California till very recently was a fiction and a delusion and no amount of theorizing could make anything else out of it. Public officials calmly defied the most intense public opinion, and thrived in so doing. It was to reach these unrepresentative servants that the recall was invented—not the most consistent, logical means, perhaps, but one having a peculiar point under the conditions, when government otherwise was so far away from the average citizen.
From Los Angeles the idea extended gradually up the Pacific coast. It found favor with a group of public-minded citizens in Seattle who were seeking leverage against a certain ward councilman more offensive than ordinary, and it was inserted in the city charter. Mr. U’Ren’s group in Oregon took it up as a logical supplement to their own system which embodied the identical scheme as applied to measures instead of men. It soon took root also in the middle west where the Galveston plan of government was gaining recognition, for it seemed to the framers of the commission-government laws to be a valuable counterbalance to the great concentration of power in the hands of a few men which is an essential feature of that plan. It seemed to them only consistent and proper to give the people an opportunity to revise their judgments and correct their mistakes in the election of public officials. Since 1909 the recall has become ‘Assistant Secretary of the Short Ballot Organization.
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closely identified with the commission government movement, though probably it is in no appreciable degree responsible for its success. Suffice it to say, however, that out of a total of 185 cities under this plan, only a few are without the recall feature. But the recall is also applicable to all elected officials in California, Oregon and Arizona, and to officers in most of the Washington cities. So that now, under a variety of minor variations in no less than 250 municipalities, -any elective official is subject to removal by popular vote.
To the discriminating good sense and judicial-mindedness of the American voter and to his general desire for bestowing a “square deal” the recall is a frank tribute; it was conceived in a spirit of optimism as to his ability to take am intelligent part in recurring elections and to do justice to his servants while they are in office.
Thus is another item added to the responsibilities of citizenship, and I propose herewith to inquire how the electors appear to be keeping the faith. It is true that sufficient evidence on the practice of the recall has not yet been accumulated to afford dogmatic conclusions of any sort, but the rather meager facts which are available in this matter are suggestive of some of the characteristics of the American citizen which we may expect to see in operation when he possesses larger powers of direct government than he enjoys at present.
At the outset, it will be well to recollect that the recalling of officers is something different from hunting big game. There are certain formalities to be observed before one can do any shooting. Nor will it do to compare a recall campaign to the Newark, Ohio, mob, or a Coatesville lynching party. The framers of the recafl were careful to guard against just such outbursts of passion. They provided that a respectable minority, usually 20 or 25 per cent of those voting for the officer at the last preceding election, should bring an indictment before ever the title to his position was called into question. The signatures to recall petition are certified and become a matter of public record.
And, in practice, the petition has shown itself to be no vain thing. I am mindful of the remark which is credited to a certain astute politician that he could get signatures to a petition to hang all red-haired men. It is one thing to start such a petition; it is quite another to get the names of one-fourth or one-fifth of the active voters subscribed to an absurd proposal. Not long ago a frantic effort was made in Tacoma to secure signatures at five cents per name on a petition to recall the mayor. Barkers stationed on the street comers, inviting, cajoling, begging for names. But this is a significant thing: they did not get them in sufficient numbers to bring the recall to a vote. Again, an attempt was recently made by certain politicians to reach the mayor of Colorado Springs. Petitions were started in every election district of the city, but in less than three days


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their efforts had proved hopeless. During last winter the liquor sellers in Marshalltown, Iowa, tried the same tactics; seeking to reopen the license question which had been tightly sealed by a decisive vote of the people. They too failed. Similar fruitless effort were made in Seattle in the hope of unseating the present mayor, himself the successful candidate at a recall election. Des Moines and Haverhill record the same experiences.
All these abortive movements tend to demonstrate that a reasonably large petition is a real safeguard against a recall based upon slight reasons. And another fact is not without cogency: With this power to depose a galaxy of elected officials within the reach of the people of 250 cities, the number of cases in which it has been brought to a vote thus far is but eleven,2 of which five were in cities which were mjder commission government at the time.
And even if past performances contain no absolute promises as to the future, it should be remembered that recalling a public officer is a troublesome, expensive business, not to be undertaken in a big city without more funds than a wholly irresponsible person or organization can easily command. Thus the cost of securing the necessary 8500 signatures (8 per cent of the registered voters) to a popular measure in Oregon experience is found to be about $1500. Recall petitions require as a rule from two to three times this number of signers. In New York City on this basis a 25 per cent recall petition would cost something like $45,000. This would be but the initial expense. Add to it the cost of printing and distributing literature and of hall rent for conducting a campaign. The leaders of the campaigns in Los Angeles, Seattle and Tacoma knew that success only comes after an infinite deal of effort to reach the individual voter in his own neighborhood with convincing evidence.
So that from its own designed clumsiness the recall in its usual form, is its own prophylactic. By its own mechanism it has so far effectively taken care of the mischief-making fraternity. In the absence of a serious reason for its use it has proved itself unworkable. And generously3 have the fashioners of this instrument estimated the possible number of those who thoughtlessly or for trivial cause would invoke its use.
But how about the larger and more sober host which deliver the final verdict? Not only have the fashioners of the recall provided against a tyranny of insignificant and thoughtless minorities, but they have made due allowance for the working of the sober second thought of the majority. Those “momentary gusts of passion’' celebrated in Mr. Taft’s Arizona veto message, with just a suggestion that they were a more or less typical
5 Twice in Los Angeles and Dallas and once in Seattle; Tacoma; Huron, S. D.i Wichita, Kan.; Estacada and Junction City, Ore.; San Bernardino, Cal.
3 The number of petitions required to institute a recall election varies from 15 per cent to 35 per cent.


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phenomenon among our people, have no real existence under any recall scheme unless one may stretch the moments to cover a period of days and weeks, the interval between the filing of the petition and the election. But what becomes of the essential justice with which the law has sought to hedge about the tenure of public officers? The American people have been exceptionally generous in this matter, for while they have never conceded to public office the characteristics of property or contract, they have surrounded it with similar immunities. Thus the principle of due notice and an opportunity to be heard in one’s defense is rarely overlooked in the statutory forms of removal.
Formally, though of course in no strict judicial sense, the recall preserves these immunities. The statement of charges on the petition is a rough indictment. Opportunity follows for the officer to prepare and present his case, through the press and on the platform.
But, as one might say, this is no impartial trial which the people give; theirs is a rough and ready justice; they ignore the elaborate immunities which the law has laid around the accused parties; they admit irrelevant evidence; they give to suspicion and prejudice the weight of facts.
True, the electors lack many of the ideal characteristics of a just judge and an impartial jury. But right here a misconception must be met: The recall is a political, not a civil instrument. And for that reason its procedure is not capable of the close circumscription which is possible in the case of the civil procedure. But the political processes do have certain rough analogies to the other. For example, may it not be said that a good political equivalent for judicial immunities is the habit of conservative fairmindedness among the people, which gives an official a chance to prove his worth as a public agent? And lest this conception appear a mere nebulous fancy, let us consider some of the facts of the recall in its actual use:
The seriousness of the occasions upon which the recall has actually been brought to the point of a popular vote is to my mind, an evidence of this spirit. Let us take the principal cases in the order of their occurrence.
The city of Los Angeles had had the recall in its charter one year before an election thereunder had been held. One of the ward councilmen was then put on the carpet, as it were, on several charges. One allegation was that he had taken the liquor interests into his confidence and that his public acts were influenced by that connection. That he voted to establish an offensive slaughter house in his district is a matter of public record. That he received money for his vote on this question was a matter of suspicion. An election was held and the councilman was duly recalled but on technical grounds he secured a writ of mandamus to compel the city council to allow him to retain his seat. Later, a second election was held and he was again recalled. He carried but one of the sixteen precincts in his ward


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and his opponent received 63 per cent of the votes cast. Whether or not the evidence in this case would have proven a violation of the statutes which would have made removal possible in the ordinary way I am unable to say. Certainly the persistency of his constituents in bringing his official conduct to a popular vote is a prima fade evidence of a deep and well-founded suspicion of his lack of sincerity, and an adverse vote of 63 per cent is rather conclusive evidence of the voters’ lack of confidence.
The first use of the recall in the case of a mayor was that of Mr. A. C. Harper of the same city. Mr. Harper, elected in 1906, had not been long in office when it began to appear that his appointments were not directed primarily by considerations of public interest, but with a view to satisfying office seekers. Within a year after his election the city prosecutor complained of laxness in the enforcement of the vice laws. The responsibility for this condition clearly lay with the mayor and an appointee of his on the police commission. The charge was made, and supported by specific evidence, that the mayor and police commissioner were protecting vice. This, however, the mayor vigorously denied, with a challenge to an investigation before the grand jury, which happened to be in session at the time. The matter was immediately taken up by them. After months of investigation a majority report was filed, which found that the laws relating to vice were sufficiently definite, and were quite enforceable, but that they had been neglected by the administration. The jury, however, refused to file a presentment on the ground that since the investigation had begun, the laws had been enforced. But a minority report, however, definitely accused the mayor and the police officials of complicity with the vicious elements in the city. In the face of this evidence, the Municipal League in Los Angeles, in the spring of 1909, assumed the responsibility for a recall campaign. The outcome was the unseating of Harper and the election of George Alexander as his successor.
In Dallas, Texas, the recall has twice been invoked in the case of school trustees. In the face of a strong popular protest and for alleged political reasons, the school trustees removed the principal and a teacher of the high school, both of whom were popular favorites. No charges against these men were brought at the time of removal4 and the public demanded for them both the reasons for removal and a public hearing on the merits of their case. Two members voted against a public hearing, and it was against them that the recall was successfully directed. Once their successors were seated in the board a demand arose for an investigation of the administration of the school superintendent. The investigation started but the remnant of the old board is said to have blocked every attempt
* My correspondence does not show whether or not this was a violation of the law or the teachers’ contract.


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which would have produced evidence damaging to their appointee. Again the recall was invoked and two of the recalcitrant trustees were ousted. (The charter of Dallas requires a 35 per cent petition to institute a recall election.)
The Seattle charter contained a recall provision for four years before it was directed against Mayor Hiram C. Gill in the fall of 1910. This officer had irritated the public through his opposition to important public improvements. He had seemed to play into the interest of the local electric lighting company. He had opposed the establishment of a garbage crematory. But the most serious opposition to his administration arose out of his conduct of police affairs. It seems above doubt that gambling and other forms of vice were flourishing under police protection. Finally the city council on November 21, 1910, made an investigation through a committee of five of its members and brought specific charges of maladministration. After a lively campaign the mayor was removed.
The Tacoma recall in 1911 was launched against the entire commission. The situation here is not at all plain, but out of the many accounts seem to come these facts. The people of Tacoma in adopting the commission form of government, had given too little heed to the calibre of the men they elected. The man whom they chose for mayor was a seasoned office holder, avowedly hostile to the new idea of government, but with a big personal following which he had cultivated by various charities and a general reputation of being a “good fellow.” Other men of mediocre ability were elected to commissionerships. A factious spirit arose in the city council and the enforcement of the laws languished. The net result was a big increase in the cost of government during the first year under the new charter which the people resented. Mayor Fawcett too lost support by getting through an “anti-treating” ordinance and other acts regarded locally as “freak” legislation. To effect “a new deal” all around the recall was invoked as the most able instrument. A series of elections followed, in which the mayor and two other commissioners were displaced.
Almost simultaneously with the trouble in Tacoma, a recall movement was instituted against the commission in Huron, S. D. The force propelling this step was apparently the increase of taxation. For the first time in the history of the city the council had provided a sinking fund to meet outstanding indebtedness. This meant an increase of taxation amounting to $25,000.00. A sufficient number of petitions (15 per centum) was secured to cause the recall to be submitted to a vote at the regular spring election. The effort, however, failed.
Since that time, the recall has been successfully invoked in Wichita, Kan. A year ago a bitter primary election was waged for city officers. By a shrewd disposition of their forces in a three-cornered fight, the supporters of the successful candidates managed to narrow down the final


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contest for the mayoralty to two men, both of whom were signally unsatisfactory to all but their immediate supporters. The third faction felt that they had been tricked. Almost immediately after the opening of the new administration recall petitions were put into circulation against the mayor and two other commissioners. No charges of graft were made but the recallers found issues in matters of public policy. The mayor, it is said, had sought to unload on the city, by purchase, the plant of a private water company at a figure much higher than its actual value. Other minor issues were found. Either side was hotly upheld by one of the leading newspapers and resulted in the retirement of the mayor and another commissioner.
Such in brief is the history of the successful campaigns.8 Just how great has been the potential, that is, the admonitory, effect of the recall on officials subject to its operation, is, of course, impossible even to estimate. An account of this phase, if it were only obtainable, would make interesting reading, but we must stick to the more potent facts. Never yet has the recall been successfully invoked, without its promoters having at least a good semblance of a public purpose in mind. Whether or not the reasons for invoking it would have been serious enough to have brought the question of removal through the ordinary means into the forum of trial is beside the point. It remains reasonably certain that in each case a majority of the electors found substantial reason to revise their judgment of public men in the light of their actual service and had a competent means to put their judgment into effect. That is to say, the recall campaigns appear to have been, on the whole, both sane and just from the 'political point of view. And the recall has been an effective instrument in so far as without superfluous definitions of its purpose, it has reached certain aggravated accumulations of unrepresentative acts which, singly, might not have been grave or serious enough to have been reached by any other method.
Not only have the reasons for each removal been politically substantial, but the merits of each case have received an adequate public hearing—in the political sense. No one can wade through the newspaper accounts of the Los Angeles, Seattle, Tacoma or Wichita campaigns without being convinced that every material fact of the cases has been brought out and discussed from every possible angle. Civic societies and neighborhood improvement clubs in each of the cities took responsibility in the campaigns to themselves. Small' halls and big auditoriums were brought into use by both parties to the contests. No citizen needfully missed an understanding of what was going on. All the interest of an ordinary election
5 The available data on the use of the recall in San Bernardino, Cal., and Estacada and Junction City, Ore., are too incomplete to justify conclusions of any kind.


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campaign was present, with an added measure of personal interest thrown in. And so searching has been the calcium upon the administration of the accused officials, that with one or two exceptions these men have sought to withdraw their case from the popular forum to a safer haven in the courts of law. In so doing they have flatly denied the political character of the recall; they have treated it by implication as an impudent attack upon their civil rights. They have been inclined to forget that by their own word of mouth in their campaign for election, they made definite promises. And those promises consisted not in assurances that they would be honest and efficient and keep out of jail, but that they would conform their course in%office to the wishes and interests of the people.
The recall is the first instrument which has ever been given to the people of American cities for isolating their unrepresentative officials and applying an appropriate remedy to their offenses. And this is the recall in practice: not a “nostrum” of “Neurotics” or a firebrand in the hands of an infuriated mob, but a simple guarantee of representative conduct on the part of public officials between elections.


SHORT ARTICLES
BOSTON’S STREET RAILWAYS
DURING the past year nothing really novel or extraordinary has arisen in the general relations between the street railways and the public. Perhaps the most noteworthy development during this period is found in the extension of the idea of regulation by commission. Among the states which have newly adopted this method of regulation in its most modern form, Ohio and Connecticut are conspicuous. Even in conservative Massachusetts whose pioneer railroad commission, though weak in legal power has yet been mighty in strength, the newer ideas were vigorously urged by the legislature, and the attempt was made to confer on its commission practically all the power of compulsion possessed by many of the later commissions. Outside of Massachusetts we find the general spirit of commissions is to call themselves weak, unless possessed of the most plenary power to oversee and supervise practically every act; and to undo practically every decision which the management of the corporation may make.
In Massachusetts, however, broad and extensive as are the powers of the commission in many cases, there is another very important class of cases in which no such power exists, and yet the conclusions of the commission are as highly respected and as cheerfully accepted both by the public and by corporation in one class of cases, as in the other. This is really an excellent example of the development of the system of governmental regulation of this class of business. The adherence by the Massachusetts railroad commission to the theory of impartiality, the painstaking character of its investigations and researches before a conclusion is reached and the fairness and courage exhibited in its decisions, have aroused the admiration and respect of many other states.
It would seem that the general tendency of the times is to push unduly railroad management and corporate interests. In the field of all public service corporations there is only one asset upon which the company can permanently count. A company may have its right of way; its power plant; its general equipment; its cash resources; above all these its one great asset is the good will of the public, and if the anti-corporate tendency of the times brings these public service corporations to a realization of this fact, it will be best for all concerned. Publicity is the only means by which the public service corporations can remove public prejudice and cultivate the public goodwill.
The prevention of accidents has been one of the problems that has given the street railway companies a great deal of concern since the introduction
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of the electric cars. A vast majority of the accidents can be attributed to the lack of care of the persons killed or injured. To obviate these, the street railway companies have used every method possible to notify people of the responsibility that not alone is upon the passenger, but on those who use the streets. During the week beginning December 10, 1911, the Boston Elevated Railway Company published in the daily and weekly newspapers of Boston and vicinity an advertisement announcing a prize competition for verses in rhyme, written by pupils in the high schools and corresponding grades of private schools, living in the municipalities in which the company operates. The theme was “Caution in the streets, particularly relating to street cars.” The object sought was “To compel the children to think and remember.” In response to this announcement nearly 750 poems were received. Two hundred and eight prizes in gold were awarded for the best verses. The following poem which took a first prize of $50 is an excellent example of the standard set:
THE ELECTRIC CAR’S TALE
A giant of wonderful power am I,
An ogre with many hands;
My hands are destruction, illness and deat h And I’ve homes in a great many lands.
My jacket is painted a very bright hue,
Of yellow, deep orange or red;
I have loud-ringing gongs as a warning to you And a brilliant white light at my head.
Now all of you children, small laddies and maid,
Though you’re not a great monarch like me,
Your friend I would be, but your foe I am made,
For my signals you rie’er seem to see.
You race o’er the tracks and you hop on my side,
Disregarding my bell’s warning clang.
And many a child who has stolen a ride Has experienced pain’s deadly pang.
There are pale hopeless cripples, young maidens and boys Who have paid a sad forfeit to me.
They cannot partake of youth’s manifold joys,
For my signs they neglected to see.
So now I will finish with just one command For laddies and small lassies sweet;
Don’t race in the way of the king of the land;
Watch for me when you’re crossing the street.
Anna Louise McCabthy.


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The company undoubtedly hopes by this method to secure the cooperation of those who have the custody and instruction of children in their effort to compel the children to think and remember about cars when crossing the streets or stealing rides.
About 3500 employees of the Boston Elevated Railway Company were rewarded January 1, 1912, by the corporation for faithful service during the year. Following the custom adopted several years ago more than $80,000 in gold coin was distributed among men who were in the service of the company at least six months and made creditable records during 1911. Those who had not earned a reward in 1910, but did in 1911, were given $20. Those whose records and length of service entitled them to rewards for 1911 and 1910 too, were given $25.
Nowadays, corporations are so big that the individual is likely to be obscured, and anything that reminds an employee that he is a personality whose individual contribution of service counts in the general scheme is likely to make that employee take a new interest in his work. This is particularly true when such gifts are bestowed as rewards for personal merit. Every man who is honored by one of these gifts, whether it is small or large, has a fine glow of satisfaction in finding his effort recognized, and has a new incentive to efficient and courteous service.
It is especially appropriate that such a system of reward should be applied by a public service corporation, and the size of the rewards should te gauged by the employees’ service to the public. Too often the managers of public utilities overlook the fact that intelligence, industry and courtesy shown by employees who come into contact with the public is really the most valuable form of loyalty to the company they serve.
The most important recent franchise change was the act of the board of railroad commissioners on January 1, 1912, in announcing the granting of permission to the Boston Elevated Railway Company to carry express and freight over its lines by means of electric cars, notwithstanding the refusal of the Boston city council to act favorably upon the petition at a hearing held shortly before. The commission found that public interest and convenience required the granting of the company’s petition, but the commission’s order allowing the same was made subject to the following regulations and restrictions: 1
1. The company shall receive and deliver baggage, express and freight at suitable places or stations and without discrimination or favor to any person or corporation.
2. No authority is herein granted to the company to transport baggage, freight or express matter, except by or in electric cars, or to delegate or lease to any other persons or corporation the rights hereby granted.
3. All baggage, express and freight shall be transported in suitable cars, to be provided with proper fenders, brakes and safety appliances, and to be


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run at no time at a higher rate of speed than that at which the company operates passengers cars.
4. The exercise of authority herein granted shall in no way alter or abridge the duties and obligations of the company relative to the transportation of passengers, nor in any way interfere with the conduct of the passenger service.
5. The facilities by which and the manner in which the business is conducted shall be subject to supervision and regulation by the board from time to time as the public interests may require.
6. The authority herein granted is given upon the express condition that it shall not operate in any way to enhance the value of the assets of the company in the event of a purchase of the railway property by the city or state.
There are in the United States 823- cities and towns in which electric railways now operate an electric freight and express business, and it is in a manner very similar in all details to that in which it is conducted in other cities, that it is the desire of the Boston Elevated Railway Company to operate in Boston. One or more terminals as is customary in other cities will be established in the metropolitan district as near the center of the city as the conditions will permit and from these points cars will be operated over such routes and in such manner as will not interfere with the passenger traffic to outlying terminals. It is the intention of the company to receive and deliver express, freight and baggage at the various terminals. All the freight and express so received will be transported over the rails by electric cars to outlying terminals or to connecting roads.
The railroad commission has full jurisdiction in regulating the manner in which the service is to be conducted, the rates to be charged, cars, routes, etc. The company appreciates perfectly that its primary duty lies in the proper conduct of its passenger business; but it does believe that there is an opportunity for it to act as a common carrier of freight in such a manner as not to interfere with its passenger business.
The annual report of the Massachusetts railroad commission shows the street railway companies of the state made a net increase during the past year in mileage of 15,528 miles of street railway line, 2499 miles of second track, 18,027 miles additional side track, making a total net increase of 25,492 miles. The aggregate capital stock of the 66 companies June 30, 1911, was $86,639,175—an increase of $2,294,110 over the amount returned June 30, 1910. The total amount of dividends declared the past year was $4,788,907.24. The total number of passengers carried during the year on the railways in operation as reported by the 72 companies making returns to the Board was 683,362,717. The report shows that there are now in Massachusetts 2111.22 miles of main and branch railroad line; that the total length of railroad track within the Commonwealth is 4816.31 miles. The aggregate capital stock June 30, 1911, of the 30


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Massachusetts corporations, Nantucket excepted, was $324,445,165.70— a net increase of $39,344,825 over the previous year. The total amount of dividends declared during the year was $21,780,406.45—an increase of $2,783,749.45. The average rate of dividend paid was 6.73 per cent.
In compliance with a resolve of the Massachusetts legislature of 1910, the board of railroad commissioners and the Boston transit commission sitting jointly, held public hearings, duly advertised, on the question whether it was advisable, expedient and in the public interest to provide in advance of the expiration thereof, for extensions of the existing leases to the Boston Elevated Railway Company, of the subways and tunnels in Boston. After careful study, consideration and thorough discussion, the joint commission submitted a comprehensive report.
It found unanimously that it was advisable, expedient and in the public interest to provide for the extension of existing subway and tunnel leases to 1936, and further it recommended the expiration on the same date of leases or contracts for the use of all new subways and tunnels not executed but authorized. In the bill which it drafted, the joint board recommended that either the city or the company should have the option to secure further extensions beyond 1936, in connection with a further provision for determination by three arbitrators appointed by the chief justice of the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court, of both the length of the further period and the rate of rental required in order to make it possible for Boston to pay at maturity, without renewal, all bonds heretofore or hereafter issued by the city for subway or tunnel purposes.
It was and is the consensus of opinion that an orderly and comprehensive design for the street railway system of Boston is desirable and extremely important. If private capital is to continue to furnish transportation for Boston, it is axiomatic that it should and must be upon the ordinary terms of business, namely, the expectation of profit. At least the mercantile and business portions of the population realize that the street railway company should not and cannot be required to embark upon extensive and expensive additions to its system without being assured, on some basis, of the integrity of its system. On the other hand, it is equally clear that if the public through its legislature insures the company stability of tenure of its leases and contract rights that the needed improvements in transportation facilities and service should not be delayed.
The whole trend of legislation in Massachusetts has been to give the public and the street railways a fair show, and to leave disputed questions to the judgment of expert tribunals—the board of railroad commissioners or the Boston transit commission. The strength of the commission idea when fairly sustained by law has been demonstrated here in Massachusetts. It is true that the decisions and conclusions of the railroad commissioners do not depend for their effectiveness on the legal authority of that commis-


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sion but are accepted as cheerfully by the public and corporation both, and are as willingly complied with, if they come within the recommendatory power which that commission has, as if they fall within the commission’s power of mandate.
After the report of the railroad commission on the question of extension of leases and building new subways, a long public discussion both in the papers and on public platforms followed, and in July, 1911, it was finally settled, and as is usual in Massachusetts, it was settled in favor of the people. It was a complete victory for the business organizations and newspapers of the city that insisted upon short term leases. It was a triumph for public opinion and particularly for the men and institutions that have championed the interests of the city and directed and formed public opinion The bills which were finally passed by the legislature were in substance satisfactory to the public, represented by the newspapers and organizations, to the city officials and to the street railway companies concerned. A large part of the credit for the settlement of this question, which threatened to lead to much trouble in the legislature, without any satisfactory result in the year 1911, must be given to Governor Eugene N. Foss.
The substance of the bills which eventually went on to the statute books is as follows:
1. The extension of all the existing subway leases until 1936.
2. Leases running until 1936 for the newly authorized subways and extension of East Boston Tunnel.
3. The newly authorized Boylston Street and Dorchester tunnels, and the extension of the East Boston Tunnel to be built at once and leased to the Boston Elevated Railway Company at a rental of 4§ per cent pef annum.
4. All leases of existing and authorized subways and tunnels after 1936 to be considered as indefinitely extended, subject to annulment by the city of Boston, upon direction so to do by an act of the state legislature, or by a vote of the Boston city council, approved by the Board of railroad commissioners. The Boston Elevated Railway Company may likewise terminate all said leases on July l’, 1936, by giving to the mayor of Boston at least two years’ prior notice in writing.
5. Consolidation of the Boston Elevated Railway Company and the West End Street Railway Company, instead of a fifty-year lease of the latter by the former on a 7 per cent basis.
The most essential point in the agitation was that the differences among those interested should not be allowed to stand in the way of the three main features of public interest, namely, to provide for immediate progress on the new subways, to make the various subway and tunnel leases expire at the same time instead of expiring at various scattered dates, and to


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clear up the situation with regard to the West End Street Railway. All these things were accomplished by the legislation which was finally enacted.
By special legislation enacted early in the year 1911, and under a unanimous approving order of the Massachusetts railroad commission, the Boston and Northern Street Railway Company on June 29, 1911, absorbed the Old Colony Street Railway Company, and the two systems are now one. Both roads have been owned for several years by the Massachusetts Electric Companies, a voluntary holding company, and, therefore, had been practically under the same management, but they remained until June 29, 1911, separate companies with separate officers, accounts and other business details. The merged company has the largest mileage of any railway system in Massachusetts.
Special legislation was necessary to merge the systems, because they do not connect, and under the general street railway law the railroad commission cannot approve a consolidation of companies which have no physical connection with each other. The merger is the largest of its kind to pass through the railroad commission. So many parties were directly interested in the deal that notices of the public hearings had to be sent to 89 cities and towns, and 125 copies of the board’s orders had to be issued.
Abkaham E. Pinanski.1
MUNICIPAL STREET CLEANING AND ITS PROBLEMS
THE American methods of municipal street cleaning have long been the subject of the most frequent, if not the most intelligent criticism. Citizens have.often resorted to comparison between the cleanliness of streets in European cities and the deplorable waste of money and effort in municipal street cleaning in this country. These frequent criticisms and comparisons have resulted in a chaotic multiplicity of experiments that lack scientific backing, and are handicapped by a false conception of economy which by the employment of superanuated and inefficient workers tends to save expense in the poor department and avoid congestion in the old men’s home, to the detriment of street cleaning work and public comfort.
Until recently a street, from the standpoint of municipal government, was considered a thoroughfare, or a means of reaching various parts of the community without regard to the surrounding property, be that of a business or residential character. A closer observation, however, makes it
1 Mr. Pinanski who won the Baldwin Prize of the National Municipal League in 1903, is now connected with the legal department of the Boston Elevated Railway Company.


