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National municipal review, January, 1915

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National municipal review, January, 1915
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National municipal review
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National Municipal League
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Philadelphia, PA
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National Municipal League
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Volume 1, Issue 1

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Full Text
NATIONAL
MUNICIPAL REVIEW
1915
Editor
Clinton Rogers Woodruff
Associate Editors
John A. Fairlie Herman G. James
Adelaide R. Hasse Howard L. McBain
VOLUME IV
PUBLISHED FOR THU
national municipal league
BT
THE RUMFORD PRESS
concord, h. e.
1915


NATIONAL
MUNICIPAL REVIEW
Vol. IV, No. 1 January, 1915 Total No. 13
PRESENT PHASES OF THE MUNICIPAL
SITUATION
BY CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF1 Philadelphia
NATURALLY the questions uppermost at this time in the minds of students of municipal conditions are: What effect is the great European war having upon the municipal situation? Has it diverted interest? And if so, in what way? Has it interfered with the orderly functioning of the city? Has it stopped public improvements? Has it hurt municipal credit, and the development of sound municipal sentiment?
To each of these queries, a separate and extended answer could be given, but generally speaking, the influence, by and large, of the war on American municipal life has been much less than was reasonably anticipated. This assertion is based on a great mass of testimony gathered mainly from personal letters from editors of long experience as trained observers of public opinion in their respective localities. In the words of one: “I have been unable to note any effect upon municipal activities in Los Angeles because of the European war; and I do not anticipate any material diversion from municipal affairs, nor does there seem to be any indication that the war will hurt public improvements unless it be for those projects which depend upon the sale of bonds.”
Seattle reports that the European war “has n,ot appreciably affected municipal conditions in Seattle, unless perhaps it may be in bringing more sober attention to matters of taxation and the like,” certainly a most desirable result, and right here it may be pertinent to remark that increasing federal and state expenses are destined to have the same effect.
So far as the Pacific Coast is concerned there is practically but one story. The same is true of the central sections. New England bears
twentieth Annual Review of the Secretary of the National Municipal League.


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[January-
similar testimony, a New Haven editor expressing the belief that is commonly held that "municipal conditions are not affected; and if affected at all, they are improved slightly instead of being the other way around, nor are public improvements affected by the war agitation.” The same message .comes from the middle states. In short, a great mass of correspondence reflects the fact that the American municipal citizen, while profoundly interested in every phase of the greatest war of recorded history, is nevertheless going about his municipal business just about the same as usual, but with somewhat more care, thoughtfulness and sobriety than formerly.
Nor has the war interfered with the orderly functions of the cities. There has been a natural conservatism in the undertaking of new work and the assumption of new functions; but so far as reported there has been no abandonment of those lines of activities previously assumed and regularly carried on. Although it must be pointed out that if it had not been for the war, the new year would have seen the greatest development of municipal activity the country has ever witnessed, along both physical and general lines, and I am not at all sure that the war will check the latter. That it has seriously interfered with the former, however, there can be no doubt, due, however, undoubtedly to the unsettled financial condition of the country.
From all sections comes the word that there is great difficulty in placing city loans, at least through the usual channels. Although there have been notable exceptions as in the case of New York, which with comparative ease floated a loan of $100,000,000 to take up the city stock held abroad and falling due this autumn.
Municipal credit as such does not seem to be hurt or jeopardized. The trouble seems to be in the disinclination of the capitalists to invest in municipal or any other issues, although this timidity and unwillingness is beginning to show signs of disappearing, and the belief quite widely prevails that where municipal bond issues are offered in popular amounts and over the counter, as described in the review of last year’s municipal events2 they will be promptly taken up. Indeed the opinion prevails among financial authorities that the European situation in time, and that a comparatively short one, will make municipal securities the most desirable in America. The solution of the present problem is the issuance of short term notes, not revenue bonds issued in anticipation of taxes maturing in six or eight months, but two, three and four-year or one to five-year serial securities, similar to the recent six per cent corporate stock notes issued by New York City, carrying interest at five or five and one half per cent or possibly a little higher, according to the size and credit of the borrower.
From the city’s standpoint there is a great advantage in this policy
5 See National Municipal Review, vol. iii, p. 1.


1915] PHASES OF THE MUNICIPAL SITUATION
3
enabling it to avail itself of cheap money. In the words of The Bond Buyer: “When the notes approach maturity, say in 1917 or 1918, the municipality may then be able to refund them with long term bonds at a rate of interest approximating the investment basis which existed before the outbreak of the war. In the event of their not being able to better themselves in respect to the cost of the capital, a new issue of notes could be issued extending the maturity until the opportunity to borrow on long-time bonds offered.”
This plan coupled with the plan adopted by Portland, Oregon, of issuing its securities in small amounts will tend to place city finances upon a sound and a democratic basis.
The tendency to enlarge the scope of the city’s functions, which has been one of the marked features of recent municipal developments, is having a profound influence upon municipal life and especially in the matter of finances and business methods and the form of city government. It has unquestionably been the chief impetus of the movement, first for the commission form of government and then for its later development, the commission-manager form.
.There has been no recession of interest in these two forms—no city which has adopted either has so far voted to go back to the old conditions. A strenuous effort to do so was made in one city—Pueblo, Colorado— but the results were not reassuring to the opponents of progress and development, for the commission form received a much bigger majority at the second election than it did at the first.
Buffalo after'six years of unremitting effort has finally secured a commission charter and so becomes the largest city in the country—its population is 439,666—to commit its legislative and administrative affairs to a single group of men—thus emphasizing the tendency toward concentration of power and responsibility which has been the encouraging characteristic of the past half dozen years.
Although charter revision has been less general during the past year than in any one of the preceding three or four years, due to the fact that it was so general in these years, and to the further fact that its results were so generally satisfactory, nevertheless it has shown no reaction in the matter of form and content. The larger cities have been particularly busy in preparing and considering new charters. Chicago has a permanent charter commission; New York has taken a similar step; St. Louis has a new charter, which provides a much simpler form with direct legislation features and while not a short ballot instrument, it provides for a greater concentration of authority and responsibility than the old one, which was antiquated, complex and tortuous. Toledo has just approved the federal plan, but it provides a real short ballot, direct legislation and preferential voting. Cleveland defeated certain efforts to change its modern charter adopted a year ago.


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What is aptly called the vanishing system—the bicameral form of city government—is to be found in only nine of the largest 50 cities. These cities are Philadelphia, Baltimore, Kansas City, Providence, Louisville, Atlanta, Worcester, Richmond, Virginia, and Cambridge, Massachusetts. In the light of the events of the past five years, and especially of the past two, it would not be much of a hazard to predict that five years hence not one of the larger cities will be risking its business and its future to the evils of a form which affords such abundant opportunities for inefficiency, and waste and mismanagement. Already a long list of the larger cities have remodelled their plans and the others are seriously considering doing so.
Hand in hand with this improvement, and usually just preceding it, has been the movement for municipal home rule, which is daily gaining a firmer hold on public opinion and which in the course of the coming generation is destined to become the settled policy with regard to the relation of the states to the cities. The direct election of federal senators has helped, as has the growth of the sentiment in favor of non-partisanship. The commission form is the embodiment of this latter idea and all the newer charters for the larger cities are based on the same idea and the reports from these communities are generally most encouraging and satisfactory. The question of the relation of political parties to municipal life and activities has not been finally settled, in view of the continued existence of the long ballot in many places, although the sentiment in favor of excluding the consideration of national politics from municipal affairs is well nigh unanimous among students and publicists.
Evidently the commission form of government and the commission-manager plan tread hardly upon somebody’s toes, judging from the frequency with which stories are sent out that there is complaint and dissatisfaction in those cities now operating under such forms. In only two cities to date, however, has the dissatisfaction been sufficiently great to secure a sufficient number of signers to a petition to have the question submitted to a vote: Spokane, Washington, and Pueblo, Colorado. The former three years ago defeated a proposition to return to the old form by a larger majority than the new form had received at the first election, and Pueblo in June last voted down a similar proposition four to one.
Some idea of the success of commission government in the nine Iowa cities operating such a plan may be gathered from the figures a short time ago sent to the governor of the state by the auditor. For the first time these cities, in 1913, lived within their income, according to the report.
The federal census has likewise been collecting the figures with regard to the operation of commission government and the results have been equally satisfactory. Of the 69 commission cities covered by the latest government report, 61 were found to be running at less per


1915] PHASES OF THE MUNICIPAL SITUATION
5
capita than the average head expense of the 195 metropolitan centers of all classes considered. But even where the expenditures of commission cities are higher than others, it is a generally conceded fact that the taxpayers of the former are getting more for their money than they ever received under the old system. Public improvements are not only numerous under the commission form, but the character of the improvements has been raised. With hardly an exception, the reports from commission-ruled municipalities tell of more efficient and cleaner administration.3
William Allen White recently wrote to the Springfield Republican to this effect: “I do not believe that the commission form of government is an unqualified success. Neither is human nature an unqualified success. But the commission form does furnish an opportunity for good citizens to get good government if they are willing to work for it. The council form does not furnish us as good a material and the experience of Emporia with the commission form of government on the whole has been more satisfactory to my mind than with the council form of government, although of course every form of government must reflect in a large measure the minds of the citizens that live under it. The commission form encourages good citizenship by making it easy for good citizenship to express itself.”
Coincident with the movement for newer and better charters has been one having for its purpose the placing of the finances of the city upon a firmer and more business-like basis. For years and generations a happy-go-lucky plan of raising and spending money has prevailed and very little attention was given to the matter because city taxes and expenditures formed so small a part of the whole—but now the city bulks larger and its needs grow greater and the financial burden of its upkeep becomes heavier and so becomes more evident, and so city finances come into the foreground.
The private individual, firm or corporation, as has so often been pointed out, that does not adjust probable expenditures to probable receipts at the beginning of the business year, is very likely to run up against serious difficulties at the end of it. In the conduct of private affairs generally, allotments of income must of necessity be made as a precaution against
3 In commenting on this report the Christian Science Monitor of Boston says:
“Facts collected by the federal government with regard to the progress of commission rule in municipalities in the United States are far more eloquent than any argument based on theory in favor of the new system or opposed to it. Commission government is still occasionally rejected by communities; in a few instances where it has been adopted the results have not been wholly satisfactory, but speaking generally, increase in the number of places adopting it and growth of satisfaction over its operation have been steady from the beginning. Every year adds new municipalities to the list, and every year shows that the tendency toward its adoption is growing stronger in the large cities.”


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[January
deficits. The average head of a family instinctively sets aside a sum for the maintenance of his home, the average housekeeper sets aside certain portions of this sum to meet the various drafts that are certain to be made upon it. In proportion to the care taken in holding expenditures within the allowances made will the business man or the housewife succeed in making ends meet at the close of the year.
This, however, has not been the custom in the great majority of American cities, at least until very recent years. The loosest of methods of raising money, appropriating it and expending it have prevailed, not alone in cities but in the states and nation as well. Congress seems to have formed a strong, and an almost unbreakable attachment for annual deficiencies and for annual deficiency bills.
As early as 1900 the National Municipal League began calling public attention to this condition of affairs, attacking the problem from the angle of uniform financial reports and uniform accounting. Since then it has persistently followed up the work with effective assistance of such organizations as the bureaus of municipal research, who have devoted their energies and resources largely to this phase of the city problem.
The demand for the adoption of modern, scientific budgets; the careful estimating of possible expenses and available sources of income as a precedent for the appropriations—is growing in favor. The larger cities like New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore are taking a leadership which means an early accomplishment of greatly needed changes.
New York has made a substantial and significant contribution in the domain of municipal finance, marking a distinct epoch in the development of thought on matters of city finance. Briefly stated it is this: All improvements already authorized are to be paid for by proceeds of 15-year serial bonds, to be retired in 15 annual instalments out of the tax levy. All future improvements (except those of a self-supporting nature) are to be financed as follows: In the first year—one fourth out of the tax levy and three fourths out of the proceeds of 15-year serial bonds. In the second year—half and half. In the third year—three fourths out of the tax levy and one fourth out of the proceeds of the 15-year serial bonds.
In subsequent years, New York will finance all of its permanent improvements (other than those that are self-sustaining) out of its tax levy, thus saving enormously in interest charges. After the last of the 15-year serial bonds will have been retired it will gradually reduce the tremendous debt (approaching a billion dollars), which it has now accumulated.
This straightforward, business-like, modern plan will, for several years to come, mean higher taxes, although eventually it will result in great saving, and “posterity, instead of an inheritance of huge debt will” as the New York bureau of municipal research points out, “receive from


1915] PHASES OF THE MUNICIPAL SITUATION
7
this generation unencumbered legacies of splendid municipal improvements.”
To meet the temporary increase of taxes, the New York city club has formulated a program of economy which will at the same time result in permanent saving. It involves the abolition of unnecessary offices like those of coroner, the elimination of sinecures, the cutting out of fees and substituting salaries therefor, and generally placing the administrative machinery on the same sound business basis as is involved in the plan of the Board of estimate and apportionment.
This whole incident affords an illuminating illustration of the happy combination of official concern and investigation with volunteer co-operation, which is the mark of modern civic service and one of the most helpful and suggestive phases of present municipal conditions.
An important step in the application of modern methods to city affairs is to be found in the practical development of the merit system. So far as the moderately compensated places are concerned, the system is not only well founded, but the details of its application have been satisfactorily worked out. But with regard to the higher offices, the fight is still on. The events of the past year, however, have been most satisfactory and especially the classification by the New York City commission of the six secretaries to the Board of estimate and apportionment and the application of civil service procedure to higher positions in the municipal service.
Another event of significance was the change of the rules providing that hereafter a first grade clerk is eligible for promotion after one year in the service and a second grade clerk after two years. This shortening of the period of eligibility for promotion will encourage able and ambitious clerks to remain in the service and as the raw material for employees in the higher positions is drafted from these grades such a rule ought to have a good effect and tend effectively to raise the morals of the whole service.
The most far-reaching movement in the civil service of New York is the attempt to standardize duties and to classify positions based upon a description of the duties. The municipal commission is co-operating in this direction with the bureau of standards at Washington, that a sounder classification of the duties will be established. This tendency is general throughout the country and if it results in a sound efficiency record system, it will greatly aid the proper enforcement of the civil service laws and lead to a sound system of promotion, a consideration of the first importance.
The responsiveness of the merit system to the increasing demands for efficiency in administration was the keynote of the annual meeting of the National assembly of civil service commissions in Pueblo, in June. Beginning with competitive scholastic examinations for the appointment


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[January
of clerks, the system has been extended until it has been made applicable for testing fitness for highly technical and administrative positions other than those of elective officers, heads of departments and the principal assistants of the executive.
The need for placing the whole civil service of the city on a sound basis of non-political honesty and efficiency grows daily, if for no other reason because of the rapid increase in the number of functions assumed. For instance, San Francisco is now successfully operating a street railway and Detroit and Toledo have definitely voted to own and operate theirs.
Both the demand for municipal ownership and that for effective control of privately operated municipal utilities continue unabated. Practically every state (only two, Wyoming and Utah, have no form of control) regulates in some form or another, and with greater or less efficiency, the public utilities. The discussion of whether the regulation should be by state or local commissions continues unabated, although the developments of the year just passing have been on the whole more favorable to state than to local control, even in states like California, where municipal home rule as a general policy is so firmly entrenched. In that particular instance, however, the result is due to the effective administration of the state commission, which has earned for itself an enviable position for courage, fairness and wise public spirit.
An utilities bureau has just been established under Philadelphia’s leadership, “to secure fair and reasonable rates to patrons of public companies, to fight frenzied finance and injurious monopoly, to see to it that cities are well represented and well defended in litigation over franchises and alleged rights.” These are legitimate and laudable objects. If it is wise, feasible and proper (and it certainly has been shown to be so) for the representatives of street railway, electric light and gas companies to get together in annual conference and to discuss their mutual concerns, then there are equally strong reasons for cities to do the same thing.
Utilities companies are daily realizing that a public utility must have, as Public Service puts the case, “the good will of the public; but to get this good will it must deserve it. First of all it must render good service. It must reasonably cover the territory. It must furnish service that is regular and safe for a reasonable rate cheerfully, and willingly, through agents and employees who are competent, courteous and considerate.” It might have added with equal propriety, “and it must show a decent regard for public opinion as embodied in public laws and in the rulings of public officials.”
The desirability of those engaged in similar lines of work getting together has been amply demonstrated. The usefulness of the National Municipal League depends primarily upon its annual and committee meetings. Trade and professional organizations in great numbers point the same moral—and now the city managers are to get together in con-


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ference in Springfield, Ohio, in December, to compare notes and exchange views and experiences. It is to be hoped that they will appreciate the fact that they are part of a country-wide movement for the improvement of city life everywhere therein. There are now an American society of municipal improvements, a League of American municipalities, not to mention sundry special organizations of policemen, firemen, electricians, and general bodies like the National Municipal League.
If it is helpful for a particular group “to get together,” it will prove equally helpful if they will get together with other groups in the same line. There certainly should be one big organization of all the officials dealing with municipal problems, serving the cities of the whole country like the League of California municipalities4 serves the cities of that state. If the city managers will take steps to that end, then the meeting will prove doubly useful.
The principle of the direct primary has become more firmly established in municipal elections than in national elections and has worked more satisfactorily because in so large a number of cases the cities have achieved a comparatively short ballot, at least so far as purely municipal offices are concerned. Local ballots are still entirely too long, however, involving, as they do, the selection of so long a list of county and district officials.
In those cities where the preferential ballot exists, the results have justified its use. The prevailing system, however, in commissioned governed cities is that of the two elections, the preliminary one to choose twice the number of candidates to be chosen at the general election, and the second election designed to select the requisite number from the list chosen at the first election. In the cities where this system has been longest in vogue, the reports are on the whole most satisfactory.
There is very general discussion and quite considerable amount of objection to the direct primaries in connection with state elections, and as a judge of a Chicago court said: “Under present conditions in the great centers of population like the city of Chicago, the direct primary and the Australian ballot, as now constituted, have in effect broken down. One hundred and fifty-one -people to be elected next Tuesday, on the same ticket, all printed in precisely the same size type, and all, except the head and tail of the ticket, hidden somewhere in the impenetrable jungle of a ballot which is measured by yards, both in length and breadth.”
The Chicago situation does not indicate that either the direct primary or the Australian ballot have broken down. It illustrates and emphasizes the necessity for a shorter ballot. In the first place, there should be a separation of state and national elections from local elections, as prevails in Pennsylvania, New York, Massachusetts and a number of other states. In the second place, the number of officials chosen at elections should be radically cut down. The Australian ballot and the direct
‘National Municipal Review, vol. i, p. 603.


10 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January
primary cannot be said to have failed until they have been applied to conditions that make their fair application and use feasible.
The most significant development in city planning has been the number of calls for competitive designs for the plan of a city, such as the Dublin competition, or for portions of cities, such as the Richmond dock competition in California, the competition for a civic neighborhood in Chicago. Another important development has been the movement in New York City to impose proper restrictions as to the height of buildings and their arrangement on building plots. Emphasis is to be laid on this movement not so much because it is a step in the right direction, as for the reason that the opposition to the plan has been much less than expected, indicating that the people in New York and in the country generally are beginning to realize that the long cherished right of the individual to use his property as he pleases must be subordinated to the larger public interest. This is a lesson which Americans have been somewhat slow to learn, and it is a principle which seems to me fundamental in city planning.
There seems to be a great difference of opinion among social workers as to the effect of the war on social problems. The opinion of one is that “Already now civilization stops—stops dead. . . . Religion, philos-
ophy, literature, painting, and, chief of all perhaps, science, with its torch at the head of our human hosts, are suddenly flung backward; they become of no moment. Who wants to know about Immanence? Who cares to hear what Bergson and Eucken think? Who bothers about books and pictures? Who is ready to endow a laboratory or listen to the chemist and the biologist?” And who, a Unitarian clergyman asks in quoting the above, “cares a fig about the social movement?” Our own Jane Addams declares “that all is out of joint, out of character. Human sensibilities were more acute when this war began than ever before. The comradeship, the friendliness between nations had been brought upon a basis of mutual understanding further than ever before. All organized social welfare activities are put back for years,” she said. “We have to work up public opinion anew.”
On the other hand, we have Dr. Graham Taylor of the Chicago Commons, that other Chicago pioneer social laboratory, declaring as a result of his personal observation:
“That first week in August, which threatened Europe with the greatest destruction which has ever overtaken its civilization, was signalized by the most constructive, or reconstructive, legislation ever enacted in any one week throughout the long history of the British Parliament. And it did so in the rush of its gigantic defensive and offensive preparations for war. Although all these measures are temporary provisions to meet the emergency demanding immediate relief from the present or possible disasters of war, yet they cannot fail to affect profoundly the social legis-


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lation and administration which had already become the permanent policy of the British empire and of its county and municipal governments.”
The obvious reply to Miss Addams’ lament (and we all deeply sympathize with the feeling which gives rise to it) is that the very greatness of the European cataclysm will emphasize the need for even greater social and civic effort.
There is an increasing conviction that social and civic problems of great magnitude will follow in the footsteps of the war. The commissioner general of immigration holds the opinion that the natural thing to expect after peace is declared again is a quickened flow of immigrants to the United States. If the war is serious and causes general business depression in the countries which it affects, increased numbers of the working classes will have to seek opportunities in this country.
Apart from the special problems incident to the war, the present indications are that the coming year, like the one just closing, will be characterized by great social activity. The social center movement is gaining headway. The business bodies are coming in line because, as the Hoboken board of trade said in its November Bulletin, “There is something abroad, an irresistible social impulse, which is tending to promote the useful virtues, to encourage thrift, initiative, industry, co-operation, civic pride, and all those qualities of mind and will that make communities sound and prosperous.”
The number of municipal social welfare departments is increasing. Dayton has one established under its new charter. Chicago has a department of public welfare, so have Denver, Duluth, Grand Rapids, Kansas City (one of the earliest), Los Angeles, Cleveland, St. Joseph, Missouri.
Of the more important happenings of the past year along the line of suppressing the social evil, James B. Reynolds, counsel for the American social hygiene association puts first the state-wide investigation of the vice problem in Massachusetts, Wisconsin and Maryland. Numerous commissions have investigated the intimate relations of vice to the physical and moral welfare of their respective communities. A result of these investigations has been the disclosure of interurban relations in vice.
An insistent demand for the safeguarding of young women at the Panama-Pacific exposition has been made by individuals and organizations throughout the country. This is significant of the aroused determination of cities better to protect young women under conditions of unusual danger to their normal welfare. Previous expositions in this country have been the occasion for the debauchery of young women because of the “wide open” town believed to be essential for the enjoyment of the heterogeneous crowd attending these expositions. This debauchery has been caused not through positive official dereliction, but because the need of positive protective measures was not realized and the


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[January
public did not demand such measures. Now the awakened public conscience exacts that exposition authorities shall not tolerate questionable shows and shall protect the moral safety of women visitors.
Surely a year which has brought out efforts such as have been described shows that our American life is headed straight. That we are beginning to think in terms of the community rather than in terms of the individual is a great gain; that we are not overlooking individual regeneration while we are improving our systems of government is encouraging; that we are working for an education that is a preparation for life, not life in some imaginary future, but as it exists now, and about; that we are building the foundations for an efficient democracy—these are the big things and may be depended upon to build up not only a barrier against the evils of unrestrained and widespread war, but a stable and enduring prosperity, that will be the common heritage of the whole people.


EVOLUTION IN CITY CHARTER MAKING
BY WILLIAM DUDLEY FOULKE1 Richmond, Indiana
FIFTEEN years ago the National Municipal League, at its meeting in Columbus, adopted a municipal program embracing certain proposed constitutional amendments and a model charter.
This year, a committee charged with that work will offer for our discussion a new municipal program, better fitted, as we believe, to the present exigencies of our municipal life. During these 15 years, changes have been taking place in the popular conception of what a model charter ought to be. There has been a constant evolution of public opinion in this respect, characterized by certain definite tendencies which we will do well to consider to-day in comparing the model which will be offered by our committee with the model adopted by our association 15 years ago.
The first and most vital of these tendencies is that in favor of giving cities larger powers and greater freedom in framing and amending their own charters and administering their own government.
The second tendency is the drift away from the old model of a city charter based upon the analogies of our state and national governments, a model which provided for a legislative body (generally of two chambers) and an independent executive, elected by the people with complicated checks and balances which ineffectually sought to prevent particular officials from doing mischief, but were actually more effective in preventing them from doing what was needful or desirable. This drift has been toward the more sensible system of conferring fuller powers and fixing more definite responsibility upon the particular individual managing the government or some branch thereof.
The third tendency is shown in a fuller appreciation of the need of experts for the management of complicated city affairs and the demand that these experts and all subordinate to them shall be selected upon proper tests of their administrative qualifications and without reference to any mere political considerations.
The fourth tendency, closely allied to the above, is the desire that those who represent the electorate in governing the city shall actually represent the will of their constituents as to city affairs, that they shall be as free as possible from the influences of state and national politics and for this reason that they shall be nominated if practicable either at open primaries,
1 Annual address of the President of the National Municipal League, Baltimore, November 18, 1914.
13


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or by a preferential vote, elected at a special city election upon a short, non-partisan ballot and subject after election to more direct popular control by means of such measures as the initiative, referendum and recall. Let us consider these tendencies and the reasons for them somewhat more in detail.
First, Self-Government.
There are two ways of looking at a city government, one is the legal and artificial way and the other is the natural way. According to the legal way of thinking, a city government is the mere creature of the state. According to Chancellor Kent it is a public or municipal corporation, invested with subordinate legislative powers, for local purposes and subject to the control of the legislature of the state. In the words of Judge Dillon, “Cities possess no powers or faculties not conferred upon them by the law which creates them or other statutes applicable to them.”
According to this notion the whole life of a municipal corporation is infused into it by the state. . It has no vitality of its own. It must do exactly what the state permits or directs; its very form is imposed upon it by the legislature; it must have a mayor, a council of one or two chambers as the state directs, and such and such administrative offices and such and such powers which it must exercise in such and such a manner just as the legislature prescribes and not otherwise.
Now an organization which has its form and character thus impressed upon it by an outside body is more like a plaster cast than a living organism and whatever life it has is stunted. Just as a man’s individuality is dwarfed if in every act he must perform the will of a piaster, so the individuality of a city is necessarily stunted if in all that it does it is the mere creature and servant of the state. In organic life all normal and healthy growth comes from within. It is the development of that which we know as the life principle, and while the sunshine, the air and the nutriment are supplied from the outside world, yet the power of transmuting these into the thing which grows and develops and becomes a new form and living substance,—that comes from this internal vital principle. It is more apt to be cramped than stimulated by outside interference and control and unless it can have a certain liberty of action, all growth is impossible.
In a general way, a city, like a man, can be trusted to do that which is for its own benefit more certainly than any outside instrumentality can be trusted to do good to it against its will. In the long run we can more safely trust liberty than autocracy.
Thus we come to the second view of the city, that it is an independent organism that ought to develop in its own way and according to the laws of its own being. We must remember that historically this is the natural order of things. It was always the local community, village, town or city, that existed first and it was only by the union of these local commu-


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nities that states and nations were afterwards developed. The people who came together inspired by a common purpose, building their dwellings and conducting their affairs in common, thus formed the first natural political unit and when the state came in afterwards from the union of cities, towns and villages and the tributary surrounding territory of each, it was because the state had greater power rather than because it had greater reason on its side that it contrived and promulgated the doctrine that the city was its mere creature and servant.
For the general purposes of state government of course, cities should be subordinate. The general laws of the state must be enforced. In its relation to foreign states and countries the city should do what the state directs. But so far as its local affairs are concerned, the state as a matter of right has no business at all to interfere.
History justifies also the generalization that with cities, as with individuals and with states, the condition of the largest liberty is the condition of the highest development. The most illustrious examples of city government and city life were found in those cities which were absolutely independent of state control. The ancient cities of Greece, for instance, Sparta, Argos, Corinth, Thebes and, most illustrious of all, Athens, owed no allegiance to any higher political power. So it was with the great cities of the Middle Ages, with Florence, Venice, Genoa, Pisa, Amalfi and the free cities of Spain and Germany, which were the centers of dawning liberty in a dark age. It was here that modern popular representation had its beginnings. In Carthage, too, and in imperial Rome, the city had no sovereign above her. She was herself the sovereign over subject lands. These have come down to us as the most illustrious examples in past ages of excellence in city life. We can hardly doubt that the independence of these cities was one of the reasons for their excellence and the instances are far more rare where cities under the absolute control of a higher sovereignty attained any great pre-eminence in power, prosperity or general beneficence.
Even to-day our cities are more naturally political units than our states are. When I pass across the line, four miles from my own home, which divides Ohio from Indiana, I observe little if any difference in the character of the land or the inhabitants. People look at things in much the same way, they have the same institutions, the same habits of life, the same ideals, the same industries. But when I take my own city and compare it with the rural districts around it there is a great deal of difference. The city man looks at things in a different way from the farmer; his methods of life are different; his house is different; his street differs from the country road and is built, maintained and regulated in a different way; there is a difference as to fire and police protection, his amusements are different.
Although there need be no antagonism between country people and


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city people, there is still a natural union of interests and aims that binds city people together and separates them from those who do not live in cities. Therefore, the city, so far as it can, ought to settle its own affairs in its own way. The countryman should not try to manage city business any more than the city man should try to regulate country life, and yet in America the country representatives in the legislature often do regulate city affairs of which they have little knowledge and in which they should have little concern.
A city is a natural political unit that ought to have the right to adopt just the kind of a charter it wants, to form its government in just the way it pleases and regulate all its purely local affairs just as it desires, provided this does not interfere with the general welfare of the whole state.
Now the changes in our recent state constitutions show that the trend of modern thought has been toward this greater independence of our city governments. In 1899, at the time of our first municipal program, the constitution of Missouri had given to St. Louis the power to frame its own charter but had required that this charter should provide for a mayor and a two chambered council with other limitations as well as important details of procedure. California had allowed cities of more than 3,500 inhabitants to frame their charters provided the state legislature approved. Such charters “except in municipal affairs” were to be controlled by general law. The state of Washington had followed with similar provision as well as Minnesota, at the time our first municipal program was promulgated.
In this program of 1899 it was provided that any city with a population of 25,000 or more might frame a charter subject to the constitution and to general state laws as well as to such special laws as were either ratified by the city council or else passed by two thirds of the state legislature including three fourths of all the members from districts outside of the city. But in such charter it was required that there should be a council and a mayor both elected by the people, the mayor to be chief executive, appointing and removing all heads of departments except the controller who was appointed by the council. The city was to have home rule provided it adopted a charter of this particular kind.
Now under this model charter of ours no commission form of government could have been framed at all nor any city manager form of government such as perhaps our committee will propose at this session. The commission form was a subsequent development which our League did not then have in mind and which originated in Galveston less than two years after our model charter was promulgated.
Since 1899 the tendency toward greater liberty for cities has been further extended in the constitutions of other states, of Colorado in 1902, of Oklahoma in 1907, of Michigan in 1908, of Oregon in 1910, etc.,


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until there are now 12 states whose constitutions allow more or less home rule for cities as well as a number of other states where the option is given to adopt a prescribed commission or manager form of city government.
In this current of legislation toward securing greater power of home rule, for cities there is indeed an eddy and that is the control over public utilities recently given to state commissions. These public utilities frequently extend beyond a single city and sometimes include a number of cities or an entire section of the state. In this latter case they are necessarily under state control. But where they affect utilities within a single city, they sometimes interfere with home rule and restrict the powers of the municipal government to control or to acquire these public utilities even on terms which are satisfactory to the city and the owners of the franchise. Thus in Wisconsin all franchises must be indeterminate and can be ended only on one condition, that the city shall purchase the plant of the utility at a valuation fixed by the state commission. All other methods of acquisition are forbidden. In California the state commission may refuse its consent to a sale. In New York and New Jersey the grant of city franchises must be approved by the state commission.
Now this is a much better form of state control than that exercised by the legislature. It is administrative rather than political and on the whole it may be salutary, since it largely eliminates the speculative element which has led the owners of public utilities to exploit their franchises and privileges. But it does restrict the city government and cripples those activities which prepare cities for ownership and operation of public utilities.
But in spite of this eddy in the stream, the tendency toward greater home rule is unmistakable and we are reminded by it that more liberty is now required for cities than we thought necessary in 1899. Such restrictions as we then made should now be removed. Therefore, in the constitutional amendments which will be considered at this session there will be no condition that cities must have a population of 25,-000 before they can frame a charter and no limitation whatever as to the form of the charter which may be adopted.
By our model charter in 1899 it was provided that the mayor might be removed, after a hearing, by the governor of the state. Now it is the city council which removes the manager and the city electorate which must remove the council, the right of the state to control a city official being thus taken away.
But there is no particular in which the tendency of modern thought toward the greater independence of cities will be more clearly expressed in our proposed model charter than in the increased powers which are to be conferred by the constitution of the state upon the cities therein.
2


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Cities may not only perform and furnish all public services, but they may hold and dispose of property either within or without their corporate limits for corporate purposes and for the protection and preservation of public improvements, and they are to have not only the power of local government, but the power to do whatever they shall deem necessary and proper for the safety, health, welfare and general convenience of their inhabitants.
Unless this last clause can be construed away by false judicial interpretation, it invests the city with the very fullest powers to do all things which a city needs to do.
Second, Responsible Government.
The second tendency is the drift of public opinion away from the old federal model of a legislature of two chambers and an independent executive—a government of divided powers and complicated checks and balances—toward a simpler and more responsible government.
It was very natural that our cities should have adopted this federal plan, founded upon the analogies of all the other governments to which our people had been accustomed. If the model was a good one for the nation and the state, why not for the city? For a long time we considered that our federal and state governments were the best possible in this imperfect world. It is only of late years that we begin to observe their defects, to see that they are not flexible enough to respond easily to public opinion and that the division of authority and the checks and balances more frequently paralyze power for good than for evil and greatly promote political intrigue.
We are beginning to realize some of the advantages of parliamentary government such as prevails in Canada and in England where there is one man at the head, responsible to the representative body and removable at once whenever he fails to give satisfaction. We realize the advantages of the simpler and shorter ballot which the parliamentary system allows and we see how much better English and German cities have been managed under a similar system of responsible government, than our own cities with the rigid and cumbrous machinery of the federal plan. Therefore, our people had begun even before our model charter of 1899, to concentrate more and more power in a single hand, that of the mayor of the city, elected by the whole body of the people and naturally considered their representative.
Our first model charter, responding to this idea, provided that he should be the chief executive with power to appoint, and remove all heads of departments (except the controller) as well as all subordinate officers and employees, subject, however, to civil service rules. He was to have a limited veto power and authority to make investigations and it was his duty to submit the annual budget which council might reduce but not increase.


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But we have seen that since that model charter was promulgated, immense changes have taken place in charter making. In many cities both mayor and council are abolished and instead of these, five or more commissioners or heads of departments have been elected by the people at large and the commission thus composed has been invested with full legislative powers. That is, each commissioner is responsible for his own department and the whole commission is responsible for legislation. The plan is very simple; there are no checks and balances but full publicity is secured. The ballot is shortened and simplified and more intelligent voting has resulted. Now that some 400 cities have adopted the system and scarcely any have returned to the old plan it must be conceded that commission government is relatively a great improvement on what went before.
Much of this improvement, however, is due not so much to the new system as to an aroused public spirit, evidenced by the fact that the citizens were willing to revolutionize their whole form of government to obtain reforms which they considered necessary. Commission government is still far from perfect. We hear of the election of unskilled men for heads of departments, of log-rolling among the commissioners and quarrels between them, and such conflicts of authority as occurred in Des Moines where the commission appointed and retained a chief of police who was insubordinate to the commissioner who had charge of the police department.
And last year a third system was introduced, the manager plan, which has now spread to about a dozen cities including Dayton, Springfield and Sandusky in the state of Ohio. While we have not yet had sufficient experience with it to determine definitely what its results will be, yet there is good ground to believe that at least for cities that have been able to eliminate the boss and the ring, it will offer a more efficient form of government than the commission itself. It follows not only many of the analogies of responsible parliamentary government, but also most of the analogies of our large business corporations. A representative body which we may call either a council or a commission employs a manager,— just as the directors of a bank or a railway employ a president and somewhat in the way that a parliament chooses a prime minister—a manager, who, although he may not have the dignity of mayor or governor, is to be the sole agent of the council through whom that body acts and responsible to it for the entire administration of the city.
By the program of 1899 the responsibility was imposed upon a mayor elected by the people. Now the responsibility is imposed upon a manager who is appointed and may be removed by the council. The council itself or any member thereof is responsible to the electorate and may be removed, let us say, by the recall, a measure which was not provided for in our program of 1899.