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clear up the situation with regard to the West End Street Railway. All these things were accomplished by the legislation which was finally enacted.
By special legislation enacted early in the year 1911, and under a unanimous approving order of the Massachusetts railroad commission, the Boston and Northern Street Railway Company on June 29, 1911, absorbed the Old Colony Street Railway Company, and the two systems are now one. Both roads have been owned for several years by the Massachusetts Electric Companies, a voluntary holding company, and, therefore, had been practically under the same management, but they remained until June 29, 1911, separate companies with separate officers, accounts and other business details. The merged company has the largest mileage of any railway system in Massachusetts.
Special legislation was necessary to merge the systems, because they do not connect, and under the general street railway law the railroad commission cannot approve a consolidation of companies which have no physical connection with each other. The merger is the largest of its kind to pass through the railroad commission. So many parties were directly interested in the deal that notices of the public hearings had to be sent to 89 cities and towns, and 125 copies of the board’s orders had to be issued.
Abkaham E. Pinanski.1
MUNICIPAL STREET CLEANING AND ITS PROBLEMS
THE American methods of municipal street cleaning have long been the subject of the most frequent, if not the most intelligent criticism. Citizens have.often resorted to comparison between the cleanliness of streets in European cities and the deplorable waste of money and effort in municipal street cleaning in this country. These frequent criticisms and comparisons have resulted in a chaotic multiplicity of experiments that lack scientific backing, and are handicapped by a false conception of economy which by the employment of superanuated and inefficient workers tends to save expense in the poor department and avoid congestion in the old men’s home, to the detriment of street cleaning work and public comfort.
Until recently a street, from the standpoint of municipal government, was considered a thoroughfare, or a means of reaching various parts of the community without regard to the surrounding property, be that of a business or residential character. A closer observation, however, makes it
1 Mr. Pinanski who won the Baldwin Prize of the National Municipal League in 1903, is now connected with the legal department of the Boston Elevated Railway Company.


MUNICIPAL STREET CLEANING AND ITS PROBLEMS 219
clear that the street is essentially the means of approaching a home and of serving its conveniences. It is the hallway which connects the school and the church, the factory and the office with the home. From the standpoint of the tenement dweller, the street is the nursery and playground of young, the social center and meeting place of the adult, the free market place for the transaction of business, and the display and distribution of the food supply. Not infrequently during hot weather the street is the common bedroom of the dweller in the congested, ill-ventilated and over-heated tenement house district. With such broad functions it is clear that the construction and care of streets implies more than the requirements of accessibility, easy grade and safety. What is needed is a permanent adjustment to the needs of the neighborhood of the methods of construction and maintenance of streets so as to make their use healthful and pleasant
The maintenance of clean streets also involves an important sanitary problem which so far has not received the attention that it deserves. Street dust while not of necessity loaded with dangerous diseases producing bacilli is injurious to the health. This dust, as is well known, contains tiny fragments from the wear and tear of pavements and building material, minute particles of quartz or other mineral substances, which when inhaled lacerate the delicate membranes of the air passage, thus serving as inoculation needles which permit entrance into the system of any tuberculosis or other disease germs which may be present on the mucous membrane. That disease germs are frequently present in the nose and throat of apparently healthy individuals has been conclusively shown by various experiments. It is unnecessary to point out that this devastating dust is not confined to the street, but is projected with every gust through open windows into our living and sleeping rooms, our offices and stores, where it continues its work of injury to the human system and destroys millions of dollars worth of merchandise annually.
The breeding of flies and other vermin against which such frequent and costly sanitary campaigns are directed is due in no small part to the lack of proper refuse removal from our streets and the premises abutting on our streets. This subject of refuse removal brings up the larger problem of the removal of garbage and refuse by the municipality, and suggests at least the broadening of the work of the street cleaning department so as to include the efficient removal of all waste and refuse whether they be deposited on our streets, alleys or back yards. From what has been said above it would seem, therefore, that street cleaning has a broad social significance. It is a problem which affects and is affected by our method of refuse removal and disposal, the pollution of the air by smoke nuisances and other mineral wastes from manufacture, the methods of preventing and controlling dust, etc.


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A study of the street cleaning methods employed in eleven New England cities disclosed them to be inefficient because of the difficulty on the part of the authorities and the public to realize the following principles:
(a) Clean streets can be maintained only with a proper system of prevention of dust and refuse.
(b) Street cleaning involves scientific principles which require the service of well-trained and experienced leaders.
(c) Street cleaning is expensive but is a good investment.
(d) Clean streets cannot be secured without well built pavements.
(e) Street cleaning requires the intelligence and effort of efficient men who can do eight hours work in eight horns time.
(f) To maintain clean streets we must have the cooperation of the city departments concerned with the maintenance of order and cleanliness and unflinching support of the public.
The failure to apply these principles is undoubtedly the most deep-rooted cause of our inefficient street cleaning work. In order to define more clearly the problems of dust and refuse prevention and removal, the writer made a careful analysis of about sixty miles of street in five different New England cities, analyzing the various kinds of dust and litter, scrutinizing the abutting property and watching the traffic in its influence upon the cleanliness of streets. In order to make the analysis more thorough six different types of pavement were included in the sixty miles examined with the idea of forming an estimate both of the problems of dust and litter formation, their accumulation and removal. Generally speaking the following causes were found to be prevalent:
A. MAIN CAUSES OF DUST
1. Litter produced by the wear and tear on the street caused b'y traffic, weather conditions and delay in street repairs.
2. The dust and litter produced by the construction of private and public buildings.
3. The falling and decay of leaves, bark and other vegetable matter falling into the street from trees and other vegetation.
4. The improper banking up of land which is above the street level and which through the influence of weather conditions yields a certain amount of dust and mud that is carried into the gutters and streets.
5. Materials carried into the city streets by vehicles coming from country districts with mud or other litter adhering to the wheels or other parts of the vehicles.
6. The highway construction and repair which entails the use of dust-producing materials such as sand and crushed stone.


MUNICIPAL STREET CLEANING AND ITS PROBLEMS 221
B. MINOR CAUSES OF DUST
7. The tearing up of streets in underground construction.
8. Dust coming from adjoining unaccepted and unconstructed streets.
9. Dust, soot, ashes and other mineral matter particularly soot coming from manufacturing concerns.
10. The waste materials caused by the decay of parts of buildings particularly, shingles from roofs, dry paint, falling plaster, etc.
A. MAIN SOURCES OF REFUSE
1. The droppings of horses and other animals using the streets.
2. The refuse caused by the throwing into the street of waste and refuse by tenants in tenements abutting upon the streets, and the tracking and sweeping of refuse from the homes, stores and cellars into the streets.
3. The overflow of refuse from ill-kept yards, and alley-ways into the street.
4. Papers and refuse thrown into the street by pedestrians and persons traveling in vehicles, particularly street cars.
5. Litter produced in the unloading and loading of merchandise and by the small street stores which display much of their wares upon the sidewalks or carry them in vehicles through the streets, as well as the dropping of materials from imperfectly loaded wagons, particularly those which are used in the transportation of waste materials.
6. The improper fencing in, or protection of public and private dumps which makes possible the carrying into the street by the wind, or other means, of paper, dust, ashes, etc.
B. MINOR SOURCES OF REFUSE
7. The absence of proper fences about unoccupied land which is fre' quently used by the neighborhood as a dumping ground.
8. The removal of advertisements from bulletin boards without proper care of the waste preparatory to the application of new advertising matter.
Even a casual analysis of the above causes of dust and refuse would indicate that a large share of street cleaning work is of a preventive character, the value of which can hardly be over estimated. The amount of preventable refuse and dust has been variously estimated at from 60 to 90 per cent of the total now found upon our streets and alleys, and the examination made by the writer of large areas of street would warrant such estimates. That this fact is not generally known to city officials is evident from the fact that most of them seem to mistake activity for efficiency, and expenditure for service. On the other hand there is a striking lack- of coordination between street cleaning work and street construction, and a dis-


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tribution of responsibility between various city departments which makes it impossible to control street conditions without the conflicting authority of a number of municipal agencies.
It is not within the scope of this article to discuss the modern methods of street cleaning. The most that can be done is to consider briefly the recent experience of American cities and abroad which has shown unmistakably that the following factors are fundamental in determining the degree of efficiency attainable in street cleaning work.
1. PAVEMENTS
City streets, particularly in congested sections, should be constructed of smooth, washable and sweepable material. This has not been a general practice in American communities. Macadam roads of various kinds with their dust producing tendencies have been constructed in some of the most congested sections of our cities, and this not excepting the public thoroughfares where street cars and elevated railways mingle their noises with the dust of automobiles, carriages and heavy trucks. The macadam street, even under the best condition, is productive of dust, and as they cannot be swept freely without injury to the surface they are practically useless from the point of view of clean streets. The type of pavement to be chosen for a particular district must of course be determined by the amount and kind of traffic, the congestion of population, the changes in season, the grade and the presence or absence of trees. Under any condition, however, a pavement which is of itself dustrproducing, unless heavily tarred, or in some other way bound with material which prevents the formation of dust should not be encouraged. In the construction of pavements the amount and type of street cleaning work that may be necessary for proper maintenance and the influence that such work may have upon the pavement and the air (which is part of the street) and the character of the neighborhood in which it is constructed should be most seriously and most carefully considered, by well trained and experienced officials.
2. TRAFFIC
One of the most serious evils in street cleaning work is the absence of proper traffic regulation and distribution. Frequently some of the poorest and most crowded tenement districts are traversed by streets which carry heavy traffic and which are used as thoroughfares for railways and railroads of varying kinds and speed. Such a condition of traffic congestion deprives the people residing in the districts of the privilege of using and enjoying the streets which are the only accessible out-doors facilities for them. The difficulty in the way of proper street cleaning under such conditions of


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traffic caD be easily realized, and the discomfort to the tenants resulting therefrom may be discovered by casual examination on the part of even the least observing citizen. Only when the working classes are housed on streets which are largely devoted to the use of the tenement dweller and when foreign traffic is diverted fo subways and business streets will street cleaning become effectual in the poorer districts. From the point of view of street cleaning work more must be done towards the regulation of traffic and street specialization.
3. SPRINKLING AND FLUSHING
The dust produced by street pavements, whether they be rough or smooth must be laid or removed as frequently as possible. The open doors and windows of the houses and stores, the exposure of human beings to the dust of the streets, are recognized to be injurious, and for this reason, if for no other, it must be prevented or removed. The ridiculous and selfish “potato patch street sprinkling’’ used in some of the American municipalities where abutting owners pay for the service is one of the shames of our city government, and European cities would laugh at such an unintelligent and undemocratic practice. Some of the municipalities sprinkle only the better residential sections, and leave the tenement district to the chance sprinkling bestowed by natural sources. The municipalities of the future are sure to build their streets so that they would need no sprinkling, and where washing would be the practice. A system of water supply separate from the general water supply of the city, which could be put into use for the purpose of washing streets is already part of the water supply systems of many cities, and the time is not far distant when such systems will be an inherent part of our street maintenance department. Only by washing can we remove the dust and bacteria with any degree of certainty and prevent their accumulation and distribution.
Here must also be raised an objection against the common practice of oiling streets. Greasy, sticky dust is not what is needed. The homes of the poor are hard to keep clean under any condition and the oiled street is an added hardship to the already overworked and discouraged householder. There is no reason why at this stage of our municipal development every city should not build its streets as non-dust-producing as possible without the use of materials which increase rather than reduce filth. That oiling does furnish some relief can not be denied, but'its effect is only temporary while as a germ destroyer it has proven worse than useless.


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4. REFUSE REMOVAL
The removal of refuse from yards in many of our municipalities is left to the chance of uninforced and sometimes nonexisting city ordinances, Health regulations and city ordinances are, in the vast majority of cases, not enforced, and property owners allow back yards to remain in a state of dilapidation from year to year. Cities should be subject to a system of police or health regulations’that are enforceable and enforced, and which would place the responsibility for refuse removal either upon the city authorities or upon property owners. If such regulations were made the general practice in American municipalities we would solve not only the problem of maintaining proper surroundings, but we would reduce our street cleaning bill by reducing the over-flow of refuse from yards into streets.
5. POLICE CONTROL
One of the most effective means of maintaining our streets in a cleanly condition is police cooperation. When we speak of police cooperation we do not mean the bullying of citizens and the fining of poor tenants for neglect, nor the arresting of people at irregular and unexpected times for the purpose of creating city revenues and hard feeling. The function of the police officer in cooperation with the street cleaning department should be one of supervision and education and the time is not far off when our police officers will have to be recognized as “agents of the peace” and protectors of community health, by making the prevention rather than the discovery of crime their chief function.
6. PUBLIC COOPERATION
There is no function of municipal government which depends so largely upon the public for an effective carrying out of its work as street cleaning. It is important, therefore, that a wide-spread educational campaign be constantly maintained by the street cleaning department, the schools and the health authorities whereby emphasis would be placed upon the importance of municipal cleanliness as an important asset in the maintenance of personnal cleanliness.
7. DEPARTMENTAL ORGANIZATION AND COOPERATION
Conflict between the duties and functions of the highway department, the street cleaning department, the police authorities and the board of health in matters of preventing conditions of uncleanliness of streets and their surroundings has frequently interfered with the work of cleaning streets. Unsupervised and improperly closed street openings, a poor


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system of household refuse removal, the indifference of police officers relative to the enforcement of street cleaning ordinances are evils that can be avoided by a proper coordination of street cleaning functions and intelligent distribution of responsibility among city deportment.
Where the effective handling of the seven factors above enumerated ends the work of street cleaning begins. What the method of cleaning should be must be determined entirely by the conditions that prevail in each community and the facilities available. The philosophy of clean streets may be stated in the following formula: The least amount of cleaning work with a correspondingly high amount of preventive service; the least amount of expenditure of money with the highest regard for public health and comfort.
Carol Aronovici, Ph.D.1
To supplement this suggestive article of Dr. Aronovici’s we print herewith by special permission of the Engineering News, Mr. Rudolph Hering’s review of Dr. Niedner’s important brochure on “Street Cleaning in Germany."
STREET CLEANING IN GERMANY1 2
The clean condition of the cities of Germany, when compared with those of other countries, including even Paris, which was once considered the cleanest city of the world, has become a matter of comment, sufficiently to make the appearance of a work describing the cleaning of German cities a matter of much interest to all who are engaged in this branch of engineering. The author is a municipal engineer in the city of Dresden, and besides treating of German cities in general gives special attention to his home city and to the experiences elicited from engineers during the International Congress of Street Cleaning held in Brussels in 1910.
The book is concisely and well written, well illustrated and supplied with tabular matter. The metric measure and German money are, of course, the units in which the data are given. But cost data are given generally also on the basis of time and square meters per annum.
The subject is divided into and discussed under five heads: (1) Ordinary Cleaning, (2) Suppression of Dust, (3) Winter Cleaning; (4) Roughening of Smooth Pavements, (5) Organisation of Street Cleaning Departments.
The discussion of ordinary cleaning is divided into superficial and thorough cleaning. The former refers to gathering up manure, paper, and rejected food wastes. The brooms, shovels and other tools, barrels and hand-carts are described and many
1 Director Bureau of Social Research of Rhode Island. Organized first Street Cleaning Conference held in the United States.
2 Die Strassenreinigungin den Deutschen Staedtenunter Besonderer Beruecksichtigung der Dresdner Strassenreinigung—By Dr.-Ing. Franz Niedner, Stadtbaumeister Privatdozent an der Koniglich Technischen Hochschule zu Dresden. Leipzig; Wilhelm Engelmann. Paper; 7^x11 in.; pp. 99; 5 plates, 66 text illustrations and 22 tables. Marks 4; American price, $1.60, net.


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are illustrated. Thorough cleansing is discussed under the headings of hand sweeping, machine sweeping, and flushing. The details of the apparatus are described and their efficiency is stated.
The sweeping machine is credited with cleaning 5000 to 6000 square meters in one hour. It is sometimes preferred to sprinkle the surface a short time before sweeping to increase the efficiency of the latter, but sprinkling attachments are now bqjng made to some of the machines, the water being delivered in front and the sweeping done at the rear. The water consumption is given as from 30 to 40 litres per 1000 square meters (6.6 to 8.8 gallons per 1000 squafe yards). Endeavors are being made at present to introduce vacuum cleaners, but they have as yet not been successful. Endeavors are also being made to abandon horse power and substitute electric and other powers.
The flushing of streets having large traffic, particularly of asphalt, wood and stone blocks, with asphalted joints, is proving to be the best means of cleaning. There is the flushing by hose or by wagon, followed by an automatic revolving broom or squeegee. The best method of flushing is stated to be, first, sprinkling so as to soften the dirt, and then flushing for final cleaning. This method may save water, but the condition of the street surface between the two treatments, unless immediately following each other, would be generally objectionable. Squeegee attachments are more generally preferred. The water consumption is given at about 1 litre per squ are meter.
The Helmers machine has sliding squeegee attachments, called scrubbers, sometimes preceded by a broom roller. The Hentschel machine has a revolving roller with screw-like arranged squeegee attachments. The water consumption ranges from A to 1 litre per square meter, and the efficiency is about 4000 to 5000 square meters per hour. The use of motor wagons for flushing is becoming more common every year as the efficiency is found to be increased from 25 per cent to 50 per cent. The following chapter has a discussion as to the selection of the best means of cleaning for given conditions, such as wages, paving, traffic and weather. Another chapter relates to the frequency of cleaning, depending chiefly upon the amount of traffic and importance of the streets.
A chapter on the best time for cleaning calls attention to the importance of having a chief cleaning and an after cleaning for the removal chiefly of horse droppings and paper which accumulate on the streets almost continuosally. Night cleaning is customary in the busiest cities, but because of darkness, higher wages and less efficient work, it is endeavored to make most of the cleaning in the early morning hours, when the traffic is least. Importance is given to the necessity of cleaning adjoining streets simultaneously, so as to prevent as much as possible the dragging of dirt from uncleaned upon cleaned streets.
An interesting and valuable chapter then follows and covers the cost of cleaning different kinds of pavements and of cleaning them in different ways. Several of the tables give also the time necessary to clean a thousand square meters of different pavements in different ways, which makes these tables more directly applicable to countries having other wage units. These tables permit also of the best ways of arranging the cleaning so as to ascertain the amount of labor that will be necessary for a given stretch of street or given area and amount of dust.
A chapter is then devoted to the removal of the sweepings. Tables give the amounts gathered per square meter and per capita, showing the economy of good pavements and of good management.
The second division of the book treats of the suppression of dust. After the introduction relating to the hygienic dangers and nuisances of dust, the first chapter


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describes the systems of sprinkling employed to allay the dust. The amount of water used, for sprinkling, depending on the kind of pavement, ranges from 0.2 to 0.7 litre per square meter, and the number of sprinklings per annum ranges according to the kind of pavement, climate and traffic condition, from 30 to 500, and the number of days per annum requiring sprinkling range from 50 to 125. The conditions are stated under which sprinkling is most and is least effective, and a number of good rules are given.
A chapter relating to the use of various chemicals, hygroscopic salts, oils and bitumens, gives some interesting data concerning their efficiency in suppressing dust, and of the advantages and disadvantages in using them.
The following chapter describes practical means of measuring the amount of street dust. It is recommended to collect the samples on the sidewalks of a street and about from li to 2i meters above the surface. The measurement should indicate the weight of dust per cubic meter of air and the amount settled per square meter of street surface.
The Royal Hygienic Institutes of Dresden and Leipzig have made interesting and valuable observations regarding the dust quantities contained in city air. It is urged that cities should generally make such investigations on account of the increasing measures now being taken for dust suppression. A chapter then describes and illustrates various sprinkling wagons used in Germany, and indicates the growing use of automobile conveyance.
Three further chapters describe the means of filling sprinkling wagons with water, the quantity of water to be carried by them, and the cost of sprinkling. Diagrams and tables, reduced to areas, quantities, and per capita units, make them more generally useful to the profession. Suggestions are also given of the methods for obtaining the greatest efficiencies.
The third division of the book treats of the cleaning in winter. The snow-removal methods are described by words and illustrations. The best means of such removal and the cost thereof is discussed. Tables give quantities and cost, including also the per capita and per square meter data for cities ranging from the smallest up to 2,000,-000 inhabitants.
To indicate the means of securing safety for horses and pedestrians on smooth pavements, and generally when sleet and ice cover them, the fourth division of the book is devoted to a description of sanding surfaces. Considerable attention and care are given to this matter in Europe and the book gives an account of the methods in use.
The fifth division relates to the organization of the street-cleaning department. In the smaller cities the cleaning should be and is most frequently done by the abutters. In the larger ones it is exclusively done by the municipalities. Further, in the latter very few cities employ contractors for cleaning, as nearly all of them get better and cheaper results with a permanent and trained force of officers and men, and by the free selection of the best tools and machines for the various kinds of work to be done.
It is pointed out that contract work requires supervision, which is difficult and expensive, and that the contractor will never do more than he is obliged to do under contract conditions, which in exceptional cases might make modifications desirable that it was impracticable to fpresee and embody in the contract. Contract specifications can furthermore not measure or control the efficiency of labor in such matters as street cleaning, which is largely a matter of personal judgment. Such cleaning is too important for the welfare of the inhabitants to allow it to be placed in the hands of outside interest and profit-making. A municipality should have the liberty of so


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arranging the work of cleahing at every moment as it deems best for the general good. It has been found that the cleaning of asphalt streets is particularly more advantageous in the cities’ own hands. Next in order come the macadam streets, and the least benefited parts of streets when cleaned by the public are the sidewalks.
A diagram relating to German cities up to 1,000,000 inhabitants shows these results, as well as can be done in figures. There are also given tables stating the areas rerequired for each purpose of the department in the administration buildings, and the number of tools, wagons, and personnel required to do the work upon given areas.
There is given much good advice regarding details of administration, all of which indicates the superior efficiency and economy of permanent bodies, trained for their specific duties and rewarded accordingly.
The book closes with an Appendix containing Answers to Questions submitted to a large number of German cities, regarding the subject matter it was intended to discuss in the book and forming the basis upon which the conclusions therein have been reached.
If a translation of this book were available it should be in the street cleaning department of every city, for it contains more useful information than any other book on the subject that has appeared up to the present time.
HOUSING, HEALTH AND MORALS IN RICHMOND, VIRGINIA
ONE of the most interesting discussions at the National Municipal League meeting in Richmond, Virginia, last fall was that on housing, health and morals. It was opened by John Ihlder, field secretary of the National Housing Association, whose address was published in the January number of the Review.1 The chairman and the other speakers on the program were, with one exception—President S. C. Mitchel of the University of South Carolina—natives and residents of Richmond, who not’ only brought out a large amount of new information regarding living conditions in a southern city, but showed their northern visitors that the south is awakening to its social needs. This was particularly true of what Miss Elizabeth Cocke had to say on housing and morals in Richmond and of what Dr. Ernest E. Levy, Richmond’s health officer, added in corroboration.
Mr. Ihlder brought out the economic value of sanitary housing and the lack of reliable information in American cities on such vital matters as birth and death rates and the physical effect of insanitary living conditions. Miss Cocke supplemented this by describing the effect of bad housing on the morals of the people, as she had seen it in the course of her work as a nurse.
. I
Our local conditions in Richmond have, as yet, nothing which approaches the tenement. There are a few old houses occupied by, possibly, some
‘See vol. 1, page 54.


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arranging the work of cleahing at every moment as it deems best for the general good. It has been found that the cleaning of asphalt streets is particularly more advantageous in the cities’ own hands. Next in order come the macadam streets, and the least benefited parts of streets when cleaned by the public are the sidewalks.
A diagram relating to German cities up to 1,000,000 inhabitants shows these results, as well as can be done in figures. There are also given tables stating the areas rerequired for each purpose of the department in the administration buildings, and the number of tools, wagons, and personnel required to do the work upon given areas.
There is given much good advice regarding details of administration, all of which indicates the superior efficiency and economy of permanent bodies, trained for their specific duties and rewarded accordingly.
The book closes with an Appendix containing Answers to Questions submitted to a large number of German cities, regarding the subject matter it was intended to discuss in the book and forming the basis upon which the conclusions therein have been reached.
If a translation of this book were available it should be in the street cleaning department of every city, for it contains more useful information than any other book on the subject that has appeared up to the present time.
HOUSING, HEALTH AND MORALS IN RICHMOND, VIRGINIA
ONE of the most interesting discussions at the National Municipal League meeting in Richmond, Virginia, last fall was that on housing, health and morals. It was opened by John Ihlder, field secretary of the National Housing Association, whose address was published in the January number of the Review.1 The chairman and the other speakers on the program were, with one exception—President S. C. Mitchel of the University of South Carolina—natives and residents of Richmond, who not’ only brought out a large amount of new information regarding living conditions in a southern city, but showed their northern visitors that the south is awakening to its social needs. This was particularly true of what Miss Elizabeth Cocke had to say on housing and morals in Richmond and of what Dr. Ernest E. Levy, Richmond’s health officer, added in corroboration.
Mr. Ihlder brought out the economic value of sanitary housing and the lack of reliable information in American cities on such vital matters as birth and death rates and the physical effect of insanitary living conditions. Miss Cocke supplemented this by describing the effect of bad housing on the morals of the people, as she had seen it in the course of her work as a nurse.
. I
Our local conditions in Richmond have, as yet, nothing which approaches the tenement. There are a few old houses occupied by, possibly, some
‘See vol. 1, page 54.


HOUSING, HEALTH AND MORALS IN RICHMOND 229
half dozen families to the house, but though these show very bad conditions in room overcrowding, there are no conditions of lack of light and air, if the windows are opened to admit ventilation. In one instance I have found a bedroom, occupied presumably by seven people, in which there is no window at all; one door giving upon another room with two windows, and a second door upon the entry on the upper landing.
Among the comparatively small foreign population there is a very great deal of room overcrowding, but the most extensive of these conditions exist among the negroes. These appear to be the most squalid and least progressive, but this I believe to be largely due to the demoralizing effects of bad housing and surroundings which do not tend to any uplift.
Can children raised in Jail Bottom, whose only outlook is a mountainlike dump of rotting rags and rusty tin cans on the one side, and on the other a stream which is an open sewer, smelling to heaven from the filth which it carries along, or leaves here and there in slime upon its banks, have any but debasing ideas? Can parents inculcate high moral standards when across the street or down the block are houses of the “red-light” district? When a dry-closet blocks the one small window of the kitchen, can lack of decency be called to account? Is the world so small that there is no room left for the amenities of life? Are ground space and floor space of more value than cleanliness and health and morality?
It is certainly a fallacy that the poor do not want good housing. In a wonderful address, given last spring at the Child Welfare Conference, in Richmond, a negro speaker said in substance:
“We would use the bath tub as frequently and enjoy it as much as our white brother and sister, if we could afford to rent houses which have the bath tub in them. We do not prefer dilapidation and discomfort, nor being forced to live in districts where there is only depravity and low surroundings; but the better ones of us have too much self-respect to force ourselves on our white brothers, if they do not want us living along side of them.”
All that Miss Cocke said was endorsed by the chairman, John Stewart Bryan, who as publisher of one of the most influential newspapers in the south, The News Leader, is in a position to know the facts. “It is an old story to any engaged in work of this sort,” he declared, “that a person situated as the negro is in Richmond pays more taxes than the richest man in Richmond, because the taxes he pays take such a large part of his income and he gets so little in return. All that Miss Cocke says is true. They are segregated in Jackson ward, and under a new ordinance they are being still further segregated. That is radically wrong, it is economically wrong, and nothing in the world can change it but an awakening of public sentiment, and it ought to be awakened and it will be.”
Dr. Walter S. McNiel, who had made a special study of housing betterment in Germany described the methods used by German cities, especially Frankfort, to provide wholesome homes for the people. “ The problem is as big as the interstate commerce question in this country, because as the cities grow it will affect a greater and greater fraction of the total popula-


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tion. As to its solution, he believed that this could not be undertaken by the federal government, at least in the south. It can not be solved by small groups like charity and church organizations or by general benevolence or individuals. -“I do not mean” he added, “ that any scheme of reform should overlook those factors; they can and do help a great deal. But in the city government only do we find a government so local as to be thoroughly informed as to local conditions and so strong as to be able to combat them.”
Dr. Levy, the last speaker, referring to Mr. Ihlder’s address, declared that it is easily shown that the prevalence of typhoid is six times as great in a community not sewered as in one that is sewered, that there is a map in the Richmond health department showing that the fatal cases of measles and whooping cough are in general associated with unsanitary surroundings, and that the same is true of diarrhea. “But,” he added, “whether this is caused by living in these houses, or whether it is because the people living in these houses are poor people and have poor food and weakened constitutions, I do not know. I think we have a vicious circle here. People live in poor houses because they are poor and they keep poor because they live in poor houses. You have got to break into that vicious circle.”
“While I enjoyed Mr. Ihlder’s paper very much,” he continued, “I confess to a frank disappointment in that he did not suggest a remedy. We may not know what to do unless the specialists tell us, and if he did tell us we would not know what to do unless he showed us.”
To this Mr. Ihlder responded that while he had no opportunity to see the hovels described by Miss Cocke he had seen some of the large houses and apartments on the best residence streets and that they showed the need for a remedy he would propose, the enactment and enforcement of a law regulating the percentage of lot area which may be occupied by buildings and requiring that every room shall have adequate light and ventilation. Some of these houses on the best streets occupy from 90 to nearly 100 per cent of the lot. They are built as if they would always, as at present, stand without neighbors, their windows looking out over adjoining property. When the owner of this adjoining property builds the greater part of their rooms will be dark and airless. Even private residences are built closer together than should be permitted in the erection of detached houses.
This comment aroused a number of the Richmond people present who emphatically endorsed it.
New York. John Ihlder.1
1 Field Secretary National Housing Association,


GENERAL PLANNING BOARD FOR BOSTON
23]
GENERAL PLANNING BOARD FOR METROPOLITAN BOSTON
NOWHERE else in the world does there exist a political situation parallel to that of Metropolitan Boston. Here are thirty-eight towns and cities as intimately related in everything that concerns daily life as the wards of an American city, but with no power or means, barring water supply, sewage disposal, and parks, of controlling, constructing, or improving public works or of taking public action that is for the promotion of the business, health, safety or convenience of the metropolitan district as a whole. Throughout all parts of the district, among all classes of the population, there is now a deep-seated conviction that the conditions under which the people are working and living, are, in many respects, unsatisfactory; that in part, at least, these conditions are due to serious gaps or deficiencies in the present form of the organization of the district, and that it would be of immense and direct benefit to the district as a whole and, indirectly to the entire commonwealth, if an acceptable and practical method could be brought forth for remedying existing evils.
The Metropolitan plan commission appointed in June, 1911, by Governor Foss of Massachusetts to investigate the feasibility of a plan for coordinating civic development in the thirty-eight independent towns and cities that comprise -the Boston metropolitan district, has recently presented its report to the legislature.
The commission began its work by attempting to visualize the existing situation and its cost, to discover the principal causes that have brought it about and to outline what seemed to it an available remedy. The commission endeavored at the outset to enquire into the cost of a lack of intelligent, systematic planning in the past. The purpose of its inquiry was not to fix responsibility or blame upon any political official or any government, but to point out the inherent waste and weakness of the present system from which public officials and governments have no escape; and then to make a sound'business argument for the prompt adoption of a better method for the future.
No one questions the tremendous loss to Boston, a loss which extends far beyond its boundaries, of a congested business center. Washington Street, a main thoroughfare, on which the largest retail stores are located, has a roadway which reaches its greatest width at 40 feet and in some places is as narrow as 26 feet. This roadway carries two lines of street cars and an immense volume of business teaming. The sidewalks are only from 7 to 10 feet in width. The situation with regard to Washington Street is not exceptional among Boston’s retail business streets. Yet the city of Boston has spent within the last fifty or sixty years over $40,000,000 in street widening and street straightening.


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No one questions the inconvenience and loss in time and money to Metropolitan Boston of a loose, disjointed system of transportation. To use the word system to describe it is a courtesy. How costly, day after day, is the lack of a connection with the South Station, the principal railroad terminal, and of other points of almost equal importance. The saving and gain from a coordination of all transportation facilities within the district would be literally incalculable.
No one who knows the conditions questions the handicap to business resulting from the lack of suitable traffic thoroughfares. A local merchant has estimated that there is an average loss in Boston of from two to three hours a day on all vehicles, due to inadequate street facilities, equal, according to his estimate, to $100,000 a year in hauling.
Very few persons now question the loss to Massachusetts, iD fact to all New England, from the failure to plan ahead for railway and dock development. The work of the recently appointed dock board will be more costly because belated. Moreover, it will not yield the largest possible returns unless its work is organically planned to connect with those other related features of waterfront development, such as internal transportation, traffic highways, sites for industries, and suitable homes for workmen, all of which are or ought to be inseparable from a scheme of large waterfront improvements. This is a hard fact, clearly demonstrated by the experience of European cities.
No one who knows the facts can fail to be aroused by the unsatisfactory housing conditions in Greater Boston and more alarming still are the present tendencies. In the most congested sections of Boston, not single blocks, but in areas of a hundred acres or more, there is a density of 500 persons to the acre. More than half of these people live under conditions where they sleep in rooms with less than 400 cubic feet of air space per capita. Thus they are living under conditions below the lowest standards fixed as the minimum by any city in the United States or Europe which has undertaken to establish a minimum. But this is not the most disturbing feature of the housing situation. It is the unlimited extension of these worst conditions. Under the present organization of the district, the worst conditions of the city of Boston may be repeated not only in any part of Boston, but practically in any part of the Metropolitan district. The same economic causes that made it natural and profitable to create these conditions where they now exist, will make it natural and profitable to extend them to new areas. The efforts of single towns and cities to control and improve housing are likely to be ineffective.
This wasteful policy is not yet at an end. Many large improvements are now being made or contemplated. The district is in a period of inevitable reconstruction, due to growth, expansion, and new ideals. Highways, subways, elevated railways, and bridges are being planned and con-


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structed to connect the towns and cities with one another. At last it seems as if the North and South Stations were to be connected; and many other improvements ■ of metropolitan character are actually under way or assured. Are they to be skilfully planned in relation to one another, or are they to be developed piecemeal one at a time? Will they be based upon a careful survey of future needs and a farsighted plan, or are they to serve only the immediate need, involving reconstruction and consequent waste in the future? From its studies, the commission became convinced that all metropolitan improvements now being made in the district’, except those under metropolitan authorities or with the metropolitan viewpoint, were characterized by the same sort of loss and penalty, because no comprehensive plan exists, no agency for treating the district as a unit.
The present situation in the metropolitan Boston district is admirably illustrated by an allegory of metroplitan planning written by one member1 of the commission and included in the commission’s report. It reads as follows:
Once upon a time 38 families agreed to build a house. They had enough land, considerable borrowing capacity and unlimited self confidence. Each family wanted to build its own part of the house exactly as it pleased. The cellar and the roof were admitted to be common to all, and after some discussion they decided to go shares on these parts of the building and have a builder and a building committee to look after them. Then they started to draw their plans. And the Brooklines planned an elegant suite with tiled baths, French windows, open fireplaces and white marble exterior. The Miltons schemed a cosy flat with English half timbered work outside and leaded windows, the Bostons laid out three stories of rooms, 26 in all, the lower story fireproof, the upper two warranted to burn in any weather. The Nahants wanted sleeping porches and white stucco, the Somervilles chose concrete blocks, the Wakefields stained shingles and the Winchesters a colonial effect in white clapboards. The differences did not stop with the outside, for the Quincys stood for 7-foot studding while the Reveres on the same floor wanted 12. The Lynns were content with a narrow entry, while the Swampscotts beyond them wanted a wide one, and everybody quarreled over the placing of the stairs. The families on the ground floor didn’t need stairs and didn’t want to pay for any. The top story families didn’t care to deaden their floors, and most of the plumbing pipes had to run through a neighbor’s best rooms and could be heard if not seen. When the plans were completed, the heads of families held an interesting meeting at which each proclaimed his own needs and intentions to be carried out regardless, or else he and his would go on living in a back street in an inconvenient ugly house all by themselves. At last some one said, “Let us call in an architect and show him our plans. I don’t suppose he can give every one of us exactly what we are asking for. Maybe some of our climbers will have to comfort themselves with cut-glass door knobs and silk rugs just for their own use, but if he knows his business he will give us the right kind of entries and
J. R. Coolidge, Jr.


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halls and stairs and lifts, and will make the house look better, sell better and cost less than our brilliant but inharmonious efforts. If we don’t like his plans we can make him show others till we get what we want— within reason. Shall we do it? ” And the 38 families saw the light and employed the expert and he builded better than they knew.
In its report the metropolitan plan .commission recommends that a permanent metropolitan planning board be appointed, three members by the governor of the state and two by the mayor of Boston. The chairman of the board, who is to be appointed by the governor, to receive a salary of $10,000 a year and the other members $1000 a year each. The board so constituted, is to collect the data for a metropolitan plan through a systematic consultation with all the local authorities, using existing surveys and making additional surveys of its own. The board is to work out and publish from time to time a comprehensive plan for the metropolitan district, setting forth its present and probable future condition as regards main thoroughfares, transportation lines and facilities of every sort, properly coordinated. It would study questions of metropolitan scope that do not fall within the province of any existing agency, such as the prevention and relief of congestion both of population and of traffic, the better control of fire hazard, the better distribution of areas and of buildings for the several purposes of residence, manufacturing, trade, and transportation, the better coordination of public transportation facilities, and the best methods of financing and assessing the cost of public improvements.
More important than any power over single subjects would be the power of the proposed board to consider the relation of one subject to another, to coordinate matters that ought clearly to be coordinated, to recognize again and again the unity of the district in many matters. Such a planning board would have the knowledge and the power, for example, to consider the relation of traffic highways and traffic open spaces to transportation, of transportation to parks and playgrounds, of parks and playgrounds to the homes of the people, of the homes of the people to manufacturing districts, of manufacturing districts to transportation, and on and on, through that unending relationship and inter-relationship which stamps the character of modern life, and on the profitable and skilful provision for which depends, in many instances, the success or failure of a public improvement and the return or dividend on a public investment.
The planning board would have power to examine all plans by public authorities before final steps toward execution were actually taken, expressing approval or disapproval of such plans, with its reasons for the same, and seeking to effect coordination of the plans. In case a plan by a local authority conflicted with larger plans for the whole district, it should have power to suspend the execution of such a plan for not more than one year in order to give opportunity for its revision and possible advantageous


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conformity with the metropolitan plans. Except for this suspensive veto, the legislation proposed would in no way abridge or affect the powers of existing authorities. The metropolitan planning board would not be an executive board, for the execution of the work shown upon its plans would rest, as it does now, with the state, county, or local authority.
The approval of the metropolitan planning board and the execution of an approved metropolitan work would involve classification of the work by the board either as an ordinary or an extraordinary metropolitan improvement. The effect of such classification would be to have the work financed outside of the debt limit of the cities and towns of the district by the loan of the state’s credit, and with the ultimate contribution by the state of 10 per cent of the entire cost. The participation of the commonwealth, however, would be limited to $500,000 in any one year. Of the remaining 90 per cent, 65 per cent for ordinary improvements and any proportion up to 65 per cent for extraordinary improvements would be paid by the localities in which the improvements were actually made, aDd 25 per cent or more by the remaining cities and towns of the metropolitan district. A special commission appointed by the supreme judicial court would apportion from time to time the several liabilities to be paid by the cities and towns of the district, which would be in accordance with the benefit to the cities assessed, taking due account also of population and valuation.
In concluding its report, the metropolitan plan commission expressed the conviction, based upon its investigations, that metropolitan planning would benefit the district in at least three ways. In the first place, it would reduce the cost of living by planning metropolitan works so that they would be more enduring, promoting and not hindering the transaction of business; also by improving or abolishing conditions which make so many citizens a burden, rather than a benefit to themselves and to the community. Secondly, metropolitan planning would benefit the district by advancing through conscious public action the commercial and industrial prosperity of the thirty-eight towns and cities in the district, in which prosperity the entire commonwealth would share. Thirdly, better planning would result in a coordinating of public functions so that they would be more efficient in their service to the community. The theory of the proposed legislation is to evolve a constructive, persuasive, and voluntary system of metropolitan cooperation to make improvements that are not now sufficiently provided for, that will be increasingly more difficult and expensive the longer they are postponed.
John Nolen.1
1 Mr. Nolen, of Cambridge, Massachusetts, is a member of the Metropolitan plan commission, the work of which he describes. He is the author of a series of reports on city plans and planning, which have attained a high place in the literature of this subject and is also the editor of Repton’s Art of Landscape Architecture.


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THE BUSINESS SIDE OF CITY PLANNING1
THIS sounds most disagreeable. Business seems to suggest the sordid, unpleasant side of life, while art implies all that is charming, sweet and good. Now, city-planning is a serious affair. Life is not all play—and not all work, but a judicious combination of both. So our cities must provide for the workshop and the business street as well as for the park and playground. The demand that we make for beauty is reasonable and proper and it can be secured without neglecting commercial considerations. In fact the beauty that we seek is based on the principle of increasing the efficiency of the business world. A city-plan is a program for the development of the city and it simply means the exercise of prudence and foresight such as would be necessary to secure the success of any organization. A natural desire for the increasing dignity and splendor of our cities is to be encouraged and fostered, but the beauty of the modern city must be founded upon industrial advancement and upon the increase in health and consequent happiness of the citizens.
The principles of city-planning are rapidly becoming better known and it is fast taking the position of an exact science. But science alone is not enough, we need art, too. To secure supreme results the city-planner must have a constructive imagination which will not ignore facts, humanity and common sense, but which will in its higher flights lead us to splendors unthought of today.
The beauty of the Place de la Concorde always impresses us whenever we visit Paris. We enjoy the fountains splashing in the sunlight, the setting of the central obelisk, and the monumental aspect of this great square placed at the intersection of important thoroughfares, each of a different character. But we must remember that it is planned so that the traffic is admirably distributed, and that it perfectly fits its purpose of providing the best possible circulation for innumerable vehicles that cross it in every direction.
Small parks and playgrounds that are placed in the congested tenement districts bring light and air, flowers, grass and trees to the dwellers in the slums. The old houses facing the park inevitably disappear and are replaced by modern structures—so the influence of the open space spreads on all sides producing an astonishing decrease in crime and disease and a proportionate increase in public welfare. Public buildings harmoniousiy grouped make 'fine architectural compositions and with their terraces and frame of trees and lawn become the pride of the city, but the fact of grouping them in proper relation to each other results in a marked economy of time and effort for the employees and citizens having business in the various departments.
1 A condensation of an address before the American Civic Association, at its annual meeting in Washington, December, 1911.


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The proposed water front improvements that are so necessary for many cities would secure water-side parks; recreation grounds, picturesque views of the river, harbor, or bay, and they would also result in greater facilities for the shipping and its independent traffic. This is illustrated by the Chelsea improvement in New York, where a broad, dignified thoroughfare now takes the place of the former crowded-ill-kept street. The water front of Algiers is another example. The graded roads leading from the water level to the upper street level pass in front of rows of warehouses with arched doorways until they reach a terrace upon which excellent buildings are ranged. The river front on Budapest is an instance of admirable water front treatment. Every facility is provided for the shipping, the warehouses, and the trolley cars are taken care of, and above this there is an avenue lined with trees and bordered by buildings of great architectural dignity. Both business efficiency and beauty are thus secured and each supplements the other.
This avenue facing the Danube is a delight to the soul—and to the body. It is thoroughly appreciated by the citizens who flock there in the afternoon and evening, sit at small tables in front of the hotels and caf6s, listen to the music, and enjoy the splendid panorama spread before them. Commerce is active and the river is full of craft, boats of all sorts and sizes passing by, darting here and there, and crowding the wharves. Business efficiency is secured and assisted in every way, while the beauty of the river front is jealously guarded.
We may learn much from Budapest. This enterprising city decided some years ago to remit the taxes on buildings of a certain degree of excellence in order to encourage better architecture. The experiment worked so well that they have now repeated it, and in order to secure the advantages of the new law permitting a thirty-year remission of taxes, buildings are being erected all over the town with an activity that is truly American. Unlike us, however, they cheerfully submit to municipal regulations which compel the buildings to conform in style and which regulate their height. The result is a series of streets and parkways which are singularly harmonious and beautiful. It is to be noted that Budapest is a commerical city and is extremely prosperous.
A good system of streets and circulation of traffic is a most important factor in a city’s prosperity. The direction, width and treatment of thoroughfares need careful consideration, for all streets must not be equally wide. Trees are appropriate in one case and not in another. We want what we want where we want it. The character of the street and its traffic must determine its treatment.
Now, the great extravagance of our cities does not lie in lavish expenditures for public buildings, monuments and other improvements, but in the improvident way in which the work is performed. We resort to tempo-


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rary makeshifts and shirk the real problem. New York is the best known example of a great city with a small plan—a plan that hampers and restricts it. It not only endures this initial mistake, but suffers from the manner in which municipal works are carried on.
We know—we always knew—-that galleries under the streets were required for the various underground services, such as gas, water, steam pipes, etc., etc. But on account of the initial cost of construction we have submitted to a constant upheaval of the streets—as repairs are continual and everlasting. Who doubts that the original cost of pipe galleries have been far exceeded by the"' cost of these diggings and repaving? The traffic has been grievously obstructed, business seriously injured and the result of all this annoyance and loss is the perpetuation of an unsatisfactory system! The old pavements were patched and repatched long after such repairs were advisable. Now it is a pleasure to know that the president of the borough of Manhattan, George McAneny, takes a sensible view of all this and insists upon doing all city work in a thorough, workmanlike manner. And this is good business.
Here in America we ask ourselves if we can afford city-planning. If our prosperity is to continue we must afford it. It is the best investment that we can make. But, when we indulge in city-planning let us do it sanely and reasonably. A civic center need not be created in the most expensive portion of the town. In Cleveland, for instance, we selected for the great civic center that is being constructed there, a piece of land that had been entirely neglected. In Rochester, Mr. Olmsted and I selected the site for- the civic center and the new city hall with all regard to economy, and the portion of Main Street where land values were the lowest was the part that we selected, and we believe that the selection has met with general approval.
Naturally, the improvement of a neglected portion of a city greatly enhances the value of the surrounding property, and as this value increases the taxes increase and so the improvement becomes an asset to the city in actual money value, by degrees paying for itself.
England has solved the question by what is called the law of “excess condemnation.” In New York State a constitutional amendment was suggested making this possible, but its advantages were not understood and the amendment was defeated at the last election. Let me give you an illustration of how it works in London. It was found that communication between Holborn and the Strand was difficult. These two thoroughfares were separated by a tangle of streets and by most undesirable property. Accordingly, a new avenue was planned and it was found that cutting through this network of streets left irregular shaped pieces of property. Some were little triangles, others long slices, many of them unfitted for building purposes. Accordingly, the city of London not -only acquired


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the property necessary for the new street, but also bought a strip 100 feet wide on each side of it. These bordering strips were then cut into pieces of property suitable for building. The value of all this property when it was bought was low, the neighborhood was undesirable. The new avenue which the city created entirely changed the character of the neighborhood and these building lots, bordering the King’s Way, as the new street is called, became very valuable indeed.
The city then sold these building lots at the market price with the result that this great improvement is paying for itself, the city, as a city, making the legitimate profit which resulted from the new values that it, itself, had created. When I was in London I asked the architect of the London county council, whether he had found these calculations correct and if the scheme was working out as he had expected. He assured me that it was entirely successful and that London would do it again.
This is not a new thing over there. As far back as 1861 the Garrick Street improvement, which was operated on the same principles, succeeded in paying 72 per cent of the cost of the construction, and in 1876, when Northumberland Avenue was constructed, it resulted in a profit of $600,000.
I think that we may call this the “ business side of city-planning.” There is no reason why we should not have laws making this possible, in fact in our cities where the value of property is enormous it seems the only way by which we can make the changes that are now absolutely necessary on account of the growing increase of population and the congestion of traffic.
There is another bit of business to which I should like to refer. I believe that civic art pays; a great gallery of pictures, or a statue by Saint Gaudens, a fine civic center, a beautiful park, is a commercial asset to any city. Many cities in Italy—Venice, for instance—are living on their beauty. Writers extol their loveliness and the public flocks to do them honor. Such publicity first made the little walled town of Chester famous at a time when it was known to only a few of the initiated who fled from Liverpool to enjoy its quaint streets and restful atmosphere. Then Mr. Howells made himself its historian, acclaiming its peculiar charm, and incidentally crowded its inns and shops and brought an unexpected prosperity to its doors. The money brought by the tourist is not to be despised. Possibly, you have not stopped to consider that the tide of travel is changing. It is not all eastward; it is now very generally westward.
That little red book, Baedeker, has appeared among us and there is now published an edition for the United States. This indicates the tremendous number of travelers that come here, and where do they go? Naturally, to the beautiful, not to the ugly, squalid city. A star in Baedeker is indeed a commercial asset.
These are a few instances taken at random which indicate that the requirements of beauty and business may both be met by a good city-plan:


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City-planning does not mean the creation of a civic center and grouping public buildings;
It does not mean the arrangement of streets and boulevards nor perfecting the system of circulation and traffic;
It does not mean tree planting, the location of fountains and statues, nor the creation of great vistas;
It does not mean the formation of a park system with its connecting parkways and small city squares;
It does not mean the treatment of the water-front, nor the solution of the railway problem with its arches, tunnels and terminals;
It does not mean suburban development, nor the creation of garden cities;
It does not mean the location of school houses or playgrounds, either for children or grown-ups;
It does not mean the method of bonding the cost of the improvements— the law of excess condemnation—the legislation required.
It means all of them considered together, the business side of city-planning not being neglected, and I believe the most practical result to be attained is not the beauty of the city, but the consequent elevation of the standard of citizenship.
Arnold W. Brunner.1
Economy and efficiency in health
ADMINISTRATION WORK
Some phase of municipal health and sanitation has been presented at each meeting of the National Municipal League for a number of years past, but except on the first of these occasions (the Providence meeting of 1907) there has been but little discussion. At the Richmond meeting, in November, 1911, a paper entitled “Economy and Efficiency in Health Administration Work” was presented by Mr. Selskar M. Gunn, assistant professor of sanitary biology and public health in the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Boston, Mass. A lengthy discussion followed, the essence of which is presented in the following pages.
Professor Gunn’s paper was printed in the Review2 for January. The main points brought out by Professor Gunn in his paper are however here summarized:
No satisfactory statement of what constitutes economy and efficiency in health administration work is possible until the true functions of a health
‘Arnold W. Brunner of New York is an architect of high standing, a member of the board of supervision for public buildings and grounds in Cleveland, a member of similar commissions in other cities and of the art commission of New York.
1 See vol. 1, page 49.


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City-planning does not mean the creation of a civic center and grouping public buildings;
It does not mean the arrangement of streets and boulevards nor perfecting the system of circulation and traffic;
It does not mean tree planting, the location of fountains and statues, nor the creation of great vistas;
It does not mean the formation of a park system with its connecting parkways and small city squares;
It does not mean the treatment of the water-front, nor the solution of the railway problem with its arches, tunnels and terminals;
It does not mean suburban development, nor the creation of garden cities;
It does not mean the location of school houses or playgrounds, either for children or grown-ups;
It does not mean the method of bonding the cost of the improvements— the law of excess condemnation—the legislation required.
It means all of them considered together, the business side of city-planning not being neglected, and I believe the most practical result to be attained is not the beauty of the city, but the consequent elevation of the standard of citizenship.
Arnold W. Brunner.1
Economy and efficiency in health
ADMINISTRATION WORK
Some phase of municipal health and sanitation has been presented at each meeting of the National Municipal League for a number of years past, but except on the first of these occasions (the Providence meeting of 1907) there has been but little discussion. At the Richmond meeting, in November, 1911, a paper entitled “Economy and Efficiency in Health Administration Work” was presented by Mr. Selskar M. Gunn, assistant professor of sanitary biology and public health in the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Boston, Mass. A lengthy discussion followed, the essence of which is presented in the following pages.
Professor Gunn’s paper was printed in the Review2 for January. The main points brought out by Professor Gunn in his paper are however here summarized:
No satisfactory statement of what constitutes economy and efficiency in health administration work is possible until the true functions of a health
‘Arnold W. Brunner of New York is an architect of high standing, a member of the board of supervision for public buildings and grounds in Cleveland, a member of similar commissions in other cities and of the art commission of New York.
1 See vol. 1, page 49.


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department have been defined. No such definition has yet been framed although there has been progress toward it. This process has consisted largely in an agreement that health departments should be relieved from such work as garbage disposal, plumbing inspection, and other municipal and private cleansing, and that they should also be relieved from hospital administration and the care of the poor; all to the end that they may have more time for the really essential health-protective work, the aim of which is the decrease of preventable sickness and the prolongation of life.
The present lack of knowledge, or perhaps the author might more truly have said, lack of comprehension, of the comparative importance of various branches of health-protective work results in a great variation in the stress laid upon each by different health departments and in much over-emphasis of certain branches, with as notable neglect of others.
The need of better training for health officers and of training as a prerequisite for employment in such positions was dwelt upon. Reference was made to the difficulty of demonstrating the real value of health-protective work. The improvement of the milk supply at Richmond, Virginia, under the administration of Dr. E. C. Levy, chief health officer, was cited as an illustration of valuable work. The need of reform in accounting methods of health departments was mentioned and reference was made to a plan for standardization which has been undertaken by the Association of Massachusetts Boards of Health. Finally, the author spoke of the necessity of freedom from politics as an essential to economical and efficient health administration and the necessity of putting this work “in the hands of trained sanitarians who shall understand the relative importance of the different lines of endeavor and who will then be able to disburse an adequate appropriation in such manner that the community will receive the maximum protection at the lowest possible cost.”
The formal discussion of Professor Gunn’s paper was opened by Dr. E. C. Levy, of Richmond, and M. N. Baker, who were followed by a number of other speakers.
Dr. Levy agreed with Professor Gunn’s statement that standardization in public health work has not yet been reached. He was of the opinion that economy in health work cannot be measured in the same way as economy in other municipal activities, since health work has to do with human lives, which cannot be compared with miles of water mains or blocks of street pavement. Moreover, lives differ enormously in value, both as to age and usefulness regardless of age. “ A community which can prove that it has saved the life of one citizen of eminence,” Dr. Levy said, “certainly would prove that it had, by that act alone, justified every cent it had spent or could possibly spend in a year on its health department.”
Elsewhere1 Dr. Levy stated that he had shown that during the year 1910
In a pamphlet reviewing typhoid fever at Richmond, Virginia.


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the health department of Richmond had saved lives from death by typhoid fever conservatively valued at a total of $385,000, or ten times the expenditures of the health department for all purposes during the year.
By way of forcible illustration of the necessity which sometimes arises for apparent extravagance in life saving, Dr. Levy told how a nurse used a costly lace curtain to extinguish the burning clothing of an infant which had caught fire from a spark from an unprotected open grate. There was here no question of trying to economize by saving the curtain rather thaD the child, but both could have been saved at comparatively little expense and with no risk whatever by providing the proper fender for the fireplace. The moral of this story as applied to health protective work is obvious.
Finally Dr. Levy remarked that while the standardization of public health work in many directions is “a splendid thing” yet public health expenditures cannot be and should not be too closely standardized. For instance, typhoid fever in Richmond, as in other cities of the south, prevails to a marked degree, while scarlet fever is almost a negligible disease, there having been not more than three deaths from scarlet fever in Richmond in any one year since 1888, while there were only four deaths in the last five years (present population 129,000). The relative prevalence of the two diseases in northern cities is generally reversed, so it would be utterly misleading to compare the money expended or the measures carried out to combat either one of these diseases in Richmond and in a northern city of equal size.
Dr. Levy was followed by M. N. Baker who remarked that the first essential to efficiency is to determine what is what in public health work. However much public health work may broaden out in the future, for the present it seems necessary to concentrate efforts in a few specific and unquestionable directions. The first and most important of these in the interests of efficiency is not the collection of garbage or other branches of municipal cleansing, as so many people think, but rather the control of communicable diseases. Efficient control can only be had by going to the source which, in case of communicable diseases, is the individual sufferer.
The efficiency of public health work cannot be judged without agreement upon some measure or standard. From the dollars and cents point of view, a rational classification of health board expenditures is essential to determine whether the appropriations available are distributed in accordance with the relative importance of the different classes of work undertaken and whether the results obtained are commensurate with the corresponding expense. One of the greatest difficulties encountered in attempts to measure efficiency in health and other municipal departments arises in taking account of the quality as well as the quantity of the work done. This, as Dr. Levy suggests, is particularly difficult where human lives are involved.