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Thus do we seek to secure administrative responsibility. We do this, however, not by constitutional provision or by general law, to be forced upon the city, whether it will or no, but by a model charter which we recommend for its adoption.
Third, Expert Administration.
The third tendency in the drift of public opinion is toward a fuller appreciation of the need of experts and a greater use of them iD the management of city affairs. With this goes the demand that these experts and all who are subordinate to them shall be selected upon proper and, if possible, competitive tests of their administrative abilities and without reference to mere political considerations.
The general trend of modern times is toward greater efficiency; efficiency in war; efficiency in industrial matter and efficiency in government. The commission form as well as this manager plan has been devised mainly on account of its power to give greater efficiency to administration by unifying and simplifying executive work. But the supreme need of city government for securing this efficiency is that each department as well as the whole city administration shall have not a politician but an expert at its head and that it shall be filled with subordinates who have given proof of their qualifications (that is, of their actual or prospective efficiency) by means of competitive tests. The reasons for the need of experts in city government have been so fully discussed at the former meetings of the League and in the pages of the National Municipal Review that there is no need to repeat the argument here. Let us merely discuss the measures by which this expert management may be best secured.
The city manager himself ought essentially to be an expert in city management, though not a specialist in any particular department of city administration. The cities of Germany point out the way to secure this expert service. City management is there a profession. Men can even be educated for it in special schools. There are schools of this kind, for instance, in Cologne and Diisseldorf. And with or without this special instruction there is a corps of men who pursue this city management as their life vocation. They begin in one of the smaller cities; if successful, they are called to a larger place and then to one still larger until they reach the top, just as men are there promoted in the consular service and transferred from one country to another, beginning at unimportant places and gradually going up the ladder.
Now we must adopt the same system for our cities. A mayor chosen for political reasons is generally no fit head for a city administration. Moreover, if a city cannot choose a manager except from among its own citizens it is very commonly impossible to secure good administrative talent. Many of our smaller cities have no men of the necessary ability among their citizens and if the choice is limited to these the manager wili


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generally be appointed for some personal, local or political reason quite apart from skill in administration. To get the best administrator the city ought to have the whole world to draw from. Often it will secure the best results if it adopts the German plan and advertises throughout the country for a manager, stating the duties of the office, the qualifications demanded and the salary offered. Then let the applicants present their credentials and show their respective qualifications and experience and let the best man be chosen. This will result in time here as it has resulted in Germany in men being specially trained for the purpose and devoting their lives to it. When this is done, we shall have the highest efficiency attainable. At present we can only make a beginning. We may do this by providing that the choice of city manager shall not be limited to the residents of the city or the state and we may call attention to the fact that the German plan for selecting a local manager has been highly successful. We may add that, where political methods prevail and a local manager could not be free from local influences, there would be advantages in selecting a man who is not a resident.
So much for the position of manager. It should next be provided that at the head of each department of the city there should be a director, that the director of the department of law shall be a lawyer, the director of the department of health a sanitary engineer or member of the medical profession, the director of public works an engineer, the director of education a teacher, the director of public safety and welfare a man who has had administrative experience and the director of public finance a man who has had experience in banking, accounts and financial matters or, in each case, the man must have rendered active service in the same department in that or some other city.
These directors should be appointed by the city manager and should be removable by him at any time after a public hearing.
All subordinate officers and employees should be selected by competitive tests. A civil service board of three members is to be appointed by the council. This is the one place which is not under control of the manager because, if the manager could control this board and thus arbitrarily appoint the subordinate employees, his power might be unlimited to select whomsoever he might desire and thus to turn the administrative service into a political machine. The administration of the civil service law must be independent. By that law men are appointed automatically as the result of competitive tests. This is the only way to secure permanently freedom from politics and an efficient service. There is no need to argue again the desirability of civil service provisions. This has been done hundreds of times and the experience of the civil service law everywhere has justified its provisions.
The competitive system for administrative officers ought, indeed, to be part of the general policy of every state applicable to the state gov-


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eminent as well as to every municipality therein, even though the city charter does not provide for it, just as laws against corruption, municipal and otherwise, are a proper part of the code of every state. Considered in this light it might even have been wise to provide that the civil service commission should be appointed by state authority to keep it independent from local politics. It has even been proposed to make the place of civil service commissioner depend upon competitive tests. The proposed charter will not go so far as that, but it was felt that the civil service board must be independent of the manager who has otherwise entire control over the administration. The term of the members is to be six years, one member going out every two years and members can only be removed by a four-fifths vote of the council after written charges, notice and public hearing.
While it is provided that the classified service need not include the directors or heads of departments, yet even here, the city may include them if it desire and competitive tests (based largely upon credentials and past experience) may be used to determine appointments. For one, I believe that this too will be generally done at some future time and will be made a mandatory requirement.
The civil service provisions should correspond to the best models of state and city civil service laws, both for appointments, promotions and removals and it should also be provided that this civil service and efficiency board may make investigations concerning the general condition of the public service of the city. This power has been one of the means by which the Chicago civil service commission has revealed abuses and greatly promoted efficiency methods and economy in the entire service of Chicago and it is confidently believed that civil service boards may be made of equal value elsewhere.
There are other provisions in this model charter designed to secure greater efficiency. According to the program of 1899 the number for the council was to be not less than 9 nor more than 50 elected from the city at large; now it is to be not less than 5 nor more than 25. It is realized that there is greater efficiency in a smaller body. Perhaps even five is not necessary in all the smaller cities. In order to preserve the independence of the manager and the administrative department it is provided that any interference on the part of a councilman with the administration shall be deemed a misdemeanor.
Fourth, Rule of the People.
The fourth general tendency of public opinion is to adopt measures which will require those who represent the electorate in governing a city to carry out the will of their constituents as to city affairs. Such representatives should, therefore, be free from the influences of state and national politics and should be nominated if practicable at open primaries or by a preferential vote; elected at a special city election upon a


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short, non-partisan ballot and subject after election to direct popular control by such measures as the initiative, referendum and recall.
The principle that a city election should be separate from a state or national election so as to keep city issues distinct, is now, I think, all but universally conceded. That the ballot should be without party designation is also pretty generally maintained by those who have made a study of city affairs. There is also a strong drift of opinion toward open primary elections for the nomination of candidates in place of the old convention system, which not only has the vice of being a development of state and national party organizations and therefore inapplicable to city government, but is a system particularly liable to intrigue aDd manipulation, leading to the nomination of candidates who represent neither their party nor the general electorate. It may well be questioned how far primary elections can do away with these latter evils, but public opinion seems to be in favor of trying the primary system, especially in city elections. In some places, candidates are nominated either upon the petitions of a certain number of voters or by a deposit of a sum of money to be returned to the depositor if he polls a certain percentage of the vote cast. Then if none of the candidates for a certain office receive a majority at the first election, a second election is held between the two candidates for that office who stand highest at the first.
But a more convenient and simpler plan appears to be the preferential ballot by which the voter designates his first choice, his second choice and perhaps his third or subsequent choices. If there is no majority of first choice votes, the second choice votes are added and if they too give no majority then the third or other choices. This plan has been successfully tried at Grand Junction, Colorado, and in a number of other cities. It eliminates the undoubted evils which exist where a mere plurality candidate is chosen, removes the need of having two elections, and gives fuller expression than any other method to the desires of the electors in cases where there is only one man to be chosen for a single office.
But where a whole representative body is to be chosen there is another method of securing more accurate representation than we can get either by the system of ward representation, so fruitful of small ward politics, or by a ticket at large where minority representation (so necessary for the watchful observation of city business) is altogether excluded. This other method is the system of proportional representation.
Up to this time proportional representation has made little progress in American communities, but elsewhere it has been used with success, DOtably in nine of the cantons of Switzerland and in all its most important cities; in various representative bodies in Sweden, Denmark, Belgium, Finland, the Union of South Africa, Transvaal and Tasmania, in Hamburg and certain communal councils in Baden, Oldenburg


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and Bavaria as well as in other places. It is objected that the system is complicated and confusing, but it has not been found so in the places where it has been applied. Some years ago in one of the principal cities of Switzerland I asked whether the people were satisfied and the answer was, how could they fail to be satisfied when under it every man had what representation he was entitled to.
Our municipal program of 1899 gave to cities the option of adopting proportional representation. This is probably as far as we can go to-day. In respect to proportional representation as well as the initiative and recall, and even as to the referendum on general legislative questions, it seems to many that it is more important that the city’s own independence and liberty of action should be secured than that any of these devices, however excellent, should be forced upon it against its will.
There is no time to enter into a discussion of the merits of the initiative, referendum and recall further than to mark the drift of public sentiment in the direction of these measures and to observe that among the communities, both state and municipal, where they have been adopted there is little disposition to repeal them. There seems to be a common opinion that the referendum is a necessary safeguard as to charter amendments, to bond issues and grants of franchises. The charter is the constitution of a city and all changes in a constitution ought to be specifically submitted to the people. The abuses which have attended bond issues and franchise grants in the past, appear to indicate that if a reasonable percentage of the electors desires an opportunity for the voters to determine whether bonds should be issued, or a franchise should be granted, it ought to be given. In other cases these measures may well be optional with each city.
It is said that the recall is likely to lead to the selection of an inferior class of men, that a man of high character and independence will not take public office from which he may be removed by the people at any time. This argument is not without force, but there is compensation in the fact that even if the representative body is composed of somewhat inferior men they will represent their constituents a great deal better than under the old system. The recall at least affords a remedy for every flagrant case of misconduct or misrepresentation.
There are other provisions which every good charter should contain but which time forbids me to discuss. The prohibition, for instance, against granting exclusive privileges or perpetual franchises to private corporations, the debt limit and the manner in which profitable public utilities can be excluded from its provisions, the uniform system of accounts and the financial reports to the state fiscal officer and a number of provisions on other subjects. The questions, however, which I have discussed seem to be the most prominent and vital of those upon which


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public opinion has so far ripened that they can be dealt with in a model charter to-day.
It will be seen from these observations that our present proposed municipal program is substantially a report of progress and not a finality, and it ought to be clearly understood that no model amendments nor charter can ever be proposed by anybody with the idea that they will be universally applicable and final. In almost every state and in almost every city there will be found even to-day the need of modifying these provisions, of omitting some and adding to others. They must be regarded as a series of suggestions in charter making, to be adopted, rejected or modified, in whole or in part as local conditions may require. Indeed, the very thing which it is most necessary to guard against is that insistence upon uniformity which has been the blight of all general laws for the incorporation of cities.
It will be seen that the League’s committee has been reasonably conservative, even in the progressive measures it recommends. It has not sought to incorporate things which may be ultimately desirable in city charters but which are not yet sufficiently adapted to our habits of thought to ensure their speedy acceptance or successful operation to-day. We want to follow in the development of these city organisms, the general and orderly course of nature. Let it be “first the blade, then the ear, and after that the full corn in the ear.” Let it be the sowing and ripening of the normal harvest all in due time, not the mushroom growth which attains full maturity to-day and shrivels to-morrow.
There are many analogies between city government, as we would seek to develop it, and the growth of a tree. Few objects in nature are more admirable or imposing than these sovereigns of the forests and the fields, spreading their genial shade upon the turf and enriching the landscape with their grace and majesty; and in the world of government, a well-ordered city should be like a tree, deep rooted in the soil of public opinion, drawing its nutriment from this mother earth through the thousand filaments furnished by popular elections, collecting them at first into a larger group in the shape of a representative council, then into a single trunk from which all administrative functions spring, then dividing into the branches of the various executive departments, subdividing again into bureaus, and offices with their individual subordinates, until it bears the leafage and fruitage of good government and public beneficence.


ADMINISTRATIVE EXPERTS IN MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENTS
BY A. LAWRENCE LOWELL1 Cambridge, Mass.
AFTER what you have heard, I am afraid what I have to say is rather dry, and I can only console myself by considering that dried fruit keeps better than fresh fruit.
My only reason for supposing that this subject will be interesting to you is that it is interesting to me. It has been the habit in all ages for men to speculate about what some extraordinary person from a distant clime would think if he came to visit us. If, for instance, Alexander de Tocqueville, who wrote about America 100 years ago, should return, what changes would he find in our civilization? He would notice that we were very much larger in numbers, but he would notice a great many other things besides. He would observe that the characteristic, which began with the pioneer on the Atlantic seaboard and gradually went westward,—that quality by which every man had to be “a jack of all trades” in every kind of occupation,—had practically disappeared. He would notice that no longer did any man expect to be his own farmer, his own hunter, his own carpenter, his own lawyer, and perhaps his own doctor. The pioneer man must be all those things. The people have developed from that type of life. Our country has become like the Europe that he knew, inasmuch as the occupations of men are far more varied and far more specialized than they were when he visited America. He came not very far from the time when cotton mills and railroads began; and at that time any successful merchant was good enough to put at the head of a factory or of a railroad. Now no one thinks of taking charge of a railroad or a factory unless he has had experience in those fields. These occupations are just as specialized as they are in Europe. De Tocqueville would make another observation if he came. He would say: “In the industries you have men with special training; men who are not only experts in the highest sense, but who have been carefully educated in schools for the purpose; and, in fact, there is no country where there are better schools for special training than here,—law schools, medical schools, schools for engineers; but while you are doing that in your in-dustrial life, you are not doing it in your government. You are not
JT1 President, Harvard University. Address delivered at the twentieth annual meeting of the National Municipal League, Baltimore, November 19.
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using experts in the public service to the same extent as every other civilized people in the world.” He would go one step further. He would observe—and it is a common saying in the United States—that of all the kinds of government in this country the least successful has been the government of great cities. He would also observe that it is in those very cities that we use the expert the least; and, perhaps, being de Tocqueville, he would see some connection between those facts.
What do we mean by an “expert”? I think we can define an expert simply enough. An expert is a man who by his knowledge and experience in any particular subject is better qualified to deal with that subject than people who have not had such knowledge or experience. You will notice I am specially making the definition very broad, and I am not confining it to those things which we commonly consider the subject of expert knowledge. We all know there are certain classes of experts which we have long respected. We do not want men appointed as judges who are not lawyers; nor do we want in public hospitals men who are not physicians. Those are the two oldest professions that we know; but there are new professions constantly developing. To-day we recognize that we should not employ an inexperienced man to build a bridge. We require an engineer. We know that he must calculate the stresses and strains on every piece of steel in that bridge or the bridge will not stand. But there are many other things that only the expert can do well. Today we never think of putting a man in charge of a railroad who has not been trained in railroad work. Take banking—take manufacturing of any kind—take anything that you please in the industrial world. We put an expert in charge of it. What do we do in our cities? In most cities any man may be superintendent of streets. Mr. Eshleman has told us that the city fathers should be as harmless as doves and as wise as serpents. We shall all agree that the history of our city governments has not been one of extreme harmlessness or wisdom; and it is about the wisdom of the serpent that I want to speak to you to-night.
Granted that we use experts everywhere else, why do we not use them in our government to the extent that we might? Eor a very simple reason. We are afraid of them. We are afraid that if the expert is put in charge, the people will lose control over him. We have always been afraid of the expert; and it is worth while sometimes to recall the fact, well known to every student of history, that democracies until this last one hundred years have always been short-lived institutions. I believe that this is because democracies have never known how to use those expert qualities which are necessary for efficiency. Democracies may be honest, they may be noble, but they cannot be efficient without experts; and without efficiency, nothing is this world can endure.
The kind of expert that we need in a city is not merely the expert lawyer as a corporation counsel; it is not merely the expert physician as


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the health officer; not even the expert engineer as the builder of roads and bridges; but also the expert administrator. It is the man who knows how a great administrative body must be handled, who knows how to deal with the vast amount of business to be transacted; for this cannot be done by anybody who happens to get the votes. It must be done by an expert. The administration of a large city is one of the most complicated kinds of business which this country has to manage. It requires a knowledge of administrative machinery. It needs a man who knows howto organize bodies of men so that their work shall run smoothly,, efficiently and economically.
How is it done in other places? I will not refer to the continent of Europe, because they are in the habit of using bureaucratic organizations. I will take England which is just as much a democracy as our country, except that the symbol of the state is a crown rather than a flag.
It is very interesting to go about the English boroughs, and see how they are managed. Everywhere you find a series of shams. The English government is full of shams. Nobody does quite the work he is supposed to do. For instance, the chancellor of the exchequer is not a chancellor and has nothing to do with the exchequer. There’ is a very good illustration of such a sham in the trial a,t Ipswich in Pickwick. When Mr. Pickwick is brought before Judge Nupkins andasks why he was brought there, Judge Nupkins whispers to his clerk, “Must I tell him?”
“I think you had better, sir,” whispers the clerk.
“An information has been sworn before us,” said the magistrate, “that it is apprehended you are going to fight a duel, and that the other man Tupman is your aider and abetter in it. Therefore—eh, Mr. Jinks?”
“Certainly, sir.”
“Therefore I call upon you both to—I think that’s the course, Mr. Jinks.”
“Certainly, sir.”
“To—do—what, Mr. Jinks?” said the magistrate pettishly.
“To find bail, sir.”
“Yes. Therefore I call upon you both—as I was about to say when I was interrupted by my clerk,—to find bail.” That is hardly an exaggeration. It is what happens every day in England. Men are constantly being guided by experts, and purporting to do the thing themselves as Judge Nupkins did. He did not think that he really was interrupted by the clerk; he thought it was part of the clerk’s business to tell him what to do. That is one of the commonest, the most essential, features of English local government. The justice of the peace is a country gentleman, and employs a clerk who knows the law. I remember a case of a justice of the peace who was in the habit of asking the clerk whether the sentence ought to be three months or six months. To some extent that principle


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runs through the whole administration of the English government. The English city is nominally governed by a borough council, composed partly of aldermen, and partly of councillors, the aldermen being elected for a longer term. But how is the government really carried on? Matters that are to come before the council are first considered by a committee. Behind the council, behind the committee, stands the expert. The day before the committee meets, the expert goes with its chairman over the work to be done, and the chairman generally follows his advice. A good chairman is and ought to be very much influenced by the opinion of the expert permanent official. After the conference the chairman practically puts through the committee matters which he and the expert have agreed upon the day before. The work is mainly done at the head of the table. I remember asking a vigorous expert what would happen if the committee insisted on doing something that he did not approve. He said he should tell them that he could not take the responsibility for it; that they must pass a vote ordering it and put it on record. He said they would never assume the responsibility in such a case. They are not Americans, they are English.
Wherein lies the power of the expert? You do not see him; you know nothing about him. The expert attends the meetings of the committee, not, as a rule, those of the council. You do not see him because it is understood that the expert is not to speak in public except at meetings of a technical society, such as a meeting of engineers. He never appears before the public, he never takes public credit, or blame. The members of the council take the credit and blame. The experts stand behind them and carry on the work of the city, subject to the control of the council. They are, as a rule, the mainspring of the administration and the council is the balance wheel. I remember very well in Glasgow, many years ago, one of the officials telling me that he did not think the city would suffer if the council never met again,—meaning that the town was managed by the experts. I went to see two members of the borough council—one of them was a man of business in a small way, and of limited capacity. In talking to him I said something about the experts, to which he replied that they would be sorry to be in the hands of their experts. He was, although he did not know it. The other, a man who was of much larger mold, remarked that the quality of their government really depends upon the excellence of their expert officials; and it obviously did.
But you must control the expert. I am one of those who believe that the best results in every undertaking can be brought about only by a combination of the expert and the layman. I do not care what subject you are dealing with, if you do not have an expert on the one side, and a board representing the public on the other, the management is not likely to be permanently satisfactory. A railroad company, for example, must have a railroad man as president, and a board of directors which keeps


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him in touch with the public. That principle is applicable everywhere in industrial companies, in charitable or educational institutions, and in public affairs.
Now, what are the dangers to be encountered? In the first place how about corruption? Is a body of experts liable to be corrupt? Some people fear that permanent officials might steal. Experience in popular governments does not seem to justify that fear. If you will observe the industrial companies and see where improper things are done, where money gets into people’s pockets when it ought not to, I think you will find that the grosser frauds are perpetrated by the directors rather than by the experts under them; and for a very simple reason, the expert’s whole career in life depends upon his reputation in office. That is true, for instance, in the English boroughs. I never heard of a case, I think, of an expert in an English borough who stole, and I have heard cases of members of the council who cheated the city. One of the borough clerks in England told me after he had ceased to occupy the position that during the last few years of his service he was at the head of a body of officials in the town who were trying to prevent the council from running away with the funds. If any official is caught in corruption, his career in all possible directions is ruined forever. But if a member of the council is caught doing something that does shut him up in jail, his life is not necessarily wrecked. Moreover, my experience is that membership in an expert profession has a certain steadying influence based upon the general opinion of the profession itself. It is a curious fact but you will find it generally true.
So much for corruption. How about the question of administration of policy? Can you exert in that a sufficient control of the experts? If a young man should say to you that he would like to learn to drive an automobile, but he was afraid it would run away with him, you would think he was not competent to use that kind, or any kind, of machinery. If he is afraid that he cannot control an automobile he had better walk. So, if our people cannot control experts, they are not fit for self-government on the modern scale. I believe there would be really no serious difficulty in controlling experts and keeping them in check, keeping them in touch with the people; and I should like to give you one example where the use of experts has been very effective.
Twenty years ago the power of the superintendents of schools was as a rule extremely small. I remember it was commonly said at that time that the only function of the superintendent of schools in Boston was to write an annual report. Within the last 20 years the position of superintendents of schools has changed very much. It has become a profession, in which a man is sometimes employed who is not an inhabitant of the city, who has been superintendent of schools in some other town. The feeling against that is rapidly diminishing. The influence of the


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superintendent as an expert has become very much greater. Instead of the members of the school board trying to select teachers and manage the schools, directly, they employ a superintendent who has had years of experience, has expert knowledge, and then back him up; keeping him, however, in touch with public opinion, with the result that the relation between the schools and the people is much better, much closer than it was 20 years ago.
The problem of vocational education, which was then in its infancy, has now become extremely prominent. The school authorities are trying much harder than ever before to find out the public needs and supply them. While the experts have more authority, the service rendered by the schools and their attitude toward the public have very distinctly improved. The same thing is true in England. Twenty years ago the experts in education there had very little power. Since the Education Act of 1902 their power increased very much. There has certainly been no loss of control over experts in popular education.
Do not understand me for one moment to suggest that the use of experts is the only thing needed in municipal government, but it is a very important thing and the one that has hitherto received the least attention, because it conflicts with a popular prej udice which is not well founded. If a democracy is capable of being the best and highest form of government, that which provides its citizens with the greatest amount of happiness, let us not forget also that it is the most difficult form of government to conduct. In other forms of government a few minds must work together; but here a vast number of minds must act in concert. Instead of educating a comparatively small number of men, you must educate all the people in public things. Democracy more than any other form of government needs the very best instruments which can be used. What should we say of our country if it refused to use for public work modern machinery and inventions? Democracy needs the best machinery that can be found, the best tools that can be discovered; and the best tool that the world has ever yet produced is a highly trained human brain.


THE PRACTICABILITY OF THE MERIT
SYSTEM
BY ARTHUR M. SWANSON 1 Philadelphia
CIVIL service law was once presumed to exist primarily for the prevention of favoritism, but it has had the added effect of promoting efficiency in the public service. The former object is rather negative but not without value; the latter is positive and intensely valuable.
I have read very carefully the tentative draft of a civil service law which I understand the league is considering as a part of the municipal program. To my mind it is a much more practical law than the model proposed recently by the committee of the National Assembly of Civil Service Commissioners. I do not consider it the function of legislation to fix in the statutes every minute detail of procedure. A successful merit system must be built up by co-operation between the commission and the other branches of the government and no law or rule is tolerable which attempts to legislate appointing officers out of existence so far as their rights over public employment are concerned. A civil service law should be, as your tentative draft is, rather in the form of an enabling act, laying down broad principles and leaving details to be worked out as the administering body acquires experience and equipment. No civil service law should be promulgated by this or any other body which would require civil service experts to administer it at the outset, for the simple reason that when it is applied in a new locality the experts cannot ordinarily be had, and we must remember that, after all, the paramount thing is to get a reasonably good law and get more adoptions. I am particularly interested in two phases of your tentative draft of a law. First, the effort to render the commissioners independent by making their removal possible only by four-fifths vote of the council after public hearing. One of the most prominent facts in civil service administration so far is that its efficiency has depended so largely upon the attitude of the executive in power, or perhaps his party. Interesting to contemplate are the alternating seasons of prosperity and famine that have attended civil service reform in practically every locality where it has been adopted. The ideal type of civil service mayor is represented by Mayor Blankenburg of Philadelphia.
1 Chief Examiner of the Philadelphia Civil Service Commission, before the Twentieth Annual Meeting of the National Municipal League, Baltimore, Maryland, November 20th, 1914.
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During the three years of his administration he has never interfered either by hint or word or letter with the administration of the civil service commission. If we do not succeed there, the fault is entirely ours.
The second thing which interests me particularly is the inclusion in the classified service of higher places. Your law very properly specifies the positions which may be exempted, and would, I believe, place all such positions as bureau chiefs in the competitive class. To leave the matter optional with the commission provides a frequent cause of friction between the commission and department heads who are usually closer to the executive than the commission; hence the commission must either acquiesce in exemptions or stand a good chance of official decapitation. I have been an eye-witness to the thrilling decapitation of civil service commissioners by the chief executive and know exactly how it is done. Not all commissions have the backbone to withstand the pressure. Under the Pennsylvania law the power of exemption is, unfortunately, in my opinion, vested in the commission. The law exempts elected officials, the heads of the executive departments whose appointment is subject to confirmation by councils and persons appointed by name in any statute, assistant directors of departments and one confidential clerk to each department. Thus all chiefs of operative bureaus are in the competitive class unless exempted by order of the commission. The present body has exempted only 2 out of a total of 15 bureau chiefs. These are the chiefs of the bureaus of water and police. I venture the thought that if these two cases were to come up now instead of two years ago when the commission had not so much experience with high grade tests, they would in all probability not be exempted. I might add that, in addition to these two cases, we have found it expedient to exempt only the assistant city solicitors and a number of positions of low grade and uncertain tenure in the hospitals and the department of wharves, docks and ferries, where wages are so trifling that competition cannot be secured. The unqualified support of the mayor has made it possible to keep all other positions, high and low, in the competitive class. Referring to city solicitors, permit me to state that, while I was chief examiner of the Kansas City commission, these positions were in the competitive class and appointments made as a result of examinations were eminently satisfactory. In fact, although there have been the most radical changes in the administration there, those assistant city solicitors are, I believe, still in office, including the first assistant, so that so far as I am concerned, I see no reason why even the deputy legal advisers of the city should be exempted. Our commission on its own motion is now holding public hearings on the proposition of removing part of the city solicitors from the exempt class.
So long as the best positions in practically every line of governmental service are subject to political changes, just so long will the public service as a career be avoided by many of the best men. Last spring I attended
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a conference called by Mayor Mitchel of New York to consider ways and means of practical training for the public service. The movement had its merit, no doubt, but I went away trying to figure out sufficient inducement for a man or woman to expend valuable time, money and energy in pursuing such training. I knew that in parts of Europe an honorable and remunerative career awaits him who thus prepares himself. I am by no means a pessimist, but I confess that after some years spent in examining applicants for the public service, I am forced to say that the man who to-day prepares himself for such service of a non-political character would do well to expect disappointment, unless the merit system be extended upward. He may land a place as a clerk, an inspector, or a draftsman, and perhaps he may continue to hold his place without interference, if he is under a civil service law enforced by sympathetic administrations. He may even be promoted to be chief clerk, chief inspector, or chief draftsman, but here the anomaly steps in undermost civil service laws. The positions above him and the very positions which carry salaries which would enable him to do something more than live, are usually exempt from competition and form the grand prizes in the game of politics. There are some exceptions, of course, but the strange thing is that this rule is generally true. Every consideration of public service demands the breaking down of this barrier between the ordinary positions and the higher ones. First, in the natural course of things training and experience in lower positions develops men for the higher positions. Second, one of the incentives to enter public service and to work hard at it is removed when we deny the possibility of reaching the top by competition based on merit. Third, standards of work in hospital management, highway construction, bridge building, and all the other great operations under governmental supervision are in no sense matters of politics, but are matters of scientific growth from one decade to another, and for these reasons the higher positions, such as heads of operative bureaus, should be made competitive and held during good behavior. I take it that the municipal problem before us to-day is the separation of city politics and city business. Each has its legitimate field, perhaps, but they don’t mix. A big step in that direction would, indeed, be the extension of the civil service law in an upward direction. I have not so much complaint to make of our progress in extending the merit system horizontally in cities, states and nation, but its extension upward has been neglected.
I cannot speak too strongly in favor of the inclusion of all the higher positions in the competitive class, except those whose incumbents are elected, are associated with the executive in determining general policies, or those of a judicial nature, but to be perfectly fair with the public I must admit and discuss such difficulties as beset us, but they are only incidental and will be overcome. In Philadelphia we have had some experience in


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holding examinations for positions of an executive, administrative or highly technical character. We have within the past two or three years conducted examinations for 27 positions pacing $3,000 or more annually. One difficulty is this: It is not always practicable to keep on hand an eligible list for so important a position as, for example, the chief of a bureau. An examination can be held only after a vacancy or an impending vacancy is announced publicly. To do otherwise would terrorize the incumbent and put his bureau on edge. Our experience has been that the appointing power usually makes a provisional appointment pending the examination. The position being an important one, this fact becomes generally known, with the too frequent result that competition is discouraged. The provisional appointee is, of course, a competitor in the examination. Of the 27 examinations for important positions mentioned above, there were provisional appointments preceding 18 of them, and I am sure the extent of our competition was, unfortunately, reduced thereby. This is in no sense intended as a criticism of the appointing powers, for I do not presume to say there were not urgent reasons for thus filling these vacancies, but in view of these facts the commission in two recent important cases formally requested the appointing powers not to make provisional appointments. The requests were most cordially complied with and as a result there were 45 competitors in one case and 12 in the other, both numbers being highly satisfactory. This suggests that the way to reduce the evil is by co-operation between commissions and department heads. The reduction of provisional appointments is one of the great needs in civil service systems to-day wherever they are in force. This is one of our goals in Philadelphia, and to give you an idea of our progress I might add that we had 605 such appointments in 1912, but we had only 283 in 1913, a reduction of 53 per cent, and in 1914 we shall have less than 100, a reduction of 85 per cent over 1912. But, as I said before, this matter is only incidental and in no wise affects the character of the examinations given. The value of having such a method of filling a position temporarily, thus preventing any stoppage of public business, probably offsets most of its detrimental effects upon competition. Industry on the part of the commission and co-operation with departments will help to eradicate all such evils. Possibly the law should be so drawn as to prohibit a provisional appointment wherever there is at least one name on an appropriate list. I might say here that the Pennsylvania law provides for a certification of four names for each vacancy. If there are less than four names available, the appointing power frequently rejects the list and makes a provisional appointment. I think, however, that under the law his right to do so is questionable. An indication of the efficiency of these tests for higher positions is that the first man on the list has been appointed in 19 of the 27 cases above mentioned, although any one of four could have been selected.


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Another difficulty in these higher examinations is that sometimes successful men are not willing to submit themselves to a civil service examination as that term is popularly understood. There is, in fact, something about the word “examination” that smacks of the academic and the theoretical. It conjures up visions of cramming volumes, and theoretical queries. It is one of the things I would eliminate from our laws and our vocabularies. And these self-same successful men are the very ones we must secure for public service in these higher positions now under discussion. It is our problem so to conduct our tests that men who have succeeded in their own vocations will not hesitate to enter the competition. Civil service reform is a failure if it brings to the public service only those who can’t hold jobs elsewhere. To clear away in some measure this aversion to examinations, our commission is preparing pamphlets giving in full the questions and the methods employed in our tests for all the higher positions, and will distribute them widely and especially among business and professional men. However, I apprehend that this difficulty will largely solve itself when we reach the point where public service offers a career free from politics, where compensation is fair, and tenure dependent only upon efficient service.
Perhaps it might be in order for me to illustrate some tests for positions as institution heads or bureau chiefs. A question may exist in the minds of some as to the practicability of placing in the competitive class a very high position in, for example, the professional service. We have just completed a test for chief resident phvsician at the General Hospital. This physician is the medical and executive head of a hospital of 2,000 beds. I am informed it is the largest hospital of its kind in the United States. The commission invited three very eminent physicians in Philadelphia to form a special examining board and they gladly served without charge. Local residence was waived and an outline of the position and of the test was sent to every hospital east of the Mississippi River having 200 or more beds. Seventeen competitors filed applications from all parts of the country. Here let me suggest that the question of residence should never be permitted to prevent a city from obtaining the highest degree of service. Usually we do not assemble the competitors, but in this case it was more suitable to do so. Forty per cent was given to training and experience and any written articles, books, or lectures the applicant might care to submit. Thirty per cent was allotted to an oral interview with the examining board. The interviews were from a half to three quarters of an hour each and consisted of discussions of hospital management with particular stress upon ethical questions. Here let me say that wherever practicable the views of an applicant upon the ethical or moral side of things should be dwelt upon. The remaining 30 per cent was given to the applicant’s written discussion of five practical problems relating to hospital work. The man who heads the list has distinguished


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himself as head of Cook County Hospital for some years and is at present superintendent of the City Hospital of Cincinnati, both of which positions, by the way, he won by competition. This individual typifies the men whom we could expect to see pursuing careers in every line of municipal service if competitive tests were applied to the better places. I think it may be fairly stated that an industrial establishment seldom goes into the question of selecting a manager or a department head so thoroughly and with so many safeguards as are thus used by the merit system. In the first place, few industrial establishments command the services of three of the most successful men in the community as examiners, and they could not advertise more extensively or inquire more thoroughly by correspondence with former employers and references, personal interview and written test.
It may be of interest to discuss briefly the examination for chief of our fire department. If the merit system is ever put to a test it is in the filling of such a position, where the things a man could write as answers to questions are of small consequence compared to his qualities of courage, judgment and discipline. Our first step was to secure as one special examiner the chief of the New York fire department, himself a product of the competitive system. The examination was limited to the battalion chiefs in the department and they are 11 in number. Nine of them were eligible to compete and all took the examination. Thirty per cent was allowed for experience, 40 per cent for written description of fire fighting methods, organization and equipment, and 30 per cent for an oral examination. This oral examination by the chief of the New York fire department and the other members of the board was especially interesting. A collection of a number of enlarged photographs of various buildings, and groups of buildings of various types, involving the most difficult situations, was used. The candidate was handed each of the photographs and shown the starting point of a fire. He was then asked to detail the placing of his equipment and his methods of extinguishing the blaze. The first man on the eligible list was appointed.
In much the same manner, though with slight variations here and there according to the type of position, we have successfully filled the following positions as bureau chiefs: chief, bureau of city property, $4,300; chief, electrical bureau, $6,000; chief, bureau of gas, $5,000; chief engineer, city transit, $6,000; chief, bureau of fire, $4,500; chief, bureau of elevator inspection, $3,600; chief, bureau of highways, $6,000; chief, bureau of lighting, $2,000. Some of the above positions, such as chief of the bureau of city property, are almost wholly executive in their character. Others, such as chiefs of the bureaus of gas, electricity, lighting and others, are a combination of the technical and the executive. I have not gone into a detailed description of the tests given in the above cases


38 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January
for the reason that they were described at your annual meeting a year ago.
But can I add further evidence to show that the merit system is a thing so practical as to be an essential part of any municipal program? Does this system really discriminate properly between the competent and the incompetent? The answer might be the way the appointing officers select men from the eligible lists. Under the Pennsylvania law, as I stated before, the appointing officer is allowed to pass over three names out of every seven. Presumably, if the results of the merit system were unsatisfactory, he would exercise that right and then ask for new lists, or, in the absence of lists, make provisional appointments of his own selection. Take highway inspectors whose duty it is to pass judgment on the vast street construction work of a great city. During little more than a year 97 have been appointed from our lists and only 17 have been passed over. The appointing officer could have passed over 75, but, instead, he has thus appointed almost every man certified to him. Is the merit system practical for skilled laborers? The modern merit system tests all such men on the streets or in the shops. Pavers are tested by an actual trial and so perfectly does the merit system discriminate that in appointing 36 pavers within about a year only 2 have been passed over, while 27 could have been passed over under our law. Is it a practical way to select policemen to guard our city? Let me answer by saying that in appointing 337 within about a year the director of public safety has passed over only 51 when he could have passed 255, which means he has appointed practically every man the merit system has furnished him. Is it a practical way to select men to fight our fires? Let me answer by saying that in appointing 172 firemen within about a year the director has passed over only 14, when he could have passed over 132, and for fire chief he appointed the man who headed the list for that important place. When we select drivers for that dangerous work, we do it by actual test with fire horses and wagon. When we select men to fire the engines, we do that by actual test with engines and hose. Is it a practical way to select civil engineers and draftsmen? In little more than a year nine lists have been created for engineers at salaries from $1,500 to $4,000 in a single department, and in eight of the nine cases the director has appointed the first man on the list, although the law allows him to take any one of the first four, and in one case he has appointed eight of the first nine. In another department they have appointed 48 draftsmen within about a year and they passed over only 5 names when they could have passed over 36. And so I could go on. I chose these illustrations at random and asked our certification clerk for the figures. And it must be borne in mind that these appointing officers have not thus made their appointments practically in the exact order of standing on eligible lists in order to glorify the merit system. It is only natural and


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proper to presume that what they want is to administer their departments with credit by getting work done and getting it done right. Yes, the merit system has been tried in every field and has proved to be the soundest common sense, the most economical business policy and the highest type of political wisdom.
One of the most hopeful signs about this whole matter is the unqualified willingness of the best and busiest professional men, business men, bankers or eminent men of whatever occupation to sacrifice time and energy which we could not purchase for monetary considerations in serving on special examining boards. We seldom meet with a refusal and it’s one of the strongest assurances that the application of the merit system to public positions, including the higher ones, is considered sound policy by the men whose own ability and character have been tested and proved.