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There is reason for congratulation in the fact, as stated by Professor Gunn, that a committee of the Massachusetts Association of Boards of Health has undertaken the formulation of a scheme for the annual report of local boards of health and that the scheme will include suggestions for a uniform statement of health board expenditures. There has been some measure of cooperation between the committee named and the League committee on municipal health and sanitation and it is hoped that the work of both committees will be brought into line with the scheme of financial statistics of cities formulated by the bureau of the census.
Another essential of health board efficiency, as already suggested by Professor Gunn, is the right sort of men as health officers. The question is how and where to get trained men for the work. Our technical schools are turning out more engineers than the country can absorb but until recently no institution in the country and even yet only a few have offered training designed specifically to meet the needs of the health officer. The training of even the best medical schools is not in the direction of public health work. Both the schooling and the daily practice of the physician fit him to deal with the individual rather than with the masses of humanity which must be dealt with in public health work.
We are not, however, so badly off as might be thought, because some of the best of our technical schools, through their courses in sanitary engineering and in sanitary biology and chemistry are turning out men who are much better qualified to take up the work of the health officer than are the graduates of the medical schools. Already a number of cities are employing engineers as health officers. One reason for doing this is that it is difficult to induce a physician to devote his whole time to public health work, especially in the smaller places. The result is that where doctors are employed we find either a poor weakling of the medical profession who has been given his office out of pity or political favor or else an ambitious young man who is taking up the work while trying to build up a medical reputation and is more interested in the latter than in his work as health officer—that is, he is trying to serve two masters, a thing which has never yet been brought to a successful issue.
Dr. Geier, of Cincinnati, when the subject was thrown open for general discussion, took issue with Mr. Baker. While he agreed that a large city has need of “a sanitarian or engineer” he believed that considering “the greatest good of the greatest number, it is necessary to go to the medical profession to fill the position of health officer in the average community.” Dr. Geier maintained that the question is not one of the ability of health officers to handle health board work, but the failure of communities to recognize the importance of health department administration and the need of putting the best available physician into it.


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The tremendous factor that good health administration might be made in awakening the people to the possibilities of good, clean municipal government was dwelt upon by Dr. Geier. By way of illustration, the recent experience of Cincinnati since the health department was taken out of politics was cited in some detail. There was no difficulty in getting good men as members of the board of health when they were sure that efficiency was the only criterion of service. The local milk supply has since been improved and the tuberculosis rate reduced.
The Rev. G. W. Lay, of Raleigh, remarked that “efficiency in sanitation is found where things do not happen” and illustrated the paradox by telling the story of the boy who explained how pins have saved the lives of thousands of people—by not swallowing them.
Dr. Flannagan, a member of the Viriginia State Board of Health, said that lumping together as a title “Municipal Finances and Health” is like keeping such federal health work as is done in this country under the Treasury Department. When the two subjects are separated and due prominence is given to public health work, a better appreciation of the latter by the general public may be expected. Only a few of the cities of Virginia have health departments worthy of the name and only a few have full time health officers. The same is true of other states. Educational campaigns are necessary. Among agencies which are taking a hand to this end Dr. Flannagan mentioned the national Y. M. C. A. and various life insurance companies.
Elliot Hunt Pendleton, of Cincinnati, stated that the people must be taught the money value of public health work. Hereafter those who are thinking of locating industries in a given city are going to ask whether the city has the best schools, pure water, good sewage disposal, and an efficient health board. The city lacking these things will be passed by.
Oliver McClintock, of Pittsburgh, related an incident which occurred in Pittsburgh after the Pittsburgh Survey. One of the bad features that was mentioned in the report of the Survy was “Painter's Row,” a number of houses owned by the United States Steel Corporation, in which the people were packed like sardines, with an inadequate water supply and no sewers. Legislation, Mr. McClintock stated, prevented the discharge of sewage into the Ohio River and as there was no other place to empty sewage, no sewers were built. The corporation thought it could not make the people move out of the houses because there was no place to which they could go. A few months after the report came out, however, the houses were levelled to the ground. This, the speaker thought, illustrated the value of publicity in bringing influence to bear on corporations.
Richard H. Dana, of Cambridge, Mass., wished to know what Mr. Baker and Dr. Levy thought of the following plan for selecting health board experts for cities: Make up a committee composed say of Professor


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Gunn, Professor William T. Sedgwick, and the chief executive of the state board of health, in a state like Massachusetts, and have it pass in review the education, training and accomplishments of candidates, examine the candidates, and report to those charged with making appointments the names of the three candidates standing highest. In reply, Mr. Baker stated he thought such a plan would work well. He remarked further that for years past no person could be appointed as sanitary inspector or health officer of a New Jersey municipality who has not passed an examination before a commission appointed by the state board of health.
Dr. Levy replied to Mr. Dana’s question that the plan would be impracticable in Richmond because the city charter requires that all city officials shall be residents and taxpayers—a provision which he declared to be absurd. A further difficulty at Richmond is that, owing to lack of trained men for physicians in the health department, it is necessary to employ untrained men and train them to their work. The salary is a fixed one, so that a man gets more than he is worth when he begins and less after he has been trained. Consequently, the trained men accept positions elsewhere after they become valuable.
Lieutenant Shaw, of Norfolk, Virginia, said that the charter provisions of that city were similar to those just mentioned by Dr. Levy. The Norfolk charter provides that all appointments shall be made for fitness but with restriction of appointments to residents. With this restriction it is impossible to select sanitary or any other officials on the basis of fitness.
The discussion closed with a statement by Mr. Dana that while ordinary city employees, such as street sweepers, must be residents of the city which they serve, experts may be appointed from outside the city.
Condensed by Mr. M. N. Baker.1
CHICAGO CITY CLUB OPENING
THE new building of the Chicago City Club, in the heart of the downtown loop district, was opened with appropriate and most significant ceremonies the second week in January.
A series of house-warming programs were carried out on six nights from January 8 to 14. Different characteristic groups were the guests of the club on these nights. The first occasion was “Members’ Night” at which time a large portion of the membership of 1600, to which the club has grown in the past year, was present and the successive presidents of the club gave reminiscences of its history from its inception and organization
1 M. N. Baker is editor of Engineering News, New York City; president of the board of health of Montclair, N. J.; and chairman of the National Municipal League committee on municipal health and sanitation.


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on December 5, 1903, when it met over Vogelsang’s restaurant, down to the realization of the club’s hope to have a dignified and commodious home on its present site.
Towner K. Webster, its second president, described the first efforts of the club along civic lines, how Colonel Piper was imported to rejuvenate the police force introducing as he did, a new word in the Chicago dictionary, “piperizing” the police. Dr. Favill, the present incumbent of the office outlined the tedious steps that were necessary to create the present structure, and the policy which is now dominating its active work. He considered the policy of maintaining membership dues at $20 a piece (exclusive of initiation fee of $10 beginning February l) as a most interesting experiment, in view of the high cost of maintenance in so central a location, and with such a superb equipment. He said it could be done however, by keeping to the same simplicity which dominated the equipment and building, a simplicity that through the efforts of Pond and Pond, the architects, has given us beautiful proportions in the building, and the very best obtainable materials, but has avoided every note of luxury or extravagance. He felt it important that the dues should be maintained at this low figure to make it possible for the young, active, public-spirited men of Chicago, who could not afford large dues, to work together for civic betterment at this club center. Appropriate remarks were made by the architect, Irving K. Pond, the president of the American Institute of Architects and by Judge Julian W. Mack, of the commerce court, one of the founders of the club.
The second night, Tuesday, found the rooms filled with officials of the city, county and state government. The leading speakers were Governor Deneen of Illinois and Governor McGovern of Wisconsin. The former reviewed the activity of the city government and brought out the designedly impossible procedure of the state legislature: The smothering of bills in committees, and the glut of measures passed at the last moment requiring the assistance on his part of. numerous lawyers to assist him in examining them. He dilated upon this as a premeditated plan for preventing necessary good legislation. Governor McGovern’s address was a most thoughtful survey of the progress in Wisconsin, of the economic and social philosophy underlying the state governmental achievements.
The civic organizations on Wednesday night, were represented on the program by Miss Jane Addams and Mrs. Emmons Blaine.
“Education night” in charge of a committee presided over by Dr. Henry Legler, the librarian of the public library, called out the address of Mrs. Ella Flagg Young, superintendent of Chicago public schools.
One of the most unique of the week’s programs, was “Nationalities’ Night” on Friday. Some six different nationalities of Chicago, German, Bohemian, Polish, Italian, Scandinavian and the Irish, besides the Amer-


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ican, were on the program, the presiding officer having native Indian-Amer-ican blood. Charles R. Crane was to have presided on this occasion, but the death of his father, R. T. Crane, Sr., prevented this. The interplay of national pride as it flowed from the lips of the speakers, now in tones of eloquence and now in jest, was hugely enjoyed by the audience. It was remarked that the speakers were in every case the second generation of immigrants and that they spoke and appeared as thoroughly American as the most-dyed-in-the-wool Yankee. The program was very interesting and concluded by national folk songs and dances performed in costume. In the middle of the club house floor, space was made for the dances of the Italian tarantella, the German folk dance, for Swiss mountain songs and for Swedish dances, all in costume. Mrs. Smulski, the talented wife of the state treasurer of Illinois, gave delightful songs in native Polish.
“Labor Night,” which concluded the week, had been carefully planned by the committee in charge of Robert F. Hoxie, professor at the University of Chicago. The speakers included representatives from the socialistic and trade union groups and the purpose of the evening was to bring about closer cooperation between the more or less warring factions. It was at least partially successful. The particular effort was to bring out the need of the organizations of industries as in England, rather than on the narrower lines prevailing in America. It was pointedly mentioned that the City Club building erected throughout by union labor, was nevertheless, delayed some three months owing to jurisdictional fights within the unions themselves. The City Club plans to have a good representation in its membership of all these groups and thus hopes to give them as free opportunity for getting together socially, as it does the government officials, private reformers and any other groups actuated by a desire to better civic conditions.
The club building was erected and furnished at a cost of about $200,000. It is six stories in height, although the second and third stories are double height in the front part of the building to provide for the large lounge room on the second floor and the large main dining room on the third floor. The architects have adopted a combination of the free Renaissance with Gothic suggestions and, as Mr. Pond stated, it gave him his first opportunity for carrying out an artistic idea he has long had in mine in decorative treatment. He had introduced at regular intervals, a plain square block, in colors, which interrupts the smooth flow of the adjacent plastic border outline. This he said had been introduced on the outside of the building and its interior decoration to represent the thought that all progress must meet obstacles, as has the City Club’s activity, which temporarily impede the honored movement, but which nevertheless strengthen and beautify the character subjectively.
The main offices of the building are on the fourth floor where is also the


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library and the headquarters of the civic secretary, George E. Hooker, to whom in the program a large share of the credit has been ascribed for the successful development bf the club. The upper two floors contain the committee dining rooms and a grill room.
All necessary appointments, such as billiard rooms, storage rooms, waiting rooms, ladies’ reception rooms, kitchens and serving rooms are conveniently arranged. The top floor accommodates at present, the offices of the Elizabeth McCormick Foundation devoted to infant welfare; Sherman C. Kingsley director; and the Chicago bureau of public efficiency which grew out of the initiative of members of the City Club; George C. Sikes, former secretary of the harbor commission, is secretary of the new bureau.
A civic exhibit installed on the three upper floors was one of the prominent features of the occasion. This was prepared by twenty-two civic committees and represented, graphically, the problems in which they are at present concerned. The exhibits were prepared under the direction of the civic exhibit committee of which Edward L. Burchard was chairman. The exhibits were grouped under the headings of The City-Physical, including city-planning, municipal art, streets, traffic, harbor, lighting and telephone, shown mostly on the fourth floor; The City-Civil, including elections, civil service, public safety* shown on the fifth floor; The City-Social, including charities, health, burial cost, reduction of noise, labor and housing, shown mainly on the fifth floor and some general exhibits on city finances, municipal publicity and statistics shown mainly on the sixth floor. There were also several exhibits from the Cleveland chamber of commerce, from the Milwaukee budget exhibit and from the United States census that were shown in a monographic form. The building was kept open to visitors for two weeks after the opening week and the efforts of the club officers resulted in bringing several thousands of people to the building, not only school teachers and university men and women, but people from the foreign colonies and from many private and public civic and social organizations. It is estimated that 4000 people saw the exhibit.
Chicago. Edward L. Burchard.
CHILD WELFARE EXHIBITS
NEARLY a million people attended the three great child welfare exhibits held last year in New York, Chicago and Kansas City: 300,000 in New York, 419,000 in Chicago, 96,000 in Kansas City. According to the statement of Miss Jane Addams, not since the great world’s fair at Chicago’s “White City,” has any event occurred which has so called forth the enthusiastic cooperation of all classes of workers in that city. And following upon these greater exhibits, lesser exhibitions have sprung up all over the country.


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All of these exhibits have the same aim—to show the conditions affecting the childhood of the given city, at home, at play, in school, at work, under all the difficulties of poverty, bad housing, bad sanitation, evil influences; and to offer suggestions, by an exhibit of all organizations dealing with children, of the ways and means through which childlife can be made safer and more wholesome.
“One baby out of every four drops into the grave before reaching the age of one year. ” This is a statement around which gathered many exhibits from the board of health, pure milk commissions, district nurses, infant welfare stations. The causes of infant mortality and the methods of prevention were shown most graphically. And the showing involved the individual family and the city government alike. For in these days the problem of homekeeping and the problem of city government are more closely connected than the average citizen realizes, until, perhaps, he sees a child welfare exhibit.
One-third of the babies left at the baby “checking station” in the Chicago exhibit, were left by their mothers with bottles of tea. The ideas of infant feeding thus displayed afford a side-light on the cause of infant mortality. Into all these homes the nurses of the infant welfare department, recently formed in the Chicago board of health, are preparing to go, bringing information and education to the mothers. This is merely one glimpse of the way in which the city government is reaching out to touch the life of the child in the home.
The section on health was only one division of the exhibit. There was a section on homes, showing housing conditions, home occupations, cost of food and clothing, food values, sleeping conditions, books for the home, toys, and many other things. There were also sections on recreation, on settlements and clubs, on education, on industrial conditions, on the child and the law, on churches, on philanthropy. In short, every aspect of the city’s life was touched.
All sorts of people came to see “the show.” The Italian mother was there, with a kerchief over her head, dragging her children along by the hand, tired and a little bewildered, but anxious to find out “what she could do for her children.” The mayor of the city was there, in Kansas City at least, spending several afternoons in close study of the needs of the city’s children. The high school civics class was there, in the afternoon and evening, proudly explaining to the passersby the meaning of the charts which they had drawn to show various types of city governments. The socialist and the representative of organized labor met in the section on industrial conditions and held fiery arguments with the child welfare “explainers” on the subject of workingmen’s compensation and seasonal trades in their effect on the home.
A more thoroughly democratic gathering could hardly be imagined in


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any city. For when, as in Chicago, 30,000 school children take part in entertainments, as an exhibit of the music and gymnastics of the public school, there will be 60,000 parents from every ward in the city. From the fashionable districts and from the crowded tenements alike, they came together on the common ground of the child’s welfare.
And being of all kinds and ages, they learned all varieties of things. I saw one small boy coming out of the exhibit after an entertainment, bearing aloft a poster which he had obtained at the information desk. As he pranced along between bis father and mother, a friend remarked: “Well! he’s learned his lesson, such as it is.” “What is it?” I inquired. “Oh, that some good things come free, that not every one in the world is a tightwad,” she replied. After all, that is not such a bad thing for a a boy to learn, in these days, when a youth is trained from babyhood to look out for “the main chance.”
At the other extreme from the boy was the prominent social worker, who remarked:
We are all of us learning, for the first time, what place our work has in the city’s life. We have worked over our exhibits, trying to state in concrete terms our purpose and our success; then we see our organization placed here beside all the others, and we find out how inadequate we all are, and yet how important, each at our own job. We find out where there is over-lapping and where we can use each other in the future. And then we walk over to the section on industrial conditions, or on housing, or on infant mortality, and we see the big underlying problems, that we haven’t any of us touched yet. And we realize that no private organization ever can touch those problems. Only all the people, acting for themselves through their representatives, can begin to make a dent in them.
Almost inevitably a child welfare exhibit brings about closer cooperation, not only between social workers so-called, but between social workers and city boards. This is very greatly to be desired. Until very recently the social worker has been disposed to assume hostility on the part of the city government and to leave it out of his counsels altogether. As one prominent worker remarked, in a city where it was proposed that the board of health be asked to cooperate with an exhibit: “You can’t get any help from them; you can’t ever expect arything from the city.” And, expecting nothing, this prominent worker has never received anything.
Such pessimism may be well grounded in any given case; bat if it is true, there is no hope for that city until the situation is radically altered. Until a given reform is made politically, it is not made permanently. The city government is the only machinery we have for reaching conditions throughout the city, and no private organizations can ever hope to do the work that the boards of health, of education, of parks, can do, when properly aroused and properly equipped. The private organizations may


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blaze the trail and set the direction of the path; they can never build the highway for the peoples.
All of these facts come out most strongly in the child welfare exhibits. The extent to which many municipal boards are doing “social work” in the care of children and young people, through nurses, playground directors, and teachers, is a revelation not only to the average citizen, but to many a trained social worker himself. And almost immediately there comes a popular demand that the city shall do even more than it has yet done. There is a disposition on the part of the people to make use of their public boards, when they are once shown graphically what a powerful instrument they have at their disposal.
Several new pieces of legislation are to be laid at the door of the child welfare exhibits. In Chicago a new bathing beach was established in Grant Park for the downtown section of the city; an infant welfare department was added to the board of health. In Kansas City a factory inspection Ordinance passed two days after the close of the exhibit, the opposing councilmen saying quite frankly that after what they saw‘“over there at Convention Hall” they dared no longer vote against it. In New York the board of estimate and apportionment increased the appropriation for the division- of child hygiene by $250,000, and a juvenile court committee was formed, and is now developing a model children’s court for the borough of Manhattan.
Results in private organizations are not less marked. A course in eugenics at the New York Y. M. C. A. was the direct outgrowth of the eugenics exhibit. A strong advocate of the large city institution for dependent children was converted to the cottage system and resolved to move his institution to the country where such a plan could be carried out. The present campaign for the improvement of newspaper comic supplements received its first impetus at a conference in the New York exhibit. And, perhaps more remarkable than all, at least two employers of large numbers of women are known to have gone directly from the exhibit on wages of girls in Kansas City, to look over their own payrolls and “see what could be done toward giving a ‘living wage.’ ”
Yet it seems hardly fair to estimate the child welfare exhibits by isolated examples of what selected individuals have done. All of these results might perhaps have been attained in a less expensive way, through individual consultations. They are byproducts of the exhibit, not its main aim. The unique work which the exhibit has to do is a work of popular education. The thousands of mothers from every station in life who received suggestions for the enriching of the home; the thousands of fathers who learned “what the city can be made to do for my child;” the thousands of ordinary citizens who sat in the galleries listening to the music of children and then, stirred as they had seldom been before, by the


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sweetness and beauty and hope of childhood, thronged down into the aisles of the exhibit to copy statistics and learn facts; and last of all, the thousands of children who, as Mrs. Ella Flagg Young remarked, were impressed more than ever before by the fact that they were part of a great whole, of a city which was planning for their future, and of a festival to which they might contribute their part for the enjoyment of their fellow citizens; these are the people by whom the exhibit is to be judged. For only as we learn to work and to play together, and to understand together, by thousands, the needs and the resources which we have in common, is there any hope of attaining that democracy of which our country dreams.
Anna Loujse Strong.1
MUNICIPAL CIVIL SERVICE REFORM
IT HAS been often said that, to secure good city government, we must purify our city politics,” and I think this saying contains a large
' measure of truth.........When we speak of “pure polititics, ”
we mean politics controlled and guided by sincere, scrupulous and unselffish men; the politics of any community can be “purified” only by leading such men to engage in them and driving other men out of them; and each of us aids in the “purifying” process when he tries to render a political career attractive to our best citizens, and does what he can to make the worst gain a living otherwise.
To this end, a first step, and a very long one (so long that it may go far towards making any second step needless), will be the thoroughgoing, practical application of the principles of civil service reform in our municipal government. Here, however, we may well pause a moment to see if we fully understand what “civil service reform” means; and there is the more reason to do this because I believe no little confusion of thought exists on this subject, even among those in general sympathy with the movement for good government and pure politics, and that to this fact much of the prejudice and apathy encountered by the advocates of civil service reform can be, more or less directly, traced; whatever reasonable doubt may exist as to whether the American people really want civil service reform arises only from a difference of opinion, or rather a misapprehension, as to what civil service reform means. In truth, many persons imagine that civil service reform, as a system, requires the selection of all public officers by competitive examination, or else their retention in office during good behavior, and associate with it no other idea whatsoever beyond these two. Undoubtedly, in many cases the principles of the reform can be best applied practically to the choice of public servants by adopting a
1 Director of the St. Louis Child Welfare Exhibit.


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method of appointment which leaves no room for favoritism, and making continued employment and promotion depend, and depend only, upon proved efficiency and fidelity; but there is room for these principles, however the officer is chosen and however long or short, certain or uncertain may be his term. These principles, or, to speak more accurately, for they can all be reduced to one, this principle, is simply that every public office exists for the sole benefit of the people and cannot be maintained, consistently with the fundamental theory of our government, in any measure or under any circumstances for the benefit of the individual holding such office for the time being, or of any other individual or organization, and, therefore, every office ought to be filled with a sole regard to the fitness of the incumbent to so discharge its duties as to fulfil those ends which the people sought when they created it and seek when they pay for its maintenance.
When a city is about to choose its principal administrative officer how can it apply the principles of civil service reform in this choice? In a recent German paper the following appeared:
The place of mayor of Magdeburg is vacant. The salary is 21,000 marks ($5250) a year, including the rental of a dwelling in the city hall. Besides his salary the incumbent will receive 4000 marks ($1000) for his official expenses. Candidates should apply before September 1.
The constitution and present laws of Maryland contain a virtual advertisement, published every four years, requesting those anxious for a like job in Baltimore to file applications with the supervisors of elections; which applications, each fourth year, are passed upon by the legal voters of the city on the Tuesday after the first Monday of May. Two of these applicants, known respectively as the Democratic and Republican nominees, are allowed to obtain a recommendation for the place of a somewhat peculiar character from certain classes of these voters on the like day in April, and, although the law gives these two individuals no material advantage over any other in the competition, experience teaches us that one or the other of them will be certainly chosen.
Some ten or eleven years ago, at a meeting of the National Civil Service Reform League held in New York, Theodore Roosevelt, then governor of the state, narrated an incident of his service as United States civil service commissioner. A request had been made to exempt from the competitive examinations customs officers on the Rio Grande frontier, because their duties required them to watch and often chase and arrest a class of smugglers decidedly “quick on the trigger” themselves and who needed officers no less “quick on the trigger” to deal with them. Mr. Roosevelt thereupon induced his colleagues to refuse the desired exemption, but to direct a competitive examination of candidates for these positions in shoot-


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ing at a mark, and to credit those men who made good scores with a high percentage in their rating.
A speaker who followed him at the meeting suggested that, if the candidates, instead of using a target, had been allowed to shoot at each other, the results of this competition might have been even more satisfactory and decisive, not to mention the incidental advantages that there could be then no room for complaint as to the fairness of the marks or need for preserving the records. It may seem, at first sight, that a system of competition somewhat similar in consequences to the one thus proposed has been provided for applicants for our Baltimore mayoralty; but, as these are permitted only to kill off each other politically, instead of physically, the voters, first of the two leading parties, afterwards of the entire electorate, must, after all, bear the responsibility of deciding the contest; and a few words as to the principles on which they ought to decide it may not be untimely or wholly superfluous.
In the first place, they must remember that the mayor’s obvious and most urgent duty is to frustrate the designs and foil the plots of those who correspond in mischievous activity to the Rio Grande smugglers. These people always propose to plunder and discredit the city in future as they have too often done, with great profit to themselves, in the .past; if they fail in this purpose, it will not be for want of trying, and, although the mayor (perhaps unfortunately), is not expected, or even permitted, to “wing” a grafter or put a “potshot” into a boss, whenever he runs across an active member of one or the other fraternity, he needs no less vigilance and no less resolution to deal with such gentry as they should be dealt with. If he comes before the examining board, consisting in my native city of 120,000, or thereabouts, which must finally pass on his claims, bearing a certificate from the very people it will be his business as mayor to watch and fight, a certificate saying, in substance, that he suits them “down to the ground,” and that they will do all they can, by hook or by crook, to get him the job he seeks, this endorsement ought to affect his chances as much as a glowing eulogy from the smugglers would have tended to promote the choice of a revenue officer. To “set a thief to catch a thief” may be sometimes good policy, but to set one picked out for the place by the thieves he is to catch seems more worthy of inmates of an insane asylum or of an institute for the feeble-minded than of other citizens.
Secondly, in the rating of these would-be public servants a very large percentage should be given to the applicant’s record in making himself obnoxious to evil-doers and protecting the people’s interest while holding other positions of public trust. Especially is he entitled to high credit if he has earned the ill-will of those who make their livelihood and gain actual or comparative wealth by preying on the public and particularly


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on his municipality. On the other hand, if his record as a trustee of the public is one of unbroken harmony with those who grow richer by making his cetteux que trustent poorer, this fact ought to lower his average very perceptibly: a watchdog particularly friendly with wolves is not one to put on guard at the sheepfold.
Thirdly, it will be well to conduct a brief written examination as to the candidate’s views about pending measures of great moment to his community, and desirable, most of all, to get them down in black and white as to what they severally think of any such measures which tend to prevent the use of patronage as “spoils.” Of course, it is possible that one may say he approves a proposal of this nature when his record shows, or tends strongly to show, that he speaks falsely; but, although possible, this is decidedly improbable; the chances are many to one that a man who doesn’t wish to see it a law or mean to aid in its enactment, will try to avoid speaking of it at all; or, if compelled to say something, will shuffle and quibble, will say he hasn’t had time to study its provisions carefully, or promise to support it with some unspecified amendments.
Fourthly and finally, we must remember that, although in many cities endorsements from the “affiliated” voters of the two great national parties, in the form of “nominations” for the office, are given, not by law, but by our political customs a very great weight in the determination of this question, these customs are by no means commendable, and, while it is overwhelmingly probable that in nine cases out of ten our choice will be practically one between the Democratic and the Republican nominees, we ought to have no more hesitancy in voting against the one of these who may agree with us as to the tariff, or any other national issue, if his competitor promises to make a better mayor, than we should have, under the like circumstances, in voting against a candidate who shared our religious belief. Macauley says, in a passage I have myself quoted on other occasions:
The points of difference between Christianity and Judaism have very much to do with a man’s fitness to be a bishop or a rabbi. But they have no more to do with his fitness to be a magistrate, a legislator or a minister of finance, than with his fitness to be a cobbler. Nobody has ever thought of compelling a cobbler to make any declaration of the true faith of a Christian. Any man would rather have his shoes mended by a heretical cobbler than by a person who had subscribed all the thirty-nine articles, but had never handled an awl. Men act thus, not because they are indifferent to religion, but because they do not see what religion has to do with the mending of their shoes. Yet religion has as much to do with the mending of shoes as with the budget and the army estimates.
And politics have about as much to do with the mending of shoes as with the paving of streets or the extinction of fires. The points of difference


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between Republicanism and Democracy have very much to do with a man’s fitness to be a president or a congressman, but they also have nothing or next to nothing in the world to do with his fitness to be a mayor or a city comptroller or a president of the city council.
We say these things, not because we are indifferent to politics, but because we see how little, how very little national politics have properly to do with municipal officers. It is related that when General Bourmont was presented to Bliicher, the latter, a man of violent prejudices but a thorough soldier, indicated his professional contempt for the deserter so unmistakably as to embarrass his more diplomatic staff. One of them, thinking it might please his oommander, pointed out the enormous white cockade which Bourmont ostentatiously wore in proof of devotion to Legitimist principles. “Bah,” said the old Field Marshal; “that doesn’t matter. A blackguard stays a blackguard, however you label him.” When the voters of a great American city clearly understand that “labeling” the tool of a corrupt “ring” the nominee of a great party leaves him just what he was before, and doesn’t change in the least their duty as voters, when that time shall come then they will have a good mayor.
Charles J. Bonaparte.1
Baltimore, Md.
REFORM VIA DEMOCRACY
THE reformers of a generation past sought good government by way of “checks and balances,” seeking to devise a framework of government so ingenious that under it no official could fail to give good government. It was somewhat like tying the steering wheel of an automobile to make sure that the chauffeur would drive straight.
The new generation, working for political reform, no longer tries to get good government on behalf of the people, but seeks to put the people in a position where they can easily get for themselves whatever kind of government they want, believing that the people will be found to be conservative and at least as wise as that ruling class, the politicians, whose subjects they now are. Modern effort strives to create sensitive forms of government. Every elective official is to be made a shining mark for criticism. His responsibility is to be clearly fixed, and as a necessary requirement in fixing responsibility thus, the officer is to be given all the powers he needs to carry out the people’s wish.
1 This article is a condensation of his address at the Richmond meeting of the National Municipal League, in November, 1911. From 1903 to 1910 Mr. Bonaparte was president of the League. He is now a member of its council, chairman of its advisory committee and the chairman of the council of the National Civil Service Reform League. He was Secretary of the Navy and afterwards attorney general of the United States in President Roosevelt’s administration.