THE COMMISSION MANAGER PLAN
BY HENEY M. WAITE,1 Dayton, Ohio
The city manager form of government can be made successful. The American people are habituated to the idea of change. It is customary when we have elected one party into power to have the other party or parties immediately start a campaign .to show us why that party should be out of power. We are restless for change. It is inbred in the nation. The results accomplished by the new forms of government now coming into use can as yet scarcely be grasped by the very people who have voted these governments into power. Each new improvement offends some one’s prejudice or purse. Too many new improvements breed too many centers of discontent. As a people we are fickle; we learn by experience and slowly, and often through waste.
These new forms of municipal government have many ups and downs ahead of them. We love to live as we have lived. Changes with which we are not in complete sympathy we are prone to define as whims.
Every citizen is an expert on all municipal questions. Our duty, your duty, is to educate the people to appreciate the possibilities of these new forms of government which we have called into being. There, to my mind, lies the great work.
Publicity must be given to the results obtained by the new governments. We must obtain an efficient citizenship. Interest should be maintained through the schools. We need fewer elections, longer terms, and thereby greater efficiency. The commission-manager form of government can be made a success. Its permanency depends upon an intelligent citizenship, and their continued determination to keep partisan politics out of municipal matters.
Immediately after the Home Rule amendment was passed in Ohio, the thinking men of Dayton worked out a plan of action. The new charter was the result of their efforts. This charter comprises the basic form of organization used in all large corporations.
Mr. Patterson, President of the National Cash Register company, the ruling spirit, used the rule of five which he uses in all of his own organization charts.—Five commissioners elected at large and non-partisan, and five departments. The flood of Dayton aided in bringing the
xMr. Waite is the first city manager of Dayton; before that he was the city engineer of Cincinnati under the administration of Mayor Henry T. Hunt. (See National Municipal Review, vol. Ill, p. 517).
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people together. Party lines were obliterated. Five sound business men were elected as commissioners. They selected the manager. The manager selected the directors of the five departments.
The director of law was on the charter commission as its legal representative. The director of finance was a public accountant. The director of welfare was a minister,—broad and intelligent.
In the months of June, July, August, September and October, the death rate of babies of under one year has been reduced 40 per cent over last year. One general, and two tuberculosis clinics have been established. School children have been joined in a civic workers’ league and help to keep the city clean. Prizes have just been awarded to the school districts showing greatest improvement. Children’s and back yard gardens have been awarded prizes.
Any family, or neighborhood willing to clean up empty lots, was aided by the city removing the rubbish, and plowing the lots. Four hundred lots were cleaned and plowed; four hundred dirty spots were turned into four hundred gardens which furnished vegetables to four hundred families, and gave a new interest to four hundred families.
The civic music league has been established; concerts have been given in community centers and choruses organized. A series of six concerts to be given by foremost artists and symphonies, has been arranged for this winter, at a rate of three dollars and a half for the season. Twenty-five hundred seats, which is the capacity of the hall, have been sold.
In ten months much has been accomplished, and economically accomplished.
The director of service is an engineer trained in municipal work and brought to Dayton for this service. The director of safety has not been appointed; the manager is acting director.
All the men selected are trained for the particular functions which they direct. I cannot tell you the political faith of the commissioners, or of the directors. They were selected for their ability. There were no political debts to be paid. Our energies have been expended on progressive and constructive lines. We have not attempted the sensational.
Careful, expert investigations have preceded all new plans. Expert engineers have worked out intelligent plans for improvements in the water works, looking well into future requirements.
Expert engineers have investigated and made report on the proper distribution of city wastes.
Expert engineers are advising us in the plans for the development of a comprehensive sewer system.
In a similar way, we have investigated crime and social conditions, police and fire departments, parks and playgrounds, city planning, and grade elimination.


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In our finance department, our new accounting system is the same as would be found in any large business. Our budget is scientific. Every month the head of each department receives a complete financial statement which shows the original allowance, expenditures and balance in each account. We keep our expenditures inside our allowances.
In August, we found that our estimated revenues were too high. With our system of accounting and budget, we were enabled, in two days, to reduce expenditures $45,000 and reorganize all work accordingly. It was customary to issue bonds for current expenses. This practice has been stopped. We inherited a promissory note the first of the year for $125,000 in the safety department, which was paid in February. This will be reduced this year over $25,000.
All current funds in the treasury have been put into one. It has not been necessary to borrow any additional money on this note up to this time, and we will save $5,000 in interest.
Our purchasing department will save $20,000 this year.
Every department has unit cost systems. Efficiency is maintained by the deadly parallel.
Police and fire drills have been enforced. Civil service records show merits and demerits. The men are listed on the results of examinations as well as by daily performances.
Policewomen are aiding in the handling of women derelicts and domestic troubles.
The organization is keyed up to preventive methods.
The Fire Department is continually making house to house inspections, reducing fire hazard.
Workhouse prisoners are used on municipal improvements, parks, cleaning and repairing streets.
A municipal lodging house has been established. The inmates are worked one-half day.
All philanthropic and city nursing has been combined into the welfare department, thus saving all duplication of effort.
District surgeons have been appointed: three baby clinics and milk stations have been established.
All these are factors in Dayton progress during the past year—a progress that is real, substantial and continually growing.
Following the reading of his address Mr. Waite submitted himself to a cross-examination which was most illuminating. The substance of it is reproduced herewith.
Mr. Waite: I should like to add that the present plan of government was started before the flood.
Mr. Kidder: You have outlined a commission in which each member is an expert. Where does that leave the manager? The idea of the country generally is that where the manager does his best work he is


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commanded by a commission made up of ordinary business men without attempting to be experts in their several lines. I don’t see how the manager can have the full responsibility unless he has power all along the line.
Mr. Waite: You have confused, I believe, the directors with the commission. The trained men which I have mentioned are the men that are appointed by the manager. The commissioners are five business men. The directors are the trained men.
Mr. Weil: In your experience as city manager, would you think it possible in cities which have not your form of government to adopt the modified manager system, by having the council by ordinance select some one as their manager or agent to supervise the departments, even without power, but making his report through the council? Would such a plan be feasible, until something of the commissioner manager plan could be adopted? Mr. Waite: Every step towards centralized authority is beneficial.
Mr. Hart: To what extent is civil service used? Mr. Waite: All heads of departments are on a classified list.
Mr. Hart: Are promotions made by civil service examinations? Mr. Waite: Yes.
Mr. Shaw: What was done in the matter of investigating the various departments after the municipal research era in Dayton?
Mr. Waite: The municipal research bureau was started in Dayton prior to any work on the new charter. They are still at work, and have been a great help to us. I have taken the trouble on several occasions to go to cities that are contemplating such a change. I advise them against rushing in too rapidly, when they are not properly prepared. Before these changes of government are inaugurated a municipal research bureau investigation or something similar which is impartial, should be made. Having followed such a bureau in two cities, it is to my mind necessary for three very primary reasons:
1st. The bureau can use the information which it gets as a means of instructing the people of that community that a change is necessary;
2d. When the government does come into effect, it is absolutely necessary because you cannot expect support and help from the people who are in office, and your bureau is the only impartial body which has the information; it is of wonderful help in putting the new government into effect;
3d. The information and the statistics which the bureau has compiled are the only means by which comparisons, of the old against the new, can be made.
Mr. Shaw: You consider it essential?
Mr. Waite: Not essential, but very important.
Mr. Childs: In some of the other cities where they have the city manager, particularly the only one I know that is not in this country, at Port Arthur, Ontario, there is a tendency of the elected directors or commissioners to interfere with the manager in petty details. It often happens that the men elected are not themselves good business men, and are interested in matters of detail work, without seeing the broad policies involved, and use their position as members of the commission, to interfere in small details with what normally should be the work of the city manager. Have you any trouble of that kind in Dayton, and if you have, how do you handle it?
Mr. Waite: We have had absolutely no such trouble. The com-


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[January-
mission and the manager work cheerfully together, like a board of directors and an executive. Of the elective body the manager is really nothing. He is supposed to carry out the directions and the policy of the governing board. I personally may have suggestions to make, or they may have suggestions to make, as they always do. We endeavor to work shoulder to shoulder all the time. We always get together. We set aside Tuesday morning to go out and look over any important subject, and have an informal meeting one evening of the week. There is going to be a very great danger in my mind from the fact that naturally the city manager is the person who is up before the public all the time,—he is the one that the public has got its finger on, and it’s going to be difficult to get, as it should be, the city manager in the background and the commission, the elective body, before the people.
Me. Childs: I heard you make this same comment before in discussing the plan,—that it’s up to the people after all, and the plan will succeed if the people take an interest and back it up, and work with it and so on. What is the necessity of making that remark as applied to the city manager plan? It is true of any plan of government. Is it any truer than in the city manager plan?
Me. Waite: I suppose it is perfectly natural that I should feel that it is. Of course it is not. That is the difficult thing to accomplish in all changes of government and so-called reforms. The electors are awakened and aroused through some particular chain of circumstances or psychological movement. They effect this change of government, and then they usually pass it up. They think, “What a beautiful thing we have done.” Then down it comes. They do not stay under and hold it up. It is a difficult thing to keep the citizenship interested in the result which they are obtaining through these changes.
Me. Childs: You don’t feel that the plan is more likely to fail through lack of interest then?
Me. Waite: It is more likely to succeed, simply for the reason that it will hold the public attention longer and clearer, because you have that centralized authority to which the public are always looking.
Me. Chase: Following that same line of thought,—Haverhill, Massachusetts, during the first year of its commission form of government had an excellent body of commissioners. The old government of the city had been unsatisfactory. In the new commission there was only one who was at all associated with the old body. He was a very good man. The first year the results were satisfactory. Deficits of some $70,000 were changed into a surplus of $13,000 by efficiency in the administration. In the second year at the election two members of the old government came in, and subsequently a third member of the old government came in. There are now two members of the new against three of the old. The conditions now are very different from what they were first. What is going to be the effect of such a condition?
Me. Waite: If I am the manager, I will get out. This is a very grave question. We have the five commissioners which were elected,—the two receiving the lowest number of votes hold office for two years, so a year from this November we have our first election for two commissioners. Of course, we all know that the politicians are simply marking time for that election, and that is why I say we need an intelligent citizenship. If the citizenship at that election is not aroused to what they have been able to receive through this particular form of government, the poli-


1915]
45
THE COMMISSION MANAGER PLAN
ticians will win. They will have two members on the commission, and then two years further on, we have an election for three commissioners.
Mr. Daniels: I would like to ask Mr. Waite what he thinks of the suggestion of ultimately bringing the manager under the civil service? Mr. Waite : I do not think it will ever become practicable.
Mr. Bonaparte: Is the manager removable at pleasure by the council, and are the heads of the departments removable at pleasure by the manager, or by the commission?
Mr. Waite: Yes, they are in our charter. The manager is subject to recall by a vote of the people as well as the commission, after six months.
Mr. Weil: If a campaign should be waged in a community having this form of government, is there not a danger that the question may arise as to the retention of the then manager or the election of some one else, and the manager in order to retain his position exercise the power that he has for the purpose of putting into power a commission that will retain him as manager? What is the danger in that respect?
Mr. Waite: I presume there might ,be a danger in that respect; but I cannot imagine any quicker way of a manager cutting off his own head. The minute he started to build up a machine around it he certainly would be cut off.
Query: You say the saving in the purchasing of goods last year amounted to $20,000. Do you mean to say that was s.aved over and above the year before, and if so, what were your expenditures, and by what method could you have saved $20,000 in one year?
Mr. Waite: The purchases made previously in Dayton were made as they are in a great many cities, and in most states. If A, at the head of a department, or B or C wants a dozen pencils, or a lot of stationery, he goes out and buys it. The different letterheads in the various departments represent the artistic development of the head of each department. Coal was purchased by each department. All supplies were purchased in that manner. We have simply issued specifications for various materials. All supplies must be purchased through the purchasing department. Requisitions made must first bear the O. K. of the finance director that the funds are available. Then bids are taken on large quantities of material.
We have the bids. We have them opened publicly. Then we commence to do our buying. $20,000 is the amount of money which we have saved in the purchase of materials.
Mr. Jones: In regard to the enemies which come as a result of improvements,—if you have a sufficient number of improvements, you will have a corresponding number of enemies. What do you think of the danger of the city manager becoming an issue in the city election?
Mr. Waite: There is that possibility of his becoming an issue. I imagine that is the reason that they put the recall in for the manager. It would be unfortunate if the manager should become the issile, and for that reason the commission must be kept before the public as the responsible body. If we can carry the government through far enbugh to let the people as a whole see the big things that they are getting, then these small centres of discontent will gradually wear away,—-we will use them more as an argument in favor of a constructive publicity,—-to let the people as a whole appreciate what they do get by this form of government.
Mr. Hatton: How would you get publicity?


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[January
Mr. Waite: We are working on that now, and it has got to be very carefully handled. We have our constructive publicity travel along on practical lines. We publish statements, financial statements of things which we are accomplishing, of new efforts, but they simply go in one ear and out the other ear of the public, and a great many of them they do not read at all. You know it is a peculiar fact that if a man has had a hole in the pavement in front of his house for six months, that is the only bad feature of the government, and when you repair that hole he absolutely forgets it was there before. That is municipal psychology.
Mr. Jones: As I understood you a while ago you do not believe the city manager should be subject to recall? Mr. Waite: Yes. Mr. Jones: You think the burdemshould be on the commission?
Mr. Waite: Absolutely. You are apt to make an issue of the manager, the very thing that you should avoid.
Mr. Childs: There is, I understand, a minority in Dayton, which is more or less active in opposition to the whole plan and the present regime. I know that there was a public meeting held there which opposed the commission plan and the way it was working, and that had a powerful influence on another city in Ohio which was considering the adoption of the plan. I would like to learn a little bit about the operations of that minority, the arguments that they bring up against the plan,—that is, of course, if it won’t get you into trouble.
Mr. Waite : It already has. I don’t think that any form of government is a success, can ever be a success, unless it has some opposition. Opposition which we have at the present is socialistic more than anything else. It has been active and above-board ever since we started. They are against everything. There is no satisfying them. They have no particular complaint against anything that we do, except that we do not immediately buy all the surface lines, electric lines and plants, and gas companies. I don’t consider them seriously. It has not grown. It is just about the same as it was when it started. I do not mean that municipal objection is confined entirely to the socialists, but that opposition is a healthy one. It is a good, sound lot of fellows. They are working hard. I go before them and talk to them. We are pretty good friends on the outside, but they dig me in the ribs every chance they get.
Their arguments are rather embarrassing to me. They say “I can’t understand why you are not in favor of municipal ownership. Your present form of government is an ideal time to take over all these activities. ”
Mr. Daniels : What is your opinion as to the size of the salaries? In order to get men of the requisite calibre, is the honor appeal, the usefulness appeal sufficient, or do you think the salaries should be larger?
Mr. Waite : Considering our own commissioners, the salary was not any appeal. The salary does not make up for their loss of time from their own businesses. At the same time I feel there should be some salary. The amouilt of that salary would vary in various communities. It is a peculiar fact that the American business men, although they might be willing to give up their time without any compensation, at the same time feel that if they are getting a little salary they can afford to give up some of their time better. That is perfectly natural. One of our commissioners is a type setter. That man could not afford to give up the time which he gives to the commission unless as he gets something in return.


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47
He has to hire some one to take his place when he is called away from his work. It is only fair and just.
Mr. Hatton : To what extent does the plan really demonstrate the right of the majority of the people to get what they want?
Mr. Waite: I feel absolutely that the people as a whole get much more, because they can very easily get in touch with the government and make their demands and feelings felt. You take, for instance, some of the federal charters, I was quite surprised to see some in Massachusetts made in 1852. There is to-day one in Springfield, Massachusetts. They have two chambers and innumerable committees outside of the various chambers. Some question was taken up there a short time ago. Nobody wanted to report on it, and they chased it around through these various committees, and finally it was lost sight of. Nobody knows where it is to-day. It is lost. They followed it through twelve various committees. In the city manager plan that sort of thing is absolutely impossible.
Mr. Hatton : Does the public take an intelligent interest in the meetings of the commission? Mr. Waite : Only fairly so, I am sorry to say.
Mr. Hatton: You have people coming to your meetings? Mr. Waite: Not generally, unless there is something coming up of importance.
Mr. Weil: What is your opinion as to whether or not in a boss-ridden community, where politics is in control, the people have a greater opportunity or less in the city under this plan, or any of the other forms now in vogue?
Mr. Waite: If a political boss got hold of a commission manager form of government, he could have a beautiful time, but he would not last long. He could not last long, because there is no place to shift the responsibility, which is the old game. If he acted as the manager, the people would demand that that manager get out. They say that the city manager is a boss. He is in a way, of course, but he is a boss that is paid. He is before the public, not behind it. He is always before the public.
Mr. Weil: If I understand you correctly, this form of government in a community in which the boss was in control could not last?
Mr. Waite: I don’t think so.
Mr. Jones: I understand that one of the duties of the city manager is the regulation of the social evil. That suggests two questions,— whether you consider that the duty of a city manager, and second, in the case of Dayton, is he determining that policy himself, or is he under the direction of the commission? Mr. Waite: The manager is under the direction of the commission in everything.
Mr. Waite: If the city manager is going to be anything he has got absolutely to carry out all of the laws of the city. He has got to do it.
Mr. Kurtz : In your plan, you have reduced your heads of departments to the minimum. Are they not getting the best results of government, certainly in the German cities, from a division of interest, with a centralized power? We would like to save the expert knowledge, plus the theoretical impulse, which is embraced in the membership of some of our commissions. One of your vice-presidents, Mr. Bancroft, is the leading spirit of our park system. He represents the whole progress in that line. Mr. Waite: We are doing that. Our charter allows the appointment of various advisory committees, simply as advisory boards. They have no actual authority, We have such a board on our city planning, and we


48 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January
have three or four of them, on building, and naming and re-numbering of streets.
Mr. Kurtz: Would such a committee be more successful in handling the vice question? Mr. Waite: I think the less number of people that handle the vice question the better you are off.
Query: What is your feeling towards the surface railway control in Dayton? Mr. Waite: I think I have got troubles enough now. There is no question but that ultimately the municipal ownership will come. It ought to come gradually. We have got to face it. It should never come until we have developed some municipal government that can govern efficiently and properly the utilities which they are now operating.
Mr. McClintock: As I understand it, you' have supreme control over the heads of departments. In case the heads of departments should unite in subordination, refuse to recognize your authority, and you should appeal to the commission, and they should refuse to support you, what would you do?
Mr. Waite: I would fire every one of them. I would not appeal to the commission.
Mr. McClintock: The reason I asked that question was because yesterday I came across a gentleman who was recently the manager of the city of Frostburg, Maryland, and who had just such an experience, and I would like to call upon him to state that experience.
Mr. Stern: I found after I had become mayor at Frostburg that I really was not mayor. I was simply a member of the council, and the only authority that I had was as presiding officer of the council. Before that I was an ordinary business man, and had taken no particular interest in public matters, so when I came to study out the matter, and found that I wanted to run the things in the way an executive would run a business, I found no machinery to run it with. I found that the people, on the other hand, look upon the mayor as the responsible one. They look to him to correct any trouble. The organization of the council was opposed to me. We had some friction on that account, but they were fairly decent men, fairly good men, and really in a way wanted to do the right thing. There is very little salary connected with the office of the council, and in a small community such as that of 8,000 or 9,000 people, the men really wanted to do what was right as far as they could.
I suggested to them that it was impossible under the conditions to do anything in the town. If you did, it cost twice as much as it ought to cost. I suggested to them that if we could adopt the working principle of the city manager plan, we could accomplish something,—take up all these various loose ends and centralize things. They agreed with me, with the proviso that I would accept the city managership. I did not have a great deal to do at that time, so I thought “All right.” So they made me a city manager under a resolution of council. But their proviso was that I should take the men that they had already named for the various offices. Of course, I recognized as anyone who has had experience as an executive would recognize that that was going to hamper me, and I could do very little under such conditions. At the same time I felt that the city manager plan from the point of view of a business man, —I did not know about the point of view of a government expert,—that that was an ideal system of government. I found that I would have to be asked to be relieved of the powers of authority, and the powers of the


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49
city manager, and I was relieved. I should like to ask from the point of view of a business man,—in the charter of Dayton I see that it is specified that you shall have five directors. Under the charter of Dayton, I see also you are limited with respect to the civil service commission. From the point of view of the expert executive, don’t you think that is somewhat inconsistent with the theory of a city manager? Why should a city manager be hampered with these details? Don’t you think that is inconsistent?
Me. Waite: No, I think not. I think it is perfectly proper.


SHORT ARTICLES
MUNICIPAL BUSINESS MANAGER
BY JOHN S. PATTON 1 Charlottesville, Virginia
CHARLOTTESVILLE in Virginia is well on the way to 200 years old, and has a population of about 10,000. In form its government has not got beyond the discredited mayor and council period, although in fact it has had one year of experience of a more efficient organization.
We still have a mayor and council because our constitution requires them, and the council is constituted of 12 members because the city’s charter requires 12. An attempt to reduce the number by legislative action was defeated first by the council’s opposition; the attempt was repeated with the council’s approval, but the executive committee of the chamber of commerce unanimously petitioned the legislature not to pass the act, and the chamber unanimously ratified the action of its committee! The plan was voted too drastic, although the legislature was asked only to authorize a change of the government from a council of 12 members to one not exceeding five, and this was to become effective only in case the council of 12 was unanimously in favor of the measure and willing to resign in a body to make way for the proposed reform.
Mayor and councilmen all have been honest and eager to serve the community in a finely unselfish way. There has never been any graft, and no hint of it. Failure there has been, not as a climax, but from beginning to end, for good and sufficient reasons, which are now visible to the weakest perception. A minority of the council pointed out the reasons for failure year after year: it was the unintended, unpremeditated tyranny of council committees. . Sixty-five per cent of all the revenue went to salaries, interest, sinking fund, schools, court expenses, street lighting contracts, etc. The remaining 35 per cent was annually assigned for use and disbursement by six committees—the committees on streets, water and sewers, gas and light, health, poor, and cemeteries. It was almost literally true that the sum turned over to each committee was disbursed by the chairman. How did the committees acquit themselves? I repeat what I said to the League of Virginia Municipalities:
I can tell you what one of them did last year—which will not be the whole story, by any means. One of its members says it never convened. Its expenditures exceeded a thousand dollars a month, and there is not
1 Former mayor and present chairman of the finance committee of Charlottesville, Va.
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MUNICIPAL BUSINESS MANAGER
51
one report on file to show where the money went. The chairman of that committee is honest and clean; he has had long years of experience in the council, and is second to no one in that body for fitness for the chairmanship he held. But he had no time for writing reports, and none for trying to have meetings of a committee he believed would not meet. So far as the expenditure of $12,000 was concerned, I, who sat in that council, had virtually no vote and my constituents no voice. There is a new chairman of this committee, and he has said there will be reports, but he has also said that the reports will be made after, not before the expenditures. I protested on the floor of the council—as did others—against this policy, and was told by three chairmen that they “couldn’t do business” if they were required to say before the money was spent where they were going to spend it; and the president of the council ruled, on a motion of mine, that all the revenues must be appropriated without reserve at the beginning of the fiscal year. Where is the mayor? you may ask. Has he no lance nor shield? He can write messages; these are his lances. He has the veto—his shield. The lance and shield are worthless, for as soon as the fiscal year begins all available revenue is in the hands of the six committees. It is sent to these committees by an appropriation bill, no section of which has ever been vetoed. Once in the hands of the committees it is in effect beyond the reach of the council and beyond any official power or authority of the mayor, and the acts of the committees are similarly beyond anybody’s authority.
Under this system a considerable floating debt was created, and at the beginning of the fiscal year 1912-13, holding that it “had no right to sanction any expenditure except of money in hand and collectible during the fiscal year,” the finance committee recommended that the council make appropriations monthly in advance upon estimates made by the six committees of the sums needed to conduct the operations under their supervision and that the committees should at the same time report to what use the money was to be devoted. “The reason for monthly appropriations,” said the committee', “is that in no other way can the expenditure of money be fairly subjected to the mayor’s veto. Appropriating the whole income of the city at the beginning of the fiscal year is largely a performance in the dark, while monthly appropriation in advance, made upon requisition from the committees, will enable the council to profit by the knowledge of the committees and to relate the expenditures of public revenue to the object and purpose of the expenditures at a time very near to that of the disbursement.”
This proposition was rejected, as was the later one that appropriations be made quarterly, because, as was said on the floor of the council, those opposed to it saw in it a scheme by which the finance committee (composed of three members) intended to establish “a censorship” over the council (composed of 12 members!).
This was the modus operandi of committee government in Charlottesville. A glance at the appropriations and expenditures of the fiscal year 1912-13 will show the results: The committee on streets exceeded its


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[January
appropriation by more that 45 per cent, the committee on gas and light by nearly 50 per cent, the committee on fire equipment by 10 per cent, the committee on cemeteries by more than 50 per cent, and the committee on health by more than 10 per cent.
By the end of the fiscal year 1912-13 a floating debt equal to a fifth of the annual income of the city had accumulated. It was so plainly the penalty of city government by unpaid committees that councilmen who had feared “a censorship” and hesitated to take what they regarded as radical measures united with the finance committee and in the summer of 1913 passed an ordinance effective one year, and in the summer of 1914 amended and re-enacted it to read as follows:
Be it ordained, by the council of Charlottesville, That a municipal business manager be elected at the meeting of this council, regular, adjourned or called, next after the passage of this ordinance, for a term of two years beginning September 1, 1914, and
biennially in August thereafter, at a salary of $-a month, and under a bond of such
amount as the finance committee may designate.
That all the duties of an executive or administrative character performed by any of the several committees of the council of said city, under any ordinance now in force, be conferred upon and required to be exclusively discharged by the said municipal business manager, the said committees to act in an advisory capacity; and that in case a committee representing a department shall, by a vote of all its members at a meeting called with notice to the said municipal business manager, disapprove of any proposed act in that department the matter at issue shall be referred to the council for its action.
That the said municipal business manager shall, as near as possible to September 1, 1914, and quarterly thereafter, make up and present to the council an estimate of all sums of money necessary to carry on the operations of the city in the various departments for the ensuing quarter.
That the said municipal business manager shall, at the end of each quarter, make a written report to the council of all transactions and operations during the said quarter, including a detailed statement of all bills approved by him showing how and where the various sums were expended during said quarter in order that all disbursements may be related to their objects in the several departments.
These are few and simple words, but they put an end to committee rule. When they became law the council became a legislative body; administration an executive fact. The plan calls for a good man in the office of municipal business manager—a requirement of all improved methods of city government. A. V. Conway entered the office of mayor September 1, 1912. Less than a year of service proved his mettle to be of the best, and he was elected municipal business manager for the experimental year beginning September 1, 1913. In July, 1914, when the ordinance was re-enacted, he was chosen for a term of two years. He is a man of means, and accepted the office of mayor and that of municipal business manager to render a public service and not for emolument or political advancement. He has applied efficient methods to municipal management with energy and fine judgment.
His first year in the office of manager began with the fiscal year, 1913-


1915]
MUNICIPAL BUSINESS MANAGER
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14. At the beginning of that year an estimate was made of the cost of the operating of every department of the government for the 12 months. One fourth of this estimate in each case was then appropriated for the first quarter. At the beginning of each subsequent quarter the manager presented his estimate, always keeping his requests within the limit of one fourth of the estimate for the year in each department.
At the end of the first quarter he returned to the treasury the balances to the credit of each department. The net aggregate of these for the first quarter was about three thousand dollars, and each of the four quarters of the year showed an unexpended balance. These balances were covered back into the treasury for reappropriation.
I reproduce an interesting page from the business manager’s first annual report:
RECAPITULATION OF APPROPRIATIONS AND EXPENDITURES DURING
FISCAL YEAR 1913-14
Am’t Appropriated Ain’t Spent To Credit of Spent over Appropriation Appropriation
Sewers $3,475.37 $3,185.28 $290.09
Water 7,928.00 7,630.82 297.18
Gas 24,764.00 24,898.23 $134.23
Poor 2,360.00 1,948.26 411.74
Fire 4,650.00 4,614.39 35.61
Cemeteries 2,000.00 1,908.71 91.29
Streets 14,027.20 12,694.74 1,332.46
Health 2,030.00 2,039.91 9.91
Incidentals 4,100.00 4,188.50 88.50
Salaries 7,990.00 8,147.08 157.08
Police 8,158.00 8,112.92 45.08
Int. on bonds 25,920.00 25,835.00 85.00
Sinking fund 13,000.00 83,000.00
Int. and discount 1,200.00 865.50 334.50
Lights 6,500.00 6,811.74 311.74
Public schools 10,000.00 10,000.00
Slimmer school 500.00 500.00
Aux. water bonds 5,000.00 5,000.00
Maturing gas bonds 2,000.00 2,000.00
Oil for streets 1,500.00 1,350.72 149.28
Street flusher 2,000.00 575.00 1,425.00
Sidewalks 2,125.00 1,959.56 165.44
Police uniforms 225.00 228.14 3.14
N. L. Levy property 7,000.00 7,000.00
Refunded fines 59.50 59.50
Refunded licenses 25.00 25.00
Refunded taxes 66.06 66.06
Old veterans 200.00 200.00
Release of stable contract. . . . 160.00 160.00
$158,963.13 $155,005.06
Net amount to credit of appropriation, $3,958.07


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[January
Along with this report should go the statement that out of these appropriations sufficient was saved to add $6,465 to the city’s fixed capital and enough of the revenue was saved to add by special appropriations $9,872.49.
All this has come to pass through a concentration of power and responsibility accomplished by the ordinance creating the office of municipal business manager. This officer’s power is complete until a departmental committee unanimously appeals from him and the council sustains its appeal. No action of the kind has ever been taken or suggested.
CHECKS ON CONCENTRATION IN MODERN CHARTERS
BY DB. CHABLES FEEMONT TAYLOB1 Philadelphia
ONE of the most important of the numerous worthy and useful accomplishments of the National Municipal League has been its influence on and helpfulness in city charter making in this country. At its recent annual meeting in Baltimore, this was one of the most important topics discussed; and it is a proof of the progressiveness of the league that after thorough discussion, the dominant opinion of the experts there assembled was that the “ commission manager ” plan of charter is the best in sight at the present time. However, the time limit for discussion expired just as the subject of checks was reached; and the present writer has been asked to take up this part of the subject, and also to give his views on two notable books that have recently appeared on charters and city government.
As the chief and most effective checks on the city manager plan of city government, as well as upon all other plans of either city or state government, are the initiative, referendum and recall, these will be given prominence in this presentation.
One of the most helpful books to charter committees that the writer has seen is “Applied City Government,”2 by Herman G. James, J.D., Ph.D., associate professor of government and director of the bureau of municipal research and reference at the University of Texas. There is not a superfluous word in this book. It is a marvel of clear analysis and terse expression.
The formation of a charter is taken up step by step, and after each section of the proposed model charter is explained, it is put into terse and simple words and is printed in italic letters. Thus a model charter is
1 Editor of Equity and Medical World.
’Published by Harper & Brothers, New York, 1914. Price 75 cents.


1915] CHECKS ON CONCENTRATION IN CHARTERS 55
built up, article by article, so that, when a committee has finished the book, the italic portions of the book can be merely put together, and a model charter will be had. The writer knows of no other book on this subject on so simple and practical a plan.
The powers (article I) are expressed in these simple but comprehensive words: “and shall possess all powers consistent with the laws and constitution of the stale of . . . ” Thus in this simple manner, every
question as to powers is at once limited only by the state laws and constitution. In the explanatory matter preceding he says that “an enumeration of powers will be construed to exclude powers not enumerated.” The above brief statement, in italics, embraces all of home rule that any city in a given state can possess.
The model charter thus built up is short, consisting of only seven articles, and the articles as a rule are short and very exact in their expression. The author advocates the preferential ballot (Grand Junction plan), which he explains and illustrates clearly and includes in his model charter. He also explains proportional representation, but does not include it in the charter.
As to the form of government, he boldly adopts the commission form as modified by the city manager plan, though he seems to prefer the term mayor to city manager as applying to the chief administrative officer of the city. The commissioners shall serve without pay. The mayor (or city manager) shall be chosen by the commission without limit as to previous residence; this officer to be selected for his administrative qualifications for an indefinite term. He “shall be responsible to the governing body of the city for the proper administration of all the affairs of the city.”
Sufficient has been said to indicate that this book presents the best and latest opinions concerning city charters, with (regretfully) an important exception which we will take up later under the head of checks.
Now let us take a peep into the other book: “Municipal Charters,”3 by Nathan Matthews, LL.D.,.mayor of Boston 1891-95, chairman of Boston finance commission 1907-09, lecturer on municipal government in Harvard University.
This is a scholarly book of the old school. These two books show vividly the difference in their point of view between Boston and Texas. The first part of the book (93 pages) deals with “essentials of an American city charter.” Then follow charter drafts. The first one, along the lines of the old ideas, consists of 63 very full pages. Charter B, the commission type, would modify the first charter according to 10 pages of omissions, substitutions, etc. Part III of the book consists of 26 pages of notes to the charter drafts.
The author’s conservatism is marked, in comparison with our Texas
3 Published by Harvard University Press, 1914. Price $2.00 net.


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author. He strongly favors the “responsible executive type” (page 14) of city government. The following sentence, quoted from page 15, sums up his ideal of city government :
“The type of charter best adapted to the case would therefore seem to be the responsible executive type with a single small legislative board or council, with such checks and balances as will prevent the grosser forms of extravagences and corruption, and with such a concentration of the several powers of the city government that at each succeeding election the voters may have no difficulty in determining who is and who is not responsible for what has been done or left undone.”
It is surprising to the up-to-date student that the author would admit no possibility of recall, but “at each succeeding election” the. voters may determine “who is and who is not responsible for what may have been done or left undone”! No check upon officers except the regular elections, and as we shall see later, no check upon what the officers may dof This is the plan that has always pleased the “predatory interests” and their creatures, the politicians.
Publicity has long been advocated and depended upon as a check to misgovernment and corruption in city government. No “cure” has so many failures to its credit. This remedy should be continued, of course. We should not give up anything in which there is any good at all; but we should recognize its weakness, and add checks that really do check.
Ex-mayor Matthews, as representing the conservative type of thought, favors a unicameral legislative body of small numbers. Thus we see that even the conservatives are now demanding the concentration of power in few hands. Along with this must go the possibility of checks on such concentrated power, to be used only in case of need.
This principle is so reasonable and necessary that very few oppose it. The check universally held by private employers upon their employees is the possibility of discharge. The public should have the same power of control of the public’s employees. This is the recall. As we shall see later, this power is extensively held by cities and even by states, and it has not been abused. It has been used to excellent purpose, even the mere existence of this power exercising a salutary influence upon public officers.
â– A public officer, however, may do much harm before he could possibly be recalled; and he may be negatively good, but leave many important things undone. By the referendum it is possible for the voters to effectively check any undesirable ordinance; and by the initiative it is possible for the voters to propose and enact ordinances desired by them but neglected or opposed by their official (supposed) representatives. Thus faulty representation is remedied. And that is the only purpose of the initiative and referendum. They are not presented as a substitute for representative government, but only as a corrective of false representation-


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Now to take up Professor James’ book again: Among its many excellencies we regret to find a reactionary note. Concerning the initiative and referendum let us say the good things first. Here is section I of article VII (pages 92 and 93):
Every issue of bonds authorized by the governing body of the city, under the limitations herein -prescribed, and every grant of a franchise for the operation of a public utility, under the following limitations, shall, before becoming effective, be submitted to a vote of the people for ratification. Such ratification shall occur at a special election held for that purpose unless a regular election occurs within ninety days of the date of passing the resolution authorizing the bond issue or the granting of the franchise, in which case the question shall be submitted at such election. In either case a majority of the votes cast on the question shall be necessary and sufficient to make the proposed measure effective.
Beyond this, which, however, is a very important exception, Professor James is hopelessly conservative concerning these important checks on concentrated government. For either the initiative or referendum he would make the astonishing requirement of 35 per cent, not of the votes cast at the previous election, but of the qualified voters (that is, whether they voted at the preceding election or not). And for the recall he would make the same extreme requirement.
Turning again to Ex-mayor Matthews’ book: He would tolerate the referendum on licenses for the sale of intoxicating liquors, the issue of loans for particular purposes, the establishing of public gas, water, electric lighting and similar undertakings, etc., and it is to be invoked presumably by the council, as he distinctly and emphatically opposes the initiative, referendum or recall on petition by the voters. Thus this book, though new, takes a place among the antiquated works on municipal government.
Considering Ex-mayor Matthews as hopeless, and assuming that the readers of this progressive magazine recognize the fact that concentrated power may become dangerous unless it is possible to use checks when occasion may arise, and as it is very probable that the readers of this magazine and many charter committees will be attracted to Professor James’ book, let us address ourselves to the extreme and unreasonable percentages he would require for invoking the initiative, referendum and recall.
The writer has now before him the charters of 37 initiative, referendum and recall cities, and 27 general state laws concerning the use of the initiative, referendum and recall in cities. Not one makes the extreme requirements advocated by Professor James. Wilmington, North Carolina, comes the nearest, requiring 35 per cent, not of the registered voters, but of the vote cast at the last preceding general election. And while it would require 35 per cent for the initiative special election, yet it would allow an initiative on 10 per cent, to be voted on at the next general elec-


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tion. This is the closest we can come to Professor James’ figures in actual practice, and it stands alone, though its requirements are much easier than those of Professor James.
In practice, the recall percentages are the highest, ranging from 15 per cent (Sacramento, Ca'ifornia, only 10 per cent—and no harm done) to 35 per cent. Many are 15 per cent, many 20 per cent and many 25 per cent—very few higher. The initiative and referendum percentages run distinctly lower. There are many 5 per cent, and many 10 per cent. Some run higher. The higher percentages are usually for special elections.
Now how have these worked in practice? Details may be seen in “Municipal Initiative, Referendum and Recall in Practice,” by the present writer in October, 1914, issue of this magazine.4 But the following brief statement may be made here:
In this country there are nearly 400 municipalities that have the commission form of government; and nearly all of them have the initiative, referendum or recall, and some municipalities not under the commission form of government have these powers. A majority (at least 200) have all three of these powers, while some have the initiative and referendum without the recall, etc. Of all these municipalities, and for all the time they have possessed these powers, a nation-wide investigation discovered that only 31 had used the initiative, 26 the referendum and 33 the recall. Further, 35 attempts to invoke the recall have been made, but failed on account of the promoters not being able to get a sufficient number of signatures. This indicates that the securing of recall signatures is not as easy as some theorists seem to believe. Of the 33 recall elections actually held, 20 resulted in recall and 13 resulted in re-election of the official sought to be recalled.
In examining the uses of the initiative, referendum and recall in the various cities of the country, we do not find any indication of the fact that those cities which have the lowest percentages have used these powers the most frequently. In fact, many whose requirements are the lowest have not used these powers at all. Among those which have used these powers the most frequently can be found those which require the highest percentages. For example, Dallas, Texas, has made the most frequent and the most successful use of the recall among all the cities that have the recall, yet its recall requirement is 35 per cent, the highest percentage given, yet not quite as high as that recommended by Professor James, as he recommends 35 per cent of the entire electorate, whereas Dallas, Texas, requires “35 per cent of the entire vote cast for candidates for the office of mayor on the final ballot at the last preceding general municipal election.” Hence it seems that when there is occasion to invoke these powers, they will be invoked even though the conditions are difficult; and easy condi -
4 Vol. iii, p. 693.


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tions do not cause the undue use of these powers. Here we ha've facts and experience favoring low percentages. Facts and experience prove that low percentages do not lead to abuse of these powers.
The above results show a striking conservatism on the part of the voters. They do not abuse these enlarged powers, but they use them to good purpose when there is occasion. The corruption that a few years ago made municipal government in America notorious the world over would have been impossible if the voters of all municipalities had possessed the initiative, referendum and recall.
The old-fashioned “checks and balances” consisting chiefly of distribution of powers and division of responsibilities did not check, and the “balances” were seen chiefly in the bank accounts of “boodlers” who were permitted to use the powers of city government for their own selfish aggrandizement. Publicity was later added as a check, and we wish to preserve and extend it, but it has not been an effective check.
The old-fashioned “checks and balances,” the division of powers and distribution of responsibilities, do not check. They permit the intrusion of selfish interests in the government and prevent the adequate protection of the public interests. We see the need of discontinuing the “balances,” and of concentrating the powers and responsibilities. This is the only way to increase efficiency. But concentrated powers are dangerous without the possibility of control outside the few hands into which great power has been concentrated. Where is the most rational place in which to lodge this possible control? There can be but one answer: the electorate. And the initiative, referendum and recall are the best methods yet devised in which to exercise this control.
These, then, are the checks par excellence. They do not obtrude except when needed. They do not interfere with efficiency, yet they insure faithfulness and honesty. They are admirable in theory, and they have proven to be safe and effective in practice.
There is one thing more that may possibly be construed as a check. It is proportional representation. It can be construed as a check on the theory that a representative body chosen by a method that will place in that body representatives of every considerable class or group in the electorate, approximately according to the numbers of each, will be more likely to represent the electorate truly and satisfactorily than a body not so made up. The theory is good, and the practice will doubtless prove the theory.


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[January
TANGIER: AN INTERNATIONAL CITY
BY DENYS P. MYERS1 Cambridge, Massachusetts
IT FALLS to Tangier, Morocco, once a fertile center for near-war news that made head lines to become the first really international city.of the world. In a few months the new regime will be in control and the quaint hodge-podge of modern business and Moorish aristocracy and poverty that is called Tangier will be ruled by the Moors themselves and the French, Spanish, English and German2 residents of the place. But that does not end the story. In 1912 France acquired Morocco as a protectorate, and Spain secured control of the slice along the coast, except Tangier. So the international city is in a Spanish preserve, which is in the territory of Morocco, which is in charge of France. The Moors, of course, constitute the largest element of Tangier’s population, also the least important. The Spaniards outnumber the French, but France holds the strings of government down at Fez, where the sultan reigns but governs only by consent of France. Yet Tangier is an international city set at the center of all this maze, and those who know it best believe it will succeed.
The scheme was worked out at Madrid, the scene of the negotiations in 1880 that first brought Morocco on to the world stage as an international question, and the scene of the diplomatic settlement that divided the country between France and Spain after Germany was eliminated subsequent to the Agadir incident of 1911. Immediately after France and Spain settled their accounts the question of Tangier came up and the plans for the international government were not completed until July, 1913, while the new regime will not be in full operation for some time.
The negotiations at Madrid progressed in secret and were unique. Really four primary interests were represented in them, though the negotiators were but three in number. France represented both herself as the suzerain and Morocco as her protectorate, which, however, can have but an attenuated control over the vicinity of Tangier and over Tangier itself; Spain represented herself as the European country most interested from the point of view of her citizens and from her control over the immediate vicinity of the city; and, lastly, Great Britain represented Europe, including her own vital interest in protecting the Strait of Gibraltar, and
xOf the World’s Peace Foundation, Boston.
2 As a result of the declaration of war between France and Germany of August 3, 1914, German residents in the French protectorate of Morocco have been expelled. There is, however, no reason not to suppose that the arrangements explained in the article will be the permanent basis.


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as the friend and adviser of France and Spain who had participated in all the negotiations relating to Morocco. German interests were constantly consulted.
Considering the present division of the rest of Morocco between France and Spain and the intention to make Tangier really an international city, the negotiations were unique from the diplomatic point of view. Even more broadly, they are more so from a legal point of view. Heretofore, the system of capitulations has governed foreigners in the so-called backward nations. The foreign communities at Peking and Constantinople, for instance, have well-defined extraterritorial rights; in Egypt the international court is too familiar to warrant description. Tangier, however, is to differ from these: its foreign and native populations are not to have generic rights and privileges to any greater extent than can be avoided. The Madrid negotiations, therefore, were designed to put forward an experiment in international law which will be watched with interest and may form a basis for governing analogous communities in other parts of the world.
From the very novelty of the problems encountered, not‘to speak of the difficulty of compromising the national interests affected, the Madrid negotiations were destined to be lengthy. The considerations above set forth are, of course, immediately understandable, but their working out into the definite articles of a municipal constitution offered the tedious problem. Fortunately the problem was not essentially a political one, its primary basis being to set up a municipal government that, while doing no violence to the Makhzen’s control of the state, French control of the Makhzen and Spanish authority in the northern zone, should give essential justice to foreigner and Moor alike in the affairs of the city.
Nor did the problem arise solely from the Agadir incident that resulted in Morocco dropping out of the list of sovereign nations. Early in 1911, before Mulai Hafid’s beleaguerment in, and the French relief of, Fez, the Makhzen, or Moorish government, worked out a project of municipal regulations for Tangier which became the basis of the Madrid negotiations, which encountered a problem different in character from the Makhzen’s task only as subsequent events added new considerations. The fundamental idea of an internationalized city was then uppermost in the minds of the sherifian authorities and the diplomatic corps, who together were in control of the city.
Tangier is for practical purposes a neutral city, and steps will doubtless be taken by the European governments for its formal recognition as such. To begin with, the municipality, established by sherifian decree, includes the territory subject to the urban tax as levied under the Algeciras act, subject to extension,'and this renders its domain the creation of the powers. This municipal domain is defined as public and private, the terms distinguishing character of use rather than ownership. The public munici-


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pal domain includes the public streets and places and the boundary walls of the city, with the exception of the fortresses and batteries which continue to belong to the Makhzen. In case Tangier is formally neutralized these will be dismantled. The Makhzen will continue to own its real property and buildings devoted to state services distinct from the municipality. The Tangier public domain is inalienable except that the municipal council may change its classification with the approval of the property acquired or given and accepted by the municipality under specified conditions, and of such property of the public domain as shall be declassified.
In the original scheme the officials were to consist of a president, an administrative commission and a municipal council. A president of the municipality and an assembly are now sufficient as a result of political rivalry among the interests of the powers dying with the passing of the Agadir incident into history. In 1911 it was contemplated that the president of the municipality would be named and revoked by the Makhzen, but chosen from the Moorish members of the municipal council. Such Moorish control would now defeat the international idea of the government and the president is to be elected by the assembly and preside at its sessions. His duties in general are those of a municipal executive and among many other tasks he is to present the annual budget to the assembly and issue highway and police regulations.
The assembly is the popular elective body, composed of 24 Moroccan members and 11 foreigners, representatives of the powers. The arnin El Mustafad and the Mothasseb, Moorish territorial officers, are ex-officio members. The other Moorish members, one of whom may be a Jew, must not enjoy foreign protection. In the earlier scheme they had to fulfill the conditions necessary for a foreigner to be enfranchised, though they were to be appointed by the Makhzen. The foreign assemblymen are to be elected by enfranchised foreigners voting irrespective of nationality. The foreign assemblymen must be qualified as voters and not more than four of the same nationality can be elected. The assembly is renewable every three years. One vacancy, either among the Moors or foreigners, must remain unfilled, but when two vacancies have occurred, a complementary election may be held, if the plan of 1911 has been followed in the last form of Tangier’s charter, the full text of which is not yet to hand.
The assembly is the legislative body of the international city, with the usual powers of such a body. Originally it was planned to have a much more complicated arrangement and to have an administrative commission above the assembly. It was to consist of the president and three vice-presidents nominated by the Makhzen from the members of the assembly, one of whom was to be a Moor and one a foreigner; the Mothasseb, the amin El Mustafad, a technical delegate from the sherifian


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department of public works and a medical man designated by the assembly. The commission was to be constituted within 15 days from the time of the first sitting of a new assembly, meet fortnightly in secret, and its chief duty was to name all heads of municipal services. No municipal employee may be dismissed without its decision. It was to draw up the police, hygiene and sanitary regulations which the president should promulgate as executive; decide on highway and other public service changes or extensions, which decisions were executory within two months unless countermanded by the financial authorities within that time. Necessary temporary measures could be taken.
All of these attributes now fall to the assembly, which is much freer from Makhzen control than the old commission, but which yet must observe many considerations due to the complicated French, Spanish and strictly international elements which must be satisfied. France being paramount in Morocco and Spain being the territorial neighbor of the Tangier internationalized zone, it is natural that police control should be divided. Under the Algeciras act the police control at Tangier was mixed, French officers being in charge of the urban police and the Spanish organizing and directing the force in the vicinity of the city. No distinction between urban and extraurban police longer exists. The distinction now is between military police, which are headed by a Spaniard, and the civil police, who are under the control of a Frenchman. France as representing the sultan naturally has a great interest in the administration of the city, which being Moslem is based in its native aspects upon Koranic laws. But Spain has the bulk of the foreign population, and Great Britain is greatly interested in Tangier's commerce. Moreover, Britain acts in a way as a mandatory of the other powers. So provision has been made for distributing administrative officers so that France shall have 33 per cent of the appointments, Spain 29 per cent and Great Britain 18 per cent, the discretion of the president and assembly being trusted with the other 20 per cent.
All Moslems, of course, will be tried before their own kadi, appointed by the sultan at the recommendation of the powers. But litigation may arise between a Moslem and foreigner, or more rarely between two foreigners. So a mixed court is provided along the lines of the international court in Egypt. It is to consist of two Frenchmen, one of whom will preside, two Spaniards, two Englishmen and one German. To make up for a Frenchman presiding, a Spaniard is to be public prosecutor.
It was quite impossible to leave the entire government to the elective assembly, in view of the complicated interests involved in Tangier’s public works, which were built or are being built under the provisions of the Algeciras act. So a committee composed of 11 representatives of the powers and one of the sultan was established to insure the international character of the administration and to protect all national in-


64 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January
terests. Under ordinary circumstances it is likely that this committee will be somewhat ornamental.
One of the pleasant things about the international city is the luck it has had with its debt. France absorbed Morocco very largely by the process of insisting on improvements that were valid as improvements, but not wanted by the country, loaning money to carry them through and then working into the administration to protect the investment. Before Agadir the whole Moroccan customs were mortgaged to France and collected by Frenchmen. To give Tangier a fair start as an international city, she freed the city’s resources from all monetary claims that it was possible to relinquish. She exacted no pound of flesh. All strictly legal claims,—a share in the war indemnity, for instance,—were canceled. Tangier starts its financial life with far less indebtedness and financial disadvantage than had been expected. France has even given up a legitimate claim to supervise the city’s finances in the interest of the sultan, and the city thereby becomes financially autonomous. She and Spain have retained only the right to exact special permission if Tangier should wish to levy special duties on imports or should desire to alienate Makhzen lands. As the bulk of Tangier imports are destined for the Spanish or French zones beyond, the reasonableness of the first stipulation should be apparent. As Makhzen lands are subject to Moslem, which is to say Koranic, law, the necessity of guarding native susceptibilities explains the second stipulation.
It is, however, the foreign electoral rights that are most interesting in this international city. Electors must be 25 years of age; not have been convicted under a penalty involving loss or diminution of civil rights under national law; have resided at Tangier at least two years; and be owners or occupiers of a house or apartment of which the rental value has been fixed by the administration of the urban tax at a sum of at least 120 pesetas hassani ($24) per month. “ Officials of the Moroccan state, consulates, posts and telegraphs and of the public services of the Makhzen who are not Moorish subjects,” said the earlier document, “are not restricted to the conditions of residence fixed in the preceding article for the exercise of electoral rights. But they must prove, except in the case where they live in the building where they perform their duties, that they are owners or occupiers at Tangier within the conditions specified in that article.”
Every year the voting list is to be revised by a special commission composed of each nationality. The list will be posted two weeks and decisions on objections or observations concerning it must be made within a month. A committee made up of existing officials will prepare the first list.
Nineteen articles are devoted to the conduct of elections, the details being devoid of special interest. The voting booth is to be open of a


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Sunday from 10 a. m. to 3 p. m. at the office of the municipal assembly, the officials in charge being representatives of the foreign nationalities in the assembly. Casting of the ballot must be in person. It is provided that no one is elected in the first instance unless he has obtained “1, the absolute majority of the votes cast; 2, a number of votes equal to one sixth of that of the electors registered. If several candidates obtain the same number of votes, the election goes to the oldest.”
These provisions appear impossible of execution until one recalls that voting is to be on national candidates, and then they indicate that diversity of national representation would certainly result from them. If a second balloting is to be held the next Sunday, a relative majority rules.
“Every elector has the right of arguing the total or partial nullity of the electoral operations. . . . The municipal council determines as
a court of last resort on the said claims in the first sessional court held after the elections.” That provision should go far toward satisfying many foreign susceptibilities.
Since Tangier first came into the realm of international politics it has had a hard time. Throughout the period from 1901 to 1911 when the Moroccan question assumed the character of a European war cloud, Tangier as the headquarters of the Moorish department of foreign affairs and the residence of the foreign diplomats was the center of Moroccan affairs, and Moroccan affairs often engrossed the whole world. The diplomatic battles that were fought out at the Kasbah or in the pleasant villas that were the homes of the ministers from Europe were noteworthy and would make a book in the telling. But they are past, and it speaks well for European diplomacy that the old battlefield of the diplomat is now become a real city of the nations, the object of the creation being frankly the good of the municipality and the prosperity of its people.
THE VALUE OF MUNICIPAL EXHIBITS
> BY LENT D. UPSON1
GET the Hook,”—three words of no special significance, yet when placed upon a chart above a six-cent hook for which the city of New York paid 60 cents, did more to stimulate public concern in methods of government than would 100 municipal reports, replete with questionable statistics. With this feature at the first municipal exhibit, held in New York City in 1908, was begun a new method of making municipal government a concrete reality to the man on the street.
1 Director, Dayton bureau of municipal research.


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In this period of the open shutter in public affairs, the most perplexing problem of municipal administration is that of interesting the citizens even in special programs, not to mention familiarizing them with the ordinary details of local government. The extraordinary progress in methods of sanitation, finance, corrections and other municipal functions, necessitates, that government continuously inform the taxpayers and secure their co-operation, if governmental measures are to keep pace with the possibilities or even the necessaries of present day life. For example, in a western city “the summer hump” in the death rate of babies has been practically eliminated by adequate health service; yet the public is only slowly becoming reconciled to the visiting nurse, and beginning to learn that this work is a legitimate public function. Concretely, the activities of the city can only keep pace with the social-mindedness of the citizens.
Realizing the cumbersome reports filled with unintelligible and inaccurate statistics not only fail to arouse the citizen, but destroy potential interest, the bureau of municipal research, in 1908 hit upon the happy thought of presenting new needs and old ideas to the New York public in visualized form. The above mentioned “Get the Hook” chart was only one of hundreds of such plain statements illustrated, which impressed upon John Smith, in primer language, the way his money is being spent by officials he helped elect.
Since the first experiment in New York, followed by two exhibits financed by the municipality itself, this novel publicity method has been used successfully in practically every section of the country. They are not political but economic, designed to show as a physical budget lesson, the use of public funds whether spent for a cake of soap or a million dollar water plant; to kill disease germs, or for a modernized fire division. Not only through figures made intelligible by comparative charts and photographs, but by the actual operation of city departments, is the public educated in the prevention of graft and waste, and in community activities and community needs. Citizens who have never been in a fire house, see in actual use the delicate instruments which protect them from fire waste, are impressed with the relative costs of oats and gasolene as motive power for fire apparatus, and learn that fire protection is a most expensive function, necessary because of public indifference and common carelessness. The citizen who has quarreled with the department over a water bill can here definitely visualize the annual personal cost of a leaky faucet and the immense public extravagance of leaky mains.
Truly, administrators may color their exhibits from personal interest but this is not less possible with printed city reports. The exhibitor cannot keep the public from learning how departments are operated and from comparing their operations with the methods of others. Again, the exhibitor cannot but secure a stimulation for his own work, from the interest which another citizen may show in how that work is done. On


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the whole, there are no axes which can be sharply. ground, nor cheap politics to play,—it is simply carrying out the idea that a citizen “who knows” will not cheat himself nor allow himself to be cheated by the man he has placed in public office. Any citizen with sufficient interest and half his lunch hour to spend may, through this opportunity, learn what the city is accomplishing with the taxpayer’s dollar and what it has planned to do in the year or years to come.
The expansion of the exhibit idea has been notable. Out of the little show held in New York in 1908, under private auspices, which 62,808 persons attended, came the appropriation of $25,000 for the first New York exhibit in 1910. Here 45,000 square feet of space in three floors was taken up with 350 booths which had an elementary demonstration of how the operating budget of $163,000,000 a year was spent and incidentally why $200,000,000 was being requested for the year following. In the first two days 100,000 visitors had seen the exhibit, and the total number for the whole period was over 1,000,000. The attendance the year following was even larger than this, 700,000 school children receiving personal invitations to be the guests of the city.
The second largest shows after the New York exhibition were those held in Cincinnati n 1912 and 1913. The first of these was to urge upon the public the necessity for an increase of taxes, if even the ordinary functions of government were to be continued, not to mention the social and welfare activities which the progressive administration had added. The second exhibit was again devoted almost entirely to the idea of interesting the public in the support of the advance measures of government which had been instituted. Both of these exhibits were open only two weeks, during which time an average of 150,000 people attended, and each cost approximately the same as the 1300-page annual reports published by the city.
Cincinnati had for a score of years been maintaining in office, men who did not believe in the publicity of governmental affairs. It was therefore believed that a determined campaign of advertising would be necessary to arouse public interest in this new form of city reporting. Speeches were made before every organization that would listen; interested merchants placed slips advertising both the exhibit and the city’s tax needs in their monthly statements; each water bill carried into the home a label telling the story; and street car advertising was used extensively during the time of the show. An effort was made to interest the ministers of the city in the fact that if the social work of the city was to be efficiently advanced the administration must be supported in the demand for public funds. As a result nearly one half of the clergy in the city preached a sermon on the relation of the church to unmet community needs, and many more carried announcements of the opening of the exposition, in the church calendars or announced the event from the pulpit.


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â– During several hours each day the congestion was so great that the purpose of the show was in a measure defeated. There was with one exception no music, nothing dramatic, nothing given away, yet in the evening automobiles were parked for a block in front of the hall, and millionaires, laborers, politicians and reformers rubbed shoulders, in an effort to see where their tax dollars were going. Thousands of school children came in classes with their note books. Urged by substantial prizes for the best essays on how the school child could help the city government, the exhibit became a matter of study, rather than of idle curiosity. In place of text-book theories, the municipality suddenly became a reality of streets and lighting; of big mercantile projects; of extensive charities; of a management marked with both great efficiency and inefficiency. Public officials became interesting men who were more than willing to explain the details of their departments, and whose interest in their work was augmented by the public interest in it.
The educational value of this exhibit may be seen in the attitude of the public to the proposal for an increased tax, which having been granted by a bare majority the previous year, was renewed by a vote of almost two to one. But whether this levy had been granted or not, the public cannot but have been favorably impressed with the fact that there has been a municipal “show down,” cannot but take a keener interest in matters of their intimate concern.
At least with thousands of school children, there will be the memory that at one time their city took them into its confidence, establishing a precedent which public opinion may demand to be followed.
In more recent times some notable exhibits have been held in New York City, Pittsburgh, Hoboken, Jersey City, Cincinnati, Ossining, The Oranges, New Jersey, Dobbs Ferry, New York, Springfield, Massachusetts, and Westfield, New Jersey.
Aside from the direct contact of the citizen with the exhibit, such a program affords methods of municipal publicity which can be secured from no other source. One finds here hundreds of citizens thinking of the same subjects in the same terms. It is self-evident that they will think more intensely, more vividly, more earnestly, as a group than they will as individuals. Such a show invariably moves the city hall from the last page of the newspaper to the front page. Prominent people who must be adequately reported, come to make speeches at the noon hour and in the evening; politicians of both sides make use of it; nearby cities send their officials who must carry home the impression of better government and the stimulus of interest. In Cincinnati the exhibit justified the personal invitations of prominent citizens and the invitations to out-of-town men of prominence. The result was a large amount of out-of-town publicity which worked its way back and had a local influence through the heightening of local pride. The preparation of an exhibit


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itself has a value in the increase of the number of sentiment centers in the interest of better government. The fight is conducted from a score or hundreds of points instead of from the mayor's office. Every employee whose work is described becomes a missionary whether he wants to or not. One of the most interesting phases of the New York and Cincinnati work was the pride of the departmental employees in the activities' of their own departments shown in the exhibit. Emphasis has already been given to the possibility of enlisting the interest of a large number of civic and private agents who can contribute to the city’s efficiency: improvement associations, churches, schools, women’s clubs, all of whom can be reached to help the city, without regard to partisan interest.
Originally the municipal exhibit was a presentation of the activities of the municipality as a whole. It has now developed to a point where certain phases of municipal and social work are being even more commonly exploited, particularly those of welfare and hygiene. Perhaps this is because these phases of work are most important and are less appreciated by the public. The complete development of this field, however, has not yet been reached and it is to be anticipated that the time will shortly come when every progressive city will place before the public a picture of city work in simple, interesting and comprehensible terms. It is then that we may expect efficient citizenship to become a proper factor in efficient government.
UNEMPLOYMENT IN OUR CITIES
BY FRANCES A. KBLLOR1 New York City
WITH the possible exception of Miss Addams, who could not keep any subject possibly dry, not even statistics, this seems to be a competition in dry subjects. I think, however, I am going to be the only one who can really make good on that proposition. I regret exceedingly that the mayor of my city is not here to-night. Had he been here he would have told you of the very interesting experiment which New York City has started,—a municipal employment exchange, which has a men’s department, a women’s department, and a juvenile department for directing youth into industry. It is now forming a committee for the purpose of taking up the whole subject of unemployment, not only the labor exchange, but it is contemplating the use of its police as information centers for unemployed. In other words, the man out of a job can go to a policeman who will direct him to a place where he can find one, if that job exists. It is also organizing in connection with
1 Vice-Chairman of the committee for immigrants in America.


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its municipal lodging house a social service committee, the first of its kind in the country. The usual method with these lodging houses is to let the men and women go through day after day without trying in any way to rehabilitate them. We found from our study last winter that at least 40 or 50 per centum of the men in the lodging places out of a job really wanted to work. We propose to have a social service committee take those men in hand and try to readjust them to society.
In discussing unemployment to-night, I am going upon three assumptions :
1st. That there is work in America, and that its industries are in good condition.
2d. That unemployment is primarily the business of industry to remedy, as it relates to employables, and of charities as it relates to unemployables, a division we have never clearly made in America.
3d. That the business of government is to supplement the work of industry, to supervise and to regulate it.
I am dividing my subject into two fields: first, a very brief description of present methods; and second, a program in which industry, government, civic organizations, and the average citizen can participate.
We must keep in mind that, however broad and complicated the situation may be, it is the single individual and the single job that is being dealt with.
The subject of employment may be divided into three main fields. First, the labor market; second, the facilities for directing workers into industry; and third, the facilities for relieving unemployment.
Almost every market in America is adequately managed except labor. The present methods in the labor market are, first, what we call direct employment, which is advertising and answering advertisements in the newspapers, answering and issuing circulars, and the old way of putting a sign in your window and letting men and women looking for “Boy Wanted” or “Woman Wanted” make personal application at the office. The greatest agency through which unemployed people obtain employment is through the private employment agencies for unskilled labor. We have the general labor agencies which handle the great bulk of unskilled labor for men and women, the shipping agency which deals with the immigrants. We have the intelligence offices which deal with domestic labor. Most of the women who are here know the conditions of those agencies. There are the agricultural agencies, which are the most unorganized because agriculture is the most unorganized of all the employments; and we have the political agencies which still direct a large percentage of the employed of America. In addition none of these private agencies of which there are some five thousand throughout the country, exchanges information, none of them


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co-operates in any way although all charge a very high fee. We have also the agencies for industry, and the employer’s association.
The Federal government provides a Division of Information for immigrants. State employment bureaus number about twenty-one, and we have municipal employment bureaus, of which there are about twenty-four.
In addition to all this, we have a number of philanthropic and civic agencies, first, those that take care of the normal workers, who are both able and willing to work, and those that deal primarily with children, such as the vocational bureaus, and those that deal with handicapped persons, who have to have some special work done for them. But generally our labor market is thoroughly disorganized, without co-operation, without system, although perhaps one third of the unemployment is intercity and interstate.
The next most important problem is the directing of workers into industry, first, for children. There has been a considerable growth in the last few years in the subject of vocational guidance. A number of public schools already have committees. We find if we cannot start the children right, if they are maladjusted as soon as they begin, that they get into blind alley trades, and later become the drifters and the “hoboes.”
Now, in addition to the children we have another problem,—-the newly arrived immigrants. Our present system is this,—the immigrants come in at our ports, of which you have one here. They are allowed to go from that port without any inquiry whatever being made as to their previous occupation, or their training. The result is that practically all of them, both men and women, go into the cauldron of unskilled labor, from which many of them never get out. You find the tailor working in the trench, the engineer acting as a waiter in some hotel, and you find most of the women staying in housework, although some of them are very skilled needle women. That is an illustration of the maladjustment. The question of relieving unemployment is one of the things which we will have to face this winter. The unusual condition existing because of the war makes not the normal handling of labor the immediate problem, but the actual relieving of unemployment is the vital thing.
We have, first, the question of whether we can stimulate public works by the government; second, whether we can get the states to continue their highway work, in building aqueducts and other improvements; third, whether the cities will not issue bonds for the purpose of doing the work which is necessary to be done.
The next important step is the regulation of industry, the dovetailing of casual employment, so that some may work three days a week, or every other week so that others may be employed, and also the planning of city work.
I want to show you how very wasteful our present method is. Take,


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for instance, the dovetailing of seasonal work. The railroads know in October or November that they are going to lay off a certain number of men. They know that, these men are going to be employed in the ice fields later. But there is no co-operation between the ice companies and the railroads on employment, though there is on the question of rates. If those men were sure of jobs, it would save them from coming all the way back to the city, getting their positions through an employment agency, and spending a considerable part of their money in the city, and going back to the other industry very much demoralized.
In addition to the regularizing of industry, we have the problem of the temporary shelter, and the aid of the unemployed. Unfortunately, many of our cities have no municipal lodging house. Supplementing that work is the work of philanthropy. In New York, the churches of the city are planning to provide extra accommodations for the numbers of unemployed that the municipal lodging houses cannot take care of. The practise of having the unemployed stay in the jails is most demoralizing.
We have a number of experiments which are being made at the present time. Baltimore, perhaps, has already taken them up. We have the sewing rooms for-the unemployed women. We have one sewing room in New York where a, number of women are employed, making bandages for the Red Cross. They are not only doing that, but they are making their medical supplies, giving employment to these women. I understand that Philadelphia is going to improve upon that plan by providing work in the factories, having them make the supplies for the war, instead of having them made in philanthropic sewing rooms, thereby enabling the factories to keep open.
I have tried to outline very briefly the general problem of unemployment. I want to leave with you a program, because the most helpful thing about any problem is a practical program. The different cities can co-operate with the philanthropies and with the Federal government in carrying it out, and we need a national program to deal with a national situation. Baltimore can be one of the cities. The average citizen can help greatly in carrying this out.
1. Publication of census returns on employment (1910). It is stated that these are not to be printed, because the United States has no money to publish them. We have to use reports 14 years old when all our other information is but four years old. Any letter to the government authorities in Washington asking for the publication of these records will help.
2. A classification of the employable and unemployable, with suggestion of practical measures for care of employables by industry and of unemployables by relief or special industries. At the present time we ask industries to carry the burden of the unemployables, including the defective who are not able to compete in the average business organiza-


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tion, while at the same time we ask philanthropy to carry the burden of the employables. The first step toward an adequate solution must be the proper division of these two groups.
3. The organization of the labor market by:
(a) Establishment of Federal Employment Bureau to act as clearing house for state and municipal bureaus, and to handle the reserve labor supply and intercity and interstate unemployment.
(b) Extension of Federal Division of Information as a national agricultural labor bureau, and urging of rural organizations to establish efficient centers to co-operate and compete with industrial labor agencies. We ask the question of why it is that farmers cannot get labor from New York City. There are 300 employment agencies maintained by the industries and 15 for farm hands. The farmers have no means of reaching the source of supply, as these agencies are mostly run in connection with saloons and attract the “bums” of the city.
(c) Revision of agreement between transportation lines, cattle exporters and bureau of animal industry by which shippers, and not outside agencies, hire men and establish the conditions. One of the greatest commentaries upon the unemployment situation to-day is that the Bureau of Animal Industry in Washington specifies the number of cattle that may go on a ship, the amount of space to each head, the water supply, etc., while they make absolutely no provision whatever for the comfort or protection of attendants that go with the cattle. The hardships of the men on these cattle ships are appalling.
(d) Federal and state regulation of private agencies according to accepted standards, with reports, to enable government to know and direct labor distribution. Nearly all of the 5,000 agencies do an interstate business. They are regulated either by the state, or by the municipality, with the result that a man drafted in New York and stationed in Texas has no redress against the New York agency unless he can get back to press his complaint.
(e) Establishment of municipal bureaus to handle local work and to clear through Federal clearing house agencies, gradually eliminating state agencies, as the state is not an available unit for distribution and cannot be politically administered. Maryland has -a free employment bureau. It had a very small appropriation. I think last year $500, and practically none this year. Therefore, you have on your statute books a law which requires a state official to operate a free bureau, and the state has provided no funds in order to enable him to fulfil his oath of office. That is one of the things which Maryland should have corrected.
(f) Establishment of local clearing houses among (1) philanthropic agencies; (2) civic agencies; (3) religious agencies; (4) commercial agencies. Each group to establish a local clearing house for its own use to facilitate matching positions and applicants and to co-operate with mu-


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nicipal bureaus; such local clearing house centers to co-operate with Federal agencies in intercity and interstate work.
What happens now is this,—a half a hundred churches or civic societies are all engaged in finding work for the same people. There is no co-operation, no clearing house, no way of knowing what others are doing. One organization will have a half a dozen applications for employees, and another may have a half a dozen applications for positions. There is no way of matching them at the present time. We have started in New York as part of our practical scheme, a clearing house among the private agencies. We are trying to get the church agencies to do the same thing. If we can get the different agencies working together through a clearing house plan, it will remove the burden from the unemployed. The greater number of agencies, the greater burden to the unemployed, because they are paying more than one fee, when they might go to some central agency, and be advised of the situation.
(g) Systematizing of want advertisements in newspapers and window signs, so as to eliminate waste in applications, consuming the resources of unemployed. An advertisement appears in the paper that a dish washer is wanted. At five o’clock there will be 100 or 200 men in line. That line will continue all day long and sometimes be renewed the next day. We have solved many problems much more difficult. Our railroad problems have been much more complicated. We should devise some way by which we can eliminate that enormous waste in time and in strength and in hope and constant disappointments due to answering advertisements already answered.
(h) Elimination of the padroni and substitution of paid employees— housing and supplies to be under the direct control of such employees— or company or contractor—and the boarding boss eliminated as a labor agent. Don’t make the mistake of trying to regulate the padroni. It can’t be done. The only way is to eliminate him as between the employer and the employee. He is now responsible to neither.
(i) Separation of the sale of liquor and furnishing of jobs; decrease in disturbance of the market by political manipulation of private business jobs by political leaders. I don’t believe any of you realize the extent to which the saloon is both a labor broker and a lodging house. We found last winter in our investigation one night 1400 men sleeping in the rear rooms of saloons. They were in debt to those saloons. When they got a job they had to pay back the favor by patronizing them. We could not ask those saloons to close their doors as there was no provision made for sheltering the men who would have been turned into the streets.
The same thing is true of the saloon as a labor broker. We found that the men who could not get a position were regarded as wards of the saloon, and the policeman was interested in voting those men at election time.


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It ought to be stopped. But we cannot break it up unless we provide something else.
4. In addition to organizing the labor market there is the question of the relief of unemployment by:
(a) Development of public works, including reclamation of lands, afforestation, military training, etc.
(b) Planning of regular governmental work to cover dull seasons and meet the needs of casual and seasonal laborers.
(c) Dovetailing of seasonal work and direct distribution from one industry to another by business regularization of work in industries.
(d) Establishment of municipal lodging houses for temporary care of unemployed and creation in connection therewith of social service committees, to render personal service, outfit those for whom there are jobs, and to connect the men and women individually with social and philanthropic agencies that can help them get their foothold.
5. Study of unemployment insurance and its adaptability to American conditions and institutions. We are likely to get, because unemploy-nent insurance in England has been so successful, a number of unbaked insurance bills relating to this subject. The success of the English system depends upon two things. First, their admirable system of labor exchanges with interdistrict reports; and second, labor organizations. We have neither in such a degree in this country, that would enable us at this time to adopt the unemployment insurance system now used in England.
6. Vocational guidance committees and bureaus to direct more intelligently children entering occupations, and to direct newly-arrived immigrants.
I have tried to give you some suggestions to-night as to a national program, because doubtless the National Municipal League from time to time will be appealing to you to help it to carry out this program in the various philanthropic organizations.
MUNICIPAL EMERGENCY HOMES
BY EDWIN A. BHOWN 1 Denver, Colorado
NEVER in the history of our nation have the serious problems of. life with such strength of demand confronted us as in the present time. Out of the many, one of the most ponderous and uncertain questions which must be settled, is our problem of destitution.
When the harvests of summer are gathered and we stand face to face with the coming of winter, and with an established national condition
1 Author of the widely read book “Broke” (The Man Without the Dime).