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The most signal American instance of a government which is so sensitive to public opinion that it dare not disobey the public will is the commission plan. Although it was not designed to be an elective system, it has worked better than those that were. It vests all the powers of the city in a single board. This board has power to raise as much money as it needs to give efficient service. It has power to cut down service as much as may be necessary to give low taxes. It has power to provide improvements or to make economies. If it fails to satisfy the people, the board has no one else to blame. It cannot say “we are helpless.” It cannot say “it was the other fellow’s fault.” It can only say to a complainant “ we are sorry we overlooked that but we’ll fix it at once.” The individual officers are clear targets for public opinion and are correspondingly more sensitive to public opinion than the multitude of obscure officials in the typical old style plan. It is in design and operation a government which is so exposed to popular oversight that it can hardly resist the public wish. This is democracy. A reformer seeking to change conditions has only to explain his ideas to the people and excite their cupidity by making his proposal seem desirable.
The commission plan is not an ideal democracy. Better ones have been found in foreign cities, and the new direction of political reform effort must be toward creating ideal sensitive democracies.
Richakd S. Childs.1
A PRACTICE SCHOOL COURSE IN CIVICS
THOUGH boys and girls at the age of entering the grammar grades are not yet ready for the more formal treatment of civics which might be profitable for older persons, they are, nevertheless, already citizens, and as such should be trained to think about civic matters. Formal as this may sound, it becomes very simple when we stop to consider what we mean by thinking civically. At almost every turn the child i3 confronted by something which the community is doing. Whether it is the gas by which he studies, or the car which passes his door, or the policeman who protects him at the crossing, or the postman who brings the family mail, or the school where he spends so much of his time, he is constantly coming into close touch with civic affairs. The impressionable early years are the ones in which to lay the foundation of civic ideals and civic righteousness. If, then, early in the child’s school life we can begin to attract his attention to the services which the community is rendering and the return which he personally can make to the community, and get him to think on these things, we shall be arousing an interest in public affairs which will make for the efficient adult citizen.
1 Secretary, Short Ballot Organization.


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In the Practice School (fifth to eighth school years inclusive) of the Philadelphia School of Pedagogy, the following tentative course in civics is gradually being evolved, with the evident interest of pupil and teacher alike. In the first of the fifth year a beginning is made with the child’s common experiences within his home and his school. Gas is the first subject taken up informally and the children are encouraged to tell what they know about it and its uses. The teacher guides the conversation so that it naturally leads to the question of where we get our gas. The gas pipe is traced through the house to the meter and then to the street. When it is learned that the gas is manufactured at a central plant the children are encouraged to visit it, with teacher or parent, and the result of the visit is a letter or report on what was seen. In like manner the subjects of electricity, water, sewage, and the telephone are considered, all of which, it will be observed, may come within the pupils’ immediate experience. After the service of the community to the child has been shown with each of the above, the reciprocal duties of the child to the community are brought out by careful questioning which follows the lines of the pupils’ own observation and experience.
In the second half of the fifth year what the child sees by looking out of the window, at home or at school, is drawn upon for material. For example, the policeman, the fireman, the postman, the street sweeper, the garbage collector, the ashes collector are severally taken up, in the manner already described, never omitting a possible trip and report or forgetting to emphazise the corresponding duties of citizenship resting upon the young citizens of the class.
During the early part of the sixth year some of the educational institutions of the city are visited, such as schools, playgrounds, parks, libraries, museums, historical buildings and localities. The usual reports are made, followed by class discussion.
Later in the year visits are made to various public institutions, such as city hall, bourse, custom house, mint, armories and arsenals, hospitals, juvenile court. The ensuing reports and discussions help the children to understand better what they have seen. Just what places shall be visited during the entire sixth year must depend on the accessibility of each place to the individual child, the membership of the Practice School being drawn from all sections of the city.
No regular text books are used in the fifth and sixth years, but much supplementary material is introduced by the teacher to aid in the interpretation of what has been observed on the various trips. Among other suitable reading books used, special mention ought to be made of Richman and Wallach’s Good Citizenship and Hill’s Lessons for Junior Citizens.
By the close of the sixth year the pupils have acquired a fund of firsthand civic information and experience of a concrete and practical nature,


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no attempt having been made to generalize or to discuss political rights or duties from a legal standpoint. In the seventh year more attention can safely be given to the end and aim of governmental activity and the way in which public and private agencies unite to accomplish results. And for this purpose no better introduction can be found for Philadelphia girls and boys than the beginnings and growth of community action in their home city. They will see how various civic functions, such as street paving and cleaning, water supply, etc., at first performed by each householder for himself, were gradually taken over by the municipality and performed for all alike.
This concrete example of community growth leads naturally to a discussion of the meaning of “community” and of “citizenship.” And the important truth is impressed upon the pupils that they are now citizens of various communities, namely, the home, the school, the playground, the church, the city, the state, the nation. The family and the home as factors in this community life are particularly emphasized, that the children may rightly appreciate the civic importance of the home. Then follows the story of the making of American citizens out of a constant stream of foreign immigrants, both as to naturalization itself and as to the educative process that may fit the strangers into their new city environment.
A series of studies is next undertaken to find out how the community (city) aids the normal citizen in relation to life, health, property, working and business conditions, transportation and communication, education, recreation, religious worship. And this is naturally followed by a brief study of how the community (city) takes care of its sub-normal citizens, usually referred to as the dependents, the defectives, and the delinquents. Emphasis is placed upon the idea of prevention, or of restoration wherever possible. Poverty, vice and crime are coming to be recognized as social diseases, in large part, and this is a fact which every boy and girl should be made to feel.
As each function is discussed, the organization of the city government to do this community work is outlined, with frequent reference to the Philadelphia charter and to ordinances of councils. And careful consideration is given to the cooperation of private agencies with various municipal bureaus and departments, that the pupils may see how community and citizen work together. How the city gets its money to do all it does is briefly explained.
By the time the eighth year is reached the pupil has become so thoroughly grounded in the governmental activities of the city that he is ready to be taken into the larger field of state and nation. Very much the same plan is followed as in the preceding year.
During the first term the work shapes itself as follows: first, how the community (commonwealth) (aids the normal citizen in his desire for


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health, security of person and property, business opportunity, education; and second, how the community (commonwealth) provides for its unfortunates, by means of charitable and penal institutions. This includes some consideration of the simpler forms of business law and practice, and also some of the commoner types of criminal offences and the method of their repression and punishment. The governmental organization—legislative, executive, judicial—back of these activities is sketched in outline, both as to selection and control of state officials; and not forgetting to discover where the money is found to keep the machinery going.
During the second term of the eighth year the pupils learn, as fully as time permits, how the federal government looks after the varied needs and interests of a hundred millions of citizens and subjects, at home and abroad by the gathering of invaluable statistics and other information, foretelling the weather, charting the seas, negotiation treaties; or, even more directly, through the post office and postal savings bank. Once again the governmental structure—legislative, executive, judicial—is sketched in outline, and the sources of income are made clear.
While the study of municipal government is going on the class is organized on the plan of the Philadelphia city government, so far as practicable, and then according to the commission plan; and by an easy transition, when state and national government are reached the class takes on those organizations respectively. This will be recognized as differing from the well known “School City” plan in that the class is organized for purposes of instruction and not for purposes of self-government.
For the seventh and eighth years, respectively, helpful text books have been found which admirably illustrate the newer civics: Dunn’s The Community and the Citizen and Forman’s Essentials in Civil Government.
It will be observed that throughout the last two years, when the more serious study of civics is being attempted, the order followed is invariably that of the child’s own interest and appreciation, namely, from function to structure, from the executive department which does things to the legislative which plans the things to he done and the judicial which interprets and helps enforce those plans; and then, if necessary, to the charter or constitution which lays down the legal powers and duties of each branch of government.
Moreover, the possibilities for cooperation between the community, acting through government, and the citizens, young and old, acting singly or in voluntary associations, is never lost sight of. How great is this departure from the solemn farce of practically memorizing the federal constitution) now in vogue in the City of Penn and elsewhere—can best be appreciated by those teachers who are anxiously awaiting deliverance from bondage through long overdue revision of their prescribed course of study.
J. Lynn Barnard.1
1 Professor in the Philadelphia School of Pedagogy.


REPORTS AND DOCUMENTS
Edited by Professor John A. Fairlie
University of Illinois, Urbana—Champaign, Illinois.
The McAneny Committee Report.—The
Interborough Rapid Transit Company in New York City, under date of December 5, 1910, made a proposition to the city to construct, equip and operate certain transit lines, the main trunk of which lines would carry the Broadway subway down Seventh Avenue to the Battery, and the portion of the present subway on Fourth Avenue up Lexington Avenue to the Bronx. The public service commission conditionally recommended the acceptance of the proposition, and asked the board of estimate and apportionment to express its opinion on the terms proposed. The board of estimate accordingly appointed a special committee to confer with the public service commission, which committee was known as the McAneny Committee.
During the consideration of the matter, and on March 2, 1911, the Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company made a proposition to build certain lines, the chief of which was in Broadway, Manhattan, swinging eastward and entering the borough of Queens, its southern end connecting with the existing rapid transit lines of that company in Brooklyn. Subsequent to its first proposal it agreed, under certain considerations, to operate the lines proposed by the Interborough Company in case the city should so desire. The conference then had before it two propositions from these two companies, and after much consultation, on June 5, 1911, a report was made jointly by the board of estimate and the public service commission. The chief features of this included the following:
(1) Leases for forty-nine years.
(2) Provision for recapture of releases after a period of ten years.
(3) For an equal division of profits, after providing for operating, fixed, and
certain"otherJcharges on the part of the company.
(4) Operation costs on any separate division or extensions of the system to be figured on a cost-per-passenger basis, as figured on the whole system.
(5) Deficits arising from the operation of extensions to be paid for out of the city’s share of profits till the company has accumulated 3 per cent annually upon its total investment, in excess of operating and carrying charges.
(6) For the use of existing rapid transit lines of the Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company as thrown into the general system, the city proposed to permit the company to retain a sum equal to the net profits from the operation of its existing lines during the year ending June 30, 1911, before paying the interest or sinking fund charges upon either its own or the city’s bonds.
The Interborough Company refused to accept the terms proposed. The board of estimate thereupon voted to give the Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company the lines that had been offered to the Interborough Company. Construction work was then begun by the city upon the proposed lines. During the early fall of 1911, it was rumored that certain of the city officials were holding conferences with representatives of the Pennsylvania Railroad and of the banking firm of J. P. Morgan and Company. They were supposed to be acting as emissaries of the Interborough Rapid Transit Company in an endeavor to open negotiations with the hope that the city would again consider a proposition from the Interborough Company and would modify its former terms. At this writing (February 9, 1912), it has become certain that such negotiations are in progress. The Interborough Company, however, has not up
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to this time sent an official communication, incorporating a proposition, to the city. It seems, however, probable that such a proposition will be received in the near future.
Under the terms proposed to the Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company, the city would have built all of the subways and leased them to that company on a forty-nine year basis, but subject to recapture at any time after ten years. The terms proposed by the city seem to have been just to the company and safe and acceptable for the city. The reason for again opening negotiations with the Interborough Company on the part of the city is not at the present writing clear.
Henry C. Wright.
New York City.
*
Recent City-Planning Reports.—The
rapidity of the growth of interest in city-planning in American is amazing. You have only to look over the roll of honor as published at the back of John Nolen’s recent, report, “Madison a Model City,” to appreciate how many cities have got the city-planning fever. The enthusiasm is contagious. At the same time, however, it often blinds. Studying some thirty or forty of these reports as I recently had occasion to do, 1 was struck by several things. In most cases the demand was for a more beautiful city—a city to which the stranger would be immediately attracted and a city in the contemplation of which the native citizen could feel a just pride. In short the demand has been for those surface embellishments which catch the passing glance; those things which appeal to the unthinking crowd. In the concrete, it is the parks, the boulevards, and the broad avenues, the showy civic centers with their awe-inspiring approaches, which have in the main dominated American city-planning.
Looking farther we see a change coming over these tendencies, and in a number of recent reports, we find a distinct gain in practicalness. The way
was led by the report of the metropolitan improvement commission of Boston, which came out in 1909 and which was ably seconded by the report of the Pittsburgh civic commission of 1910, but most unfortunately none of the successors have adequately followed up this lead. A keynote of efficiency and thoroughness was set in this Boston 1909 report which argues well for the future of American cityplanning. The principle is this: a city is essentially a place where people live and work, and work to live; anything that can be done to make the city a better place to work in, a better place to live in should be done as a matter of common sense; anything that is going to make a man’s work easier or more enjoyable; anything that is going to make his life more worth the living is fundamental, absolutely, to city-planning. The work of the great majority of the people is entirely dependent upon the conditions governing manufacture and commerce, these in turn are in large measure dependent upon the facilities of transportation by water and by land. Whether life is worth while or not depends absolutely on conditions of housing, recreation, and transit.
These things—transportation, transit, housing, and recreation (in its broadest sense) are the vital things in city-life. They are the things which twenty-four hours out of every twenty-four, profoundly affect the life of every man, woman, and child.
Glance over the city-planning reports; pathetically few are those which have seriously considered these facts. Cognizance can not be taken of them without a thorough impartial knowledge of conditions as they exist in the given community; this demands a series of careful surveys made by thoroughly trained and large minded experts. You can almost name on the fingers of one hand, the cities or towns where anything like this has been done, and in the cities which first occur in this connection, such as Boston, Pittsburgh, Chicago, Los Angeles, and Rochester, you will find that such surveys have been


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confined almost exclusively to transportation and traffic. In places like New Haven where a social survey was actually made it has been almost ignored in the public report. In city after city, for which attractive reports have recently been published, if you visit them with an open mind you will find festering slum gnawing at their very vitals which sooner or later with the inevitableness of fate will poison the whole mass. Intelligence and foresight can stop this. There is not a moment to lose, for it may soon be too late.
If there is any one way in which cityplanning may be of the greatest service to the community it is in attacking this problem. If there is any one service city-planning can render to humanity, it is that of making the city a decent and a fit place for human beings to live in.
Fundamental in the working out of a comprehensive plan for any city should be the consideration of these vital facts; any city which dodges them is worse than no plan at all. City-planning of the future must be a far bigger and more allcomprising thing than has been cityplanning heretofore. Such is the* problem we have inevitably to face.
George B. Ford.
New York City.
*
Civil Service Conditions in Kansas City.—The first board of civil service of Kansas City, Missouri, was organized April 26,1910. Since that time the board has held 448 competitive examinations with 4585 competitors. Of these approximately 52 per cent obtained places on the eligible lists—1253 certifications for appointment have been made exclusive of the 1068 appointments in the labor class. Only 3 per cent of those certified have beeD discharged for cause. Approximately 54 per cent of the persons holding positions prior to the examinations were successful in retaining their positions. Under the law the incumbents of positions were required either to win out by merit on com-
petitive examinations or vacate in favor of persons heading eligible lists.
According to the custom established by the board each examination has been conducted by a special committee of citizens acting with the chief examiner. In selecting the citizen examiners, usually three in number, the board has undertaken to secure persons expert in or having definite knowledge of the requirements of the position. These citizens serve without pay and the city has thus had the assistance of 197 representative men and women. Of these 76 were engaged in business; 93 were of the leading professions; 14 city and government officials; and the remainder tradesmen and mechanics.
In addition to the written examination each applicant is brought before the committee and questioned orally as to experience, habits, physical condition, etc., and graded, and this grade is averaged with the grade made in the written examination. The citizens committee in cooperation with the chief examiner prepares the written questions and grades the papers. The results have been gratifying. A comparison of twelve months in the license department under the merit system with a corresponding period under the former regime shows an increase of more than 40 per cent or $71,532.75 in the revenue with no material change in expenditures.
The auditor in his report, speaking of salaries for the year in his department, says: “The actual saving in money has amountedto$12,620.05, and the force has been reduced from an average of twenty-six clerks to an average of sixteen.”
In the inspection division of the engineering department the cost of inspection under the former regime was 6.36 per cent of the cost of the work done, but for the period under the merit system the cost has been reduced to 2.9 per cent or less than one-half of the former cost.
The superintendent of building says: “The ‘don’t care spirit’ has entirely


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been eliminated from this department.
I believe that the men in my employ at the present time are all doing conscientious work without fear and without showing favoritism to any one.”
The superintendent of the board of public welfare says: “One effect of the examinations is to cause a very large amount of careful study and reading relative to all lines of work to be done by the city’s employees, and also by a large number of other people who contemplate taking these examinations. The educational effect of this system upon the whole community of social workers in Kansas City has been splendid.”
It is generally admitted that Mayor Darius A. Brown has become stronger politically by consistently upholding strict enforcement of the civil service law.
James W. S. Peters.
*
National Budgets and Balance Sheets as Related to Municipal Statements.—
A matter of no little importance in the improvement of municipal accounts and reports, now going on rapidly in various parts of the country, is the work at Washington of the “President’s commission on economy and efficiency,” relating to the national budget and to national balance sheets. The latter especially is of very great moment to municipalities, for the reason that classifications of assets and liabilities may, and in fact should, comprise almost identical categories for the nation, for the state, and for the municipality, whether town or city.
While so broad a generalization would not be warranted if we were speaking of the transactions during the year, that is to say, of the revenues and of the expenditures, yet when speaking of the condition of the finances at the end of the year, namely, the “balance sheet” of assets and liabilities, we are stating the fact when such an assertion is made. It is evident that on the asset side the classification must be the same in all
these governmental statements of condition. All have “cash” balances; , all have “accounts receivable” of one kind or another, to wit, uncollected revenues (taxes, fees, etc.); all have “advances” or “suspense” accounts of various kinds.
On the other side—the liability side— all have payables of various kinds. There are actual debts due to creditors and there are reserves; the latter in many categories, but all of the same general nature. In other words, while the purposes of expenditure in nation, state and city vary greatly and while the sources of revenue vary correspondingly, it is the fact that the statement of condition, i.e., the contrast of resources remaining available at the end of the year with the debts and reserves against these resources, is almost identical in purpose and in form of statement for all governmental functions.
For this reason, we say, the work of the President’s commission should have a very great effect upon the municipal situation so far as forms of balance sheets are concerned. With the prestige of the national government behind it the commission may be able to provide classifications and categories which will be applicable all the way down the line, through states and counties to cities and small towns.
It is expected that the results of the work of the Commission in these directions will soon be available and will in due time be published in these columns.
. Harvey S. Chase.
Washington, D. C.
*
The Philadelphia Milk Show.—The
milk show which was held in Philadelphia from May 20 to 27, 1911, was a success and its promoters have done well to give it permanent form by issuing this report which not only gives a good picture of the show but sets forth clearly both the commendable features of the dairy business and its faults that need correction. A list is given of the societies that managed different parts of the


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265
show, and there is a detailed account of the way it was organized, financed and given publicity. This part of the report is likely to be a source of useful information and fruitful suggestion to those who may undertake, by similar enterprises, to enlighten the public on milk, tuberculosis, the administration of cities, etc. The report emphasizes the fact that the milk problem presents itself in different ways to the producer, to the distributor or middleman, and to the public and that all three of these are dependent on boards of health for the proper regulation of the business and on manufacturers for the machinery to carry it on. The function of the show was to promote and harmonize these interests. It is told how the people, and particularly the. children, were brought to the show and encouraged to use milk by diagrams showing its food value and cheapness, by demonstrations of how milk should be prepared for babies and by "the serving of good milk from a booth. Numerous exhibits by model dairies, certified milk farms and boards of health, together with models, photographs and moving pictures taught the public to discriminate between good and bad milk and that the best milk might be spoiled by careless keeping in the home. Methods of pasteurization were shown and the relation of excessive infant mortality in the summer time to impure milk was explained by means of charts. It is stated that special efforts were made to bring the farmers to the show and to procure prominent speakers at the dairy institute organized for their .benefit. The list of men who, at the school of veterinary medicine at the University of Pennsylvania, addressed the health officers in convention at the show is given. So is a detailed account of each exhibit. Some thirty-odd full page half tones and numerous cuts illustrate the show; they are in the main instructive but some of them and the long lists of committee members might well have been omitted. The show coast $10,800 and was attended by about 110,500 peo-
ple; it had a good influence in many parts of the country and it is hoped that the publication of this report may lead to big and little shows in every state in the Union.
H N. Parker.
University of Illinois.
*
More City Plans.—The Municipal League News of Seattle for October 21, 1911, has published a review of the report of Virgil G. Bogue, the expert of the municipal plans commission, which had been approved by the commission and was presented to the city council, September 30, 1911. The report is a volume of 236 pages with 68 illustrations in the form of maps, diagrams, and drawings. It discusses such matters as arterial highways, park improvements, harbor improvements, development of a central water front, and street railways.1
In January, 1911, Bion J. Arnold submitted to the mayor and council committee on local transportation a detailed report presenting“Recommendations and General Plans for a Comprehensive Passenger Subway System for the City of Chicago.” During the winter these and other plans for subways, harbor and park improvements in Chicago have been given serious consideration.
Charles H. Wacker, chairman of the Chicago plan commission has published a brief Manual of the Chicago Plan for use in the high schools of that city.
The California Outlook for November 4, 1911, contains in full the preliminary report of Bion J. Arnold on the “Transportation Problem of Los Angeles.” The general outline of this report is indicated by a list of the main topical headings, as follows: Municipal railroad passenger stations; grade crossings; freight handling, local street railways; interurban railways; immediate relief from main street congestion; city and district planning, and a comprehensive and constructive transit plan. These topics show
i The voters refused to approve this plan at the election on March 5.


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that the report deals with much more than a system of urban passenger distribution, and is in considerable measure a general discussion of all phases of the transportation problems in Los Angeles.
The city-planning commission of Jersey City, has published several pamphlets under the general title, “Know City-Planning.”
“A Plan for the Improvement of the River Front of Albany, N. Y,” has been prepared and published by a committee of the chamber of commerce.
A special commission appointed in Cambridge, Mass., prepared and submitted, in June, 1911, a report upon a comprehensive plan for the development and improvement of the streets and the disposal of refuse.
The fourth annual report of the Hartford, Conn., commission on the city plan, includes a monograph on public comfort stations, by Frederick L. Ford, formerly city engineer and secretary of the commission, and also a summary of ordinance provisions limiting the height of buildings in certain American cities.
*
Six Years of Municipal Research.—
The New York bureau of municipal research has published a record of its work since its organization in 1906 to the end of 1911, under the title “Six Years of Municipal Research for Greater New York.” This explains the purposes and methods of the bureau and summarizes the results of its more important investigations, with a brief reference to similar work in other cities.
Since its beginning the bureau has received contributions amounting to $402,000, besides $268,000 for special purposes. Starting with a staff of eight it has had from forty to fifty during the past four years. Its methods have been the most intensive investigation of the subjects considered, in cooperation with public officials; followed by descriptive, critical and constructive reports to both officials and the general public, and supplemented by publicity and ac-
tive efforts to correct evils and secure improvement in methods.
The work of the bureau has centered to a large extent around finance administration, but including much more than the finance department. That department has been thoroughly reorganized, with notable improvements in its methods of inspection, audit, payment, collection and reports. Accounting methods in all the city departments have been revised. The budget methods have been radically reformed; budget estimates have been printed and explained in detail by means of press notices, budget exhibits and circulars to taxpayers organizations; and have been thoroughly discussed at conferences of officials, social workers and taxpayers. An investigation of water revenues led to a reorganization of collection methods which has increased the revenues from this source $2,000,000 a year. By standardizing supplies and salaries enormous savings have been made in expenditures—$900,000 saved in seven years by the board of education through standardizing fuel alone; $1,200-000 saved by standardizing the quantity and forms of official reports and books. By reconciling the comptroller’s and department’s books, $10,000,000 has been released for reduction of taxes in 1912.
The work of the New York bureau has led to the establishment of similar bureaus in Philadelphia, Cincinnati, Chicago, Milwaukee, and Memphis, and on a smaller scale in Boston, Baltimore, St. Paul and Atlanta. Agents of the New York bureau have made municipal research studies in St. Louis, Hoboken, Montclair, Boston, Buffalo, Pittsburgh, Rochester and Yonkers. A special fund has been raised for promoting efficient municipal accounting in American cities; and a detailed study of commission government, with plans for more efficient and progressive work, is to be published during the spring.
To develop further work along the lines of this bureau, a National Training School for Public Service was established in 1911, to be conducted by the bureau.


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267
The Gothenburg System.—Stuart J. Fuller, United States consul at Gothenburg, Sweden, has prepared an account of the law and regulations governing the manufacture and sale of alcoholic beverages in Gothenburg, published as Special Consular Report, No. 49. The manufacture of spirituous and malt liquors in Sweden is regulated by the government as an incident to the collection of excise taxes. The retail trade in spirituous liquors (those containing 25 per cent of alcohol or over) is limited to the Gothenburg System Corporation, which operates a number of establishments and sub-licenses others. In 1910 there were 29 places in Gothenburg where spirits were sold at retail for consumption off the premises, and 44 places where spirits were sold at retail for consumption on the premises. These are strict regulations as to the maintenance of order, against sales to minors and limiting the hours of sale, the rules of the company in some cases imposing greater restrictions than those required by law. The company is limited to a return of 5 per cent on its capital of S27,000, profits over this amount being turned over to the state and the municipality.
Under this system the sale of spirits has diminished, from 22 litres per inhabitant in 1875 to 10 litres in 1905. But drunkenness does not seem to have been decreased, so far as may be judged from the number of arrests. In the twenty years from 1887 to 1906, the municipality received $3,317,000 from the company’s profits, which has been used largely for schools, libraries, museums, parks, and other welfare work. In 1910 the city received $160,000 as its share of the profits, and the national government $205,000.
The sale of wine and beer is not included in the company’s monopoly; and dealers in these are licensed by the local government board. At the time of the report there were 518 shops licensed for the sale of wine and beer for off-consumption, and 187 places for sale on
the premises. This is a much larger number of places than will be found in most American cities of the same population as Gothenburg (168,000).
In addition to the discussion of the system and its operation, Consul Fuller’s report gives translations of the royal ordinances governing the sale of spirits and wine and beer in Sweden, and of the special rules enforced in Gothenburg, with statistics published by the Gothenburg System Corporation.
*
Short Ballot and Home Rule In Ohio.
—The Municipal Association of Cleveland has published two important reports addressed to the Constitutional Convention in session in that state.
One of these is entitled “The Need of a Short Ballot in Ohio.” This shows that under the present laws, the voters of Cleveland are called on in each two-year period to vote for 74 separate officers, m(?re than 40 of each at one election. The ballot at the state and county election in 1908 contained the names of 391 candidates; and at the 1911 primary election 324 names appeared on the tickets of the two dominant parties. At the election in November,' 1911, each voter in Cleveland received seven separate and distinct ballots; and each voter in Cincinnati received nine separate and distinct ballots.
After discussing the state, county and municipal offices, the report proposes a reduction of the elective state officials (including members of the-legislature and judges) to an average of ten in each community, county officials to an average of nine, and city offices to a total of six, to be voted for by each elector. On this basis the total number of offices to be voted for at a state and county election would be reduced from 43 to 13, and the municipal offices from 30 to a maximum of 10. In view of the probable opposition from rural counties to a radical change in the present system, the report favors a grant of home rule both to counties and cities, which would permit


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the more populous counties and cities to adopt a form of government based on the short ballot principle.
The second report is on “Constitutional Home Rule for Ohio Cities.” This gives a brief history of legislative control of cities in Ohio, under the regime of special charters before 1851, the complicated system of classification developed under the constitutional restrictions on special legislation, and the rigidly uniform municipal organization in force since 1902. After discussing the defects of legislative control, the report describes the system of home rule charters now authorized in the eight states of Missouri, California, Washington, Minnesota, Colorado, Oregon, Oklahoma and Michigan. Lastly, there is considered the need for constitutional limitations on home rule in regard to public taxation, indebtedness, education, and uniformity of accounts.
*
The Wilson Ballot in Maryland.—The
Honest Ballot League of Maryland has published a pamphlet on “The Wilson Ballot in Maryland Politics,” by Vernon S. Bradley. In 1901 a new election law abolished the party emblem on election ballots and did away with the provision for voting a straight party ticket by a single mark, requiring each voter to make a separate mark for every candidate for whom he voted. The Wilson law of 1904 applied at first tp nine counties and has since been extended to two others. Under this law party names (as well as emblems) and the alphabetical arrangement of names have been abolished; and the election supervisors in each county have power to arrange the names of candidates and to determine practically all questions relating to the ballot.
Mr. Bradley, after considering various alleged objects of this legislation, charges that “the real object of the Wilson law was to save the political lives of a Democratic ring of professional politicians.” In discussing the operation
of the law, a series of ballots used in different counties are reproduced, showing the most whimsical variations in size, arrangement of names and devices to guide the instructed voter and confuse others. Different styles of type have been used in almost every county, with a tendency towards unusual styles, such as italics and Old English.
In conclusion, Mr. Bradley claims that the Wilson ballot has disfranchised 50,-000 voters, and that it has made Maryland a one party state and has given that party a political ring.
*
Finance and Taxation.—The Single Tax Review, for May-June, 1911, is a Vancouver special number, with several articles discussing the results of the exemption of improvements from local taxation in that city.
A report of the committee on housing adopted by the Pittsburgh civic commission, December 11,1911, recommends that the tax rate on buildings should be fixed at not more than 50 per cent of the rate on land, the change to be introduced gradually during a period of five years.
Comptroller Prendergast of New York City issued in October, 1911, a pamphlet on “The Business of New York City: How theCityGets its Money and How It Spends It.” This gives a popular presentation of the city finances, including budget appropriations, tax levy and collections, funded debt and debt limit, and assessed valuations.
The Massachusetts bureau of statistics has published a circular in regard to the form note certification act and the incurrence of debt under the general laws of the commonwealth.
In the report of Comptroller Taussig of St. Louis for the year 1910-11, in addition to the detailed statements and estimates for the past and current year, there are comparative tables giving financial data from 1877 to 1911, and a comparative summary from 1895 to 1911.
The report of the Auditor of Los


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Angeles, Cal., for the year 1910-11, contains, in addition to the annual statements, an appendix of miscellaneous information with comparative tables of receipts and disbursements for several years and data relating to bonds, valuations, taxes etc.
*
The Boston School System.—The
finance commission of the city of Boston has published a report on the Boston school system, the result of an inquiry made at the request of Mayor Fitzgerald. This includes an account of the development of the public schools, a financial review and a series of statistical fables comparing conditions n Boston with other large cities in the United States.
In the main, the report endorses and approves the existing system, and finds little opportunity for retrenchment in school expenditures. The difficulties in the way of satisfactory statistical comparisons with other cities are pointed out; but so far as these can be made the result is shown to be favorable. The average cost for all pupils in Boston is exceeded only by San Francisco and New York; but this is chiefly accounted for by the large percentage of high school pupils in Boston, which is greater than in any other of the ten cities over 300,000 population from which data was secured. The large expenditures of recent years have been due to an attempt to supply the deficiencies of previous years and to meet real needs. The administration of the school committee, both on the educational and business sides, is entitled to the full confidence of the community. Some recommendations for minor changes in methods are made.
*
The Red Plague.—In 1910 the board of governors of the Commonwealth Club of California appointed a committee composed of both medical men and laymen to investigate and report on the influence of venereal diseases. At meetings of the club held in February, and
April, 1911, the members of the committee presented papers on various aspects of the question: Dr. William Aphuls spoke on the Results of Reglementation and Prophylaxis; Mr. Wollenberg on the Statistics of Regulation and Methods of Education; Dr. Rixford on Preventive Methods. After discussion five of the six conclusions and recommendations of the committee were approved, as follows:
1. The establishment of free dispensaries for the treatment of venereal diseases.
2. Compulsory provision for the treatment of venereal diseases in the city and county hospital.
3. A system of public school education on sex questions and venereal diseases.
4. That the state board of health be requested to gather suitable data and disseminate literature on sex hygiene, assisted by the various health boards.
5. That the various boards of school directors throughout the state be requested to arrange for lectures to the pupils of the higher grades and their parents on sex hygiene.
The addresses and discussions on this subject have been published in the Transactions of the Commonwerlth Club, volume vi, no. 1.
*
Ontario Liquor License Law.—The
report on the operation of the liquor licenses acts, Ontario, for the year 1910 shows that the total number of provincial licenses issued has decreased from 6185 in 1874 to 2200 in 1909. The minimum number of licenses (1974) were issued in 1886, after which there was an increase to 3560 in 1889. Since the latter date there has been a steady reduction in the number issued. The number of prisoners committed for drunkenness has, however, increased from an annual average of 1920 for the five years from 1896 to 1900, to an annual average of 4974 for the five years from 1906 to 1910.
License fees under the Ontario law range from $120 in unincorporated dis-


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
tricts to 81600 for a tavern license in a city of over 200,000 population. The total amount paid to municipalities for the license year 1909-10 was 8399,167; and the revenue received by the Province for the same year amounted to 8497,776.
A schedule shows a list of 275 municipalities in which prohibition was in force in 1910. The largest of these were Galt, Owen Sound and Brantford.
The liquor license act, as amended to and including the session of 1911, has been published in pamphlet form.
*
State. Municipal Leagues.—The Proceedings of the Twelfth Annual Convention of the League of Cities of the Third Class in Pennsylvania, held at Easton, August 29-31, 1911, includes articles on assessment of real estate, the McKeesport filtration plant, the coal smoke nuisance and a discussion on street cleaning.
Among the papers in the Proceedings of the Third Annual Convention of the League of Kansas Municipalities held at Topeka, October 11-12, 1911, may be noted those on the London sliding scale, uniform municipal accounting, the police problem, and municipal reference departments.
The September, 1911, number of The Municipality contains a report of the proceedings of the thirteenth annual convention of the League of Wisconsin Municipalities, including addresses on oiling streets, garbage crematories and municipal reference bureaus.
*
Reports of the Chicago Bureau of Public Efficiency.—The budget of Cook County, Illinois, January, 1911. Proposed purchase of voting machines, May, 1911. Street pavement in the city of Chicago, June, 1911. Electrolysis of water pipes in Chicago, July, 1911. Administration of the office of recorder of Cook County, September, 1911. Plea for publicity in the office of county
treasurer, October, 1911. The judges and the county fee offices, December, 1911. The park governments of Chicago, December, 1911. Merriam commission reports: The water works system of Chicago; bureau of streets, civil service commission and special assessment accounting system of Chicago.
*
Public Lectures in New York and Chicago.—The department of education of the city of New York has published an interesting report on the extensive system of public lectures conducted by the department for the year 1910-11, with outlines of courses of lectures and illustration.
The council for library and museum extension have published a pamphlet on educational opportunities in Chicago, and a list of public lectures in Chicago for the season 1911-12. Copies may be obtained from the president or secretary of the council, N. H. Carpenter, the Art Institute, and Aksel G. S. Johnson, the John Crerar Library.
*
Street Lighting.—Bulletin 51 of the University of Illinois Engineering Experiment Station is a monograph on street lighting, by J. M. Bryant and H. G. Hake of the electrical engineering department in the university. This considers the general methods for the production of light, systems of distribution, photometry and illumination, lighting for various classes of streets and cost of operation. The information is presented in a form to be understood by the general public, without requiring special technical knowledge; and the bulletin should be of value in framing ordinances and contracts for street lighting systems.
*
Sewage Disposal in New York.—The
metropolitan sewerage commission of New York City has issued a preliminary report discussing several plans and suggestions for disposing of the sewage of


REPORTS AND DOCUMENTS
271
the Greater New York without causing serious pollution of the harbor or nuisance to the resorts along the New Jersey and Long Island shores. The various plans considered included the discharge at sea by outfall sewers extending several miles from shore; application of sewage to farm lands, and sedimentation and biological treatment; estimates of cost amount to about $140,000,000.
*
Municipal Documents.—The bulletin of the New York Public Library for January, 1912, contains a bibliography of recent accessions of city documents. The New York Public Library now has the largest and most valuable collection of municipal documents in the United States; and the publication of additions to this collection from time to time will be of much service to students of municipal problems throughout the country. In the list now published descriptive notes are appended to the titles of many of the more important reports.
*
Cleveland Vice Commission.—The vice commission of the Cleveland (Ohio) Baptist Brotherhood, appointed in May, 1911, has published a brief report. This discusses the financial status of the liquor traffic in Cleveland, the law and the saloon, social vice and public amusements. Comparative tables for the eighteen largest cities in the United States are published, showing statistics in regard to the police, arrests, saloons, public amusements, divorces and professional prostitutes.
*
Philadelphia City Club.—-The City Club of Philadelphia has bound volumes of its bulletins for the past four years, volumes 1 and 2 being bound together,
and also volumes 3 and 4. These bound volumes bring together a considerable amount of interesting information, including numerous addresses delivered before the Philadelphia City Club on a large variety of municipal problems by experts from all parts of the country.
*
Woman’s Municipal League of New York.—The year book of this organization for 1911 contains a number of valuable reports of committees and branches. The legislative committee presents the results of an inquiry into the medical examination of prostitutes in the United States. Beatrice L. Stevenson reports on working girls’ life at Coney Island. Other committee reports deal with dance halls, motion pictures and a variety of additional topics.
*
Virginia Charities.—The third annual report of the state board of charities and corrections to the governor of Virginia for the year 1911, contains reports on municipal and county almshouses and outdoor relief, and on private charitable institutions and organizations, and also the addresses and discussions at the child welfare conference held at Richmond, Va., May 22-25, 1911.
*
Hartford Streets.—Bulletin 9 of the publications of the Municipal Art Society of Hartford, Conn., gives a history of Hartford streets, their names, origin and dates of use, prepared for the committee on parks and thoroughfares and playgrounds.
*
Massachusetts Civic League.—In the
annual report of this association for 1911, attention is called to housing problems and playgrounds conditions.


CURRENT MUNICIPAL LEGISLATION
Edited by John A. Lapp1
Legislative Reference Department of the Indiana State Library
PART I—REVIEW OF CERTAIN FEATURES OF STATE LEGISLATION FOR 1911 AFFECTING MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.2
Alabama.—In addition to the legislation noticed in the January issue of the Review, several laws of importance were passed. One3 prohibits .municipalities from charging as a license fee more than 2 per cent of the gross receipts of public utilities and permitting this intangible tax as an offset on the tax on tangible property. It is said that this has largely decreased the taxes of various public service corporations in Birmingham. Other laws provide for civil service in police departments in cities over 25,0004; permit the pensioning of police and firemen in cities over 25,000 ;6 authorize* street railways to furnish free or reduced transportation to police, firemen and sanitary officers and to grant a reduced rate to school children; authorize7 cities of 100,000 to control viaducts and subways in order to remedy grade crossing dangers; create a juvenile court for cities of 100,000;* and in cities of 100,-
1 Mr. Arthur Crosby Ludington, who edited the department of legislation In the first Issue of the National Municipal Review, has been compelled by reason of a change In his duties and obligations to relinquish the charge of the department, greatly to the regret of his colleagues. We are fortunate, however, in being able to announce as his successor, Mr. John A. Lapp, legislative reference librarian of the Indiana state library and editor of Special Libra-riee. Mr. Lapp is admirably fitted both by training and deep interest to make this department a striking contribution to literature of municipal advance and to the whole subject of comparative municipal legislation.
3 The summary of legislation by states supplements the reviews published in the January issue of the Review and with the exception of some legislation In five or six other states which will be noticed tn general summaries in a later issue, these reviews cover the field of state legislation in 1911.
3 No. 210.
* No. 341.
» No. 678.
« No. 626.
* No. 289.
* No. 475.
OOO9 provide for collection of taxes by the county tax collector, thus abolishing the city tax collector.
Indiana.—Indiana cities are divided under the general municipal code into five classes. The first three classes are based on population; the fourth and fifth classes, on population and assessed valuation. All legislation is general, but care has not been taken to make all laws conform to the classification. Frequently laws are passed applying to cities having a population differing from that of the established classes of cities. Their validity has not been fully determined by the courts though many absurd classifications with small differences have been declared void.
The legislature of 1911 passed many acts relating to cities, but none of wide general significance touching the form of municipal government. Three important measures, the referendum on municipal franchises; commission government; and a street paving bill putting the cost of paving intersections on the abutting property holders, were defeated —the first after one of the bitterest fights of the session.
The measures which were enacted include two relating to schools; the Terre Haute school law,10 making the school commissioners elective by the people. This law was passed first in 1909, but the census of 1910 took Terre Haute out of the classification and left the law with no application to any city. A second school measure11 was that enabling Indianapolis to take over and conduct the Winona trades school which had been run as a private institution and to levy a
» No. 155.
»° Ch. 147.
n Ch. 63—March 1.
272


CURRENT MUNICIPAL LEGISLATION
273
special tax for the purpose. The park law of 1909 which created a board of park commissioners for cities of the first class with rather wide powers was extended to cities of the second class.1 A new playground law2 was enacted for cities of the first class putting the control of playgrounds under the city board of health and charities and requiring the council to levy a special tax for their support.
Track elevation or depression which had already been provided for in Indianapolis and Fort Wayne was extended by special classification to South Bend.3 The Fort Wayne law was amended to conform to the new federal census.4 The South Bend law makes the cost payable, seventy-five per cent by the railroad and twenty-five per cent by the city. If a street railway is on the street the company pays 10 per cent and the city 15 per cent.
Two other measures are the weights and measures law6 and the amendment to the uniform public accounting law.6 The first makes the state food and drug commissioner the state commissioner of weights and measures and authorizes the appointment of city and county deputies. The significance of this law is the centralization of control in the state department.
The uniform accounting law applying to all offices, state and local, which was the triumph of the 1909 session was supplemented to secure better collection of shortages. It is made the duty of the attorney general and prosecuting attorneys of the counties to institute the necessary proceedings to collect the shortages disclosed. The new law grants a hearing to officials found short in their accounts before publicity is given to the findings. The old law allowed all findings to be made public at once and resulted in many injustices to accused officials.
1 Ch. 231—March 6.
> Ch. 153—March 4.
* Ch. 128—March 4.
* Ch. 143—March 4.
* Ch. 263—March 6.
* Ch. 116—March 3.
Kansas.—Judges, clerks and marshals of cities were made elective at the time of state and county elections.7 This was made necessary by a recent decision8 declaring that officers of city courts are county officers. City councils in cities of over40,000 were authorized9 to provide additional street lighting, the equipment to be paid for by the property owners and operated by the city. Power was also given to all cities to treat streets with oil on petition of property owners, the cost to be assessed against the abutting property owners as in paving and the intersection to be paid for by the city.10 Cities of second and third classes may pave intervening streets between parallel paved streets and levy a special amount.11
A. C. DyKSTRA.
*
Michigan.—Pursuant to the provisions of Article 8, sections 20 and 21,12 of the constitution of 1908, the legislature of 1909 passed what is known as the “Home Rule” act,13 which permits any city in the state to frame, adopt and amend its own charter.
It was supposed, when the act was originally passed, in 1909, that it conferred upon the cities the power to amendexist-ing charters, that is, charters granted by the legislature, but the supreme court has held that that was impossible.14 An
’ 10X1, ch. 98.
* 1911, 82 Kansas, 190.
b 1911, ch. 82.
10 1911, ch. 121.
11 1911, ch. 123.
12 Sec. 20. The legislature shall provide by a general law for the Incorporation of cities, and by a general law for the incorporation of villages; such general laws shall limit their rate of taxation for municipal purposes, and restrict their powers of borrowing money and contracting debts.
Sec. 21. Under such general laws, the electors of each city and village shall have power and authority to frame, adopt and amend its charter, and, through its regularly constituted authority, to pass all laws and ordinances relating to its municipal concerns, subject to the constitution and general laws of the state.
is Act No. 279, P.A. 1909.
u Attorney General v. Common Council of Detroit, 64 Mich. 369.


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
amendment to the law was made by the legislature in 19111 to correct this error, but the supreme court has recently held this amendment unconstitutional,2 thereby withholding from the cities the right to amend charters other than those which they have of themselves framed and adopted.
A city desiring to revise its present charter, or frame a new charter,3 may do so in the following manner: When its legislative body shall by a two-thirds vote declare for a general revision of the charter, or when a petition signed by 25 per cent of the qualified electors shall be presented therefor, the question of having a general charter revision shall be submitted to the electors for adoption or rejection at the next general or municipal election, or at a special election. In case the electors shall, by a majority vote, declare in favor of such revision, a charter commission shall be selected, consisting of one elector from each ward and three electors at large, having a residence of at least three years in the municipality. No city officer or employe shall be eligible to a place on said commission. All names of candidates for charter commissioners shall be placed on one ballot without party affiliations designated; the candidate having the greatest number of votes in each ward shall be declared elected, and the three candidates-at-large having the greatest number of votes cast in the city shall be declared elected. The legislative body of the municipality shall fix, in advance, of the election of such charter commission, the place of its meeting, the compensation of its members, and provide the money for the expenses thereof.
The charter when framed under this
' Act No. 203, P.A. 1911.
* Attorney General ex rel. Vernor v. Detroit Common Council, 18 Det. Legal News, 914; 133 N.W. 1060. See also Department of Events and Personalia under the head “Judicial Decisions.”
’The supreme court has held that the general revision of a granted charter has the same effect as the framing of an entirely new charter. Attorney General ▼. Common Council, 164 Mich. 369.
act shall provide for a mayor and a body vested with legislative power, for the election or appointment of such officers as may be deemed necessary, for the levy and collection of taxes, for a system of accounting which shall conform to a uniform system required by law, and that subjects for taxation for municipal purpose^ shall be the same as for state, county and school purposes under the general law; and generally for such incidental matters as are usually included in such charters.
Each city may provide for annually levying taxes to the extent of not more than 2 per cent, and for borrowing money to the extent of not more than 8 per cent of the assessed valuation of all the property of the city, with certain limits as to the exercise of this borrowing power; and it may provide for owning and operating transportation facilities if it has a population of 25,000 or more; and any city may provide for purchasing franchises of light, gas, waterworks and power companies, and it may provide for a system of civil service and many other incidental matters pertaining to the government of cities generally.
Such cities have no power under the act to increase the rate of taxation now fixed by law, except upon a majority vote of the electors and then only to 2 per cent per annum, nor to submit a new charter more often than once in two years after first one is adopted, nor to change the salary of any public official during his term of office, nor shorten his term, nor to adopt a charter unless approved by a majority of the electors, nor to issue bonds without providing a sinking fund for the redemption of the same.
It is provided that such city may through its regularly constituted authority pass all laws and ordinances relating to its municipal affairs subject to the constitution and general laws of the state, with the exceptions above noted.
This act was amended in 1911 in several respects and particularly for the purpose of permitting such cities to adopt the initiative, referendum and


CURRENT MUNICIPAL LEGISLATION
275
recall, but, as shown above, some of the provisions of this amendatory act have already been declared unconstitutional and the constitutionality of the entire act is now before the court.
George L. Clark.
*
New York.—Municipal legislation in New York is both special and general and the yearly output is enormous. 1 he 1911 session passed fifty-three acts relating to Greater New York; thirty-five to Buffalo; one hundred two to other cities, and thirty-nine to villages, making a total of 229 special laws for the government of cities. In addition thirty-two laws applied to the different classes of cities as defined by the statutes.
Space forbids detailed examination of the numerous acts passed. Most of these were minor amendments of little general interest except as showing the futility of state legislation on the details of city action. Some acts of general interest are here given. One of the most important being a constitutional amendment granting home rule to cities. This must pass the legislature before being presented to the people.
Court proceeding is provided for determining the legality of doubtfu 1 bond issues and legalizing such issues where the requirements of the statute have been substantially complied with.1 This does away with a dangerous kind of legislation which is also prevalent in other states, namely, special legalizing acts. Statistics of taxation, revenue and debt are to be furnished by all municipalities to the state comptroller and an abstract is to be published in his report.2 This is a step toward uniform and comparable statistics by the method originally followed inMassachusetts aDdRhode Island. The commissioner of labor is required to prepare an annual industrial directory giving facts of the advantages for manufacturing in the state.3
1 Ch. 573.
> Ch. 119.
* Ch. 585.
Building inspection was extended in cities over 175,000 to cover inspection of plastering by the building department.3 Sale of coal by weight was required in all cities except New York.5 This law formerly applied to all cities over 50,000.
A law of special significance because of the long agitation for it, is the three platoon police law.* This requires three shifts of eight hours each for the police-department. Inebriate asylums were authorized in all cities7 similar to that already authorized for New York City. Operators of moving picture shows must be licensed under a new law.3 Appropriations were authorized to continue the annual conference of officials of second and third class cities to promote economy and efficiency in their governments.*
New charters were granted to Amsterdam,10 Lockport,11 Oneida,12 and Water-vliet.13 Several charters introducing the commission form of government were brought forth; one for Mt. Vernon passed the senate but not the assembly; one for the city of Beacon, passed both houses but was vetoed by Governor Dix on the ground that a uniform optional law on this plan should be enacted for all cities if at all.
Two special acts relating to New York City are: the fire prevention amendment14 and the equal pay for equal work law applying to teachers, making the salaries of women equal to men for similar work.16 This law was enacted after several years’ attempts. It was passed in the administration of Governor Hughes but was vetoed by him.18
• Ch. 150.
• Ch. 825.
• Ch. 360.
' Ch. 700.
«Ch. 252.
• Ch. 622.
« Ch. 242.
u Ch. 870.
u Ch. 648.
» Ch. 000.
« Ch. 899.
i» Ch. 902.
The Information on which thia summary Is based was furnished by Lawrence A. Ianger of New York City.


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North Dakota.—An act was passed by the legislature in 1911 giving the city council or commissioners of any city the power to prescribe by ordinance the maximum rates and charges for the “service, commodity or utility furnished by any person, firm or corporation exercising a franchise, right, license or privilege in or to any street, highway, alley or public place of such city.’’1 Rates and charges so fixed must be reasonable, and when so fixed may not be altered by the municipality more than once in five years. Before prescribing rates and charges notice must be given to the person, firm or corporation whose rates and charges are affected, and they must be allowed a reasonable opportunity to be heard in the matter. At such hearing the city council or commission may, by resolution, require the production of accounts, records and vouchers. All rates and charges so fixed are to be held prima facie just and reasonable, if their validity is contested, but the question of reasonableness may be adjudicated in the courts.
This act does not apply to corporations under the control of the state railroad commission which supervises street railway companies and telephone companies.2
I. A. Acker.
*
Rhode Island.—Since Rhode Island is governed under a system of special legislation, only two acts of a general nature directly affecting municipalities appear in the laws of 1911. Under one of these3 cities and towns are permitted to expend specified sums for celebrations and other public occasions. The other4 provides that cities and towns, which in this state have the custody of land and probate records, must under penalty provide fire-proof receptacles for records
1 Prior to 1911 cities did not have this power.
* 1911, Ch. 71.
* Ch. 658.
* Ch. 700.
and documents. Enforcement is by the state record commissioner.
Among the special acts, two5 are concerned with details of organization, while a considerable number make grants of power to issue bonds for specific purposes. Among laws granting powers are acts to extend the authority of the board of health of Newport to include the inspection of perishable food-stuffs ;• to permit Cranston to enact building ordinances,7 and to allow Providence to establish and maintain playgrounds. The line of demarcation between the functions of town councils and towr meetings has never been clearly defined. The controversy is settled so far as Warwick is concerned by an act giving to the council of that town power to appoint all officers not otherwise specifically provided for and to expend all appropriations made by the town meeting.8
In consequence of a system of village incorporation there appears an act incorporating a “lighting district” in one of the villages of the state.1 The district has power to contract with a private company for electricity or to establish a municipal plant to serve public and private uses. The district meeting may lay taxes, make by-laws and elect a moderator, clerk, treasurer, collector and three assessors.
Following precedents already established, two practically identical acts provide boards of police commissioners for the city of Woonsocket10 and the town of Warwick.11 The board consists of three members, one of whom retires each year. ' The first incumbents are to be appointed by the governor, but their successors are to be elected by the mayor and council in one case and by the electors in the other. The powers conferred on the boards are to appoint, control and
• Ch. 740, 700.
• Ch. 754.
7 Ch. 763.
• Ch. 703.
• Ch. 741. i" Ch. 001. ii Ch. 605.