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of 6,000,000 workless people and one fourth of that number homeless and moneyless, we cannot help but cry out for more light to determine the truth of a question which is so difficult of solution.
It is encouraging to note that the signs of our times are filled with prophecies and accomplished efforts to obviate this social evil—and many others—through the physical and mental endeavors of our many thoughtful, earnest workers for the public good whose dreams are for political, social and economic justice.
During five years in a personal constructive social study throughout our country to influence our various municipalities to build and support free municipal lodging houses—or municipal emergency homes as I prefer to call them (it means more and sounds better)—two years of that study was made as a homeless wage-earner in a shoulder to shoulder struggle with the migratory worker.
One of the most forceful pleas for complete, adequate municipal emergency homes came to me the winter of 1911 in Chicago. Almost without warning a blizzard of snow and wind drove down upon the city with such swiftness and fury that in 12 hours’ time all traffic of street car service and railroad terminals was blocked. The officers of the many railroad companies on the instant were desperate in their efforts to get workers from the ranks of the 4,000 homeless, penniless, out-of- work men at that time. They hurried from one cheap beer joint to another, hiring men, and from Hogan’s five-cent flop on the west side to Hinky Dink’s on the south. The Illinois Central railroad company quickly employed several hundred men. But' no sooner had the men begun work down on the snowbound tracks than they began to drop out; one by one, then several at a time, and a number were carried away by the city ambulance and in the police patrol. The overseers quickly discovered the men were suffering from malnutrition and must be fed before effectual progress could be made in raising the blockade and promptly marched the men to the nearby cheap restaurants and fed them.
These examples and a great many similar ones prove to society that the conservation of human energies is a vital necessity of to-day.
These men from these cities—and the condition is national—many of them existed days and even weeks on what they snatched from the free-lunch counters of the saloons and were forced to sleep under the most destructive conditions while awaiting an opportunity for work.
These examples of the storm which can be multiplied by many calamities of fire and flood and the various casualties continually confronting us, demand this human force. The battle is hard to win with a weakened army.
When we consider the many changes and demands of our everyday industries which force the laborer into periods of idleness, and as we view


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our social status, we plainly see a hundred honest reasons why the normal man or woman may find himself or herself penniless and homeless.
To this brief business appeal for municipal emergency homes the advice may well be given to promoters of great industries to realize that the man who has only his arms to dispose of is just as important a part in the wheel of industry as the propelling force, and to city governments to awaken to the truth of the necessity of co-operation with big business interests in conserving in every way the human force of labor as essential to a progressive nation. Not until these controlling powers are wise, broad, and human enough to see that the citizen who must work with his hands must have care, not abuse, will they have learned their first lesson of peace.
It is gratifying to those who have striven for civic betterment to see that in many cities the municipal emergency home has come, and has come to stay; that a great many tentative homes have been established, a few complete in character, and many planned in the past few years. The cities that have adopted them now wonder how they ever did without this humane institution.
In Denver it was a tooth and nail battle between the social welfare workers and the vice trust, political boss, and machine rule for a municipal lodging house, and not until the venomous cobra of special privilege had deceptively crept back for a renewal spring to create for their interest a more advantageous government to further their aim and ends and allowed for one short year a more humane political party to take control, was the municipal lodging house given to the city.
In 1912 Denver rented a well-built, substantial three-story building in a part of the city convenient for the laborer, for men only, installing 70 beds, bath, fumigating rooms, kitchen and dining-rooms and a free municipal employment office to be run in connection with the institution. The total cost for the complete furnishing of this building was $713.96.
On New Year’s night 1913, Denver opened the doors of this its new experimental municipal emergency home. We say experimental, because the Denver true spirit—not always of the highest but of the best society— is not to do things by halves and Denver will eventually have a perfect and complete home in every detail.
However, this splendid little institution, as incomplete and inadequate as it is, has proven a veritable oasis in the desert of human adversities.
On the opening night every bed was occupied, and the figures of this institution show that in the first five months of its existence it sheltered 5,680 men, provided 10,943 meals and found work for 500 men, 80 women—it is a question in our minds if some of those women did not need shelter and food—all at a total cost to the city of $1,795; while the


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cost annually of maintaining Denver’s two jails is $400,000 and $800,000 for arrests and prosecutions.
Very frequently the worthy superintendent of the municipal home receives letters from the once down-and-out man, now prosperous, letters filled with gratitude for the tiding over the rough place. In every city of our country men and women are forced into prisons for shelter where municipal emergency homes do not exist or are inadequate to fill the need, and no man forced to pass the night in a jail—even as a lodger-can keep his self-respect. It may be of interest at this point to note— and it speaks volumes for Minneapolis—-that that city recently turned one of its prisons into a municipal lodging house.
In view of the above facts, can we help but raise the question, which of these two city institutions is the more valuable to the social welfare of a municipality?
There are but two municipal emergency homes to our knowledge in the United States to-day which approach completeness in character of construction. One in New York City and one in Buffalo, New York. We recommend every city contemplating this humanitarian function to inspect both of these homes.
Both of these wonderful homes are the outgrowth of tentative homes and the question where the trial home now exists is, not shall we abolish the home, but how can we perfect it?
The municipal emergency home should not be regarded as a charity in any sense of the word, for charity, like jails, makes a man lose his self-respeet and that is fatal but should be looked upon as a privilege of labor by the right of toil, for the wage-earner who earns 25 cents and pays it for a bed is paying taxes just as much as the man who owns the building and the bed, and though he himself may be temporarily out of work and money, his brother worker in his line of trade or unskilled who have nothing but their knowledge and strength, as well as the small home owner, are doing their share toward the support of the city.
The moneyless wage-earner should not enter the municipal emergency home as a cringing dependent, but with head up, as a man with a civic right.
Progressive cities should not have a charity board, but every sity should have a department of public service for labor.
A city should know the demands of its home in capacity and fill that requirement. Our greater cities each should have several complete perfect homes to fill the demands of the temporarily out of work poor, especially during the winter season.
To be brief, I take pride in referring any city to New York’s municipal emergency home for technical plans as a guide, though I may add—if I remember rightly—it is lacking in a sitting-room, smoking-room and


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library, and above all else, a laundry, where guests may be given an opportunity to wash their clothing.
The municipal emergency home should be always open every hour of the day and every day of the year.
The question should not be if a man has a sin, but if he has a shelter from the night. There should be no lock on the door.
There should be no time limit for the honest man or woman. A blacksmith cannot shave a man nor a barber shoe a horse. The strong scrub woman cannot do the office work of the delicate girl, nor the delicate girl the arduous duties of the scrub woman,—they must wait for a place to fit in.
The work test is not in harmony with American freedom and study has proven it unscientific.
It should be governed by intelligent, God-inhabited people and kept completely out of politics and police control.
The progressive, humanely inclined citizens who are weary of being exploited by private charities and the niggardly, rich old skinflints who never contribute a penny toward helping the city that has enriched them; the citizens seeking relief through the revenue of general taxation by creating governmental agencies for the aid of their less fortunate brothers, and a purer, better social community; who have recognized that the municipal emergency home is one of the superior influences in a well-governed city, will find it a hard won victory in cities governed by the political boss and machine, especially where the public utilities are privately owned, as the brutal system of private monopoly has been to destroy, to keep in subjection by ignorance, superstition, and, if need be, cruelty, toward that element of society who must perfect the highways and build the city, the palace and the temple.
But where the government of a city is honestly and honorably administered, particularly where its public utilities are municipally owned, there will be little difficulty in getting the municipal emergency home.
Some cities hestitate where this establishment is not in tune with their ruling policies and try to frighten the citizens with the pessimistic declaration that it will “encourage idleness and pauperize the people.”
Why not close our public hospitals (and it is more godly to prevent than to cure), our public libraries, our public parks, playgrounds, and all our benevolent public institutions if benevolence pauperizes the people, or lest some unworthy one creeps in.


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THE LIQUOR PROBLEM-A BRIEF REPLY
BY DURANT DRAKE1
MR. KOREN’S paper in the July National Municipal Review2 gives food for reflection to the advocates of national prohibition. Certainly the points he raises should be carefully considered. But as a dispassionate spectator, interested in the ethical aspects of such movements, and desirous of forwarding agreement upon the best methods of curing the great and obvious evils of the liquor traffic, I am disposed to question his conclusions. In a recent volume8 I have discussed the pros and cons of the situation and favored the convergence of effort toward an ultimate national prohibition amendment. I should like to present here summarily some of the reasons why my study of the matter leads me toward this differing conclusion.
(1) We must admit that the anti-liquor crusade has had its “shadow side.” Prohibitionists have assumed on too scanty evidence that we know more than we really do of the evils of “moderate” drinking. A one-sided and biased presentation of the facts has given the brewers a right to complain of unfair tactics. Experiments to date are more confusing in their results than the sweeping assertions in the prohibition handbooks would lead one to believe. It is to be hoped that the forthcoming publication by Professor Dodge of his experiments carried on in the Carnegie Nutrition Laboratory will clear up some of these points and give honest campaigners more reliable data. But after all, this onesidedness and bias are universal wherever any great cause enlists enthusiastic support, and should be judged no more harshly than everybody’s partisanship in politics and religion. An unconscious selection of the arguments in favor of one’s own party or church or country is almost inseparable from any hearty loyalty, and is to be counteracted only by a widespread recognition all along the line that loyalty to the truth should come before all other loyalties. Scrupulousness in statement pays in the long run, since it leaves less likelihood of successful refutation. But the liquor-side has certainly been, in general, even farther from such a scrupulousness in campaigning; my observation of the discussion, and independent study of the evidence, leads to the belief that the prohibitionists have not, on the whole, seriously overstated their cause. The evidence is not all in yet, and they have in some particulars been overready to make use of insufficiently supported conclusions; but I strongly
1 Associate Professor of Ethics and Philosophy of Religion, Wesleyan University.
2 Vol. iii, p. 505.
3 Problems of Conduct, Houghton Mifflin Company.


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suspect that the evidence will turn out to be quite as favorable to their cause as they have taken it to be.
(2) It is true, of course, that many politicians have come out for prohibition from motives of expediency, so that a legislative majority for it has not always expressed the actual convictions—or lack of conviction —of the legislating body. Prohibitionists have taken advantage of this fear of public opinion, and have not hesitated to threaten the political life of politicians who withstood them. But whether this is an immoral practice, as Mr. Koren intimates, depends upon whether representatives should be influenced by their own convictions only or by the wishes of their constituents. Considering the present average quality of our politicians, there is much to be said for the latter view. In any case, there is no way to prevent them from being influenced by those wishes; to forbid prohibitionists to utilize the force of public opinion, and to shield politicians from the pressure of those of their constituents who desire prohibition, would be to fail to use the weapon with which the political game is universally played, and to have them subject to the contrary pressure from those of their constituents who want liquor. No reform movement, as things now are, can afford to neglect this method of advancing its cause; and none, so far as I know, has scrupled to do so. It seems, then, rather flat for Mr. Koren to say of the anti-saloon cause that “its creed is coercion rather than persuasion, and its strength lies in its ability to make capital out of political cowardice” (p. 508). If the majority of a politician’s constituents desire prohibition, is it not proper for them to make him aware of that fact as insistently as possible, and for him to heed that pressure? And if the fear of losing his job enters in, are we sure that we do not wish it to? If we are, why is the recall coming in so fast? Nor is it fair to say that “moral suasion as a means of betterment seems to have been relegated to the background” (p. 508). On the contrary, the campaign of education is being pushed in every state. But if Mr. Koren thinks that “moral suasion” alone will touch the heart of the average politician, apart from outside pressure, let him try to put through any reform in that way. There are, to be sure, fair and unfair tactics; it is well known that the liquor-trade has used the latter to no small extent; if the prohibitionists have, they are to be as severely condemned. But Mr. Koren adduces no evidence of corrupt practices. And the general method of bringing political pressure to bear upon politicians in a direction opposite to that in which their self-interest has hitherto pushed them seems to me undeserving of blame.
(3) It is undoubtedly true, for the reasons that Mr. Koren gives, that fewer voters desire national prohibition than the statistics concerning “wet” and “dry” territory would at first glance indicate. But no one need be alarmed lest prohibition be foisted upon an unwilling country through the juggling of figures. National prohibition cannot come
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until a majority of the people believe in its necessity; however an occasional politician may be influenced, the voters at the polls are not going to vote away their right to buy liquor unless they believe that self-denial to be imperative for the banishing of a great evil. If the majority do so decide, there is nothing for the minority to do but to submit. For better or worse, we are committed to the principle of majority rule. And there is no more reason for speaking in this particular case of “the acceptance of the doctrine of force as the means of making men sober” (p. 516) than of a similar use of force in making men pay income taxes. All reforms have to be passed in the teeth of a violently protesting minority, which will be in some localities a large majority. But if orderly good government is to continue, such overruled minorities and local majorities must yield with good humor to the prevailing popular will until they can repeal by the regular methods the legislation which is odious to them. Whether or not, then, we believe in national prohibition, or a national divorce law, or national law against child labor, or what not, we have no right to blame those who are working for such laws; and if any such amendment can muster votes enough to pass, we must give our loyal allegiance to it while it stands on the statute books, without deeming our personal rights abused or our liberties unduly curtailed.
(4) Again, it is likely that a prohibition amendment would be poorly enforced in localities where the majority were against it. And such non-enforcement does indeed make for a general contempt of the law. So it is with the laws against disorderly houses. And yet the ablest students of the social evil do not believe in the repeal of those laws. Grave as is the harm of disrespect for the law, the harm of leaving great evils free from legal prohibition is still graver. Does any one suggest the repeal of anti-opium laws because they are violated on every hand? No, the existence of the law makes it, after all, easier to fight the evil, gives a certain vantage-point, has a definite restraining influence, and is of great educational value. Not all, indeed, but a good many, are actually deterred thereby. There would still be drinking, no doubt, under national prohibition, but can any one suppose that there would be as much? Would many of our friends and neighbors have home stills, or secretly buy smuggled liquors? Would you and I? It is begging the question to speak of the “shame of Maine”; that there has been as much sale of liquor in that state as there has been, under a prohibitory law, is shameful, indeed; but has there been as much selling of liquor as there would have been without that law? There certainly has not been as much. And with a national law the case would be very different. There would then exist no powerful liquor trade in neighboring states to push the sale, indeed no possibility of buying legally from across the border. It is obvious that national prohibition


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would cause a great deal of illicit selling and smuggling, and some home distillation and brewing; but it is as obvious that it would cause a tremendous decrease in the total amount of liquor consumed in the country. To talk, then, of non-enforcement, is no argument. Laws that cross human passions and desires are always difficult to enforce; that fact is absolutely no reason for not passing the laws and doing our best to enforce them. Marriage laws are broken on every hand; shall we then legalize free love? Shall we legalize the free use of opium and cocaine? If you do not believe that the use of cocaine or of alcohol for their exhilarating effects is an evil, by all means say so, and fight restraining laws by all fair methods. But if the prohibitory laws are passed, against your judgment, you must obey them, or you are a traitor to free government. And you must not talk about non-enforcement, thereby encouraging others to disobey them, as if it were a legitimate form of registering protest. It is not a legitimate form. The patriotic citizen will not shrug his shoulders and speak of the impossibility of enforcing laws, he will help see to it that they are enforced—whether he believes in their wisdom or not; and he will vote for the prohibition of whatever he deems an evil, although he well knows that the mere passing of the law will not suffice to eradicate it. It is at least a step toward its eradication.
As a matter of fact, prohibitory laws are being, on the whole, better enforced than they used to be. And there is a growing sentiment, a genuine increase in conviction, as to the desirability of such laws. Whether that conviction is justified or not I am not here discussing. But what I wish to point out is that the only legitimate matter for discussion is whether or not liquor-drinking “in moderation” is an evil. If it is not, then a prohibitory law is a bad law, and we must oppose it by adducing experiments that show the value, or the harmlessness, of “moderate” drinking. If, on the other hand, the experiments seem to show that “moderate” drinking is a grave evil, then we must prohibit it, just as we prohibit opium and cocaine. And having prohibited it we must fight for the enforcement of the law.
The issues that Mr. Koren presents seem to me then side-issues, to be considered carefully, indeed, but having no bearing upon the real problem. That problem is complicated enough, heaven knows. But the sort of arguments that he raises against prohibitory laws would apply equally to prohibition of cocaine and opium, of child-labor, of gambling and indecent pictures—in other words, they don’t apply at all. If the drinking of alcoholic liquors is absolutely and radically an evil, alcohol must go. And the prohibitionists, who sincerely believe that it is such an evil, are to be praised for using every legitimate means to banish it. I may add that I, personally, have been converted, not by their eloquence, but by my own disinterested study of the subject, to their view.


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THE PITTSBURGH CIVIC COMMISSION
BY H. D. W. ENGLISH1 Pittsburgh
IT IS impossible for organizations like the Pittsburgh civic commission to “point with pride” to many definite results and work accomplished upon which their imprint may rest. Pioneers in civic enterprise seldom get credit for the foundations they have laid and upon which the superstructure must of necessity be carried on by others. This is especially true of an organization which must often fight the political powers that be. There can be no such words as “go along” in the vocabulary of an honestly conducted and voluntary organization made up of men who give their time and money for the public good.
The best work of a public commission is always done by way of education and suggestion. Otherwise too much pressure is at once met by the endeavor to gain political control of the organization, or the antagonism of public men who desire no help from any citizen. We prate about our democracy in cities—there is no place where there is so little of it. Let some good citizen who has a real interest in his city, go either to the council chamber or to an official in his native city, with some excellent suggestions. His prominence may save him from actual discourtesy, but both the scheme and himself will be looked upon with scant patience. The whole atmosphere of civic officialdom is expressed in the words, “Who’s doing this?” The reason of course is obvious. We have permitted the impression to get abroad that the men we elect to office are public masters, instead of public servants.
A civic commission organized for the purpose of coaching citizens who aspire to office, so as to get clearly in their brains that they are servants, not masters, would have biblical backing for its existence and would be the best thing American cities could do at present. We might call it “the university of civic culture and democracy,” and when men graduated their diplomas would be the best platform for civic campaigns. It is rather rough in a democracy to have to teach men that “public office is a public trust” and that he who would be a real master must first learn to be a real servant, but that is one of the most fundamental forward movements in civics we could make in America. The result may be summed up in a remark made by the burgomeister of a large German city some years ago. The writer had expressed both pleasure and surprise on the fact that, while keeping his city so splendidly clean and up-to-date in every particular, he at the same time had leisure for, and entire charge of, 150,000,000 in expenditure for improvements which
1 President of the commission.


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would make his city a marked one, even among German cities. His answer was made in broken English—"My dear sir, I am building a city, not a machine.” In Germany they make a man ruler over many cities, if they find he is public servant enough to rule over one.
It is very hard to keep public spirited citizens on a commission like the Pittsburgh civic commission, for it is only after many years of work and education they occasionally get their suggestions or plans adopted, and these largely upon the understanding that such improvements are to be credited to the political machine in power, to be used of course as a political asset. This has been the greatest work of the Pittsburgh civic commission—it has effaced itself in order to get its suggestions carried out. When you can get 15 men to spend their money and time for years and permit the credit to go elsewhere, you are getting close to the ideal of the real public servant.
The present grade of the greatest improvement of the last administration is the grade given by the engineer employed by the Pittsburgh civic commission. One of the great thoroughfares which now carries the principal vehicle traffic to the East End of our city with a new, beautiful and artistic bridge will be found suggested and outlined by the commission. The art commission which is adding so much to the artistic beauty of public work in Pittsburgh was created by a bill drawn in the offices of the civic commission and followed by the secretary of the civic commission in every particular through the legislature until the governor’s signature made it a law. The ordinance making it possible for our present excellent traffic regulations was drawn up in conjunction with the officers and engineers of the commission. The initiative for a commission form of government was initiated through a meeting of prominent business men called by the civic commission, which in turn called a mass meeting. The resolutions were written by the officers of the civic commission, and the secretary of the commission lived in Harrisburg until the bill was passed. Another organization had the credit largely. The proposed wall for keeping out floods and the filling in of many of the principal streets was suggested by the civic commission. The wall has received the endorsement of the flood commission, and a large number of streets were filled in by the last administration.
The great work, however, was for comprehensive city planning by an outside commission, B. J. Arnold, John R. Freeman and Frederick Law Olmsted, three of the leading experts in the country, were retained to outline constructive investigation into “the needs and limitations of the Pittsburgh industrial district in so far as its physical development can be effectively controlled by the action of the community.” That report covered transportation, construction of thoroughfares and parks, water supply, sewage disposal, wharf treatment for floods, smoke prevention


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and building regulations. Detailed sketches have followed. Mr. Olmsted’s report is a text book in Pittsburgh.
It is not the fault of the civic commission that the exhaustive report of Bion J. Arnold on the transportation problems of our city which cost the city $50,000, has not yet been used with good results to the city. The commission had retained Mr. Arnold, but gave over that engagement to the city at its request and his report should be the basis for Pittsburgh action, as was a report made by him to Chicago for its. action. The unfortunate political conditions obtaining in Pittsburgh have not yet produced a man who could take that report and utilize it for the benefit of a long suffering citizenship. The facts given by Mr. Arnold in his report to Chicago was the basis of an entire change in that city’s transportation problem. It is no reflection upon his splendid work that the powers in Pittsburgh failed to do likewise. To get facts which might change conditions in your street car system which affects the welfare of a million people for $50,000 makes that sum look small indeed.
Thus the work of the commission will find fruitage in the permanent improvements made in Pittsburgh for 100 years to come, long after the men who so unselfishly wrought have died. However, they are seeing many of their suggested improvements brought into existence even now. You have only to go over the city with one of the reports like “Pittsburgh Main Thoroughfares and the Down Town District” in your hands, to see how, by the suggestions of practical men, things somehow come to pass. This perhaps gives some idea of what such a commission can accomplish by untiring and unselfish devotion to the cause of civic advance, without hope of reward.
The difficulty, however, in going on with such work is at once apparent. When a commission does not get credit for the things done through such suggestions and powers of education, it usually goes to pieces on the financial rocks. You can’t accomplish the splendid practical and constructive work done by the commission without a rather heavy expenditure of money. Mr. Andrew Carnegie has most graciously helped this commission by adding 20 per cent to all the money contributed by the people of Pittsburgh. The people of Pittsburgh naturally wanted results. They have gotten very many, but the credit has largely gone elsewhere. Raising money annually becomes more difficult.
The endowment of civic commissions made up of men who would give their time unselfishly to public work would be of incalculable good to any city. It presents a wonderful opportunity for men of wealth to make permanent civic spirit which must be fostered if our cities are to be what our great American nation has a right to expect. A citizen of Cleveland has started it. This beginning is well worthy of emulation in Pittsburgh.


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One of the substantial improvements in which the Pittsburgh civic commission had a large share as mentioned above was that of the removal of the hump described by U. N. Arthur in the July, 1914, issue of the National Municipal Review (vol. iii, p. 547).
HOW TO MAKE STATE LEAGUES OF MUNICIPALITIES EFFECTIVE1
BY HERMAN G. JAMES2
Austin, Texas
THE first problems arising in connection with increasing the efficiency of state municipal leagues are perhaps among the simplest, though not by any means necessarily easy of solution. The first question naturally would be whether the unit of membership should be the municipality or its officials. It seems to me that for practical purposes it must be a combination of both features.
The unit so far as membership and voting rights are concerned should, in my opinion, be the municipality, for only by giving to the cities as such in their corporate and continuing capacity the character of members, can the continuity of the league itself be insured. Of course municipalities, like all other corporations, public or private, can act only through individuals and those individuals are the municipal officials. The active personal participation, therefore, can come only through the persons who act as agents of the municipalities. The simplest solution of the problem would seem to be that the municipalities, as such, should be thfe legal members, paying the dues and exercising the voting rights through their representatives or delegates, while all of the higher municipal officials should be regarded as the active participants in the co-operative work of the league.
In addition to the municipalities, which through their officers are or should be most interested in the activities of the league, there are other sources of help and co-operation which should not be neglected. These are the commercial clubs, civic clubs, libraries and other organizations and institutions interested in municipal welfare, as well as a number of individuals who, though not belonging to any such organization, have public spirit enough to wish to promote the cause of good city government.
xSee article on “The League of California Municipalities,” by H. A. Mason, National Municipal Review, vol. ii, p. 111.
2 Paper presented at the 20th annual meeting of the National Municipal League, Baltimore, November 18, 1914. Professor James in addition to holding a chair in the University of Texas is also secretary of the League of Texas Municipalities.


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It seems self-evident that the effective support of these sources should be enlisted, and the conventional division of membership.into active and associate members seems to furnish a convenient method of'bringing these factors into play. Let the municipalities be the active members and exercise the voting privilege, let their officers be the principal participants in the official work of the league, but by all means encourage all non-official organizations and individuals to assist the league by contributions and to derive benefit therefrom by receiving its publications, by being invited to its meetings and by being encouraged to keep in close touch with the permanent officials of the league.
The question of dues presents somewhat more difficulty. It seems desirable, as will appear a little later, that the league should not be subject to interference by the state government. Appropriations by the legislature for the purposes of the league would, it is believed, almost invariably carry with them some such undesirable interference. So far as possible, therefore, the activities of the league should be supported by the membership dues, although a helpful co-operation in other ways on the part of the state authorities would undoubtedly result in much mutual benefit. We are, therefore, face to face with the problem of prescribing a membership fee small enough so that it will not be considered as a burden by the municipalities, and yet large enough to furnish the necessary funds for a valuable activity on the part of the league. Graduated membership dues for municipalities on the basis of their populations would seem to be a fair and logical arrangement, although it was objected to in the constitution of the League of Texas Municipalities, and was there replaced by a provision for one membership fee for cities under 5,000 and another fee fer cities over 5,000, no matter what their size. It would probably be expedient in organizing a state league to put the membership fee at the lowest possible figure and by gradually enlisting the interest of cities through their officials and secretaries and by showing in what concrete ways the league may be of value to all cities in the state, to open up the possibilities of increasing the membership dues for the purpose of still further increasing the scope of activity of the league.
The problem of getting municipalities to join the league is also full of difficulties. It would not seem to be expedient to require by state law, as has sometimes been suggested, that all municipalities should join and pay their membership dues. In every state there will be a number of cities in which the officials are really anxious to take advantage of every opportunity for solving their problems and will, therefore, vote the membership dues without any kind of external pressure. If pressure must come, and undoubtedly in every state there will be many cities in which the governing body will not act in the premises except as a result of pressure, it would be better that such pressure come from within than from without. In other words, civic clubs and influential individuals in the city can


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be used to advantage in inducing the city officials to take the necessary action, and, it may be added parenthetically, such action on the part of unofficial agents would be more probable and more likely to be successful if those agents themselves had a connection with the league such as was indicated above. With the increasing size and effectiveness of the state league it will undoubtedly become less and less difficult to enlist further members.
The second group of considerations suggested in the program for this meeting, viz., those referring to meetings and publications, seem to present somewhat greater difficulties. With regard to the frequency of meeting, I believe it may be assumed that an annual meeting is all that can be hoped for. The expenses of holding the meeting and the travelling expenses involved would probably point to that conclusion and if it did not, I believe that the tradition in favor of annual meetings is so strong that any attempt to increase the frequency of such meetings would be doomed to failure. I am assuming here that the meetings should come at least once a year.- The length of the meetings would perhaps be affected somewhat by the geographical conditions of the state. A meeting of municipalities in Rhode Island would not involve any great expenditure of time and money in the matter of attending, so that the question of making the meeting worth the expense of attending need not be considered, but if the state league is blessed, as is Texas, with a working area of 263,000 square miles, then it would seem desirable to make the meetings of sufficient length to warrant the expenditure of time and money involved in merely getting to and from the meeting place. Probably three days would represent the upper limit of efficiency.
With regard to the character of the program, my own feeling is that one of the chief benefits to be derived from such a gathering of municipal officials is the interchange of personal, practical experiences, and that very little of real lasting value is taken away from the hearing of learned and lengthy disputations, but that much may be gained from personal questions at a round table or informal discussion. For purposes of advertising, it is undoubtedly wise that one or two well-known experts along certain lines be secured to address the meeting as a whole. But sections for the different classes of municipal officers with suggested problems and a considerable amount of informal discussion seem to me to promise the greatest good from the conventions.
Publications by leagues of municipalities should fulfill a twofold purpose. In the first place, they should keep alive during the interval between the conventions the feeling of co-operation and common interest among the members of the league; in the second place, they should contain some information of real value. The emphasis of all such publications should be laid on the local aspect of general problems, that is, on those


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matters which interest the municipalities of the given state in particular. General publications, such as The American City, and the National Municipal Review, contain much information of value to all the cities, which need not be duplicated in the state publications; but discussions of the peculiar local problems and a comprehensive record of the activities of the various municipalities seem to justify at least a quarterly publication, if not a monthly journal. From the above indications of the character which in my opinion such publications should have, it will be seen that one publication for several state leagues (unless a number of small contiguous states face similar municipal conditions) or for all leagues in the United States, would not seem to be a crying necessity, nor fraught with much promise.
The third caption in the program for this discussion, viz., that of co-operation, opens up the most interesting problems of all. The various state organizations can undoubtedly be brought into co-operation through their permanent officers by a continual and sympathetic correspondence. National meetings of secretaries of such leagues would probably never bring together more than a very small proportion of such officers owing to the distances to be travelled, involving the expenditure of a very large amount of time and money, but within the state there are agencies with which these organizations of municipalities can very, effectively co-operate. I refer particularly to bureaus of municipal research and reference. If they are located, as in my opinion they should be, in the state universities, the possibilities for co-operation are very manifest. The ideal arrangement would be to combine in one person the functions of permanent officer of the league and director of the municipal research and reference bureau. For, if the state league attempts to do any successful research or reference work, and if the research bureau, on the other hand, fulfills its obligations to the cities of the state in which it is located, they will inevitably cover the same ground at a considerable duplication of energy and money, and without the possibility of either agency rendering satisfactory service except with the continuing aid of the other organization. Common sense and economy, therefore, point not only to co-operation, but to identification of such instrumentalities of municipal improvement. Under such a plan as the one just suggested, the expense to the league of municipalities of keeping a permanent paid secretary would be either eliminated or greatly reduced, while the expenses of a bureau of municipal research and reference, so far as the activities in the state were concerned, could very well be borne in part by the municipalities which derive the primary benefit therefrom.
Such a bureau of municipal research and reference organized for these purposes can come to full fruition only when it contains on its staff real experts in all the various municipal activities represented in the cities of


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the state. What a splendid opportunity this would afford to the smaller municipalities to engage at a relatively small expense really expert, disinterested advisors in place of private individuals, whose aim too often is not to serve the municipality by which they are employed but to derive the greatest pecuniary benefit for themselves.
THE CONFERENCE OF AMERICAN MAYORS ON “PUBLIC POLICIES AS TO MUNICIPAL
HE conference of American mayors on public policies as to mu-
nicipal utilities, held in Philadelphia, November 12-14, 1914,
was distinguished by five important features: First, a balanced program which presented the relation of the city to its municipal utilities from practically every point of view; second, the wide attendance thereon by mayors, official delegates from cities, aldermen, public service commissioners and delegates from civic associations and universities; third, the prevalence of a sustained demand for reserving to each city full power to municipalize its public service institutions at will without undue legal, financial or constitutional handicap; fourth, the rising resentment in American cities against the state public service laws that have deprived the cities of adequate powers over their own most important services, and fifth, steps were taken toward the final establishment of the Utilities bureau through which cities may co-operate on utility
On the program were experts such as Delos F. Wilcox on fundamental planks in a public utility program; Louis D. Brandeis on interlocking directorates; Edward W. Bemis on some present-day issues in regulation; Frederic C. Howe on municipal ownership—the testimony of foreign experience, and M. N. Baker on public ownership and operation of water-works.
The corporation point of view was ably presented by Nathaniel T. Guernsey on the regulation of municipal utilities, Francis T. Homer on holding companies, Charles Day on a constructive policy for public service corporations and Clarke M. Rosecrantz on objections to public ownership and operation. Numerous and valuable were the contributions of city officials. Mayors Blankenburg, Harrison and Mitchel presided at the three sessions of Friday. Mayor Hocken, of Toronto,
1 Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania.
5 National Municipal Review, vol. iii, p. 751.
UTILITIES”
BY CLYDE LYNDON KING Philadelphia
matters.2


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discussed the Toronto hydro-electric plant, Mayor-elect Raymond, of Newark, presided on Saturday evening, and Mayor Baker, of Cleveland, presented Cleveland’s distinctive contribution to public ownership and operation. The publicly-owned and operated utility plant in America was presented by Paul Winchester, of South Norwalk, Connecticut, and C. W. Koiner, of Pasadena, California. Ray Palmer, commissioner of gas and electricity, Chicago, presented a valuable paper on municipal lighting rates; Alderman Charles E. Merriam, of the University of Chicago, discussed Chicago’s need for control by its own electorate of its own public services, and Robert Crosser, member of Congress, presented the reasons why he believed in public ownership and operation. Three public service commissioners addressed the conference, John M. Eshle-man, president, California Railroad Commission, Hon. Halford Erickson, member of Railroad Commission of Wisconsin, and Hon. Milo R. Maltbie, member of Public Service Commission for the First District, New York, while Hon. Charles A. Prouty, of the division of valuation of railways of the interstate commerce commission, presided at the Saturday luncheon.
On the whole, the discussions were pointed, well supported, and will, when published, present a distinct contribution to this ever-present problem. Those in attendance upon the various sessions were convinced that a resolution endorsing ownership and operation of the city’s public services could easily have been passed. In lieu thereof, however, resolutions were passed, stating the attitude of the conference to be:
That no general conclusion be formulated upon the abstract question of municipal ownership, but rather we express our judgment to be that municipalities should be given, in all instances, the power to municipalize public utilities, the expediency of its exercise being at any time and place, and with regard to any particular utility, a matter for local determination.
From cities on all hands came protests against the extreme state laws which were depriving citieg of practically all control over their most important public services. This sentiment was voiced by the second clause of the convention’s recommendations which read:
That we make no general determination as between state board and local or home rule regulation of public service corporations. That we do, however, declare that the franchise-making power should in all cases be local, that municipally owned utilities should be subject to local control only, that in large cities local regulation is plainly to be preferred, and that, in all cases, the principle of home rule should be preserved by at least leaving it to the people of a city, of whatever size, to determine whether they desire to act for themselves or to call in a state board, if one exists, either to regulate or to aid the local authorities in regulating privately owned local utilities.
The Utilities bureau, discussed in the October issue of this Review, was heartily indorsed in the resolutions adopted, as also in many of the


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addresses and in the conversations of groups of men interested in the public side of utility questions. The resolution read:
That we endorse the idea of the establishment of the Utilities bureau, as a nationwide intercity agency for bringing the combined ability and experience of all our cities to the service of each city which may face a public utility problem. Through it, we meet the combination of private interests with a combination of public interests, and to the specialized experts which private interests thus mass in defence of one another, we oppose the skill, experience, and resources of the united cities of the country. We recommend that the trustees of the Utilities bureau proceed to its further organization, outlining a plan by which its support may be assured, and its services made available. In this connection, we suggest, for the consideration of the trustees, that an office be provided, records kept, experts be employed, and that cities which can legally do so, contribute on some equitable basis to the expense of the bureau, in excess of its earning, when in the service of cities actually using its facilities in the solution of particular problems.
It is significant that at the same convention city officials both demanded greater local control over the city’s serving companies and recognized the need not only for a wider control but also for national co-operation in order that the cities may be able to cope with the nationalization of utility companies. That there has been such nationalization on the part of serving companies, no one can deny. It was equally apparent that there as yet has been no active co-operation even among cities of the same commonwealth. It is to be hoped that through this new spirit of co-operation results can be secured of definite value to the serving companies through stability of investments and adequacy of returns and to the cities themselves through adequacy of service at reasonable rates.
HOW CAN WE WORK THE UNIVERSITY GRADUATE INTO MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT?
BY EDWAHD A. FITZPATHICK 1
Madison, Wisconsin
THE problem of getting the university graduate into municipal government is a phase of a very large problem. The Chicago Tribune in an editorial named the larger problem as “White Collar Poverty” and discussed it as follows:
A new poverty is springing up in the United States—a poverty of the educated classes. We have been and still are especially proud of the educational opportunities which this country affords to its humblest citizens. Many of our universities are filled with poor men’s sons. Legends have been woven about the boys who “worked their way through col-
1 Secretary, committee on practical training for public service.