CURRENT MUNICIPAL LEGISLATION
277
remove the chief of police and all officers and employes of the police department and to act as a board of license commissioners in issuing all forms of licenses.
In none of the municipal legislation of the year is there any departure from established precedents.
Fhank G. Bates.
PART II. MUNICIPAL ORDINANCES
Segregation Ordinances.—During the past year a number of cities have passed ordinances providing for the segregation of the races. The purpose of these ordinances is to prevent negroes from moving into streets occupied by white people. Baltimore was the first city to pass such an ordinance and it is popularly known there as the “West ordinance,” having been introduced by Councilman West. The first ordinance on the subject was approved by the mayor in December, 1910, but it was held invalid on the ground that the title was defective. It was re-introduced and passed with a few amendments in the early part of 1911. The title of the ordinance is as follows:
An ordinance for preserving peace, preventing conflict and ill feeling between the white and colored races in Baltimore city and promoting the general welfare of the city by providing, so far as practicable, for the use of separate blocks by white and colored people for residences, churches and schools.
The ordinance makes it unlawful for any colored person to move into or use as a residence any building in a block occupied by white people. It is also made unlawful for an-y white person to move into a block occupied by colored people.
There is also a provision requiring the applicant for a permit to erect houses, etc., on block where there are no buildings to state whether the houses are to be occupied by white or colored people. In other words, blocks in which there are white and colored people will continue to be “mixed blocks” and white and colored people can continue to move into them until all the occupants are either white or colored, in which event the block will become a “white block” or a
“colored block” as the ease may be. In the future development of the city, the first buildings erected in a block will determine whether the block will be “white” or colored.” If a majority of the property owners of the block protest against the making of a “white” or “colored” block which has not yet been occupied, then the permit will be denied. A section of the ordinance also makes it possible for a majority of the owners to either real or leasehold property in any block by application in writing to the inspector of buildings to exempt said block from the application of the section relating to blocks entirely “white” or “colored.” The ordinance also prohibits the use of any building as a church or for religious services or as a school by whites in a colored block or by negroes in a white block. There is a penalty of from $5 to $50 for each day the ordinance is violated. The present ordinance has not been passed upon by the courts.
Norfolk, Va., passed a segregation ordinance in June, 1911, and this ordinance was declared unconstitutional by the police justices. An appeal was taken to a higher court and the question has not been finally passed upon. The Norfolk ordinance does not go so much into detail as the Baltimore ordinance, but merely prohibits the occupation or use as a residence, church, school, or place of public meeting or assembly, of any building or premises on a white block by negroes or on a colored block by the whites.
If a majority of the front feet on a block is actually occupied or used by negroes, the block is a colored block and the same rule applies for a white block. The ordinance provides, however, that it is not to interfere with the continued occupation or use of any property in the


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
manner in which it is occupied or used at the date of its passage.
Two other cities of Virginia, Richmond and Ashland, have passed ordinances on the subject very similar to the Baltimore and Norfolk ordinances.
An ordinance following very closely the Baltimore ordinance has been introduced in the Municipal Assembly of St. Louis. There is an indication that the St. Louis ordinance will be made a little more stringent than the Baltimore ordinance, by not continuing as a mixed block, those blocks in which both white and colored live. Those living in such blocks would be allowed to continue to reside there, but negroes could not move into a block in which a majority of the houses are occupied by whites, and vice versa.
In all of the ordinances, an exception is made in regard to domestic servants residing with their employers.
Horace E. Flack.
*
Harrisburg, Pa.—An ordinance was recently adopted which makes it possible for the state to go ahead with the idea of improving the approaches to the state capitol. An act of the legislature provided that condemnation proceedings in a limited way, could be undertaken, for making an enlargement of the park about the capitol building in the direction of the Pennsylvania Railroad. This action however, on the part of a commission created for the purpose, was contingent upon vacation by the city of the streets included in the territory involved. The ordinance above-mentioned accomplishes this result, and steps are thus now definitely taken toward adding some twenty-three acres
to the capitol park, and making available to those who pass on the Pennsylvania Railroad, a beautiful view of the new capitol.
J. Horace McFarland.
*
Portland, Maine, adopted in January an ordinance regulating the purchasing of supplies. Under its terms no supplies or articles of any description may be purchased and no indebtedness contracted unless by written order on a regular requisition blank provided by the city. This requisition must be itemized as to quantity and quality, must be signed by the person purchasing the articles, and be approved in writing by the mayor. The ordinance further imposes rigid requirements concerning the form of the bills of persons supplying goods and materials, and forbids the treasurer to pay such bill unless presented in the required form with requisition attached and unless it has the further written approval of the auditor.
Clarence W. Peabody.
*
Cincinnati, Ohio.—A codification of Cincinnati ordinances, known as ordinance no. 2585, was passed on April 21, 1911. The principal parts of the ordinance relate to the organization and employes of the several departments of the city government, the building code, general regulations relating to street railroads, steam railroads, wires for light, power and alarm companies, and general miscellaneous regulations. The special ordinances granting franchises, etc., are not included.
R. E. Miles.
PART III. SUMMARY OF LEGISLATION ON PARTICULAR FEATURES
The Civil Service.—During the legislative sessions of 1911, ten states, Alabama, Connecticut, Illinois, Iowa, Massachusetts, Montana, New Jersey, Tennessee, Wisconsin and Indiana, passed
laws designed to introduce civil service' regulations into the public business of the various municipalities of these commonwealths or to extend their application where they already existed. In


CURRENT MUNICIPAL LEGISLATION
279
general, the operation of these laws was extended so as to include the following municipal officials: The officers and members of the police and fire departments; subordinate city officers, assistants and employees; minor municipal court officers including deputy clerks and deputy bailiffs; employees in park departments; and city laborers and artisans and city marshals. Ample provision was made for the suspension, promotion, discharge or removal of delinquents and offenders ; for the preferring, hearing and determination of charges; for a system of examinations to test the qualifications of applicants; and for the creation and maintenance of eligible and emergency lists consisting of those attaining to a predetermined minimum mark. Most of the laws provide that employees may be dismissed only for misconduct, incapacity, inefficiency, insubordination or disobedience and may under no circumstances be cashiered for political or religious affiliations or predelictions. The solicitation or reception of assessments, subscriptions or contributions in money or service from members of the classified service for any political party or organization is forbidden.
Alabama.—The legislature of Alabama has placed the officers and members of the police departments of all cities of that commonwealth having a population of 25,000 or more under civil service regulations. The act provides for no board of civil service commissioners, but the city council, city commission, city board or other governing body is authorized to exercise the functions usually conferred upon such commissioners.1
Connecticut.—The Connecticut law is in the nature of an enabling act whereby any political subdivision of the state may adopt the merit system by submitting the question to a vote of the qualified electors. The act provides for the appointment and removal and prescribes the duties of a board of three civil service commissioners. Elective officers, officers responsible for the policy of a
i Laws 1911. p. 681.
department, one deputy and a private secretary are specifically exempted from the test and competition. Pupils in training schools may be classified as apprentices subject to promotion. All appointments are made for probation periods, at the end of which time the candidate may be peremptorily discharged.1
Illinois.—The legislature of Illinois extended the civil service regulations to all officers, assistants and employees of cities and villages which have previously adopted or may subsequently adopt the civil service act of 1895, except elective officers, the heads or sub-heads of important departments, and other prominent municipal officials.2 And likewise to all officers and members of the fire and police departments, including the chiefs, in cities having a population of from 7000 to 100,000, and who have adopted the act of -1903 providing for the appointment of a board of fire and police commissioners;3 to the deputy clerks, deputy bailiffs and other subordinate officers and employees in the municipal court of the city of Chicago ;4 to all officers and employees in any park district having or subsequently acquiring 150,000 inhabitants or more, except the office of park commissioner, all elective officers, a general superintendent, attorneys and one confidential clerk;6 and to all city laborers and artisans when employed on any public work or improvement the cost of which exceeds $500.*
Indiana.—An act passed by the general assembly of Indiana and approved March 6, 1911, concerning weights and measures, provides that only those persons are eligible to appointment to the position of city sealer who were employed as city sealers of weights and measures at the time of the passage of this act, or who have had recent experience in the duties of a se aler, or who have passed a sat-
1 Laws 1911, p. 1480.
2 Laws 1911, p. 139.
< Laws 1911, p. 139.
* Laws 1911, p. 257.
8 Laws 1911, p. 211.
2 Laws 1911, p. 637.


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isfactory examination given by the state commissioner of weights and measures.1
Iowa.—By virtue of an act of April 13, 1911, the functions of the various civil service commissions of the cities of Iowa were considerably enlarged at the expense of the respective city councils. The appointment of the chief of the fire department and subordinates in the fire and police departments was placed in the hands of the commission. Honorably discharged soldiers, sailors or marines of the regular or volunteer army or navy of the United States, if otherwise qualified, are given preference in appointments, an advantage already conferred in cities of the first class in the police and fire forces.2
Massachuset t s.—Massachusetts, by four specific acts, both strengthened her civil service law and extended its application. A provision in a former law requiring that the examination of applicants for employment as laborers shall relate to their capacity for labor and their habits of sobriety and industry and to the necessities of themselves and their families was stricken out.3 Henceforth all answers of applicants to questions in examinations relating to training and experience, outside the labor service, must be under oath if the commissioners require it.4 No question may be asked in an application or examination requiring a statement as to any offense committed before the applicant reached the age of sixteen years, except in the case of applicants for police and prison service.5 The provisions of the civil service act were extended to the superintendent, chief of police or city marshal of all cities except Boston and in all towns which have or may hereafter accept the provisions of that act.3
Montana.—The civil service laws of Montana pertain to any city having a
> Laws 1911, p. 185.
3 Laws 1911, p. 38.
1 Laws 1911, p. 39.
4 Laws 1911, p. 392.
1 Laws 1911, p. 71.
6 Laws 1911, p. 343.
commission form of government, and any city of the commonwealth may abandon its present organization at any time and adopt the commission form. The act is designed to apply to all appointive officers and employees of such cities except the departmental heads. The act provides for a board of civil service commissioners of 3 members, who are required to test the qualifications of applicants and supply an eligible list to the city council.7
New Jersey.—New Jersey passed three amendatory civil service acts. The competitive class is made to include all positions in the classified service for which it is practicable to determine the merit and fitness of applicants by competitive examinations. A “sectional eligible list” is provided for, to supply positions wherein a special acquaintance with a municipality or section of the state is necessary. The commission is authorized to admit citizens of other states to examination when the position for which the examination is held is of such character as to require special technical training and specialization in a line of work for which candidates are not readily obtainable and when suitable candidates from New Jersey are not forthcoming.8
Tennessee and Wisconsin.—Tennessee and Wisconsin amended, strengthened and clarified their laws, but made no important additions.9
Charles Kettleborough.
*
State Public Utility Commissions.—
The legislation affecting municipal utilities through the establishment of state public service commissions or the extension of the power of the railroad commission over such utilities, was extensive during 1911, following the lead of Massachusetts, New York, Wisconsin, Vermont, Maryland and New Jersey which had previously established such control.
’ Laws 1911, p. 108.
â–  Laws 1911, p. 35.
* Laws of Wisconsin 1911, p. 669. Laws of Tennessee, 1911 p. 1184.


CURRENT MUNICIPAL LEGISLATION
281
The new laws follow in general the laws previously enacted giving power to investigate equipment, rates and service and fix reasonable rates, standards of equipment and seivice.
Connecticut.—The Connecticut1 law was enacted after a prolonged struggle covering several years during which a special commission made an investigation of the whole subject. The law applies to telephone, telegraph, gas and electric companies supplying heat light and power, water companies, and street railways, besides the common carriers which had been subject to the railroad commission and by the law transferred to the new commission. The law does not apply to municipal plants.
Kansas.i 2—The new law of Kansas, applies to telephones, except mutuals; telegraphs; pipe lines except those less than 15 miles long; gas and electric companies supplying heat, light and power; water companies and street railways. The law does not apply to municipal utilities. The power to regulate and control public utilities operated wholly within a municipality is vested in the municipality subject to appeal to the commission. Municipalities may contract for prices and service and may require extensions and additions. An important provision is that requiring that grants of franchises shall be subject to approval by the commission. Approval is necessary from the commission that public necessity requires the granting of a franchise before it can be granted.
New Hampshire.3—The law applies to telegraph and telephone; gas and electric companies supplying heat, light and power; water companies; ferries; toll bridges and street railways. It does not apply to municipal plants.
Nevada.—In Nevada4 the law applies to gas and electric companies furnishing heat, light, power; water and sewage companies. The law does not apply
i Laws 1911, ch. 128.
> Laws 1911, oh. 238.
3 Laws 1911, ch. 164.
« Laws 1911, ch. 162.
to street railways. The railroad commission law of 1907 extended to other common carriers and to telegraph and telephone lines.
New Jersey.—The New Jersey law of 1910 was repealed in 1911 and a comprehensive measure was passed.6 The law of 1910 gave little power except that of inspection of facilities and service and recommendation. The new law applies to street railways, traction lines, canals, subways, pipe lines, gas, electric light, heat, power, water, oil, sewage, telephones and telegraphs. Extraordinary power is granted to the commission with respect to franchises. No franchise may be granted except on approval of the commission.
Ohio.9—The Ohio law affects telegraphs, telephones, gas and electrical companies supplying heat, light and power, pipe lines, water works, steam heating and refrigerating companies, messenger and electric signalling companies and street railways. The law does not apply to municipal plants. Municipal corporations may fix rates subject to appeal to the commission by the public or the companies. City council may require and determine extension and additions.
Oregon.7—The law of Oregon was suspended by a referendum petition and will be voted on in November, 1912. It proposes to regulate street railways; gas and electric companies supplying heat, light and power; water; telegraph and telephone companies which serve the public either directly or indirectly. Municipal plants are not subject to the law.
Washington.8—The law in Washington affects street railways; gas; electric light; power; telegraph; telephone; water docks warehouse companies and to vessels used in transportation. The commission may not fix rates or service or pass upon the reasonableness of facilities
s Laws 1911, ch. 195.
* Laws 1911, p. 549.
t Laws 1911, ch. 279.
> Laws 1911, ch. 117.


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and regulations of municipally owned plants but in other respects the municipal plants are subject to the commission.
*
Legislative Investigations.—The legislatures of different statesin 1911 directed investigations to be made by special commissions or administrative officers, of many subjects of direct or related interest to municipalities.
Massachusetts provided for a special commission on cold storage, another commission is directed to report a metropolitan plan to coordinate civic development in Boston and vicinity.1 The railroad commission is to report on commutation tickets and practices, and on the equipment of street railways with fenders and wheel guards. In cooperation with the Boston transit commission the railroad commission will report on the transporation system of Boston. An ex-officio board of commissioners will look into the state engineering expense and organization. The director of the bureau of statistics is to report on the indebtedness and finance of cities and towns, and the state board of education will report on teachers pensions, high school education, state aid for schools and industrial education in textiles and part time schools.
New York has a commission on food stuffs, their price, purity, production, distribution and consumption; another on the condition under which manufacturing is carried on in first and second class cities; and another looking into the charges of corrupt government in Albany city and county.
Pennsylvania pro videdforcommissions to report on the building laws and conditions; election laws; and recording titles to property.
Illinois has a commissions investigating building laws; regulation of public utilities, and fire and old age insurance; Connecticut, on taxation of railways and street railways; Georgia on uniformmeth-
*See article of John Nohen, page 231.
ods of local government; Wisconsin on school book prices and situation, and fire insurance rates and classification; Michigan and Oregon, Iowa, Rhode Island apd Utah on a general reform of taxation, and Oregon on election and registration laws.
New York, New Jersey and the United States government have a joint committee on the port conditions and pier extension in New York harbor.
Ohio—One Per Cent Tax Law.—The last general assembly of the state of Ohio passed a bill which has seriously affected the financial affairs of the cities of this state. It is popularly known as the Smith 1 per cent tax measure. By its terms the aggregate amount of taxes that can be levied on the taxable property in any taxing district for the year 1911, and any year thereafter, cannot* exceed the amount collected during the year 1910. The maximum rate was fixed at 10 mills on each dollar of tax valuation. Exception is made for the addition of levies for the sinking fund and interest purposes. Certain limits are fixed for the aggregate of taxes levied, being 5 mills on taxable property in the municipal corporations.
Provision is made for a budget commission, consisting of the county auditor, the mayor of the largest municipality in the county, and the prosecuting attorney. This commission considers the budgets which are submitted by all the boards authorized by law to levy taxes. If the budgets are too high, they are cut down by the commission. Any item can be revised downward, but none can be increased. When the commission determines that the taxes to be collected will meet the budget, the fact is certified to the county auditor.
Another section of this law provides that the appropriations made by the various boards, as the city council, cannot be voted until the money is actually in the treasury. If it is found that the money raised is not sufficient to meet the expense of the taxing district, at the next election, the people can vote to increase the levy.


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The rate provided in this law has been made possible by a re-valuation of the real estate of the state, the effort being to return jit at full value for taxation. The tax commission has also made extensive increases in the values of property of corporations.
fck The great difficulty encountered under this law has been to keep the appropriations and expenses within the amount of money available. No expansion, no growth, no development, no increase can occur because of the fixed limit.
Charles Wells Reeder.
Ohio Stats University Library.
*
Uniform Public Accounting for Municipalities.—jState systems of uniform public accounting for city and other local offices as well as the state offices and institutions, continued to make progress during 1911.
California1 established a uniform accounting system under the state board of control. For local uniform accounting the board appoints a superintendent of accounts who with two assistants, constitute'sthe executive force. They are required to install and supervise a uniform system of accounts and reports for all officers and persons in the state who have the control or custody of public money or its equivalent. The examiners may require reports and informa *
tion and may inspect and audit the books at any time. All expenses are borne by the state.
Michigan2 established a uniform system of accounts in state offices and institutions and in county offices but the law does not apply to cities and towns.
In Wisconsin3 the tax commission was given authority to require reports from cities, villages, towns, and counties, on blanks prepared by the commission. On request by any local government, the commission must install a system of uniform accounts and when established, it must be continued in force. The commission may, on request or on its own motion, audit the accounts of any village, town or city. All expenses of installation or audit are to be paid by the local unit.
Utah4 provided for a state examiner for state accounts but did not extend his authority to municipalities.
Nevada.3 The state board of examiners, boards of county commissioners of counties, board of trustees or other governing body of municipalities are required to audit accounts of all offices, having to do with public funds, once a year and they may employ an expert accountant for the work. The report of the accountant is to be laid before the grand jury for investigation.
> 1911, no. 183.
»1911, oh. 523.
* 1911, oh. 112.
• 1911, oh. 135.
* 1911, oh. 349.


EVENTS AND PERSONALIA
Professor Charles A. Beard, Columbia University, New York, Associate Editor in Charge.
ASSISTED BY
Professor Murray Gross, Drexel Institute, Philadelphia Dr. Edward M. Sait, Columbia University, New York
I. STRUCTURE OF GOVERNMENT
Municipal Home Rule.—The chief interest of the Ohio conference centered in the question of municipal home rule. The Municipal Association of Cleveland, ten days before the conference convened, sent to each of the delegates copies of its report on “Constitutional Home Rule for Ohio Cities,” in which the committee strongly urged the fullest grant of local self-government to the cities of the state in the new constitution. In the Columbus conference there was not a dissenting vote on the question of home rule. The following resolutions were unanimously adopted:
Whereas, the cities of Ohio have throughout their history been completely dependent upon the state legislature, and have been constantly interfered with in the conduct of their purely local affairs, and, as such dependence and interference is not only detrimental to the best interest of the cities, but consumes the time of the legislature which should be devoted to the larger problems of state government, and whereas the most effective remedy thus far proposed for these defects in our system of state control has been the principal of local self government, as adopted and in force in eight states of the Union, therefore, be it
Resolved, that this conference expresses its firm belief that the only effective and permanent relief for our cities from the evils of legislative interference is to be found in the adoption of the principle of municipal home rule; and be it further
Resolved, that we respectfully and earnestly request the constitutional convention to incorporate into the new constitution provisions whereby the authority to frame their own charters and to exercise the fullest power of local self government will be granted to the
cities; and that a committee of fifteen be appointed by the chairman to appear before the proper committee of the convention and advocate the incorporation of the following sections, as expressing the views of the conference on the provisions which should be made for the government of cities and villages in the new constitution.
4
A committee of twenty was appointed to frame the specific provisions which the conference would recommend to the Constitutional Convention. Prof. A. R. Hatton of Western Reserve University, was made chairman of the committee. Two reports were submitted: the majority report as recommended by Professor Hatton and the delegates from Cleveland, and the minority report as advocated by A. Julius Freiberg and the Cincinnati delegates. There was no difference of view on the question of home rule; the only difference was as to the wording of the provisions. The discussion on the majority and minority reports occupied most of two sessions of the Conference. Professor Hatton defended the majority report and Mr. Freiberg the minority. The majority report was accepted, section by section, by the vote of all the delegates, except the Cincinnati delegation. A committee of fifteen was appointed by the conference, and according to arrangement previously made, went before the municipal committee of the constitutional convention on Thursday afternoon and submitted their plan. The municipal committee indicated full sympathy with the principle of home rule and asked the committee of the conference to submit their pro-
284


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visions in the form of a brief accompanied by short arguments in favor of each particular section.
The provisions as recommended follow somewhat the California plan of permitting cities to frame their own charters either upon the initiative of the legislative authority of the city or petition of 10 per cent of the qualified voters.
The recommendations go further than any home rule provisions yet adopted in any of the states. In section 2 of the draft, the conference attempts to reverse the well established principle that only such powers as are specifically granted can be exercised by a city and asserts the principle that the cities have all powers in local affairs which are not specifically prohibited. The section reads as follows:
Any city or village may frame and adopt a charter for its own government in the manner prescribed in Section 3, and may exercise thereunder all powers of local self government; but shall be subject to and controlled by the general laws of the state, except in municipal affairs.
The conference recognized the necessity of certain well defined limitations being placed on the power of cities, such as the the power of taxation; the amount of indebtedness which the municipality may incur; the right of the state to have general supervision over the function of education; and state supervision of accounts. The general impression on the part of the delegates was that the constitutional convention was very favorably inclined toward the conference’s recommendations, and that home rule provisions in some form would without doubt be included in the new constitution. The newly organized Ohio Municipal League is already preparing for a campaign in favor of the home rule provisions.
The officers and executive board of the new organization are: President, Newton D. Baker, Cleveland, Mayor; first vice president, Elliot H. Pendleton, Cincinnati; second vice president, F. A.
Hartenstein, Youngstown, Mayor; third vice president, J. J. Miller, Springfield, Mayor; fourth vice president, David Gottlieb, Tiffin; secretary-treasurer, Mayo Fesler, Cleveland. Executive board: Brand Whitlock, Toledo, Mayor; F. W. Herbst, Columbus; A. Julius Freiberg, Cincinnati; C. H. Slaughter, Athens, Mayor; W. S. Crandall, Dayton; A. A. Perrine, Mt. Vernon, Mayor.1
*
Constitutional Reform in Indiana.— The Hon. William Dudley Foulke, of Richmond, Indiana, president of the National Municipal League, addressed the Indianapolis Bar Association on February 7 on “Needed Changes in Our Fundamental Law.” He characterized the present constitution as inadequate and obsolete. He said in part:
“Does Indiana need a revision of its constitution? The majority in the last legislature thought that it aid, and one was provided ready-made and pushed through the caucus in a single session and, after some trifling amendments, it was rushed through both bodies of the General Assembly to be submitted to the people at the next general election.
“It was a half-baked document, with some good features and some bad ones. No opportunity was to be given the people to separate desirable provisions from those which were injurious, nor to introduce anything new which might be far more desirable than what was actually incorporated. No sufficient opportunity was given for public debate or modification of the different changes proposed, and the constitution, when submitted, was to be Hobson’s choice, ‘Take that or nothing.’
“That is not the way a constitution should be revised. Such revision ought to be kept as far as possible out of the domain of party politics. But whether that be done or not the people ought to have the right to take part in each step necessary to the change of the fundamental law.
“We have become one of the most Bourbon communities in the American Union,” Mr. Foulke said, “and largely because our fundamental law ties us
lFrom Mayo Fesler, secretary of the Cleveland Municipal Association.


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hand and foot and prevents the adoption of measures necessary to our full and free development.”
' ‘Today we are in great danger of inj ury from the special privileges accorded to corporate wealth,” he said, “from political manipulations occasioned by imperfect methods of representation, from a system of unjust taxation which protects chiefly the dishonest, from restrictions which withhold from our municipal corporations the necessary means for the development of their local affairs.
“Our old constitution as it stands is obsolete. We need a revision.
‘ ‘Other states have recognized this need. Outside of New England and New Jersey there is not a state in the American Union which has not a constitution newer than our own, except Wisconsin, and Wisconsin has adopted such radical amendments that her fundamental law has in this manner been brought down to date.
“Here we have tied the hands of our legislature by provisions that make our own progress impossible along any lines. We must either release the fetters or we must impose prescriptions in conformity with our present needs.
Mr. Foulke advocated a provision permitting cities to adopt any form of government they wished, and one to remove the limit on bonded indebtedness so as to allow them to purchase public utilities and to bond these utilities as permitted by the recent Michigan constitution.
*
Indiana Federated Commercial Clubs Favor Change in City Government.—
A committee representing the Indiana federated commercial clubs, of which T. F. Thieme, of Fort Wayne, is chairman, at a meeting held in Indianapolis approved the draft of a bill which proposes to make a considerable change in the government of cities of the state. Some of the principal features of the proposed bill are: Election of a board of fifteen city councilors to organize city administration for conduct similar to that of a business corporation; selection of a mayor and heads of departments of city government by the board; establishment of a civil service commis-
sion; removal of the mayor and the head of any department by a majority vote of the board; mayor and heads of departments to have active charge of the affairs of the city. The bill also provides that any member of the board of councilors may be recalled by a majority vote upon petition of 25 per cent of the voters; legislation may be initiated upon petition of 25 per cent of the voters; and referendum of legislation may be required by petition of 25 per cent of the voters. The committee, however, withheld its approval of these provisions for the initiative referendum and recall.
*
Boston’s New Charter has so far worked well in the opinion of the Boston finance commission. Its report on the subject concludes with these words:
The commission believes that those branches of the city’s business which have been directly affected by the charter amendments have been improved; that many of the abuses which characterized the operation of the old charter have ceased; that the new system of nominations and elections has worked well; in short, that the value of the charter amendments has been proved.
There is no demand for a reduction of the large powers which the charter amendments give the mayor, and while such large powers exist it would be unwise to remove any of the restraint which the charter amendments have placed upon him.
In defense of the small council elected at large the commission says:
The provision for a small council elected at large continues to be successful in operation. The council has been a bulwark against improvident longterm contracts for street lighting and refuse disposal. It has carefully guarded the city’s financial interests. The old form of general loan bill, passed as a compromise measure, has ceased to exist.
The record of the council in the last two years is a complete refutation of the charge made by its opponents that districts without direct representation would not receive a fair share of local improvements. There has been no discrimination.”