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lege” tending furnaces and waiting on table. It is these boys whom we idolize, whose grit and perseverance we hold up as an example to the young, that are now adding a new problem to our already overburdened social scheme. These men form what might be termed the “intellectual proletariat” of the country.
This editorial goes on to say that it has been pointed out by an eastern investigator that there are over fourteen hundred college-bred men in New York City who are tramps and criminals. The deaths in the Bowery lodging houses frequently reveal the facts of misspent lives of college men. It has been frequently pointed out in New York newspapers that there are men in the Bowery lodging houses who know their Aristotle and their Plato in the original, but who evidently know nothing about twentieth century economic conditions. But our problem is more specific than that. The question is raised because college men do not now go into municipal service and the reason is obvious: The colleges or universities are not giving men the point of view, the kind of information, or the training which prepares them for municipal service. Mayor Mitchel at the recent conference on universities and public service said in part:
During my experience in public office I have noticed that the men who come from college directly into public service are not equipped to do that work effectively, and that they must pass through a more or less protracted period of training before they are fit to carry on successfully the duties even of the minor offices of the city government. . . .
It requires practical contact with these problems before the men are ready to carry the work of the departments or intelligently to approach the problems of government. Probably it is for just that reason in the past men who call themselves practical politicians have been more successful in handling governmental problems than the men who have received theoretical training, but have lacked the practical knowledge, because the first class, in rubbing up against the problems of life at close range and in their personal experience acquired in the working of the governmental machinery, are equipped actually to do the day to day work in the departments, although they may not do it as intelligently or with the vision that the mind trained in college would have after he had acquired a practical experience to equip him to do the day to day work.
The exclusive attention to what has been printed about municipal government rather than to the existing facts in the government in the community in which the college is located is a cause for this lack of interest in municipal government. For example, take a college class in any one of the institutions in New York City to the municipal lodging house, to the recreation piers on a summer evening, to the city hall and municipal building, to any one of the municipal hospitals, and you will observe a new light in their eyes and animated discussion for a few succeeding days. Instead of the ordinary college class with the professor taking the star


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part and the rest of the people acting in pantomime, you have a concerted company in which the leading part is taken successively by various students. President Butler in his introduction to Paulsen’s book said that the college or university student must be sharpened to a point. This sharpening should begin at least in the colleges. There is no reason, however, to believe that it could not’ be begun in the high schools.
The committee on practical training for public service definitely proposes a plan for getting the university man into municipal government. Its present concern, however, is with the student of political science and economics. Its method is applicable to students of accountancy, engineering, medicine, and law. The ordinary procedure is for a student to spend three years at least in the university, in the class room, in seminar, in the library, securing academic wisdom on specific problems, in this case on municipal government. These men are frequently without the daily contact with government which would enable them to translate the words of the page into the experience around them. The only way this translation can be adequately brought about is through experience with the facts and methods of government. The committee recognizes the need for theoretical foundation. It agrees with Mayor Mitchel when he says that “university courses in statistics, political theories or political economy, are, of course, the desirable foundation of future efficiency and administrative ability, but by themselves fall far short of the essential equipment for public service.” It proposes, however, that post-graduate students who have had one year’s theoretical foundation shall spend the second year in practical contact with government by leaving the university and reporting in a governmental department or a bureau of municipal research or other agencies of administration or investigation. The student would then return to the university for his third year, having had a year’s experience in adapting the theory of his under-graduate work and the first year post-graduate work with the real problems of government. He ought to return to the university with numbers of questions and problems. His third year in the university ought to be spent in reflection on his experience of the preceding year in the light of the theory that the university is teaching.
It is needless to say that these students cannot be placed anywhere. Obviously there must be some method of investigating the opportunities of the country where such men could get an adequate experience, doing under adequate supervision things that need to be done by the community. For that purpose the committee has been making an investigation of agencies and governmental departments offering such opportunities. For example, the New York Bureau of municipal research was investigated by Prof. Albert Bushnell Hart of Harvard, Jeremiah W. Jenks of New York university, Henry Rogers Seager and Charles A.


m NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January
Beard of Columbia. It will submit to the universities shortly the results of these investigations.
Even after a place has been investigated and approved by the committee for its present conditions and future prospects, it is barely possible that the student may be given merely routine clerical work. For that purpose the committee has provided a system of reports by the student of his daily work. It has provided a system of supervision by means of which a member of the committee, the professors of the university from which the student comes, or a professor from a recognized institution near by, may make visits to the institution to be sure that the student is getting educational work.
The experience of men who have had actual contact with government during their academic career warrants the conviction that these methods will produce men who will go into municipal government if the opportunity is given to them. The only method of training men in various phases of municipal government in connection with individual courses is to give one year of actual contact with the real problems of government under adequate educational supervision under such men as City Manager Waite of Dayton, Dr. McCarthy of the Wisconsin Legislative reference library, Dr. William H. Allen, or Frederick A. Cleveland of the New York Bureau of municipal research. Then there will be no question about university graduates going into municipal service. You will not be able to keep them out.
The committee is interesting other agencies or co-operating with them in a campaign for a definite recognition of public service as a career. It is urging a national campaign to remove the local resident requirement for public service. It desires increased compensation for public service and tenure during efficiency. It will shortly initiate studies of the nature and extent of the knowledge and skill required for specific jobs in the public service so that the men in the universities may be advised as to these requisite qualifications, and universities may adapt their courses to these needs. But more important is the presentation to the universities of an adequate method of training men for public service,—which has untold advantages not only for public service but for all higher education.
With the universities leading the way, with an awakened public consciousness, and with co-operation of all agencies of the common welfare, an American Pericles can say:
“In name, from its not being administered for the benefit of the few, but of the many, it (our government) is called a democracy; but with regard to its laws, all enjoy equality, as concerns their private differences; while with regard to public rank, according as each man has reputation for anything, he is preferred for public honors, not so much from consideration of party, as of merit; nor, again, on the ground of poverty, while he is able to do the state any good service, is he prevented by obscurity of his position.”


1915]
THE SMOKE NUISANCE
97
THE SMOKE NUISANCE
BY KARL J. ZELLNER
MANY cities are taking active steps to investigate the cause and the methods to be used for the abatement and in due time the elimination of the smoke nuisance. The federal government is conducting scientific investigation through the bureau of mines; while in the cities ordinances have been passed; commissions have been appointed to investigate and smoke inspectors placed in charge of smoke abatement departments. Campaigns are being conducted, the main object in view being to educate the people to the fact that the smoke nuisance, while being to a great extent an engineering problem, is their problem as well, and one in which the public should be interested from a financial and an economic point of view.
It is possible from an engineering standpoint absolutely to prevent objectionable, dense smoke; yet without an intense, widespread public sentiment, based on an intelligent knowledge of the effects of smoke, efforts in this direction will be of little avail. Public opinion must be formed, and the community operate to this end. Some city ordinances— for example, that of Baltimore—prohibit the emission of dense black or gray smoke for a longer period than six minutes in any one hour. Cincinnati has the same provision. The Pittsburgh ordinance provides against the emission of dense black or dense gray smoke except for eight minutes in any one hour. The Cleveland ordinance allows no period at all for the emission of dense black smoke.
For any smoke inspector to determine the density of smoke emitting from a stack, the standard method recommended by the American society of mechanical engineers is used. This standard is based on the Ringel-man smoke scale. These charts are simply squares in each of which is included 100 sub-blocks, the lines dividing the squares into sub-blocks being of varying shades of blackness. In making an observation to determine the density of smoke the four charts are placed between the observer and the smoke, and the color of the smoke as it emits from the stack is matched with' the degree of density of the blackness on one of the cards. At a distance from thirty to fifty feet from the observer these colors on the cards blend into varying shades of gray. The smoke ordinance usually specifies the chart to be used as the standard.
The more dense the smoke the greater the waste of fuel in the furnace, for black smoke, while thought by some to be the only feature of the nuisance, is relatively the least harmful part. Smoke is the visible sign
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98
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[January
of imperfect combustion; the useful signal of something wrong in the combustion process; smokeless and complete combustion are practically synonymous terms, that is, the former cannot exist in the absence of the latter.
For perfect combustion there are three primary requisites, namely, carbon, oxygen, and the maintenance of sufficiently high temperature to make possible complete, chemical combustion of the first two factors. Perfect combustion means a great saving in fuel to the plant owner; imperfect combustion means a loss of a large part of the volatile fuel of high heating value. At the same time imperfect combustion also causes a great loss to the nation, the community and every individual.
The deleterious gases in smoke are principally carbon monoxide (CO) and sulphur dioxide (S02), the latter combining with the moisture in the air and in time forming sulphuric acid. Statistics show that there are more people subject to bronchial and nasal troubles in a smoky city than in a clean one, and that pneumonia and typhoid fever are more fatal in a smoky atmosphere. These gases not only pollute the air we breathe, but are destructive to vegetation, cause the deterioration of buildings, ruin draperies and cause a negative loss to cities by keeping out those industries which require a clean atmosphere for the manufacture of their products. It is claimed that the smoke nuisance costs the country 1600,-000,000 a year ; and that the damage done by smoke in the large towns of the United States would build in every city over 100,000, a structure equal to the Congressional library, maintain the army and navy for a year and build the capitol at Washington.
Yet how can this nuisance be remedied? Electrification is conceded to be the solution for the railway smoke. It has a most promising future, though the results will be gradual, but sure to come in time. Central power and heating plants using automatic stokers and carefully designed and operated furnaces, are fast coming to the front as a remedy. The gas producer has been proved one of the most efficient remedies. The power, developed at the mine in the form of electricity or gas, can be carried by means of cables and pipe lines. It is an interesting fact that one ton of coal in a gas producer will produce two and one-half times as much power as that developed by the same amount of coal in a steam plant.
Along with these remedies is suitable legislation supported by public opinion. All smoke ordinances should contain a provision that all plans for new boiler plants, or proposed reconstruction of old ones, must be approved by the chief smoke inspector, before work of erection or improvement is started.


EDITORIAL
ARTHUR CROSBY LUDINGTON1
A WIDE circle of civic interests felt the shock when the sudden death of Arthur C. Ludington was reported from London on November 4, 1914.
He had been in England several months when the war broke out. As will be easily understood by his personal friends, he was not able to resist the call to service, and despite his American citizenship, was at length, to his great satisfaction, successful in attaching himself to the Red Cross for work in France with the troops.
On November 4, he was found in his room by his valet, unconscious, with a glancing wound in his head from the revolver which he had just purchased with his Red Cross equipment. In spite of prompt and skillful surgical attention he died three hours later. The inquest developed ample evidence that he had been in excellent health and spirits and full of lively interest in his future plans. The coroner’s verdict was that death was accidental.
To readers of the National Municipal Review Ludington’s name is familiar, as he was an associate editor during the Review’s first year and a contributor of various articles and departmental material that were always valuable by reason of his thoroughness in research. He was also a very useful member of the council of the National Municipal League for several years, where his unusual personal charm won him very warm friends.
His work in New York City was summed up in the following tribute prepared and given to the press by a large group of well-known civic workers:
The friends of Arthur C. Ludington had intimate opportunity to know the work which he did for this city and state.
To the solution of civic problems in New York he contributed a keen intelligence, trained in political science at Yale, at Heidelberg, and as assistant to President Wilson at Princeton. Having an income sufficient for his daily needs, he chose to devote his whole energy to public service. His patience, skill and reliability in gathering and marshalling facts,
1At its meeting in Baltimore, November 18,1914, the council of the National Municipal League took appropriate action concerning Mr. Ludington’s services as an aforetime member. When Mr. Ludington went abroad he resigned his membership in the council, with the understanding that when he returned he would be eligible for re-election. His work in behalf of the league and its ideals amply corroborates the praise given to him in the above memorial.
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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW 1915 Editor CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF Associate Editors JOHN A. FALRLIE ADELAIDE R. HASSE HERMAN G. JAMES HOWARD L. MCBAIN VOLUME IV PUBLISHED FOR TEB NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE BY THE RUMFORD PRESS CONCORD, l?. E. 1915

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW VOL. IV, No. 1 JANUARY, 1915 TOTAL No. 13 PRESENT PHASES OF THE MUNICIPAL SITUATION BY CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF Philadelphia N ATURALLY the questions uppermost at this time in the minds of students of municipal conditions are: What effect is the great European war having upon the municipal situation? Has it diverted interest? Has it interfered with the orderly functioning of the city? Has it stopped public improvements? Has it hurt municipal credit, and the development of sound municipal sentiment? To each of these queries, a separate and extended answer could be given, but generally speaking, the influence, by and large, of the war on American municipal life has been much less than was reasonably anticipated. This assertion is based on a great mass of testimony gathered mainly from personal letters from editors of long experience as trained observers of public opinion in their respective localities. In the words of one: “I have been unable to note any effect upon municipal activities in Los Angeles because of the European war; and I do not anticipate any material diversion from municipal affairs, nor does there seem to be any indication that the war will hurt public improvements unless it be for those projects which depend upon the sale of bonds.” Seattle reports that the European war “has not appreciably affected municipal conditions in Seattle, unless perhaps ‘it may be in bringing more sober attention to matters of taxation and the like,” ckrtainly a most desirable result, and right here it may be pertinent to remark that increasing federal and state expenses are destined to have the same effect. So far as the Pacific Coast is concerned there is practically but one story. New England bears And if so, in what way? The same is true of the central sections. ‘Twentieth Annual Review of the Secretary of the National Municipal League. 1

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2 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January similar testimony, a New Haven editor expressing the belief that is commonly held that “municipal conditions are not affected; and if affected at all, they are improved slightly instead of being the other way around, nor are public improvements affected by the war agitation.” The same message,comes from the middle states. In short, a great mass of correspondence reflects the fact that the American municipal citizen, while profoundly interested in every phase of the greatest war of recorded history, is nevertheless going about his municipal business just about the same as usual, but with somewhat more care, thoughtfulness and sobriety than formerly. Nor has the war interfered with the orderly functions of the cities. There has been a natural conservatism in the undertaking ,of new work and the assumption of new functions; but so far as reported there has been no abandonment of those lines of activities previously assumed and regularly carried on. Although it must be pointed out that if it had not been for the war, the new‘year would have seen the greatest development of municipal activity the country has ever witnessed, along both physical and general lines, and I am not at all sure that the war will check the latter. That it has seriously interfered with the former, however, there can be no doubt, due, however, undoubtedly to the unsettled financial condition of the country. From all sections comes the word that there is great difficulty in placing city loans, at least through the usual channels. Although there have been notable exceptions as in the case of New York, which with comparative ease floated a loan of $100,000,000 to take up the city stock held abroad and falling due this autumn. Municipal credit as such does not seem to be hurt or jeopardized. The trouble seems to be in the disinclination of the capitalists to invest in municipal or any other issues, although this timidity and unwillingness is beginning to show signs of disappearing, and the belief quite widely prevails that where municipal bond issues are offered in popular amounts and over the counter, as described in the review of last year’s municipal events2 they will be promptly taken up. Indeed the opinion prevails among financial authorities that the European situation in time, and that a comparatively short one, will make municipal securities the most desirable in America. The solution of the present problem is the issuance of short term notes, not revenue bonds issued in anticipation of taxes maturing in six or eight months, but two, three and four-year or one to five-year serial securities, similar to the recent six per cent corporate stock notes issued by New York City, carrying interest at five or five and one half per cent or possibly a little higher, according to the size and credit of the borrower. From the city’s standpoint there is a great advantage in this policy *See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. iij, p. 1.

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19151 PHASES OF THE MUNICIPAL SITUATION 3 enabling it to avail itself of cheap money. In the words of The Bond Buyer: “When the notes approach maturity, say in 1917 or 1918, the municipality may then be able to refund them with long term bonds at a rate of interest approximating the investment basis which existed before the outbreak of the war. In the event of their not being able to better themselves in respect to the cost of the capital, a new issue of notes could be issued extending the maturity until the opportunity to borrow on long-time bonds offered.” This plan coupled with the plan adopted by Portland, Oregon, of issuing its securities in small amounts will tend to place city finances upon a sound and a democratic basis. The tendency to enlarge the scope of the city’s functions, which has been one of the marked features of recent municipal developments, is having a profound influence upon municipal life and especially in the matter of finances and business methods and the form of city government. It has unquestionably been the chief impetus of the movement, first for the commission form of government and then for its later development, the commission-manager form. There has been no recession of interest in these two forms-no city which has adopted eit>her has so far voted to go back to the old conditions. A strenuous effort to do so was made in one city-Pueblo, Coloradobut the results were not reassuring to the opponents of progress and development, for the conimission form received a much bigger majority at the second election than it did at the first. Buffalo after’six years of unremitting effort has finally secured a commission charter and so becomes the largest city in the country-its population is 439,666-to commit its legislative and administrative affairs to a single group of men-thus emphasizing the tendency toward concentration of power and responsibility which has been the encouraging characteristic of the past half dozen years. Although charter revision has been less general during the past year than in any one of the preceding three or four years, due to the fact that it was so general in these years, and to the further fact that its results were so generally satisfactory, nevertheless it has shown no reaction in the matter of form and content. The larger cities have been particularly busy in preparing and considering new charters. Chicago has a permanent charter commission; New York has taken a similar step; St. Louis has a new charter, which provides a much simpler form with direct legislation features and while not a short ballot instrument, it provides for a greater concentration of authority and responsibility than the old one, which was antiquated, complex and tortuous. Toledo has just approved the federal plan, but it provides a real short ballot, direct legislation and preferential voting. Cleveland defeated certain efforts to change its modern charter adopted a year ago.

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4 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January What is aptly called the vanishing system-the bicameral form of city government-is to be found in only nine of the largest 50 cities. These cities are Philadelphia, Baltimore, Kansas City, Providence, Louisville, Atlanta, Worcester, Richmond, Virginia, and Cambridge, Massachusetts. In the light of the events of the past five years, and especially of the past two, it would not be much of a hazard to predict that five years hence not one of the larger cities will be risking its business and its future to the evils of a form which affords such abundant opportunities for inefficiency, and waste and mismanagement. Already a long list of the larger cities have remodelled their plans and the others are seriously considering doing so. Hand in hand with this improvement, and usually just preceding it, has been the movement for municipal home rule, which is daily gaining a firmer hold on public opinion and which in the course of the coming generation is destined to become the settled policy with regard to the relation of the states to the cities. The direct election of federal senators has helped, as has the growth of the sentiment in favor of non-partisanship. The commission form is the embodiment of this latter idea and all the newer charters for the larger cities are based on the same idea and the reports from these communities are generally most encouraging and satisfactory. The question of the relation of political parties to municipal life and activities has not been finally settled, in view of the continued existence of the long ballot in many places, although the sentiment in favor of excluding the consideration of national politics from municipal affairs is well nigh unanimous among students and publicists. Evidently the commission form of government and the commissionmanager plan tread hardly upon somebody’s toes, judging from the frequency with which stories are sent out that there is complaint and dissatisfaction in those cities now operating under such forms. In only two cities to date, however, has the dissatisfaction been sufficiently great to secure a sufficient number of signers to a petition to have the question submitted to a vote: Spokane, Washington, and Pueblo, Colorado. The former three years ago defeated a proposition to return to the old form by a larger majority than the new form had received at the first election, and Pueblo in June last voted down a similar proposition four to one. Some idea of the success of commission government in the nine Iowa cities operating such a plan may be gathered from the figures a short time ago sent to the governor of the state by the auditor. For the first time these cities, in 1913, lived within their income, according to the report. The federal census has likewise been collecting the figures with regard to the operation of commission government and the results have been equally satisfactory. Of the 69 commission cities covered by the latest government report, 61 were found to be running at less per

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19151 PHASES OF THE MUNICIPAL SITUATION 5 capita than the average head expense of the 195 metropolitan centers of all classes considered. But even where the expenditures of commission cities are higher than others, it is a generally conceded fact that the taxpayers of the former are getting more for their money than they ever received under the old system. Public improvements are not only numerous under the commission form, but the character of the improvements has been raised. With hardly an exception, the reports from commission-ruled municipalities tell of more efficient and cleaner admini~tration.~ William Allen White recently wrote to the Springfield Republican to this effect: “I do not believe that the commission form of government is an unqualified success. Neither is human nature an unqualified success. But the commission form does furnish an opportunity for good citizens to get good government if they are willing to work for it. The council form does not furnish us as good a material and the experience of Emporia with the commission form of government on the whole has been more satisfactory to my mind than with the council form of government, although of course every form of government must reflect in a large measure the minds of the citizens that live under it. The commission form encourages good citizenship by making it easy for good citizenship to express itself.” Coincident with the movement for newer and better charters has been one having for its purpose the placing of the finances of the city upon a firmer and more business-like basis. For years and generations a happygo-lucky plan of raising and spending money has prevailed and very little attention was given to the matter because city taxes and expenditures formed so small a part of the whole-but now the city bulks larger and its needs grow greater and the financial burden of its upkeep becomes heavier and so becomes more evident, and SO city finances come into the foreground. The private individual, firm or corporation, as has so often been pointed out, that does not adjust probable expenditures to probable receipts at the beginning of the business year, is very likely to run up against serious difficulties at the end of it. In the conduct of private affairs generally, allotments of income must of necessity be made as a precaution against JIn commenting on this report the Christian Science Monitor of Boston says: “Facts collected by the federal government with regard to the progress of commission rule in municipalities in the United States are far more eloquent than any argument based on theory in favor of the new system or opposed to it. Commission government is still occasionally rejected by communities; in a few instances where it has been adopted the results have not been wholly satisfactory, but speaking generally, increase in the number of places adopting it and growth of satisfaction over its operation have been steady from the beginning. Every year adds new municipalities to the list, and every year shows that the tendency toward its adoption is growing stronger in the large cities.”

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January deficits. The average head of a family instinctively sets aside a sum for the maintenance of his home, the average housekeeper sets aside certain portions of this sum to meet the various drafts that are certain to be made upon it. In proportion to the care taken in holding expenditures within the allowances made will the business man or the housewife succeed in making ends meet at the close of the year. This, however, has not been the custom in the great majority of American cities, at least until very recent years. The loosest of methods of raising money, appropriating it and expending it have prevailed, not alone in cities but in the states and nation as weI1. Congress seems to have formed a strong, and an almost unbreakable attachment for annual deficiencies and for annual deficiency bills. As early as 1900 the National Municipal League began calling public attention to this condition of affairs, attacking the problem from the angle of uniform financial reports and uniform accounting. Since then it has persistently followed up the work with effect,ive assistance of such organizations as the bureaus of municipal research, who have devoted their energies and resources largely to this phase of the city problem. The demand for the adoption of modern, scientific budgets; the careful estimating of possible expenses and available sources of income as a precedent for the appropriations-is growing in favor. The larger cities like New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore are taking a leadership which means an early accomplishment of greatly needed changes. New York has made a substantial and significant contribution in the domain of municipal finance, marking a distinct epoch in the development of thought on matters of city finance. Briefly stated it is this: All improvements already authorized are to be paid for by proceeds of 15-year serial bonds, to be retired in 15 annual instalments out of the tax levy. All future improvements (except those of a self-supporting nature) are to be financed as follows: In the first year-one fourth oiit of the tax levy and three fourths out of the proceeds of 15-year serial bonds. In the second year-half and half. In the third year-three fourths out of the tax levy and one fourth out of the proceeds of the 15-year serial bonds. In subsequent years, New York will finance all of its permanent improvements (other than those that are self-sustaining) out of its tax levy, thus saving enormously in interest charges. After the last of the 16year serial bonds will have been retired it will gradually reduce the tremendous debt (approaching a billion dollars), which it has now accumulated. This straightforward, business-like, modern plan will, for several years to come, mean higher taxes, although eventually it will result in great saving, and “posterity, instead of an inheritance of huge debt will” as the New York bureau of municipal research points out, “receive from

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19151 PHASES OF THE MUNICIPAL SITUATION 7 this generation unencumbered legacies of splendid municipal improvements.” To meet the temporary increase of taxes, the New York city club has formulated a program of economy which will at the same time result in permanent saving. It involves the abolition of unnecessary offices like those of coroner, the elimination of sinecures, the cutting out of fees and substituting salaries therefor, and generally placing the administrative machinery on the same sound business basis as is involved in the plan of the Board of estimate and apportionment. This whole incident affords an illuminating illustration of the happy combination of official concern and investigation with volunteer co-operation, which is the mark of modern civic service and one of the most helpful and suggestive phascs of present municipal conditions. An important step in the application of modern methods to city affairs is to be found in the practical development of the merit system. So far as the moderately compensated places are concerned, the system is not only well founded, but the details of :ts application have been satisfactorily worked out. But with regard to the higher offices, the fight is still on. The events of the past year, however, have been most satisfactory and especially the classification by the New York City commission of the six secretaries to the Board of estimate and apportionment and the application of civil service procedure to higher positions in the municipal service. Another event of significance was the change of the rules providing that hereafter a first grade clerk is eligible for promotion after one year in the service and a second grnde clerk after two years. This shortening of the period of eligibility for promotion will encourage able and ambitious clerks to remain in the service and as the raw material for employees in the higher positions is drafted from these grades such a rule ought to have a good effect and tend effectively to raise the morals of the whole service. The most far-reaching movement in the civil service of New York is the attempt to standardize duties and to classify positions based upon a description of the duties. The municipal commission is co-operating in this direction with the bureau of standards at Washington, that a sounder classification of the duties will be established. This tendency is general throughout the country and if it results in a sound efficiency record system, it will greatly aid the proper enforcement of the civil service laws and lead to a sound system of promotion, a consideration of the first importance. The responsiveness of the merit system to the increasing demands for eBciency in adminktration was the keynote of the annual meeting of the National assembly of civil service commissions in Pueblo, in June. Beginning with competitive scholastic examinations for the appointment

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8 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January of clerks, the system has been extended until it has been made applicable for testing fitness for highly technical and administrative positions other than those of elective officers, heads of departments and the principal assistants of the executive. The need for placing the whole civil service of the city on a sound basis of non-political honesty nnd efficiency grows daily, if for no other reason because of the rapid increase in the number of functions assumed. For instance, San Francisco is now successfully operating a street railway and Detroit and Toledo have definitely voted to own and operate theirs. Both the demand for municipal ownership and that for effective control of privately operated municipal utilities continue unabated. Practically every state (only two, Wyoming and Utah, have no form of control) regulates in some form or another, and with greater or less efficiency, the public utilities. The discussion of whether the regulation should be by state or local commissions continues unabated, although the developments of the year just passing have been on the whole more favorable to state than to local control, even in states like California, where municipal home rule as a general policy is so firmly entrenched. In that particular instance, however, the result is due to the effective administration of the state commission, which has earned for itself an enviable position for courage, fairness and wise public spirit. An utilities bureau has just been established under Philadelphia’s leadership, “to secure fair and reasonable rates to patrons of public companies, to fight frenzied finance and injurious monopoly, to see to it that cities are well represented and well defended in litigation over franchises and alleged rights.’’ These are legitimate and laudable objects. If it is wise, feasible and proper (and it certainly has been shown to be so) for the representatives of street railway, electric light and gas companies to get together in annual conference and to discuss their mutual concerns, then there are equaJly strong reasons for cities to do the same thing. Utilities companies are daily realizing that a public utility must have, as Public Service puts the case, “the good will of the public; but to get this good will it must deserve it. First of all it must render good service. It must reasonably cover the territory. It must furnish service that is regular and safe for a reasonable rate cheerfully, and willingly, through agents and employees who are competent, courteous and considerate.” It might have added with equal propriety, ‘(and it must show a decent regard for public opinion as embodied in public laws and in the rulings of public officials.” The desirability of those engaged in similar lines of work getting together has been amply demonstrated. The usefulness of the National Municipal League depends primarily upon its annual and committee meetings. Trade and professional organizations in great numbers point the same moral-and now the city managers are to get together in con

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19151 PHASES OF THE MUNICIPAL SITUATION 9 ference in Springfield, Ohio, in December, to compare notes and exchange views and experiences. It is to be hoped that they will appreciate the fact that they are part of a country-wide movement for the improvement of city life everywhere therein. There are now an American society of municipal improvements, a League of American municipalities, not to mention sundry special organizations of policemen, firemen, electricians, and general bodies like the National Municipal League. If it is helpful for a particular group “to get together,” it will prove equally helpful if they will get together with other groups in the same line. There certainly should be one big organization of all the officials dealing with municipal problems, serving the cities of the whole country like the League of California municipalities4 serves the cities of that state. If the city managers will take steps to that end, then the meeting will prove doubly useful. The principle of the direct primary has become more firmly established in municipal elections than in national elections and has worked more satisfactorily because in so large a number of cases the cities have achieved a comparatively short ballot, at least so far as purely municipal offices are concerned. Local ballots are still entirely too long, however, involving, as they do, the selection of so long a list of county and district officials. In those cities where the preferential ballot exists, the results have justified its use. The prevailing system, however, in commissioned governed cities is that of the two elections, the preliminary one to choose twice the number of candidates to be chosen at the general election, and the second election designed to select the requisite number from the list chosen at the first election. In the cities where this system has been longest in vogue, the reports are on the whole most satisfactory. There is very general discussion and quite considerable amount of objection to the direct primaries in connection with state elections, and as a judge of a Chicago court said: “Under present conditions in the great centers of population like the city of Chicago, the direct primary and the Australian ballot, as now constituted, have in effect broken down. One hundred and fifty-one -people to be elected next Tuesday, on the same ticket, all printed in precisely the same size type, and all, except the head and tail of the ticket, hidden somewhere in the impenetrable jungle of a ballot which is measured by yards, both in length and breadth.” The Chicago situation does not indicate that either the direct primary or the Australian ballot have broken down. It illustrates and emphasizes the necessity for a shorter ballot. In the first place, there should be a separation of state and national elections from local elections, as prevails in Pennsylvania, New York, Massachusetts and a number of other states. In the second place, the number of officials chosen at elections should be radically cut down. The Australian ballot and the direct ‘NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. i, p. 603.

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10 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January primary cannot be said to have failed until they have been applied to conditions that make their fair application and use feasible. The most significant development in city planning has been the number of calls for competitive designs for the plan of a city, such as the Dublin competition, or for portions of cities, such as the Richmond dock competition in California, the competition for a civic neighborhood in Chicago. Another important development has been the movement in New York City to impose proper restrictions as to the height of buildings and their arrangement on building plots. Emphasis is to be laid on this movement not so much because it is a step in the right direction, as for the reason that the opposition to the plan has been much less than expected, indicating that the people in New York and in the country generally are beginning to realize that the long cherished right of the individual to use his property as he pleases must be subordinated to the larger public interest. This is a lesson which Americans have been somewhat slow to learn, and it is a principle which seems to me fundamental in city planning. There seems to be a great difference of opinion among social workers as to the effect of the war on social problems. The opinion of one is that “Already now civilization stops-stops dead. . . . Religion, philosophy, literature, painting, and, chief of all perhaps, science, with its torch at the head of our human hosts, are suddenly fiung backward; they become of no moment. Who cares to hear what Bergson and Eucken think? Who bothers about books and pictures? Who is ready to endow a laboratory or listen to the chemist and the biologist?” And who, a Unitarian clergyman asks in quoting the above, “cares a fig about the social movement?” Our own Jane Addams declares “that all is out of joint, out of character. Human sensibilities were more acute when this war began than ever before. The comradeship, the friendliness between nations had been brought upon a basis of mutual understanding further than ever before. All organized social welfare activities are put back for years,” she said. On the other hand, we have Dr. Graham Taylor of the Chicago Commons, that other Chicago pioneer social laboratory, declaring as a result of his personal observation: “That first week in August, which threatened Europe with the greatest destruction which has ever overtaken its civilization, was signalized by the most constructive, or reconstructive, legislation ever enacted in any one week throughout the long history of the British Parliament. And it did so in the rush of its gigantic defensive and offensive preparations for war. Although all these measures are temporary provisions to meet the emergency demanding immediate relief from the present or possible disasters of war, yet they cannot fail to affect profoundly the social legisWho wants to know about Immanence? “We have to work up public opinion anew.”

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19151 PHASES OF THE MUNICIPAL SITUATION 11 lation and administration which had already become the permanent policy of the British empire and of its county and municipal governments.” The obvious reply to Miss Addams’ lament (and we all deeply sympathize with the feeling which gives rise to it) is that the very greatness of the European cataclysm will emphasize the need for even greater social and civic effort. There is an increasing conviction that social and civic problems of great magnitude will follow in the footsteps of the war. The commissioner general of immigration holds the opinion that the natural thing to expect after peace is declared again is a quickened flow of immigrants to the United States. If the war is serious and causes general business depression in the countries which it affects, increased numbers of the working classes will have to seek opportunities in this country. Apart from the special problems incident to the war, the present indications are that the coming year, like the one just closing, will be characterized by great social activity. The social center movement is gaining headway. The business bodies are coming in line because, as the Hoboken board of trade said in its November Bulletin, “There is something abroad, an irresistible social impulse, which is tending to promote the useful virtues, to encourage thrift, initiative, industry, co-operation, civic pride, and all those qualities of mind and will that make communities sound and prosperous.” The number of municipal social welfare departments is increasing. Dayton has one established under its new charter. Chicago has a department of public welfare, so have Denver, Duluth, Grand Rapids, Kansas City (one of the earliest), Los Angeles, Cleveland, St. Joseph, Missouri. Of the more important happenings of the past year along the line of suppressing the social evil, James B. Reynolds, counsel for the American social hygiene association puts first the state-wide investigation of the vice problem in Massachusetts, Wisconsin and Maryland. Numerous commissions have investigated the intimate relations of vice to the physical and moral welfare of their respective communities. A result of these investigations has been the disclosure of interurban relations in vice. An insistent demand for the safeguarding of young women at the Panama-Pacific exposition has been made by individuals and organizations throughout the country. This is significant of the aroused determination of cities better to protect young women under conditions of unusual danger to their normal welfare. Previous expositions in this country have been the occasion for the debauchery of young women because of the “wide open” town believed to be essential for the enjoyment of the heterogeneous crowd attending these expositions. This debauchery has been caused not through positive official dereliction, but because the need of positive protective measures was not realized and the

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12 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January public did not demand such measures. Now the awakened public conscience exacts that exposition authorities shall not tolerate questionable shows and shall protect the moral safety of women visitors. Surely a year which has brought out efforts such as have been described shows that our American life is headed straight. That we are beginning to think in terms of the community rather than in terms of the individual is a great gain; that we are not overlooking individual regeneration while we are improving our systems of government is encouraging; that we are working for an education that is a preparation for life, not life in some imaginary future, but as it exists now, and about; that we are building the foundations for an efficient democracy-these are the big things and may be depended upon to build up not only a barrier against the evils of unrestrained and widespread war, but a stable and enduring prosperity, that will be the common heritage of the whole people.

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EVOLUTION IN CITY CHARTER MAKING BY WILLIAM DUDLEY FOULKE' Richmond, Indiana IFTEEN years ago the National Municipal League, at its meeting in Columbus, adopted a municipal program embracing certain proposed constitutional amendments and a model charter. This year, a committee charged with that work will offer for our discussion a new municipal program, better fitted, as we believe, to the present exigencies of our municipal life. During these 15 years, changes have been taking place in the popular conception of what a model charter ought to be. There has been a constant evolution of public opinion in this respect, characterized by certain definite tendencies which we will do we11 to consider to-day in comparing the model which will be offered by our committee with the model adopted by our association 15 years ago. The first and most vital of these tendencies is that in favor of giving cities larger powers and greater freedom in framing and amending their own charters and administering their own government. The second tendency is the drift away from the old model of a city charter based upon the anaIogies of our state and national governments, a model which provided for a Iegislative body (generally of two chambers) and an independent executive, elected by the people with complicated checks and balances which ineffectually sought to prevent particular officials from doing mischief, but were actually more effective in preventing them from doing what was needfql or desirable. This drift has been toward the more sensible system of conferring fuller powers and fixing more definite responsibility upon the particular individual managing the government or some branch thereof. The third tendency is shown in a fuller appreciation of the need of experts for the management of complicated city affairs and the demand that these experts and all subordinate to them shall be selected upon proper tests of their administrative qualifications and without reference to any mere political considerations. The fourth tendency, closely allied to the above, is the desire that those who represent the electorate in governing the city shall actually represent the wiIl of their constituents as to city affairs, that they shall be as free as possible from the influences of state and national politics and for this reason that they shall be nominated if practicable either at open primaries, 'Annual address of the President of the National Municipal League, Baltimore, November 18, 1914. F

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14 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January or by a preferential vote, elected at a special city election upon a short, non-partisan ballot and subject after election to more direct popular control by means of such measures as the initiative, referendum and recall. Let us consider these tendencies and the reasons for them somewhat more in detail. First, Self-Government. There are two ways of looking at a city government, one is the legal and artificial way and the other is the natural way. According to the legal way of thinking, a city government is the mere creature of the state. According to Chancellor Kent it is a public or municipal corporation, invested with subordinate legislative powers, for local purposes and sub,ject to the control of the legislature of the state. In the words of Judge Dillon, “Cities possess no powers or faculties not conferred upon them by the law which creates them or other statutes applicable to them.” According to this notion the whole life of a municipal corporation is infused into it by the state. . It has no vitality of its own. It must do exactly what the state permits or directs; its very form is imposed upon it by the legislature; it must have a mayor, a council of one or two chambers as the state directs, and such and such administrative offices and such and such powers which it must exercise in such and such a manner just as the legislature prescribes and not otherwise. Now an organization which has its form and character thus impressed upon it by an outside body is more like a plaster cast than a living organism and whatever life it has is stunted. Just as a man’s individuality is dwarfed if in every act he must perform the will of a [master, so the individuality of a city is necessarily stunted if in all that it does it is the mere creature and servant of the state. In organic life all normal and healthy growth comes from within. It is the development of that which we know as the life principle, and while the sunshine, the air and the nutriment are supplied from the outside world, yet the power of transmuting these into the thing which grows and develops and becomes a new form and living substance,-that comes from this internal vital principle. It is more apt to be cramped than stimulated by outside interference and control and unless it can have a certain liberty of action, all growth is impossible. In a general way, a city, like a man, can be trusted to do that which is for its own benefit more certainly than any outside instrumentality can be trusted to do good to it against its will. In the long run we can more safely trust liberty than autocracy. Thus we come to the second view of the city, that it is an independent organism that ought to develop in its own way and according to the laws of its own being. We must remember that historically this is the natural order of things. It was always the local community, village, town or city, that existed first and it was only by the union of these local commu

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19151 EVOLUTION IN CITY CHARTER MAKING 15 nities that states and nations were afterwards developed. The people who came together inspired by a common purpose, building their dwellings and conducting their affairs in common, thus formed the first natural political unit and when the state came in afterwards from the union of cities, towns and villages and the tributary surrounding territory of each, it was because the state had grkater power rather than because it had greater reason on its side that it contrived and promulgated the doctrine that the city was its mere creature and servant. For the general purposes of state government of course, cities should be subordinate. The general laws of the state must be enforced. In its relation to foreign states and countties the city should do what the state directs. But so far as its local affairs are concerned, the state as a matter of right has no business at all to interfere. History justifies also the generalization that with cities, as with individuals and with states, the condition of the largest liberty is the condition of the highest development. The most illustrious examples of city government and city life were found in those cities which were absolutely independent of state control. The ancient cities of Greece, for instance, Sparta, Argos, Corinth, Thebes and, most illustrious of all, Athens, owed no allegiance to any higher political power. So it was with the great cities of the Middle Ages, with Florence, Venice, Genoa, Pisa, Amalfi and the free cities of Spain and Germany, which were the centers of dawning liberty in a dark age. It was here that modern popular representation had its beginnings. In Carthage, too, and in imperial Rome, the city had no sovereign above her. She was herself the sovereign over subject lands. These have come down to us as the most illustrious examples in past ages of excellence in city life. We can hardly doubt that the independence of these cities was one of the reasons for their excellence and the instances are far more rare where cities undec the absolute control of a higher sovereignty attained any great pre-eminence in power, prosperity or general beneficence. Even to-day our cities are more naturally political units than our states are. When I pass across the line, four miles from my own home, which divides Ohio from Indiana, I observe little if any difference in the character of the land or the inhabitants. People look at things in much the same way, they have the same institutions, the same habits of life, the same ideals, the same industries. But when I take my own city and compare it with the rural districts around it there is a great deal of difference. The city man looks at things in a different way from the farmer; his methods of life are different; his house is different; his street differs from the country road and is built, maintained and regulated in a different way; there is a difference as to fire and police protection, his amusements are different. Although there need be no antagonism between country people and

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16 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January city people, there is still a natural union of interests and aims that binds city people together and separates them from those who do not live in cities. Therefore, the city, so far as it can, ought to settle its own affairs in its own way. The countryman should not try to manage city business any more than the city man should try to regulate country life, and yet in America the country rep’resentatives in the legislature often do regulate city affairs of which they have little knowledge and in which they should have little concern. A city is a natural political unit that ought to have the right to adopt just the kind of a charter it wants, to form its government in just the way it pleases and regulate all its purely local affairs just as it desires, provided this does not interfere with the general welfare of the whole state. Now the changes in our recent state constitutions show that the trend of modern thought has been toward this greater independence of our city governments. In 1899, at the time of our first municipal program, the constitution of Missouri had given to St. Louis the power to frame its ?wn charter but had required that this charter should provide for a mayor and a two chambered council with other limitations as well as important details of procedure. California had allowed cities of more than 3,500 inhabitants to frame their charters provided the state legislature approved. Such charters “except in municipal affairs” were to be controlled by general law. The state of Washington had followed with similar provision as well as Minnesota, at the time our first municipal program was promulgated. In this program of 1899 it was provided that any city with a population of 25,000 or more might frame a charter subject to the constitution and to general state laws as well as to such special laws as were either ratified by the city council or else passed by two thirds of the state legislature including three fourths of all the members from districts outside of the city. But in such charter it was required that there should be a council and a mayor both elected by the people, the mayor to be chief executive, appointing and removing all heads of departments except the controller who was appointed by the council. The city was to have home rule provided it adopted a charter of this particular kind. Now under this model charter of ours no commission form of government could have been framed at all nor any city manager form of government such as perhaps our committee will propose at this session. The commission form was a subsequent development which our League did not then have in mind and which originated in Galveston less than two years after our model charter was promulgated. Since 1899 the tendency toward greater liberty for cities has been further extended in the constitutions of other states, of Colorado in 1902, of Oklahoma in 1907, of Michigan in 1908, of Oregon in 1910, etc.,

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19151 EVOLUTION IN CITY CHARTER MAKING 17 until there are now 12 states whose constitutions allow more or less home rule for cities as well as a number of other states where the option is given to adopt a prescribed commission or manager form of city government. In this current of legislation toward securing greater power of home rule for cities there is indeed an eddy and that is the control over public utilities recently given to state commissions. These public utilities frequently extend beyond a single city and sometimes include a number of cities or an entire section of the state. In this latter case they are necessarily under state control. But where they affect utilities within a single city, they sometimes interfere with home rule and restrict the powers of the municipal government to control or to acquire these public utilities even on terms which are satisfactory to the city and the owners of the franchise. Thus in Wisconsin all franchises must be indeterminate and can be ended only on one condition, that the city shall purchase the plant of the utility at a valuation fixed by the state commission. All other methods of acquisition are forbidden. In California the state commission may refuse its consent to a sale. In New York and New Jersey the grant of city franchises must be approved by the state commission. Now this is a much better form of state control than that exercised by the legislature. It is administrative rather than political and on the whole it may be salutary, since it largely eliminates the speculative element which has led the owners of public utilities to exploit their franchises and privileges. But it does restrict the city government and cripples those activities which prepare cities for ownership and operation of public utilities. But in spite of this eddy in the stream, the tendency toward greater home rule is unmistakable and we are reminded by it that more liberty is now required for cities than we thought necessary in 1899. Such restrictions as we then made should now be removed. Therefore, in the constitutional amendments which will be considered at this session there will be no condition that cities must have a population of 25,000 before they can frame a charter and no limitation whatever as to the form of the charter which may be adopted. By our model charter in 1899 it was provided that the mayor might be removed, after a hearing, by the governor of the state. Now it is the city council which removes the manager and the city electorate which must remove the council, the right of the state to control a city official being thus taken away. But there is no particular in which the tendency of modern thought toward the greater independence of cities will be more clearly expressed in our proposed model charter than in the increased powers which are to be conferred by the constitution of the state upon the cities therein. 2

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18, NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January Cities may not only perform and furnish all public services, but they may hold and dispose of property either within or without their corporate limits for corporate purposes and for the protection and preservation of public improvements, and they are to have not only the power of local government, but the power to do whatever they shall deem necessary and proper for the safety, health, welfare and general convenience of their inhabitants. Unless this last clause can be construed away by false judicial interpretation, it invests the city with the very fullest powers to do all things which a city needs to do. Second, Responsible Government. The second tendency is the drift of public opinion away from the old federal model of a legislature of two chambers and an independent executive-a government of divided powers and complicated checks and balances-toward a simpler and more responsible government. It was very natural that our cities should have adopted this federal plan, founded upon the analogies of all the other governments to which our people had been accustomed. If the model was a good one for the nation and the state, why not for the city? For a long time we considered that our federal and state governments were the best possible in this imperfect world. It is only of late years that we begin to observe their defects, to see that they are not flexible enough to respond easily to public opinion and that the division of authority and the checks and balarices more frequently paralyze power for good than for evil and greatly promote political intrigue. We are beginning to realize some of the advantages of parliamentary government such as prevails in Canada and in England where there is one man at the head, responsible to the representative body and removable at once whenever he fails to give satisfaction. We realize the advantages of the simpler and shorter ballot which the parliamentary system allows and we see how much better English and German cities have been managed under a similar system of responsible government, than our own cities with the rigid and cumbrous machinery of the federal plan. Therefore, our people had begun even before our model charter of 1899, to concentrate more and more power in a single hand, that of the mayor of the city, elected by the whole body of the people and naturally considered their representative. Our first model charter, responding to this idea, provided that he should be the chief executive with power to appoint, and remove all heads of departments (except the controller) as well as all subordinate officers and employees, subject, however, to civil service rules. He was to have a limited veto power and authority to make investigations and it was his duty to submit the annual budget which council might reduce but not increase.

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19151 EVOLUTION IN CITY CHARTER MAKING 19 But we have seen that since that model charter was promulgated, immense changes have taken place in charter making. In many cities both mayor and council are abolished and instead of these, five or more commissioners or heads of departments have been elected by the people at large and the commission thus composed has been invested with full legislative powers. That is, each commissioner is responsible for his own department and the whole commission is responsible for legislation. The plan is very simple; there are no checks and balances but full publicity is secured. The ballot is shortened and simplified and more intelligent voting has resulted. Now that some 400 cities have adopted the system and scarcely any have returned to the old plan it must be conceded that commission government is relatively a great improvement on what went before. Much of this improvement, however, is due not so much to the new system as to an aroused public spirit, evidenced by the fact that the citizens were willing to revolutionize their whole form of government to obtain reforms which they considered necessary. Commission government is still far from perfect. We hear of the election of unskilled men for heads of departments, of log-rolling among the commissioners and quarrels between them, and such conflicts of authority as occurred in Des Moines where the commission appointed and retained a chief of police who was insubordinate to the commissioner who had charge of the police department. And last year a third system was introduced, the manager plan, which has now spread to about a dozen cit.ies including Dayton, Springfield and Sandusky in the state of Ohio. While we have not yet had sufficient experience with it to determine definitely what its results will be, yet there is good ground to believe that at least for cities that have been able to eliminate the boss and the ring, it will offer a more efficient form of government than the commission itself. It follows not only many of the analogies of responsible parliamentary government, but also most of the analogies of our large business corporations. A representative body which we may call either a council or a commission employs a manager,just as the directors of a bank or a railway employ a president and somewhat in the way that a parliament chooses a prime minister-a manager, who, although he may not have the dignity of mayor or governor, is to be the sole agent of the council through whom that body acts and responsible to it for the entire administration of the city. By the program of 1899 the responsibility was imposed upon a mayor elected by the people. Now the responsibility is imposed upon a manager who is appointed and may be removed by the council. The council itself or any member thereof is responsible to the electorate and may be removed, let us say, by the recall, a measure which was not provided for in our program of 1899.

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20 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January Thus do we seek to secure administrative responsibility. We do this, however, not by constitutional provision or by general law, to be forced upon the city, whether it will or no, but by a model charter which we recommend for its adoption. Third, Ex pert Administ ration. The third tendency in the drift of public opinion is toward a fuller appreciation of the need of experts and a greater use of them in the management of city affairs. With this goes the demand that these experts and all who are subordinate to them shall be selected upon proper and, if possible, competitive tests of their administrative abilities and without reference to mere political considerations. The general trend of modern times is toward greater efficiency; efficiency in war; efficiency in industrial matter and efficiency in government. The commission form as well as this manager plan has been devised mainly on account of its power to give greater efficiency to administration by unifying and simplifying executive work. But the supreme need of city government for securing this efficiency is that each department as well as the whole city administration shall have not a politician but an expert at its head and that it shall be filled with subordinates who have given proof of their qualifications (that is, of their actual or prospective efficiency) by means of competitive tests. The reasons for the need of experts in city government have been so fully discussed at the former meetings of the League and in the pages of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW that there is no need to repeat the argument here. Let us merely discuss the measures by which this expert management may be best secured. The city manager himself ought essentially to be an expert in city managemeni, though not a specialist in any particular department of city administration, The cities of Germany point out the way to secure this expert service. City management is there a profession. Men can even be educated for it in special schools. There are schools of this kind, for instance, in Cologne and Dusseldorf. And with or without this special instruction there is a corps of men who pursue this city management as their life vocation. They begin in one of the smaller cities; if successful, they are called to a larger place and then to one still larger until they reach the top, just as men are there promoted in the consular service and transferred from one country to another, beginning at unimportant places and gradually going up the ladder. A mayor chosen for political reasons is generally no fit head for a city administration. Moreover, if a city cannot choose a manager except from among its own citizens it is very commonly impossible to secure good administrative talent. Many of our smaller cities have no men of the necessary ability among their citizens and if the choice is limited to these the manager will Now we must adopt the same system for our cities.

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19151 EVOLUTION IN CITY CHARTER MAKING 21 generally be appointed for some personal, local or political reason quite apart from skill in administration. To get the best administrator the city ought to have the whole world to draw from. Often it will secure the best results if it adopts the German plan and advertises throughout the country for a manager, stating the duties of the office, the qualifications demanded and the salary offered. Then let the applicants present their credentials and show their respective qualifications and experience and let the best man be chosen. This will result in time here as it has resulted in Germany in men being specially trained for the purpose and devoting their lives to it. When this is done, we shall have the highest efficiency attainable. We may do this by providing that the choice of city manager shall not be limited to the residents of the city or the state and we may call attention to the fact that the German plan for selecting a local manager has been highly successful. We may add that, where political methods prevail and a local manager could not be free from local influences, there would be advantages in selecting a man who is not B resident. It should next be provided that at the head of each department of the city there should be a director, that the director of the department of law shall be a lawyer, the director of the department of health a sanitary engineer or member of the medical profession, the director of public works an engineer, the director of education a teacher, the director of public safety and welfare a man who has had administrative experience and the director of public finance a man who has had experience in banking, accounts and financial matters or, in each case, the man must have rendered active service in the same department in that or some other city. These directors should be appointed by the city manager and should be removable by him at any time after a public hearing. All subordinate officers and employees should be selected by competitive tests. A civil service board of three members is to be appointed by the council. This is the one place which is not under control of the manager because, if the manager could control this board and thus arbitrarily appoint the subordinate employees, his power might be unlimited to select whomsoever he might desire and thus to turn the administrative service into a political machine. The administration of the civil service law must be independent. By that law men are appointed automatically as the result of competitive tests. This is the only way to secure permanently freedom from politics and an efficient service. There is no need to argue again the desirability of civil service provisions. This has been done hundreds of times and the experience of the civil service law everywhere has justified its provisions. The competitive system for administrative officers ought, indeed, to be part of the general policy of every state applicable to the state govAt present we can only make a beginning. So much for the position of manager.

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22 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January ernment as well as to every municipality therein, even though the city charter does not provide for it, just as laws against corruption, municipal and otherwise, are a proper part of the code of every state. Considered in this light it might even have, been wise to provide that the civil service commission should be appointed by state authority to keep it independent from local politics. It has even been proposed to make the place of civil service commissioner depend upon competitive tests. The proposed charter will not go so far as that, but it was felt that the civil service board must be independent of the manager who has otherwise entire control over the administration. The term of the members is to be six years, one member going out every two years and members can only be removed by a four-fifths vote of the council after written charges, notice and public hearing. While it is provided that the classified service need not include the directors or heads of departments, yet even here, the city may include them if it desire and competitive tests (based largely upon credentials and past experience) may be used to determine appointments. For one, I believe that this too will be generally done at some future time and will be made a mandatory requirement. The civil service provisions should correspond to the best models of state and city civil service laws, both for appointments, promotions and removals and it should also be provided that this civil service and efficiency board may make investigations concerning the general condition of the public service of the city. This power has been one of the means by which the Chicago civil service commission has revealed abuses and greatly promoted efficiency methods and economy in the entire service of Chicago and it is confidently believed that civil service boards may be made of equal value elsewhere. There are other provisions in this model charter designed to secure greater efficiency. According to the program of 1899 the number for the council was to be not less than 9 nor more than 50 elected from the city at large; now it is to be not less than 5 nor more than 25. It is realized that there is greater efficiency in a smaller body. Perhaps even five is not necessary in all the smaller cities. In order to preserve the independence of the manager and the administrative department it is provided that any interference on the part of a councilman with the administration shall be deemed a misdemeanor. Fourth, Rule of the People. The fourth general tendency of public opinion is to adopt measures which will require those who represent the electorate in governing a city to carry out the will of their constituents as to city affairs. Such representatives should, therefore, be free from the influences of state and national politics and should be nominated if practicable at open primaries or by a preferential vote; elected at a special city election upon a

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19151 EVOLUTION IN CITY CHARTER MAKING 23 short, non-partisan ballot and subject after election to direct popular control by such measures as the initiative, referendum and recall. The principle that a city election should be separate from a state or national election so as to keep city issues distinct, is now, I think, all but universally conceded. That the ballot should be without party designation is also pretty generally maintained by those who have made a study of city affairs. There is also a strong drift of opinion toward open primary elections for the nomination of candidates in place of the old convention system, which not only has the vice of being a development of state and national party organizations and therefore inapplicable to city government, but is a system particularly liable to intrigue and manipulation, leading to the nomination of candidates who represent neither their party nor the general electorate. It may well be questioned how far primary elections can do away with these latter evils, but public opinion seems to be in favor of trying the primary system, especially in city elections. In some places, Candidates are nominated either upon the petitions of a certain number of voters or by a deposit of a sum of money to be returned to the depositor if he polls a certain percentage of the vote cast. Then if none of the candidates for R certain office receive a majority at the first election, a second election is held between the two candidates for that ofice who stand highest at the first. But a more convenient and simpler plan appears to be the preferential ballot by which the voter designates his first choice, his second choice and perhaps his third or subsequent choices. If there is no majority of first choice votes, the second choice votes are added and if they too give no majority then the third or other choices. This plan has been successfully tried at Grand Junction, Colorado, an$ in a number of other cities. It eliminates the undoubted evils which exist where a mere plurality candidate is chosen, removes the need of having two elections, and gives fuller expression than any other method to the desires of the electors in cases where there is only one man to be chosen for a single office. But where a whole representative body is to be chosen there is another method of securing more accurate representation than we can get either by the system of ward representation, so fruitful of small ward politics, or by a ticket at large where minority representation (so necessary for the watchful observation of city business) is altogether excluded. This other method is the Pystem of proportional representation. Up to this time proportional representation has made little progress in American communities, but elsewhere it has been used with success, notably in nine of the cantons of Switzerland and in all its most important cities; in various representative bodies in Sweden, Denmark, Belgium, Finland, the Union of South Africa, Transvaal and Tasmania, in Hamburg and certain communal councils in Baden, Oldenburg

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24 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January and Bavaria as well as in other places. It is objected that the system is complicated and confusing, but it has not been found so in the places where it has been applied. Some years ago in one of the principal cities of Switzerland I asked whether the people were satisfied and the answer was, how could they fail to be satisfied when under it every man had what representation he was entitled to. Our municipal program of 1899 gave to cities the option of adopting proportional representation. This is probably as far as we can go to-day. In respect to proportional representation as well as the initiative and recall, and even as to the referendum on general legislative questions, it seems to many that it is more important that the city’s own independence and liberty of action should be secured than that any of these devices, however excellent, should be forced upon it against its will. There is no time to enter into a discussion of the merits of the initiative, referendum and recall further than to mark the drift of public sentiment in the direction of these measures and to observe that among the communities, both state and municipal, where they have been adopted there is little disposition to repeal them. There seems to be a common opinion that the referendum is a necessary safeguard as to charter amendments, to bond issues and grants of franchises. The charter is the constitution of a city and all changes in a constitution ought to be specifically submitted to the people. The abuses which have attended bond issues and franchise grants in the past, appear to indicate that if a reasonable percentage of the electors desires an opportunity for the voters to determine whether bonds should be issued, or a franchise should be granted, it ought to be given. In other cases these measures may well be optional with each city. It is said that the recall is likely to lead to the selection of an inferior class of men, that a man of high character and independence will not take public office from which he may be removed by the people at any time. This argument is not without force, but there is compensation in the fact that even if the representative body is composed of somewhat inferior men they will represent their constituents a great deal better than under the old system. The recall at least affords a remedy for every flagrant case of misconduct or misrepresentation. There are other provisions which every good charter should contain but which time forbids me to discuss. The prohibition, for instance, against granting exclusive privileges or perpetual franchises to private corporations, the debt limit and the manner in which profitable public utilities can be excluded from its provisions, the uniform system of accounts and the financial reports to the state fiscal officer and a number of provisions on other subjects. The questions, however, which I have discussed seem to be the most prominent and vital of those upon which

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19151 EVOLUTION IN CITY CHARTER MAKING 25 public opinion has so far ripened that they can be dealt with in a model charter to-day. It will be seen from these observations that our present proposed municipal program is substantially a report of progress and not a finality, and it ought to be clearly understood that no model amendments nor charter can ever be proposed by anybody with the idea that they will be universally applicable and final. In almost every state and in almost every city there will be found even to-day the need of modifying these provisions, of omitting some and adding to others. They must be regarded as a series of suggestions in charter making, to be adopted, rejected or modified, in whole or in part as local conditions may require. Indeed, the very thing which it is most necessary to guard against is that insistence upon uniformity which has been the blight of all general laws for the incorporation of cities. It will be seen that the League’s committee has been reasonably conservative, even in the progressive measures it recommends. It has not sought to incorporate things which may be ultimately desirable in city charters but which are not yet sufficiently adapted to our habits of thought to ensure their speedy acceptance or successful operation to-day. We want to follow in the development of these city organisms, the general and orderly course of nature. Let it be “first the blade, then the ear, and after that the full corn in the ear.” Let it be the sowing and ripening of the normal harvest all in due time, not the mushroom growth which attains full maturity to-day and shrivels to-morrow. There are many analogies between city government, as we would seek to develop it, and the growth of a tree. Few objects in nature are more admirable or imposing than these sovereigns of the forests and the fields, spreading their genial shade upon the turf and enriching the landscape with their grace and majesty; and in the world of government, a wellordered city should be like a tree, deep rooted in the soil of public opinion, drawing its nutriment from this mother earth through the thousand filaments furnished by popular elections, collecting them at first into a larger group in the shape of a representative council, then into a single trunk from which all administrative functions spring, then dividing into the branches of the various executive departments, subdividing again into bureaus, and offices with their individual subordinates, until it bears the leafage and fruitage of good government and public beneficence.

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ADMINISTRATIVE EXPERTS IN MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENTS BY A. LAWRENCE LOWELL‘ Cambridge, Mass. FTER what you have heard, I am afraid what I have to say is rather dry, and I can only console myself by considering that A dried fruit keeps better than fresh fruit. My only reason for supposing that this subject will be interesting to you is that it is interesting to me. It has been the habit in all ages for men to speculate about what some extraordinary person from a distant clime would think if he came to visit us. If, for instance, Alexander de Tocqueville, who wrote about America 100 years ago, should return, what changes would he find in our civilization? He would notice that we were very much larger in numbers, but he would notice a great many other things besides. He would observe that the characteristic, which began with the pioneer on the Atlantic seaboard and gradually went westward,-that quality by which every man had to be “a jack of all trades ” in every kind of occupation,-had practically disappeared. He would notice that no longer did any man expect to be his own farmer, his own hunter, his own carpenter, his own lawyer, and perhaps his own doctor. The people have developed from that type of life. Our country has become like the Europe that he knew, inasmuch as the occupations of men are far more varied and far more specialized than they were when he visited America. He came not very far from the time when cotton mills and railroads began; and at that time any successful merchant was good enough to put at the head of a factory or of a railroad. Now no one thinks of taking charge of a railroad or a factory unless he has had experience in those fields. These occupations are just as specializedas they are in Europe. De Tocqueville would make another observation if he came. He would say: “In the industries you have men with special training; men who are not only experts in the highest sense, but who have been carefully educated in schools for the purpose; and, in fact, there is no country where there are better schools for special training than here,-law schools, medical schools, schools for engineers; but while you are doing that in your industrial life, you are not doing it in your government. You are not p” IPresident, Harvard University. Address delivered at the twentieth mud meeting of the National Municipal League, Baltimore, November 19. The pioneer man must be all those things. 26

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19151 EXPERTS IN MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENTS 27 using experts in the public service to the same extent as every other civilized people in the world.” He would observe-and it is a common saying in the United States-that of all the kinds of government in this country the least successful has been the government of great cities. He would also observe that it is in those very cities that we use the expert the least; and, perhaps, being de Tocqueville, he would see some connection between those facts. I think we can define an expert simply enough. An expert is a man who by his knowledge and experience in any particular subject is better qualified to deal with that subject than people who have not had such knowledge or experience. You will notice I am specially making the definition very broad, and I am not confining it to those things which we commonly consider the subject of expert knowledge. We all know there are certain classes of experts which we have long respected. We do not want men appointed as judges who are not lawyers; nor do we want in public hospitals men who are not physicians. Those are the two oldest professions that we know; but there are new pjofessions constantly developing. To-day we recognize that we should not employ an inexperienced man to build a bridge. We require an engineer. We know that he must calculate the stresses and strains on every piece of steel in that bridge or the bridge will not stand. But there are many other things that only the expert can do well. Today we never think of putting a man in charge of a railroad who has not been trained in railroad work. Take banking-take manufacturing of any kind-take anything that you please in the industrial world. We put an expert in charge of it. What do we do in our cities? In most cities any man may be superintendent of streets. Mr. Eshleman has told us that the city fathers should be as harmless as doves and as wise as serpents. We shall all agree that the history of our city governments has not been one of extreme harmlessness or wisdom; and it is about the wisdom of the serpent that I want to speak to you to-night. Granted that we use experts everywhere else, why do we not use them in our government to the extent that we might? For a very simple reason. We are afraid of them. We are afraid that if the expert is put in charge, the people will lose control over him. We have always been afraid of the expert; and it is worth while sometimes to recall the fact, well known to every student of history, that democracies until this last one hundred years have always been short-lived institutions. I believe that this is because democracies have never known how to use those expert qualities which are necessary for efficiency. Democracies may be honest, they may be noble, but they cannot be efficient without experts; and without efficiency, nothing is this world can endure. The kind of expert that we need in a city is not merely the expert lawyer as a corporation counsel; it is not merely the expert physician as He would go one step further. What do we mean by an “expert”?

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28 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January the health officer; not even the expert engineer as the builder of roads and bridges; but also the expert administrator. It is the man who knows how a great administrative body must be handled, who knows how to deal with the vast amount of business to be transacted; for this cannot be done by anybody who happens to get the votes. It must be done by an expert. The administration of a large city is one of the most complicated kinds of business which this country has to manage. It requires a knowledge of administrative machinery. It needs a man who knows how to organize bodies of men so that their workshall run smoothly, efficiently and economically. I will not refer to the continent of Europe, because they are in the habit of using bureaucratic organizations. I will take England which is just as much a democracy as our country, except that the symbol of the state is a crown rather than a flag. It is very interesting to go about the English boroughs, and see how they are managed. Everywhere you find a series of shams. The English government is full of shams. Nobody does quite the work he is supposed to do. For instance, the chancellor of the exchequer is not a chancellor and has nothing to do with the exchequer. Thereis a very good illustration of such a sham in the trial a,t Ipswich in Pickwick. When Mr. Pickwick is brought before Judge Nuplrins andasks why he was brought there, Judge Nupkins whispers to his clerk, “Must I tell him?” “I think you had better, sir,” whispers the clerk. “An information has been sworn before us,” said the magistrate, “that it is apprehended you are going to fight a duel, and that the other man Tupman is your aider and abetter in it. Therefore-eh, Mr. Jinks?” “Certainly, sir.” “Therefore I call upon you both to-I think that’s the course, Mr. “Certainly, sir.” ‘( To-do-what, Mr. Jinks?” said the magistrate pettishly. “TO find bail, sir.” How is it done in other places? Jinks.” i( Yes. Therefore I call upon you both-as I was about to say when I was interrupted by my clerk,-to find bail.” That is hardly an exaggeration. It is what happens every day in England. Men are constantly being guided by experts, and purporting to do the thing themselves as Judge Nupkins did. He did not think that he really was interrupted by the clerk; he thought it was part of the clerk’s business to tell him what to do. That is one of the commonest, the most essential, features of English local government. The justice of the peace is a country gentleman, and employs a clerk who knows the law. I remember a case of a justice of the peace who was in the habit of asking the clerk whether the sentence ought to be three months or six months. To some extent that principle

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19151 EXPERTS IN MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENTS 29 runs through the whole administration of the English government. The English city is nominally governed by a borough council, composed partly of aldermen, and partly of councillors, the aldermen being elected for a longer term. But how is the government really carried on? Matters that are to come before the council are first considered by a committee. Behind the council, behind the committee, stands the expert. The day before the committee meets, the expert goes with its chairman over the work to be done, and the chairman generally follows his advice. A good chairman is and ought to be very much influenced by the opinion of the expert permanent official. After the conference the chairman practically puts through the committee matters which he and the expert have agreed upon the daybefore. The work is mainlydone at the head of the table. I remember asking a vigorous expert what would happen if the committee insisted on doing something that he did not approve. He said he should tell them that he could not take the responsibility for it; that they must pass a vote ordering it and put it on record. He said they would never assume the responsibility in such a case. They are not Americans, they are English. You do not see him; you know nothing about him. The expert attends the meetings of the committee, not, as a rule, those of the council. You do not see him because it is understood that the expert is not to speak in public except at meetings of a technical society, such as a meeting of engineers. He never appears before the public, he never takes public credit, or blame. The members of the council take the credit and blame. The experts stand behind them and carry on the work of the city, subject to the control of the council. They are, as a rule, the mainspring of the administration and the council is the balance wheel. I remember very well in Glasgow, many years ago, one of the officials telling me that he did not think the city would suffer if the council never met again,-meaning that the town was managed by the experts. I went to see two members of the borough counciI-one of them was a man of business in a small way, and of limited capacity. In talking to him I said something about the experts, to which he replied that they would be sorry to be in the hands of their experts. He was, although he did not know it. The other, a man who was of much larger mold, remarked that the quality of their government really depends upon the excellence of their expert officials; and it obviously did. I am one of those who believe that the best results in every undertaking can be brought about only by a combination of the expert and the layman. I do not care what subject you are dealing with, if you do not have an expert on the one side, and a board representing the public on the other, the management is not likely to be permanently satisfactory. A railroad company, for example, must have a railroad man as president, and a board of directors which keeps Wherein lies the power of the expert? But you must control the expert.

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30 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January him in touch with the public. That principle is applicable everywhere in industrial companies, in charitable or educational institutions, and in public affairs. Now, what are the dangers to be encountered? In the first place how about corruption? Some people fear that permanent officials might steal. Experience in popular governments does not seem to justify that fear. If you will observe the industrial companies and see where improper things are done, where money gets into people’s pockets when it ought not to, I think you will find that the grosser frauds are perpetrated by the directors rather than by the experts under them; and for a very simple reason, the expert’s whole career in life depends upon his reputation in office. That is true, for instance, in the English boroughs. I never heard of a case, I think, of an expert in an English borough who stole, and I have heard cases of members of the council who cheated the city. One of the borough clerks in England told me after he had ceased to occupy the position that during the last few years of his service he was at the head of a body of officials in the town who were trying to prevent the council from running away with the funds. If any official is caught in corruption, his career in all possible directions is ruined forever. But if a member of the council is caught doing something that does shut him up in jail, his life is not necessarily wrecked. Moreover, my experience is that membership in an expert profession has a certain steadying influence based upon the general opinion of the profession itself. It is a curious fact but you will find it generally true. How about the question of administration of policy? Can you exert in that a sufficient control of the experts? If a young man should say to you that he would like to learn to drive an automobile, but he was afraid it would run away with him, you would think he was not competent to use that kind, or any kind, of machinery. If he is afraid that he cannot control an automobile he had better walk. So, if our people cannot control experts, they are not fit for self-government on the modern scale. I believe there would be really no serious difficulty in controlling experts and keeping them in check, keeping them in touch with the people; and I should like to give you one example where the use of experts has been very effective. Twenty years ago the power of the superintendents of schools was as a rule extremely small. I remember it was commonly said at that time that the only function of the superintendent of schools in Boston was to write an annual report. Within the last 20 years the position of superintendents of schools has changed very much. It has become a profession, in which a man is sometimes employed who is not an inhabitant of the city, who has been superintendent of schools in some other town. The feeling against that is rapidly diminishing. The influence of the Is a body of experts liable to be corrupt? So much for corruption.

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19151 EXPERTS IN MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENTS superintendent as an expert has become very much greater. Instwd of the members of the school board trying to select teachers and manage the schools, directly, they employ a superintendent who has had years of experience, has expert knowledge, and then back him up; keeping him, however, in touch with public opinion, with the result that the relation between the schools and the people is much better, much closer than it was 20 years ago. The problem of vocational education, which was then in its infancy, has now become extremely prominent. The school authorities are trying much harder than ever before to find out the public needs and supply them. WhiIe the experts have more authority, the service rendered by the schools and their attitude toward the public have very distinctly improved. The same thing is true in England. Twenty years ago the experts in education there had very little power. Since the Education Act of 1902 their power increased very much. There has certainly been no loss of control over experts in popular education. Do not understand me for one moment to suggest that the use of experts is the only thing needed in municipal government, but it is a very important thing and the one that has hitherto received the least attention, because it conflicts with a popular prejudice which is not well founded. If a democracy is capable of being the best and highest form of government, that which provides its citizens with the greatest amount of happiness, let us not forget also that it is the most difficult form of government to conduct. In other forms of government a few minds must work together; but here a vast number of minds must act in concert. Idtead of educating a comparativeIy small number of men, you must educate all the people in public things. Democracy more than any other form of government needs the very best instruments which can be used. What should we say of our country if it refused to use for public work modern machinery and inventions? Democracy needs the best machinery that can be found, the best tools that can be discovered; and the best tool that the world has ever yet produced is a highly trained human brain.

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THE PRACTICABILITY OF THE MERIT SYSTEM BY ARTHUR M. SWANSON' Philadelphia IVIL service law was once presumed to exist primarily for the prevention of favoritism, but it has had the added effect of proC moting efficiency in the public service. The former object is rather negative but not without value; the latter is positive and intensely valuable. I have read very carefully the tentative draft of a civil service law which I understand the league is considering as a part of the municipal program. To my mind it is a much more practical law than the model proposed recently by the committee of the National Assembly of Civil Service Commissioners. I do not consider it the function of legislation to fix in the statutes every minute detail of procedure. A successful merit system must be built up by co-operation between the commission and the other branches of the government and no law or rule is tolerable which attempts to legislate appointing officers out of existence so far as their rights over public employment are concerned. A civil service law should be, as your tentative draft is, rather in the form of an enabling act, laying down broad principles and leaving details to be worked out as the administering body acquires experience and equipment. No civil service law should be promulgated by this or any other body which would require civil service experts to administer it at the outset, for the simple reason that when it is applied in a new locality the experts cannot ordinarily be had, and we must remember that, after all, the paramount thing is to get a reasonably good law and get more adoptions. I am particularly interested in two phases of your tentative draft of a law. First, the effort to render the commissioners independent by making their removal possible only by four-fifths vote of the council after public hearing. One of the most prominent facts in civil service administration so far is that its efficiency has depended so largely upon the attitude of the executive in power, or perhaps his party. Interesting to contemplate are the alternating seasons of prosperity and famine that have attended civil service reform in practically every locality where it has been adopted,. The ideal type of civil service mayor is represented by Mayor Blankenburg of Philadelphia. 1 Chief Examiner of the Philadelphia Civil Service Commission, before the Twentieth Annual Meeting of the National Municipal League, Baltimore, Maryland, November 20th, 1914. 32

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19151 PRACTICABILITY OF THE MERIT SYSTEM 33 During the three years of his administration he has never interfered either by hint or word or letter with the administration of the civil service commission. If we do not succeed there, the fault is entirely ours. The second thing which interests me particularly is the inclusion in the classified service of higher places. Your law very properly specifies the positions which may be exempted, and would, I believe, place all such positions as bureau chiefs in the competitive class. To leave the matter optional with the commission provides a frequent cause of friction between the commission and department heads who are usually closer to the executive than the commission; hence the commission must either acquiesce in exemptions or stand a good chance of official decapitation. I have been an eye-witness to the thrilling decapitation of civil service commissioners by the chief executive and know exactIy how it is done. Not all commissions have the backbone to withstand the pressure. Under the Pennsylvania law the power of exemption is, unfortunately, in my opinion, vested in the commission. The law exempts elected officials, the heads of the executive departments whose appointment is subject to confirmation by councils and persons appointed by name in any statute, assistant directors of departments and one confidential clerk to each department. Thus all chiefs of operative bureaus are in the competitive class unless exempted by order of the commission. The present body has exempted only 2 out of a total of 15 bureau chiefs. These are the chiefs of the bureaus of water and police. I venture the thought that if these two cases were to come up now instead of two years ago when the commission had not so much experience with high grade tests, they would in all probability not be exempted. I might add that, in addition to these two cases, we have found it expedient to exempt only the assistant city solicitors and a number of positions of low grade and uncertain tenure in the hospitals and the department of wharves, docks and ferries, where wages are so trifling that competition cannot be secured. The unqualified support of the mayor has made it possible to keep all other positions, high and low, in the competitive class. Referring to city solicitors, permit me to state that, while I was chief examiner of the Kansas City commission, these positions were in the competitive class and appointments made as a result of examinations were eminently satisfactory. In fact, although there have been the most radical changes in the administration there, those assistant city solicitors are, I believe, still in office, including the first assistant, so that so far as I am concerned, I see no reason why even the deputy legal advisers of the city should be exempted. Our commission on its own motion is now holding public hearings on the proposition of removing part of the city solicitors from the exempt class. So long as the best positions in practically every line of governmental service are subject to poIitica1 changes, just so long will the public service as a career be avoided by many of the best men. Last spring I attended 3

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January a conference called by Mayor Mitchel of New York to consider ways and means of practical training for the public service. The movement had its merit, no doubt, but I went away trying to figure out sufficient inducement for a man or woman to expend valuable time, money and energy in pursuing such training, I knew that in parts of Europe an honorable and remunerative career awaits him who thus prepares himself. I am by no means a pessimist, but I confess that after some years spent in examining applicants for the public service, I am forced to say that the man who to-day prepares himself for such service of a non-political character would do well to expect disappointment, unless the merit system be extended upward. He may land a place as a clerk, an inspector, or a draftsman, and perhaps he may continue to hold his place without interference, if he is under a civil service law enforced by sympathetic administrations. He may even be promoted to be chief clerk, chief inspector, or chief draftsman, but here the anomaly steps in undermost civil service laws. The positions above him and the very positions which carry salaries which would enable him to do something more than live, are usually exempt from competition and form the grand prizes in the game of politics. There are some exceptions, of course, but the strange thing is that this rule is generally true. Every consideration of public service demands the breaking down of this barrier between the ordinary positions and the higher ones. First, in the natural course of things training and experience in lower positions develops men for the higher positions. Second, one of the incentives to enter public service and to work hard at it is removed when we deny the possibility of reaching the top by competition based on merit. Third, standards of work in hospital management, highway construction, bridge building, and all the other great operations under governmental supervision are in no sense matters of politics, but are matters of scientific growth from one decade to another, and for these reasons the higher positions, such as heads of operative bureaus, should be made competitive and he!d during good behavior. I take it that the municipal problem before us today is the separation of city politics and city business. Each has its legitimate field, perhaps, but they don’t mix. A big step in that direction would, indeed, be the extension of the civil service law in an upward direction. I have not so much complaint to make of our progress in extending the merit system horizontally in cities, states and nation, but its extension upward has been neglected. I cannot speak too strongly in favor of the inclusion of all the higher positions in the competitive class, except those whose incumbents are elected, are associated with the executive in determining general policies, or those of a judicial nature, but to be perfectly fair with the public 1 must admit and discuss such difficulties as beset us, but they are only incidental and will be overcome. In Philadelphia we have had some experience in

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19151 PRACTICABILITY OF THE MERIT SYSTEM 35 holding examinations for positions of an executive, administrative or highly technical character. We have within the past two or three years conducted examinations for 27 positions paging $3,000 or more annually. One difficulty is this: It is not always practicable to keep on hand an eligible list for so important a position as, for example, the chief of a bureau. An examination can be held only after a vacancy or an impending vacancy is announced publicly. To do otherwise would terrorize the incumbent and put his bureau on edge. Our experience has been that the appointing power usually makes a provisional appointment pending the examination. The position being an important one, this fact becomes generally known, with the too frequent result that competition is discouraged. The provisional appointee is, of course, a competit,or in the examination. Of the 27 examinations for important positions mentioned above, there were provisional appointments preceding 18 of them, and I am sure the extent of OUY competition was, unfortunately, reduced thereby. This is in no sense intended as a criticism of the appointing powers, for I do not presume to say there were not urgent reasons for thus filling these vacancies, but in view of these facts the commission in two recent important cases formally requested the appointing powers not to make provisional appointments. The requests were most cordially complied with and as a result there were 45 competitors in one case and 12 in the other, both numbers being highly satisfactory. This suggests that the way to reduce the elil is by co-operation between commissions and department heads. The reduction of provisional appointments is one of the great needs in civil service systems today wherever they are in force. This is one of our goals in Philadelphia, and to give you an idea of our progress I might add that we had 605 such appointments in 1912, but we had only 283 in 1913, a reduction of 53 per cent, and in 1914 we shall hale less than 100, a reduction of 85 per cent over 1912. But, as I said before, this matter is only incidental and in no wise affects the character of the examinations given. The value of having such a method of filling a position temporarily, thus preventing any stoppage of public business, probably offsets most of its detrimental effects upon competition. Industry on the part of the commission and co-operation with departments will help to eradicate all such evils. Possibly the law should be so drawn as to prohibit a provisional appointment wherever there is at least one name on an appropriate list. I might say here that the Pennsylvania law provides for a certification of four names for each vacancy. If there are less than four names available, the appointing power frequently rejects the list and makes a provisional appointment. I think, however, that under the law his right to do so is questionable. An indication of the efficiency of these tests for higher positions is that the first man on the list has been appointed in 19 of the 27 cases above mentioned, although any one of four could have been selected.