EVENTS AND PERSONALIA
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This view is shared by the Monitor,1 which in an editorial declared:
The outcome of the recent election of members of the Boston city council has not ceased to give comfort to civic reformers as the event has receded in time. More than anything that has happened recently, it showed that the balance of power in the city electorate has passed into the hands of non-partisans and that these independents are disposed to use_ their votes to the best advantage. Coinciding as it did with an equally gratifying display of political insight and poise on the part of voters for candidates for the school board, the verdict gave heart to workers who have often been tempted to fear that Boston might in time come to have a Tammany.
That the outlook for the city’s political as well as commercial future is brighter now than in some decades is the belief of veterans fighting in the cause of local democracy; and it is due in part to a new municipal and local patriotism created and fostered by flourishing civic* institutions that did not exist when the century dawned and also to a charter that provides a form of government concentrating responsibility and authority and that gives to a finance commission rights of supervision of city administration that make it a medium for censorship such as previous mayors and councilmen never had to undergo.
In its annual report this finance commission, while finding considerable still to be done ere taxpayers and law-abiding citizens are given the full value of their annual revenue, is constrained to admit that methods of administration have been much bettered and officials —elected and appointed—raised in both morale and efficiency.
The mayor, by travel and by study of European standards and methods of city administration, has come to be broader as an executive, and is cooperating much better than during his first administration with all the quasi-gov-ernmental agencies of the city molding local evolution. Judging from Boston’s experience, a city makes a good investment that insures a study of European urban policies by its mayor. The experience both sobers and inspires; it tones down vaingloriousness and American conceit; it also inspires to action that is above petty politics.
1 Issue January 25.
St. Cloud, Minnesota, Commission Government.—The distinguishing feature of the St. Cloud home rule charter is a commission plan with a legislative body separate and distinct from the executive body. The Minnesota constitution, sec. 36, art. 4, contains the following provision: “It shall be a feature of all such charters that there should be provided, among other things, for a mayor or chief magistrate, and a legislative body of either one or two houses.” There has been a great deal of dispute among attorneys as to whether or not under this clause there may be a commission or governing body which has both legislative and executive authority.
Mankato and Faribault, Minnesota, both adopted plans providing for a commission of five men, one of whom is the mayor, and gave the commission all the governmental authority of the city both executive and legislative. The Mankato plan has been attacked as unconstitutional and the matter is now pending before the courts.
St. Cloud in order to be within the constitution provided for two distinct bodies. First a commission of three, of which the mayor is one. This commission is the governing body of the city and exercises all the executive and administrative powers of the municipality including all powers of taxation and appropriation. It is the licensing body and it appoints all of the servants of the city except the councilmen and the city justices.
The other body is the council, and its authority is expressly limited to the passing of ordinances. The subjects upon which it can legislate are expressly set forth in the charter and there is an additional limitation to the effect that any ordinance which imposes any limitations upon the commission shall be void. The three commissioners and five councilmen are elected at large. The commissioners receive salaries of $1500 each; the councilmen receive none. The charter also provides for the initiative, referendum, recall, non-partisan primaries


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and the other essentials of the so-called commission form of government. The city, therefore, has most of the essentials of the commission plan, and at the same time retains the element of a separate legislative body. This is a distinctive feature of the St. Cloud charter, which so far as we know, has not been worked out by any other charter in the country.
St. Cloud is a city of 10,600 population, and the new charter was adopted at a special election held November 28 by a vote of three to one. The first election under the new charter will be held April l.1
*
Wisconsin City Commission Government Law.—In an analytical pamphlet, John T. Kennedy, of Madison, Wis., points out the unusual features of the laws of Wisconsin relative to commission government for cities, some of which he regards as dangerous. Those features to which he makes special reference are: the unusually small number of commissioners, three instead of five, seven or nine; length of their term of office, which is fixed at six years; inability of any one to be a commissioner who has a profession or business which he is unwilling to give up; summary power of removal by a majority vote of the commissioners of all officers and assistants as well as all members of all boards of the city government; no provision for a civil service commission or an adequate recognition of the merit idea in appointments; no adequate provision for financial publicity; authority to act secretly whenever the commission desires it; referendum optional with the commission; absence of bond requirement for a faithful discharge of duties on the part of the commissioners; and finally, the commission form, if once adopted by any city, cannot thereafter be changed by the people of the city until the expiration of the six years, and even then the people, have as their only alternative a i eturn to
the charter and laws under which the city operated prior to the adoption of the commission law.
*
Chelsea’s Rejection Of Commission Government.—Among opponents of the movement for commission government for cities, there has been much unfounded rejoicing because Chelsea is said to have voted, at the last election, to give up the system. This is not true. Chelsea never had commission government in any accepted sense of the term. What is essential in commission government is the combination of administrative and legislative functions in the hands of a small body of men, and the enforcement of complete popular control by means of non-partisan elections, the recall, the initiative and the referendum. In Chelsea the legislative power was in the hands of a commission appointed by the Governor, while the administrative powers remained with the old departments. The appointed commission appropriated money, and the the departments spent it. Moreover, neither the initiative, referendum nor recall was provided for. The vote on November 7 was not, therefore, a relapse from commission government. The record of the new municipal system is still clear: not a single city which has accepted it has returned to the old system.2
*
Commission Government In West Virginia.—West Virginia is moving toward commission government for its cities. In 1909 Huntington secured a pure commission form which vests all of its affairs in the control of a board of three men. In the same year, Charleston secured a modified form under which a board of affairs is clothed with large powers. Wheeling has been granted a board of control with considerable powers, although the old system of councils was not done away with and therefore the
1 From James L. Jenks.
i The Boston Common.


EVENTS AND PERSONALIA
289
work of the board is likely to be impeded by the necessity of consulting councils about many matters which should be in its own hands.
*
Eureka (Cal.) Fails to Secure Commission Government Charter.—The proposed commission form of government for Eureka was defeated by a vote of 1048 to 124. This defeat is attributed to preference for the city manager plan recently proposed at Lockport, N. Y., which permits the five elected commissioners to
appoint a business manager in absolute control of all the city work.
♦
The League of Library Commissions.—
At the mid-winter meeting of the League of Library Commissions, a national organization of various state library commissions, held in Chicago in January, the question of the library features of city charters was touched upon and a committee appointed to consider what features ought to be incorporated in city charters relative to public libraries.
II. FUNCTIONS
The Investigation of Chicago’s Police— On September 5 last, Mayor Carter H. Harrison, wrote the civil service commission, calling attention to newspaper stories to the effect that a criminal conspiracy existed between certain commanding officers of the police department and certain gamblers operating within the city limits. He said that it was openly charged that money was paid members of the police department to secure protection. The mayor asked that in connection with the examination of the efficiency of the various classes of the civilservice, the commission undertake to establish the truth or falsity of these charges. On September 7, the commission replied that it would undertake the task, would fix the responsibility for such conditions as might be shown to exist contrary to law or efficient police duty; would report for the information of the mayor such conditions as might be shown to exist tending to impair departmental or individual efficiency. The commission was acting under sections 12 and 14 of the civil service act. On the 7th the Mayor wrote that it was likely that during the investigation representations would be made to the commission that the mayor desired certain things to be done or left undone in connection with it; that in advance he desired to say that no one was authorized to convey any message for him and
that if he had anything to communicate he would do so officially.
The commission then asked for $10,000; on September 25, $15,000 was appropriated by the council. W. W. Wheelock, Esq., was selected as special counsel and has, since September 10, devoted his entire time to the work. The commission then directed its efficiency division, Major James Miles being chief of the division, to proceed with the investigation. They devoted their attention, first, to gambling; secondly, to violations of the order of the general superintendent of police of April 28,1910, concerning
(1) The entering of boys under eighteen years of age into disreputable houses;
(2) the harboring of inmates under legal age; (3) forcible detention, (white slave trade); (4) the presence of women in saloons; (5) indecent attire; (6) subsisting on the income of inmates; (7) street walking and soliciting; (8) signs, lights, colors or devices; (9) obscene exhibitions; (10) houses of ill fame, outside restricted districts; (11) the sale of liquor in houses; (12) the sale of liquor after 1 a.m.
It also investigated the trade in cocaine, opium and, other drugs; closed up these places and got evidence not only against the sellers but certain physicians and wholesale drug houses. This evidence and much other evidence of various crimes will go to the grand jury.


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It then made a study of the departmental organization with a view to fixing the responsibility. It then made a study of the method of keeping reports and correspondence, departmental records and rules. It then investigated the office of the custodian of lost and stolen property. It also investigated the large number of patrolmen on special duty, clerical duty, or duty other than that of police duty (soft berths). It then showed the connection between the abuses in the police department and certain political conditions. It then showed the protection of pickpockets by members of the police force; it investigated and reported on superannuation and incapacity; examinations; promotions; instruction in the police school; substitution of patrolmen. The reports are not all public as yet but from those seen their recommendations are summarized as follows:
The commission finds:
1. That there is, and for years has been, police protection of criminal classes.
2. That a bi-partisan political ring exists by and through which the protection afforded the criminal classes by the police department is fostered and maintained.
3. That to such connection may be charged a great part of the disorganization, lack of discipline and inefficiency existing in the department.
4. That apart from such connection, inefficiency also arises through certain specified faults of organization and administration.
5. That the police department, as now numerically constituted, can, if honestly and efficiently administered, enforce the statutes, city ordinances and regulations in regard to crime and vice as well as perform routine police duty.
The commission recommends:
1. That the division of the city in police divisions and districts be abolished.
2. That the position of inspector be abolished (there were five inspectors).
3. That captains be assigned to com-
mand important precincts and lieutenants the remainder and that each be held accountable for conditions therein, reporting directly to general headquarters.
4. That such numbers of captains and lieutenants be detailed to general headquarters as to constitute a working staff for the general superintendent, at all times subject to return to former duty.
5. That a system of inspection be installed that will insure a proper performance of police duty on the part of officers and men.
6. That methods of reports and correspondence and records be handled at headquarters in the manner specified in detail.
7. Assignments to special duties, other than police duty in the strictest sense, be not used, in order that every available patrolman may be on beat. That non-police duty in the department of police be performed by persons paid the regular salary for such work, and taken from the general lists of the proper class.
8. That the present method of assignment of sergeants be revised so as to secure substantial equality as to numbers of men supervised.
9. That transfers as a punishment or at the request of persons outside the department be discontinued and forbidden.
10. That the standard of promotion examination be raised as set forth in detail.
11. That police department efficiency markings be installed as set forth in detail.
12. That annual medical and physical examinations be held and made a part of individual efficiency records.
13. That an age limit be fixed for compulsory retirement.
14. That the police pension law be revised to prevent the payment of pensions to persons discharged from the force.
15. That substitute patrolman be used according to the plan set forth in detail.


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16. That the police school of instruction be extended and a system of station schools of instruction uniform throughout the precincts be devised and installed and that a school for officers be established. (Detailed report on curriculum hours, period and expense of conducting the school.)
17. That rules regarding vice be revised and amplified in accordance with the reports of the vice commission, keeping the restricted district.
18. That the ordinance prohibiting street walking be amended so as to provide for a graded increase of fine for each offense, eliminating judicial discretion as far as possible.
19. That the laws regarding vagrants and persons of known bad character be revised as set forth in detail.
20. That a card index system be installed in every precinct station which will at all time show, up to date, the name, description, character, haunts, habits associates and relatives of every known person of bad character, residing in or frequenting such precinct, including classes of criminals set forth in detail.
21. That immediate and stringent measures be taken to disband the organization known as the United Police and to prevent the creation of any organization whose influence and tendency is to break down departmental organization and efficiency. Each of these points is dealt with in a detailed report.
During the progress of the investigation, the commission’s trial board has been at work hearing the evidence against particular officers of the force. One hundred fifty of the highest police officials have been discharged and rendered ineligible to the city service in the future. The council has abolished the inspectorships, the police divisions and districts in accordance with the recommendations and report. Gambling has practically ceased within the city. A very large number of disreputable houses outside the restricted district have been closed. The public has had the most striking demonstration of the fact that
when the connection between the bipartisan political organization and the police department is broken, the police force can easily enforce the law. The general superintendent of the police is so discredited that his removal by the mayor may be safely predicted.
To illustrate the feeling and enthusiasm in which this “clean up” by the civil service commission has been received, I want to cite one instance: About fifty of the newspaper publishers and multi-millionaires of Chicago, met at the Union League Club and placed at the disposal of the commission a practically unlimited fund. Whether the commission will need it or not remains to be seen. The feeilng is that the mayor is cordially behind the “shake up,” but, if he is not, the commission is at present so strong, that neither the mayor nor any political force is strong enough to stop the investigation. The city council is also in the position where, while it is showing alacrity in passing ordinances along the lines recommended, it could not, if it wished, stand in the way. An ordinance re-organizing the police department from top to bottom is being framed and will, undoubtedly, go through. The credit for this whole matter is due to Elton Lower, civil service commissioner, James Miles, chief of the efficiency division, W. W. Wheelock, special counsel to the commission, and to the experts and investigators of the efficiency division. I do not know of anything since the great popular vote in Illinois which has so strengthenened the merit and efficiency system.1
*
Tramways Finance In Great Britain.
At the conference of the Municipal Tramways Association of Great Britain, held in Glasgow last September, a notable paper was presented by Councillor James H. Rodgers, chairman of the Newcastle tramways committee, on the subject, “Tramways Finances and Policy.”
1 From Robert Catherwood.


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Mr. Rodgers had made a sort of unofficial investigation into the finances of the various municipal undertakings of Great Britain. He divided the municipally operated tramways into four lists, according to the soundness of their financial condition and policy. He found thirty undertakings that were doing well. These included the systems of many of the principal cities, such as Birmingham, Bradford, Cardiff, Huddersfield, Leeds, Liverpool, London County Council, Manchester, Sheffield, Newcastle, Aberdeen, Glasgow, Belfast, and Nottingham. The second list comprised fourteen tramway systems, each of which showed “fairly good results.” In these cases, however, in the opinion of Mr. Rodgers, “the committees in charge were not justified in paying the amounts they did towards the rates, taking into full consideration the low state of their reserve and renewal funds.” This list included among others, Blackpool, Northampton, Salford, and York. In the third list were 16 tramway systems, none of which showed a surplus on the year’s work sufficiently large, in Mr. Rodger’s opinion, “to allow of the provision of £200 per mile of single track for the renewal fund.” He contended that unless such provision could be made, these tramways were not in a sound financial position. The fourth list consisted of thirty-two tramway undertakings which showed no surplus at all, in fact, all but three of them were a charge upon the rates. The third and fourth lists included such towns as Blackburn, Brighton, Dover, Lancaster, Oldham, and Perth.
Mr. Rodgers stated that the first consideration of a tramways committee ought to be to make the undertaking financially sound, by the building up of a sufficient reserve and renewal fund; the second consideration, to see that the traveling public was supplied with proper accommodation and facilities; the third, to see that good conditions of labor were given to all the employees; and the fourth, to see that when the first
three had been complied with, the rate payers who backed up the undertaking and over whose streets the cars were run should have some return in the shape of contributions towards the rates. He was insistent that at least £200 per mile of single track ought to be set aside each year to accumulate as a track renewal fund. On this basis, he estimated that funds would be available for the renewal of tracks about once in fifteen years.
This paper called forth a lively discussion among the delegates to the conference. Councillor Spencer, chairman of the Halifax tramways committee, suggested among other things that where tramways had caused increases inland values, those values should be rated, and the proceeds handed over to public funds. He suggested that Mr. Rodgers had forgotten some of the assets which municipal undertakings brought to the locality through which they run. He thought the urban district councils should pay their fair share of the cost of maintaining the roads.
Delos F. Wilcox.
*
English Municipal Gas Works.—The
report for the year ended March 31,1911, of the gas department of Stafford, population 25,000, contains some interesting information and figures. The gas works have been in the possession of the municipal corporation for thirty-three years, during which time the bonded indebtedness has been reduced from $550,673 to $182,189, a reserve fund has been provided, and municipal taxes have been reduced $286,019. The price of lighting gas is $0.65 per 1000 feet, with discounts up to 10 per cent according to consumption, and $0.48 per 1000 feet for power, with discounts up to 25 per cent, reducing the price all around to about $0.37.
The gross receipts during the year in question were $162,899 and the expenditures $93,930, leaving a gross profit of $68,969. Loans repaid, interest, etc., amounted to $31,447, and the net balance


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as a shield to responsibility. He should understand that he not only enricheshim-self by protecting his own property but that he actually adds to his own wealth in protecting the property of his neighbor, because every species of property that is subject to taxation, when destroyed by fire places necessarily a higher tax upon the property that is not destroyed. Also there is no branch of learning properly taught in the schools of the nation that would yield better results than a course in fire prevention.”
A committee of the Boston Chamber of Commerce submitted in September, 1911, a valuable report containing a study of the problem of reducing fire losses and making practical recommendations for the reduction of the construction hazard, the prevention of carelessness or deliberate mismanagement, and the improvement in the efficiency of fire fighting systems.
*
Minneapolis Puts on the Lid.—The
entire “Red Light” district of Minneapolis was closed up last year as a result of the aggressive efforts of the city government to show that a large city can be run without the social evil. It appears, however, that in consequence of the policy of the authorities, a large number of minor resorts have sprung up in all parts of the city with demoralizing effects upon the young people. This situation has been seriously aggravated by a large increase in the number of dance halls which attract into the streets a great number of unprotected girls from fifteen to eighteen years of age.
*
“The Solution of Denver’s Street Waste Problem” is the title of an in-' teresting illustrated folder issued by the American Civic Association. It shows how Denver’s garbage is removed without cost to the citizens or to the municipality.
*
Tacoma Extends Library Service.— Tacoma has not only established branch
libraries for the accommodation of the people of the city, but is making a special effort to furnish foreigners with easy reading English books as well as literature in their own language. The public school teachers have been given charge of the distribution.
*
Two Harbors Authorizes Municipal Coal Yard.—At the regular meeting of Councils December 4, the city of Two Harbors, Mich., authorized a municipal coal yard. It is claimed that this plan will result in a reduction of from thirty-five cents to a dollar a ton of coal to the consumer.
*
A Coupon Ballot.—In an address before the West Virginia legislature, Moncena Dunn, of La Crosse, Wis., submitted an interesting plan for a coupon ballot. His plan calls for printing the names of the candidates of the several parties on separate but different colored sheets so perforated that the name of each candidate can be removed from the sheet. If the voter desires to vote a straight ticket, he simply tears from the ballot tablet the whole sheet containing the names of his party candidates and deposits it in the ballot box. If the voter wishes to split his ticket, he merely detaches from the proper sheet the name of the man of the other party he desires and places it in a blue envelope, taking from his regular sheet the name of the candidate of his party for whom he does not wish to vote. By this arrangement the candidates for whom he votes are represented by the little perforated tickets placed in the blue envelope. Mr. Dunn believes that this method makes ballot counting several times easier and quicker.
*
Pittsburgh has Two New Commissions.
—Two new municipal commissions have been appointed in Pittsburgh. One is the commission on municipal art, the president of which is John W. Beatty, director of the department of fine arts


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of Carnegie Institute; and the other is the commission on city-planning, the temporary chairman of which is former State Senator William Flinn.
*
Pittsburgh Hillside Dwellings for Workingmen.—The Pittsburgh civic commission, after two years of study, has devised a method for utilizing the unused, steep and unsightly hillsides of the city. Its report outlines a scheme for hillside dwellings for workingmen and suggests two distinct types. One is a row of small houses fronting on two streets only thirty-two feet apart but the one on a considerably higher level than the other; the other type, a line of attached houses fronting on terraces, the rows running up the hill at right angles to projected streets.
*
New Municipal Pier at Philadelphia—
The Engineering Record of January 6 contains an illustrated article on the latest municipal pier at Philadelphia. This is the first of the piers built by the city for the purpose of trans-Atlantic passenger and freight business, and is one of the steps in a comprehensive plan for the improvement of port facilities. A number of piers are ultimately to be constructed by the city, and all of them are to have connections with the belt railroad.
*
Chicago Extends Control of Lake Front.—What Mayor Harrison regards as a “big bargain for the people” was consummated in December when Chicago regained from the Illinois Central Railroad control of the shore of Lake Michigan from Grand Park to the Jack-son Park connection. One member of the committee that negotiated the transaction said: “It will enable the city and the park board not only to place the Field museum within reach of everybody in Chicago, but also provide a lake front for beach and park extensions
and for driveways.” The city-planning commission, to which was delegated the work of providing a plan to beautify this tract, has plans on exhibition which show a lake shore boulevard bordered by elms, maples, chestnuts, oaks, and pines, and facilities for out-door activities, including baseball diamonds, tennis courts, playgrounds and recreation rests.
*
City Plan of Albany.—The city council of Albany passed an ordinance January 15 authorizing the commissioner of public works to select an expert to prepare a city plan and appropriated $5000 for the purpose. Provision is made for public hearings by the commissioner of public works. The ordinance specifies that the plan shall show such matters relating to streets, parks and public places, public buildings, works of art and other structures intended for the beautification of the city, the arrangement of street and other railroads, the location and places of residences and other matters. On the same evening the council authorized the improvement of State Street leading to the pier by widening and otherwise improving. Five hundred thousand dollars in bonds was provided for to carry out the work.
*
Gary, Indiana, the “model city” built by the United States Steel Company, is to have a landscape architect to plan an extensive system of parks and playgrounds. The Commercial Club of Gary has retained Myron H. West of Chicago for this purpose.
*
Cleveland’s Upper Air Playgrounds.—
The new Eagle School, of Cleveland, which is to be located in the congested business section of the city, provides open play spaces on the second and third floors upon which the class rooms will open. An automatic elevator will make possible easy access to these open air rooms.


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Compulsory Notification of Pulmonary Tuberculosis.—By a recent regulation of the British local government board,
all cases of pulmonary tuberculosis must hereafter be made known to the local medical officer of health at once.
III. POLITICS
San Francisco’s new administration came1 into power on January 8, and attacked the work of reorganization with energy. Mayor-elect Rolph had called the supervisors-elect together shortly after the results of the November election were known, and a series of meetings was held in which the committees were organized and a plan of municipal improvement was laid out. The first work undertaken was the reorganization of committees to cover the work of a city of today. The supervisors’ committees had been organized on the framework of thirty years ago, with a result that the burden of work fell upon a few while the greater number never met. Eighteen committees were formed, the principal ones added being those on electricity, public efficiency and civil service, public welfare, supplies, and one on the exposition. For effectiveness, all committees except the finance and exposition committees are made up of three members, the latter taking five each.
The mayor’s inaugural address was short, and set forth his programme in brief as follows: a new city hall and civic center; the purchase of the Spring Valley works; improved street car transportation. Preliminary steps were taken at once by the supervisors to carry out these recommendations.
Practically the entire water supply of the city is furnished by the Spring Valley water works. The city has acquired valuable water rights in Lake Eleanor and the Hetch Hetchy in the Sierras, 170 miles away, but relief from this source is still many years in the future.
Two years ago the citizens refused by a narrow margin of votes to buy the Spring Valley supply for $35,000,000, a two-thirds majority being required. The board of supervisors has passed reso-
lutions calling for a new proposition for purchase, and negotiations are underway to agree upon a price which can be put before the people.
Two years ago the people voted $2,-020,000 to reconstruct the Geary street railroad with extensions from the bay to the ocean. The late administration put men at work only last fall on the approach of the elections, and less than one-fifth of the work has been completed. Mayor Rolph called for the completion of this project and its extension; and recommended amendment of the charter to encourage investment of private capital in railroad extensions, on indeterminate franchises with arrangements by which the city can purchase at any time. He also recommended that the 15 per cent bond limit of the city be modified by excluding self-sustaining investments from the calculated liabilities. He recommended certain other charter amendments, an improved auditing system, increase of parks and playgrounds, completion of unfinished public work, and the addition of San Mateo County to the city as a part of a greater San Francisco.
Mayor Rolph made the following appointments to the administrative boards: education, Dr. A. A. D’Ancona, Mary A. Deane; police, Jesse B. Cook, James Woods; fire, H. U. Brandenstein; elections, C. L, Queen, Wm. McDevitt; civil service, E. A. Walcott; public works, Daniel G. Fraser; parks, A. B. Spreckels, Curtis M. Lindley; playgrounds, Rev. D. O. Crowley, Mrs. M. S. Haywood, Marshal Hale, Timothy A. Reardon, Miss Sallie Jones. For his private secretary he chose Edward Rainey, a newspaper man. The holdover members of the various boards show every disposition to accept the


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situation, and in most cases elected the new members as presidents of the boards.
An investigation of the board of public works begun by the finance committee of the board of supervisors, gave official demonstration of the extravagance which had been known to prevail in that department, and it is expected that further changes will be made in its membership.
With the operation of a constitutional amendment adopted last October, all branches of the city government, except the school, playgrounds and park departments, come under the civil service commission. This service has been much neglected in the past, and there are now about 1500 places nominally under civil service, but held under “temporary appointments” by the head of the office. The purpose of the system has been defeated by making a minute classification of positions and holding no examinations for eligibles to the majority of classes. The new commission is reclassifying places, and it is expected that before the end of the next fiscal year, all appointments will have been made from the regular lists.
To assist in solving the street railroad problem, Bion J. Arnold has been called from- Chicago and is gathering data to recommend plans for operating and extending the roads owned by the city, and a business method of dealing with the existing private corporations in order to secure better service. Provision for transportation to the grounds that will be occupied by the Panama-Pacific Internat onal exposition in 1915 is the first problem to be taken up, and will absorb most of the energy of the administration for the next three years.
An election to issue $8,800,000 bonds to build a city hall and acquire a civic center, adjoining the old city hall destroyed in the earthquake and conflagration of 1906, has been called for March 28. An election to vote bonds for the purchase of the water system will probably be held before July l.1
1 From E. A. Walcott.
In an opinion rendered to Mayor Rolph the employment of experts on the water supply questions and on the traffic situation is approved as legal by City Attorney Percy V. Long. Auditor Thomas F. Boyle at once approved their warrants fbr payments due them, which he had held up awaiting a decision. Boyle raised the question of the validity of their appointments because of the charter provision that every employe must have been a resident of the city for a year prior to and during his services. City Attorney Long holds that the city has full power to employ experts to advise it upon municipal problems and that such experts need not be residents of the city. By copious quotation of authorities he shows that they are not employes of the city in the sense indicated in the charter, but that they are rather contractors with the municipality for their services.
The charter defines employes as those that are employed at fixed wages payable monthly, whereas the experts contract for a fixed service for stated amounts, without particular regard for the time they are engaged. The courts have repeatedly stated the view that such persons employed by a city are contractors, and therefore not subject to the charter provision about residence.
*
Boston’s Mayor.—The Boston finance commission finds fault with Mayor Fitzgerald’s administration of the city’s finance. Its report points out that the appropriations of the past year, for which the mayor may fairly be held responsible, were $13,392,796.42, an increase of $1,684,859.42 over 1910-11 and of $2,030,329.92 over Mayor Hibbard’s last term.
It adds, however, that “the extraordinary size of the appropriations is partly accounted for by the large amount appropriated for improvements of a permanent nature, or of the kind for which loans have been authorized in earlier years.”


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But “the appropriations for permanent improvements out of taxes and revenue are . creditable to the mayor and the majority of the city council which supported him in this policy,” it says.
The commission’s worst count against the mayor is extravagance in payrolls.
“Instead of effecting reforms in the payroll,” the report states, “the mayor has permitted an increase in the number and compensation of employes and an unwarranted allowance for overtime payments.
“Exactly how much of the overtime money was unwarranted,” says the report, “cannot be stated, without a thorough investigation, but the commission is convinced that a considerable part of the amount spent for this purpose was not justified by the work done.
“In 1910 just before Christmas, two of the mayor’s office force received from the city’s treasury $200 each in addition to their regular salaries, these payments being entered on the city’s books as overtime. They were lump sum payments unaccompanied by itemized statements such as are required in the case of overtime payments by departments other than the mayor’s. There is no justification for this practice of the mayor in making presents of the city’s money under the guise of overtime payments.”
The commission states, without comment, that the expenditures for the maintenance of departments under control of the mayor for 11 months ending December 31 last were $11,365,200.12 or $315,988.62 more than in 1910-11 and $669,-236.04 more than in 1909-10.
The commission rejoices however, over the fact that “the borrowing power has been exercised with care and moderation,” and that on December 31 there was left a borrowing capacity of $748,-983.47. It finds, however, that “if [the city council had authorized some of the loans requested by the mayor, this margin would have been practically wiped out.”
The city debt, too, was $275,919.50 less, or, exclusive of the rapid transit debt, $450,786.06 less, on December 31, 1911, than on December 31, 1910.
“This,” states the commission, “shows that for the time being, at least, the tendency of recent years to increase the debt has been checked.”
The commission also ha praise for the award of city contracts.
“The manner,” the report says, “in which contracts involving $1000 or more, which under the law require advertisement for bids, have been awarded in the last two years shows a marked improvement over the record of the Mayor in his first term.”
The commission has one or two other flaws to pick in the Mayor’s record, however, regarding his failure to follow some of its recommendations.
Of the mayor’s action on the matter of better fire protection, the commission says:
“The mayor has done nothing to increase the fire fighting force or to provide the necessary motor apparatus, though both have been strongly urged by the fire commissioner. . The
mayor has attempted to secure an extension of the building limits, so far without success. Neither the mayor nor the city council has taken any steps to restore the fire commissioner’s authority over the department in respect to the time-off and meal hours of the firemen.”
*
Duluth, Minnesota.—At the city election, February 6, four charter amendments were adopted, of which the most important was that providing for a board of public welfare whose duties are to comprise corrections and amusements within the municipal jurisdiction. The project for a workfarm on municipal lines will be committed to this body. The other amendments relate to the limit of taxation, and the method of di vi d-ing assessments, and an appropriation is sanctioned for band concerts in the parks.


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The principal issue was upon authorizing the council to issue 1700,000 bonds for a lighting plant. It was readily carried. It empowers the city to make a contract for the construction of a plant within that sum, subject to ratification by popular vote. Many who voted for the bonds, quite likely a majority, believe it would be more economical to pay the existing private company a price and a half for its plant than to build a competing plant, and this vote carried largely on the theory that the city would be in a better position to strike a fair bargain. The situation is somewhat complicated by the election for mayor of a candidate of the “good fellow’’ type who has not been identified with municipal ownership agitation. The Socialists appear above the surface for the first time, electing an alderman from the eighth ward.1
*
Lowell (Mass.) Elections and the New City Charter.—In December the people of Lowell, Mass., adopted a new city charter providing for the administration of affairs by five “elected selectmen” by a majority of about twelve hundred votes. At the following elec IV.
tion held under the new charter, there were about seventy-five ca