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36 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January Another difficulty in these higher examinations is that sometimes successful men are not willing to submit themselves to a civil service examination as that term is popularly understood. There is, in fact, something about the word “examination” that smacks of the academic and the theoretical. It conjures up visions of cramming volumes, and theoretical queries. It is one of the things I would eliminate from our laws and our vocabularies. And these selI-same successful men are the very ones we must secure for public service in these higher positions now under discussion. It is our problem so to conduct our tests that men who have succeeded in their own vocation swill not hesitate to enter the competition. Civil service reform is a failure if it brings to the public service only those who can’t hold jobs elsewhere. To clear away in some measure this aversion to examinations, our commission is preparing pamphlets giving in full the questions and the methods employed in our tests for all the higher positions , and will distribute them widely and especially among business and professional men. However, I apprehend that this difficulty will largely solve itself when we reach the point where public service offers a career free from politics, where compensation is fair, and tenure dependent only upon efficient service. Perhaps it might be in order for me to illustrate some tests for positions as institution heads or bureau chieEs. A question may exist in the minds of some as to the practicability of placing in the competitive class a very high position in, for example, the professional service. We have just completed a test for chief resident physician at the General Hospital. This physician is the medical and executive head oE a hospital of 2,000 beds. I am informed it is the largest hospital of its kind in the United States. The commission invited three very eminent physicians in Philadelphia to form a special examining board and they gladly served without charge. Local residence was waived and an outline of the position and of the test was sent to every hospital east of the Mississippi River having 200 or more beds. Seventeen competitors filed applications from all parts of the country. Here let me suggest that the question of residence ehould never be permitted to prevent a city from obtaining the highest degree of service. Usually we do not assemble the competitors, but in this case it was more suitable to do so. Forty per cent was given to training and experience and any written articles, books, or lectures the applicant might care to submit. Thirty per cent was allotted to an oral interview with the examining board. The interviews were from a half to three quarters of an hour each and consisted of discussions of hospital management with particular stress upon ethical questions. Here let me say that wherever practicable the views of an applicant upon the ethical or moral side of things should be dwelt upon. The remaining 30 per cent wa9 given to the applicant’s written discussion of five practical probIems relating to hospital work, The man who heads the list has distinguished

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19151 PRACTICABILITY OF THE MERIT SYSTEM 37 himself as head of Cook County Hospital for some years and is at present superintendent of the City Hospital of Cincinnati, both of which positions, by the way, he won by competition. This individual typifies the men whom we could expect to see pursuing careers in every line of municipal service if competitive tests were applied to the better places. I think it may be fairly stated that an industrial establishment seldom goes into the question of selecting a manager or a department head so thoroughly and with so many safeguards as are thus used by the merit system. In the first place, few industrial establishments command the services of three of the most successful men in the community as examiners, and they could not advertise more extensiiely or inquire more thoroughly by correspondence with former employers and references, personal interview and written test. It may be of interest to discuss briefly the examination for chief of our fire department. If the merit, system is ever put to a test it is in the filling of such a position, where the things a man could write as answers to questions are of small consequence compared to his qualities of courage, judgment and discipline. Our first step was to secure as one special examiner the chief of the New York fire department, himself a product of the competitive system. The examination was limited to the battalion chiefs in the department and they are 11 in number. Nine of them were eligible to compete and all took the examination. Thirty per cent was allowed for experience, 40 per cent for written description of fire fighting methods, organization and equipment, and 30 per cent for an oral examination. This oral examination by the chief of the New York fire department and the other members of the board was especially interesting. A collection of a number of enlarged photographs of various buildings, and groups of buildings of various types, involving the most difficult situations, was used. The candidate was handed each of the photographs and shown the starting point of a fire. He was then asked to detail the placing of his equipment and his methods of extinguishing the blaze. The first man on the eligible list was appointed. In much the same manner, though with slight variations here and there according to the type of position, we have successfdly filled the folIowing positions as bureau chiefs: chief, bureau of city property, $4,300; chief, electrical bureau, $6,000; chief, bureau of gas, $5,000; chief engineer, city transit, $6,000; chief, bureau of fire, $4,500; chief, bureau of elevator inspection, $3,600; chief, bureau of highways, $6,000; chief, bureau of lighting, $2,000. Some of the above positions, such as chief of the bureau of city property, are almost wholly executive in their character. Others, such as chiefs of the bureaus of gas, electricity, lighting and others, are a combination of the technical and the executive. I have not gone into a detailed description of the tests given in the above cases

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38 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January for the reason that they were described at your annual meeting a year ago. But can I add further evidence to show that the merit system is a thing so practical as to be an essential part of any municipal program? Does this system really discriminate properly between the competent and the incompetent? The answer might be the way the appointing officers select men from the eligible lists. Under the Pennsylvania law, as I stated before, the appointing officer is allowed to pass over three names out of every seven. Presumably, if the results of the merit system were unsatisfactory, he would exercise that right and then ask for new lists, or, in the absence of lists, make provisional appointments of his own selection. Take highway inspectors whose duty it is to pass judgment on the vast street construction work of a great city. During little more than a year 97 have been appointed from our lists and onlj 17 have been passed over. The appointing officer could have passed over 75, but, instead, he has thus appointed almost every man certified to him. Is the merit system practical for skilled laborers? The modern merit system tests all such men on the streets or in the shops. Pavers are tested by an actual trial and so perfectly does the merit slstem discriminate that in appointing 36 pavers within about a year only 2 have been passed over, while 27 could have been passed over under our law. Is it a practical way to select policemen to guard our city? Let me answer by saying that in appointing 337 within about a year the director of public safety has passed over only 51 when he coul'd have passed 255, which means he has appointed practically every man the merit system has furnished him. Is it a practical way to select men to fight our fires? Let me answer by saying that in appointing 172 firemen within about a year the director has passed over only 14, when he could have passed over 132, and For fire chief he appointed the man who headed the list for that important place. When we select drivers for that dangerous work, we do it by actual test with fire horses and wagon. When we select men to fire the engines, we do that by actual test with engines and hose. Is it a practical way to select civil engineers and draftsmen? In little more than a year nine lists have been created for engineers at salaries from $1,500 to $4,000 in a single department, and in eight of the nine cases the director has appointed the first man on the list, although the law allows him to take any one of the first four, and in one case he has appointed eight of the first nine. In another department they have appointed 48 draftsmen within about a year and they passed over only 5 names when they could have passed over 36. I chose these illustrations at random and asked our certification clerk for the figures. And it must be borne in mind that these appointing officers have not thus made their appointments practically in the exact order of standing on eligible lists in order to glorify the merit system. It is only natural and And so I could go on.

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19151 PRACTICABILITY OF THE MERIT SYSTEM 39 proper to presume that what they want is to administer their departments with credit by getting work done and getting it done right. Yes, the merit system has been tried in every field and has proved to be the soundest common sense, the most economical business policy and the highest type of political wisdom. One of the most hopeful signs about this whole matter is the unqualified willingness of the best and busiest professional men, business men, bankers or .eminent men of whatever occupation to sacrifice time and energy which we could not purchase for monetary considerations in serving on special examining boards. We seldom meet with a refusal and it’s one of the strongest assurances that the application of the merit system to public positions, including the higher ones, is considered sound policy by the men whose own ability and character have been tested and proved.

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THE COMMISSON MANAGER PLAN BY HENRY M. WAITE,~ Dayton, Ohio The city manager form of government can be made successful. The American people are habituated to the idea of change. It is customary when we have elected one party into power to have the other party or parties immediately start a campaign .to show us why that party should be out of power. We are restless for change. It is inbred in the nation. The results accomplished by the new forms of government now coming into use can as yet scarcely be grasped by the very people who have voted these governments into power. Each new improvement offends some one's prejudice or purse. Too many new improvements breed too many centers of discontent. As a people we are fickle; we learn by experience and slowly, and often through waste. These new forms of municipal government have many ups and downs ahead of them. We love to live as we have lived. Changes with which we are not in complete sympathy we are prone to define as whims. Our duty, your duty, is to educate the people to appreciate the possibilities of these new forms of government which we have called into being. There, to my mind, lies the great work. Publicity must be given to the results obtained by the new governments. We must obtain an efficient citizenship. Interest should be maintained through the schools. We need fewer elections, longer terms, and thereby greater efficiency. The commission-manager form of government can be made a success. Its permanency depends upon an intelligent citizenship, and their continued determination to keep partisan politics out of municipal matters. Immediately after the Home Rule amendment was passed in Ohio, the thinking men of Dayton worked out a plan of action. The new charter was the result of their efforts. This charter comprises the basic form of organization used in all large corporations. Mr. Patterson, President of the National Cash Register company, the ruling spirit, used the rule of five which he uses in all of his own organization charts.-Five commissioners elected at large and non-partisan, and five departments. The flood of Dayton aided in bringing the 1Mr. Waite is the first city manager of Dayton; before that he wm the city engineer of Cincinnati under the administration of Mayor Henry T. Hunt. (See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. 111, p. 517). Every citizen is an expert on all municipal questions. 40

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19151 THE COMMISSION MANAGER PLAN 41 people together. Party lines were obliterated. Five sound business men were elected as commissioners. They selected the manager. The manager selected the directors of the five departments. The director of law was on the charter commission as its legal representative. The director of finance was a public accountant. The director of welfare was a minister,-broad and intelligent. In the months of June, July, August, September and October, the death rate of babies of under one year has been reduced 40 per cent over last year. One general, and two tuberculosis clinics have been established. School children have been joined in a civic workers’ league and help to keep the city clean. Prizes have just been awarded to the school districts showing greatest improvement. Children’s and back yard gardens have been awarded prizes. Any family, or neighborhood willing to clean up empty lots, was aided by the city removing the rubbish, and plowing the 1@s. Four hundred lots were cleaned and plowed; four hundred dirty spots were turned into four hundred gardens which furnished vegetables to four hundred families, and gave a new interest to four hundred families. The civic music league has been established; concerts have been given in community centers and choruses organized. A series of six concerts to be given by foremost artists and symphonies, has been arranged for this winter, at a rate of three dollars and a half for the season. Twenty-five hundred seats, which is the capacity of the hall, have been sold. In ten months much has been accomplished, and economically accomplished. The director of service is an engineer trained in municipal work and brought to Dayton for this service. The director of safety has not been appointed; the manager is acting director. All the men selected are trained for the particular functions which they direct. I cannot tell you the political faith of the commissioners, or of the directors. There were no political debts to be paid. Our energies have been expended on progressive and constructive lines. We have not attempted the sensational. Careful, expert investigations have preceded all new plans. Expert engineers have worked out intelligent plans for improvements in the water works, looking well into future requirements. Expert engineers have investigated and made report on the proper distribution of city wastes. Expert engineers are advising us in the plans for the development of a comprehensive sewer system. In a similar way, we have investigated crime and social conditions, police and fire departments, parks and playgrounds, city planning, and grade elimination. They were selected for their ability.

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42 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January In our finance department, our new accounting system is the same as would be found in any large business. Our budget is scientific. Every month the head of each department receives a complete financial statement which shows the original allowance, expenditures and balance in each account. We keep our expenditures inside our allowances. In August, we found that our estimated revenues were too high. With our system of accounting and budget, we were enabled, in two days, to reduce expenditures $45,000 and reorganize all work accordingly. It was customary to issue bonds for current expenses. This practice has been stopped. We inherited a promissory note the first of the year for $125,000 in the safety department, which was paid in February. This will be reduced this year over $25,000. It has not been necessary to borrow any additional money on this note up to this time, and.we will save $5,000 in interest. All current funds in the treasury have been put into one. Our purchasing department will save $20,000 this year. Every department has unit cost systems. Police and fire drills have been enforced. Efficiency is maintained Civil service records show The men are listed on the results of examinations Policewomen are aiding in the handling of women derelicts and The organization is keyed up to preventive methods. The Fire Department is continually making house to house inspecWorkhouse prisoners are used on municipal improvements, parks, A municipal lodging house has been established. The inmates are All philanthropic and city nursing has been combined into the welDistrict surgeons have been appointed: three baby clinics and milk All these are factors in Dayton progress during the past year-a by the deadly parallel. merits and demerits. as well as by daily performances. domestic troubles. tions, reducing fire hazard. cleaning and repairing streets. worked one-half day. fare department, thus saving all duplication of effort. stations have been established. progress that is real, substantial and continually growing. Following the reading of his address Mr. Waite submitted himself to The substance of it a cross-examination which was most illuminating. is reproduced herewith. MR. WAITE: I should like to add that the present plan of government was started before the flood. MR. KIDDER: You have outlined a commission in which each member is an expert. Where does that leave the manager? The idea of the country generally is that where the manager does his best work he is

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19151 THE COMMISSION MANAGER PLAN 43 commanded by a commission made up of ordinary business men without attempting to be experts in their several lines. I don’t see how the manager can have the full responsibility unless he has power all along the line. MR. WAITE: You have confused, I believe, the directors with the commission. The trained men which I have mentioned are the men that are appointed by the manager. The commissioners are five business men. MR. WEIL: In your experience as city manager, would you think it possible in cities which have not your form of government to adopt the modified manager system, by having the council by ordinance select some one as their manager or agent to supervise the departments, even without power, but making his report through the council? Would such a plan be feasible, until something of the commissioner manager plan could be adopted? MR. WAITE: Every step towards centralized authority is beneficial. MR. HART: To what. extent is civil service used? MR. WAITE: All heads of departments are on a classified list. MR. HART: Are promotions made by civil service examinations? MR. WAITE: Yes. MR. SHAW: What was done in the matter of investigating the various departments after the municipal research era in Dayton? MR. WAITE: The municipal research bureau was started in Dayton prior to any work on the new charter. They are still at work, and have been a great help to us. I have taken the trouble on several occasions to go to cities that are contemplating such a change. I advise them against rushing in too rapidly, when they are not properly prepared. Before these changes of government are inaugurated a municipal research bureau investigation or something similar which is impartial, should be made. Having followed such a bureau in two cities, it is to my mind necessary for three very primary reasons: 1st. The bureau can use the information which it gets as a means of instructing the people of that community that a change is necessary; 2d. When the government does come into effect, it is absolutely necessary because you cannot expect support and help from the people who are in office, and your bureau is the only impartial body which has the information; it is of wonderful help in putting the new government into effect; 3d. The information and the statistics which the bureau has compiled are the only means by which comparisons, of the old against the new, can be made. MR. SHAW: You consider it essential? MR. WAITE: MR. CHILDS: The directors are the trained men. Not essential, but very important. In some of the other cities where they have the city manager, particularly the only one I know that is not in this country, at Port Arthur, Ontario, there is a tendency of the elected directors or commissioners to interfere with the manager in petty details. It often happens that the men elected are not themselves good business men, and are interested in matters of detail work, without seeing the broad policies involved, and use their position as members of the commission, to interfere in small details with what normally should be the work of the city manager. Have you any trouble of that kind in Dayton, and if you have, how do you handle it? The comMR. WAITE: We have had absolutely no such trouble.

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44 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January mission and the manager work cheerfully together, like a board of directors and an executive. Of the elective body the manager is really nothing. He is supposed to carry out the directions and the policy of the governing board. I personally may have suggestions to make, or they may have suggestions to make, as they always do. We endeavor to work shoulder to shoulder all the time. We set aside Tuesday morning to go out and look over any important subject, and have an informal meeting one evening of the week. There is going $0 be a very great danger in my mind from the fact that naturally the city manager is the person who is up before the public all the time,-he is the one that the public has got its finger on, and it’s going to be difficult to get, as it should be, the city manager in the background and the commission, the elective body, before the people. I heard you make this same comment before in discussing the plan,-that it’s up to the people after all, and the plan will succeed if the people take an interest and back it up, and work with it and so on. What is the necessity of making that remark as applied to the city manager plan? Is it any truer than in the city manager plan? I suppose it is perfectly natural that I should feel that it is. That is the difficult thing to accomplish in all changes of government and so-called reforms. The electors are awakened and aroused through some particular chain of circumstances or psychological movement. They effect this change of government, and then they usually pass it up. They think, “What a beautiful thing we have done.” They do not stay under and hold it up. It is a difficult thing to keep the citizenship interested in the result which they are obtaining through these changes. You don’t feel that the plan is more likely to fail through lack of interest then? It is more likely to succeed, simply for the reason that it will hold the public attention longer and clearer, because you have that centralized authority to which the public are always looking. Following that same line of thought,-Haverhill, Massachusetts, during the first year of its commission form of government had an excellent body of commissioners. The old government of the city had been unsatisfactory. In the new commission there was only one who was at all associated with the old body. He was a very good man. The first year the results were satisfactory. Deficits of some $70,000 were changed into a surplus of $13,000 by efficiency in the administration. In the second year at the election two members of the old government came in, and subsequently a third member of the old government came in. There are now two members of the new against three of the old. The conditions now are very different from what they were first. What is going to be the effect of such a condition? This is a very grave question. We have the five commissioners which were elected,-the two receiving the lowest number of votes hold office for two years, so a year from this November we have our first election for two commissioners. Of course, we all know that the politicians are simply marking time for that election, and that is why I say we need an intelligent citizenship. If the citizenship at that election is not aroused to what they have been able to receive through this particular form of government, the poliWe always get together. MR. CHILDS: It is true of any plan of government. MR. WAITE: Of course it is not. Then down it comes. MR. CHILDS: MR. WAITE: MR. CHASE : MR. WAITE: If I am the manager, I will get out.

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19151 THE COMMISSION MANAGER PLAN 45 ticians will win. They will have two members on the commission, and then two years further on, we have an election for three commissioners. I would like to ask Mr. Waite what he thinks of the suggestion of ultimately bringing the manager under the civil service? MR. WAITE: I do not think it will ever become practicable. MR. BONAPARTE: Is the manager removable at pleasure by the council, and are the heads of the departments removable at pleasure by the manager, or by the commission? MR. WAITE: The manager is subject to recall by a vote of the people as well as the commission, after six months. If a campaign should be waged in a community having this form of government, is there not a danger that the question may arise as to the retention of the then manager or the election of some one else, and the manager in order to retain his position exercise the power that he has for the purpose of putting into power a commission that will retain him as manager? I presume there might ,be a danger in that respect; but I cannot imagine any quicker way of a manager cutting off his own head. The minute he started to build up a machine around it he certainly would be cut off. You say the saving in the purchasing of goods last year amounted to $20,000. Do you mean to say that was Saved over and above the year before, and if so, what were your expenditures, and by what method could you have saved $20,000 in one year? The purchases made previously in Dayton were made as they are in a great many cities, and in most states. If A, at the head of a department, or B or C wants a dozen pencils, or a lot of stationery, he goes out and buys it. The different letterheads in the various departments represent the artistic development of the head of each department. Coal was purchased by each department. All supplies were purchased in that manner. We have simply issued specifications for various materials. All supplies must be purchased through the purchasing department. Requisitions made must fbst bear the 0. K. of the finance director that the funds are available. Then bids are taken on large quantities of material. We have the bids. We have them opened publicly. Then we commence to do our buying. $20,000 is the dmount of money which we have saved in the purchase of materials. In regard to the enemies which come as a result of improvements,-if you have a sufficient number of improvements, you will have a corresponding number of enemies. What do you think of the danger of the city manager becoming an issue in the city election? I imagine that is the reason that they put the recall in for the manager. It would be unfortunate if the manager should become the issde, and for that reason the commission must be kept before the public as the responsible body. If we can carry the government through far enbugh to let the people as a whole see the big things that they are getting, then these small centres of discontent will gradually wear away,-we will use them more as an argument in favor of a constructive publicity,-to let the people as a whole appreciate what they do get by this form of government. MR. HATTON: How would you get publicity? MR. DANIELS: Yes, they are in our charter. MR. WEIL: What is the danger in that respect? MR. WAITE: QUERY: MR. WAITE: MR. JONES: MR. WAITE: There is that possibility of his becoming an issue.

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46 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January MR. WAITE: We are working on that now, and it has got to be very carefully handled. We have our constructive publicity travel along on practical lines. We publish statements, financial statements of things which we are accomplishing, of new efforts, but they simply go in one ear and out the other ear of the public, and a great many of them they do not read at all. You know it is a peculiar fact that if a man has had a hole in the pavement in front of his house for six months, that is the only bad feature of the government, and when you repair that hole he absolutely forgets it was there before. That is municipal psychology. MR. JONES: As I understood you a while ago you do not believe the city manager should be subject to recall? MR. WAITE: Yes. MR. JONES: You think the burdeashould be on the commission? You are apt to make an issue of the manager, the very thing that you should avoid. There is, I understand, a minority in Dayton, which is more or less active in opposition to the whole plan and the present rCgime. I know that there was a public meeting held there which opposed the commission plan and the way it was working, and that had a powerful influence on another city in Ohio which was considering the adoption of the plan. I would like to learn a little bit about the operations of that minority, the arguments that they bring up against the plan,-that is, of course, if it won’t get you into trouble. I don’t think that any form of government is a success, can ever be a success, unless it has some opposition. Opposition which we have at the present is socialistic more than anything else. It has been active and above-board ever since we started. They are against everything. There is no satisfying them. They have no particular complaint against anything that we do, except that we do not immediately buy all the surface lines, electric lines and plants, and gm companies. I don’t consider them seriously. It has not grown. It is just about the same as it was when it started. I do not mean that municipal objection is confined entirely to the socialists, but that opposition is a healthy one. It is a good, sound lot of fellows. They are working hard. We are pretty good friends on the outside, but they dig me in the ribs every chance they get. They say “I can’t understand why you are not in favor of municipal ownership. Your present form of government is an ideal time to take over all these activities. ” In order to get men of the requisite calibre, is the honor appeal, the usefulness appeal sufficient, or do you think the salaries should be larger? MR. WAITE: Considering our own commissioners, the salary was not any appeal. The salary does not make up for their loss of time from their own businesses. At the same time I feel there should be some salary. The amoudt of that salary would vary in various communities. It is a peculiar fact that the American business men, although they might be willing to give up their time without any compensation, at the same time feel that if they are getting a little salary they can afford to give up some of their time better. That is perfectly natural. One of our commissioners is a type setter. That man could not afford to give up the time which he gives to the commission unless as he gets something in return. MR. WAITE: Absolutely. MR. CHILDS: MR. WAITE: It already has. I go before them and talk to them. Their arguments are rather embarrassing to me. MR. DANIELS: What is your opinion as to the size of the salaries?

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19151 THE COMMISSION MANAGER PLAN 47 He has to hire some one to take his place when he is called away from his work. MR. HATTON: To what extent does the plan really demonstrate the right of the majority of the people to get what they want? MR. WAITE: I feel absolutely that the people as a whole get much more, because they can very easily get in touch with the government and make their demands and feelings felt. You take, for instance, some of the federal charters, I was quite surprised to see some in Massachusetts made in 1852. They have two chambers and innumerable committees outside of the various chambers. Nobody wanted to report on it, and they chased it around through these various committees, and finally it was lost sight of. Nobody knows where it is to-day. It is lost. They followed it through twelve various committees. In the city manager plan that sort of thing is absolutely impossible. MR. HATTON: Does the public take an intelligent interest in the meetings of the commission? Only fairly so, I am sorry to say. MR. HATTON: You. have people coming to your meetings? MR. WAITE: Not generally, unless there is something coming up of importance. MR. WEIL: What is your opinion as to whether or not in a bossridden community, where politics is in control, the people have a greater opportunity or less in the city under this plan, or any of the other forms now in vogue? MR. WAITE: If a political boss got hold of a commission manager form of government, he could have a beautiful time, but he would not last long. He could not last long, because there is no place to shift the responsibility, which is the old game. If he acted as the manager, the people would demand that that manager get out. They say that the city manager is a boss. He is in a way, of course, but he is a boss that is paid. He is before the public, not behind it. He is always before the public. MR. WEIL: If I understand you correctly, this form of government in a community in which the boss was in control could not last? MR. WAITE: I don’t think so. MR. JONES: I understand that one of the duties of the city manager is the regulation of the social evil. That suggests two questions,whether you consider that the duty of a city manager, and second, in the case of Dayton, is he determining that policy himself, or is he under the direction of the commission? The manager is under the direction of the commission in everything. MR. WAITE: If the city manager is going to be anything he has got absolutely to carry out all of the laws of the city. He has got to do it. MR. KURTZ: In your plan, you have reduced your heads of departments to the minimum. Are they not getting the best results of government, certainly in the German cities, from a division of interest, with a centralized power? We would like to save the expert knowledge, plus the theoretical impulse, which is embraced in the membership of some of our commissions. One of your vice-presidents, Mr. Bancroft, is the leading spirit of our park system. He represents the whole progress in that line. MR. WAITE: We are doing that. Our charter allows the appointment of various advisory committees, simply as advisory boards. They have no actual authority, We have such a board on our city planning, and we It is only fair and just. There is to-day one in Springfield, Massachusetts. Some question was taken up there a short time ago. MR. WAITE : MR. WAITE:

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48 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January have three or four of them, on building, and naming and re-numbering of streets. Would such a committee be more successful in handling the vicc question? MR. WAITE: I think the less number of people that handle the vice question the better you are off. What is your feeling towards the surface railway control in Dayton? MR. WAITE: I think I have got troubles enough now. There is no question but that ultimately the municipal ownership will come. It ought to come gradually. We have got to face it. It should never come until we have developed some municipal government that can govern efficiently and properly the utilities which they are now operating. MR. MCCLINTOCK: As I understand it, you’ have supreme control over the heads of departments. In case the heads of departments should unite in subordination, refuse to recognize your authority, and you should appeal to the commission, and they should refuse to support you, what would you do? MR. WAITE: I would fire every one of them. I would not appeal to the commission. MR. MCCLINTOCK: The reason I asked that question was because yesterday I came across a gentleman who was recently the manager of the city of Frostburg, Maryland, and who had just such an experience, and I would like to call upon him to state that experience. MR. STERN: I found after I had become mayor at Frostburg that I really was not mayor. I was simply a member of the council, and the only authority that I had was as presiding officer of the council. Before that I was an ordinary business man, and had taken no particular interest in public matters, so when I came to study out the matter, and found that I wanted to run the things in the way an executive would run a business, I found no machinery to run it with. I found that the people, on the other hand, look upon the mayor as the responsible one. They look to him to correct any trouble. The organization of the council was opposed to me. We had some friction on that account, but they were fairly decent men, fairly good men, and really in a way wanted to do the right thing. There is very little salary connected with the office of the council, and in a small community such as that of 8,000 or 9,000 people, the men really wanted to do what was right as far as they could. I suggested to them that it was impossible under the conditions to do anything in the town. If you did, it cost twice as much as it ought to cost. I suggested to them that if we could adopt the working principle of the city manager plan, we could accomplish something,-take up all these various loose ends and centralize things. They agreed with me, with the proviso that I would accept the city managership. I did not have a great deal to do at that time, so I thought “All right.” So they made me a city manager under a resolution of council. But their proviso was that I should take the men that they had already named for the various offices. Of course, I recognized as anyone who has had experience as an executive would recognize that that was going to hamper me, and I could do very little under such conditions. At the same time I felt that the city manager plan from the point of view of a business man, -1 did not know about the point of view of a. government expert,-that that was an ideal system of government. I found that I would have to be asked to be relieved of the powers of authority, and the powers of the MR. KURTZ: . QUERY:

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19151 THE COMMISSION MANAGER PLAN 49 city manager, and I was relieved. I should like to ask from the point of view of a business man,-in the charter of Dayton I see that it is specified that you shall have five directors. Under the charter of Dayton, I see also you are limited with respect to the civil service commission. From the point of view of the expert executive, don’t you think that is somewhat inconsistent with the theory of a city manager? Why should a city manager be hampered with these details? Don’t you think that is inconsistent? MR. WAITE: No, I think not. I think it is perfectly proper.

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SHORT ARTICLES MUNICIPAL BUSINESS MANAGER BY JOHN 8. PATTON Charlottesville, Virginia HARLOTTESVILLE in Virginia is well on the way to 200 years In form its governC ment has not got beyond the discredited mayor and council period, although in fact it has had one year of experience of a more efficient organization. We still have a mayor and council because our constitution requires them, and the council is constituted of 12 members because the city’s charter requires 12. An attempt to reduce the number by legislative action was defeated first by the council’s opposition; the attempt was repeated with the council’s approval, but the executive committee of the chamber of commerce unanimously petitioned the legislature not to pass the act, and the chamber unanimously ratified the action of its committee! The plan was voted too drastic, although the legislature was asked only to authorize a change of the government from a council of 12 members to one not exceeding five, and this was to become effective only in case the council of 12 was unanimously in favor of the measure and willing to resign in a body to make way for the proposed reform. Mayor and councilmen all have been honest and eager to serve the community in a finely unselfish way. There has never been any graft, and no hint of it. Failure there has been, not as a climax, but from beginning to end, for good and sufficient reasons, which are now visible to the weakest perception. A minority of the council pointed out the reasons for failure year after year: it was the unintended, unpremeditated tyranny of council committees. Sixty-five per cent of all the revenue went to salaries, interest, sinking fund, schools, court expenses, street lighting contracts, etc. The remaining 35 per cent was annually assigned for use and disbursement by six committees-the committees on streets, water and sewers, gas and light, health, poor, and cemeteries. It was almost literally true that the sum turned over to each committee was disbursed by the chairman. How did the committees acquit themselves? I repeat what I said to the League of Virginia Municipalities: I can tell you what one of them did last year-which will not be the whole story, by any means. One of its members says it never convened. Its expenditures exceeded a thousand dollars a month, and there is not 1 Former mayor and present chairman of the fiiance committee of Charlotteaville, Va. old, and has a population of about 10,000, 50

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19151 MUNICIPAL BUSINESS MANAGER 51 one report on file to show where the money went. The chairman of that committee is honest and clean; he has had long years of experience in the council, and is second to no one in that body for fitness for the chairmanship he held. But he had no time for writing reports, and none for trying to have meetings of a committee he believed would not meet. So far as the expenditure of $12,000 was concerned, I, who sat in that council, had virtually no vote and my constituents no voice. There is a new chairman of this committee, and he has said there will be reports, but he has also said that the reports will be made after, not before the expenditures. I protested on the floor of the council-as did others-against this policy, and was told by three chairmen that they “couldn’t do business” if they were required to say before the money was spent where they were going to spend it; and the president of the council ruled, on a motion of mine, that all the revenues must be appropriated without reserve at the beginning of the fiscal year. Where is the mayor? you may ask. Has he no lance nor shield? He can write messages; these are his lances. He has the veto-his shield. The lance and shield are worthless, for as soon as the fiscal year begins all available revenue is in the hands of the six committees. It is sent to these committees by an appropriation bill, no section of which has ever been vetoed. Once in the hands of the committees it is in effect beyond the reach of the council and beyond any official power or authority of the mayor, and the acts of the committees are similarly beyond anybody’s authority. Under this system a considerable floating debt was created, and at the beginning of the fiscal year 1912-13, holding that it “had no right to sanction any expenditure except of money in hand and collectible during the fiscal year,” the finance committee recommended that the council make appropriations monthly in advance upon estimates made by the six committees of the sums needed to conduct the operations under their supervision and that the committees should at the same time report to what use the money was to be devoted. “The reason for monthly appropriations,” said the committee; “is that in no other way can the expenditure of money be fairly subjected to the mayor’s veto. Appropriating the whole income of the city at the beginning of the fiscal year is largely a performance in the dark, while monthly appropriation in advance, made upon requisition from the committees, will enable the council to profit by the knowledge of the committees and to relate the expenditures of public revenue to the object and purpose of the expenditures at a time very near to that of the disbursement.’’ This proposition was rejected, as was the later one that appropriations be made quarterly, because, as was said on the floor of the council, those opposed to it saw in it a scheme by which the finance committee (composed of three members) intended to establish “a censorship” over the council (composed of 12 members!). This was the modus operandi of committee government in Charlottesville. A glance at the appropriations and expenditures of the fiscal year 1912-13 will show the results: The committee on streets exceeded its

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52 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January appropriation by more that 45 per cent, the committee on gas and light by nearly 50 per cent, the committee on fire equipment by 10 per cent, the committee on cemeteries by more than 50 per cent, and the committee on health by more than 10 per cent. By the end of the fiscal year 1912-13 a floating debt equal to a fifth of the annual income of the city had accumulated. It was so plainly the penalty of city government by unpaid committees that councilmen who had feared “a ,censorship” and hesitated to take what they regarded as radical measures united with the finance committee and in the summer of 1913 passed an ordinance effective one year, and in the summer of 1914 amended and re-enacted it to read as follows: Be it ordained, by the council of Charlottesville, That a municipal business manager be elected at the meeting of this council, regular, adjourned or called, next after the passage of this ordinance, for a term of two years beginning September 1, 1914, and biennially in August thereafter, at a salary of $a month, and under a bond of such amount as the finance committee may designate. That all the duties of an executive or administrative character performed by any of the several committees of the council of said city, under any ordinance now in force, be conferred upon and required to be exclusively discharged by the said municipal business manager, the said committees to act in an advisory capacity; and that in caae a committee representing a department shall, by a vote of all its members at a meeting called with notice to the said municipal business manager, disapprove of any proposed act in that department the matter tt issue shall be referred to the council for its action. That the said municipal business manager shall, as near as possible to September 1, 1914, and quarterly thereafter, make up and present to the council an estimate of all sums of money necessary to carry on the operations of the city in the various departments for the ensGg quarter. That the said municipal business manager shall, at the end of each quarter, make a written report to the council of all transactions and operations during the said quarter, including a detailed statement of all bills approved by him showing how and where the various sums were expended during said quarter in order that all disbursements may be related to their objects in the several departments. These are few and simple words, but they put an end to committee rule. When they became law the council became a legislative body; administration an executive fact. The plan calls for a good man in the office of municipal business manager-a requirement of all improved methods of city government. A. V. Conway entered the office of mayor September 1, 1922. Less than a year of service proved his mettle to be of the best, and he was elected municipal business manager for the experimental year beginning September 1, 1913. In July, 1914, when the ordinance was re-enacted, he was chosen for a term of two years. He is a man of means, and accepted the office of mayor and that of municipal business manager to render a public service and not for emolument or political advancement. He has applied efficient methods to municipal management with energy and fine judgment. His first year in the office of manager began with the fiscal year, 1913

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MUNICIPAL BUSINESS MANAGER 14 . At the beginning of that year an estimate was made of the cost of the operating of every department of the government for the 12 months . One fourth of this estimate in each case was then appropriated for the first quarter . At the beginning of each subsequent quarter the manager presented his estimate. always keeping his requests within the limit of one fourth of the estimate for the year in each department . At the end of the first quarter he returned to the treasury the baIances to the credit of each department . The net aggregate of these for the first quarter was about three thousand dollars. and each of the four quarters of the year showed an unexpended balance . These balances were covered back into the treasury for reappropriation . I reproduce an interesting page from the business manager's first annual report: RECAPITULATION OF APPROPRIATIONS AND EXPENDITURES DURING FISCAL YEAR 1913-14 Sewers ...................... Water ....................... Gas ......................... Poor ........................ Fire ......................... Cemeteries ................... Streets ...................... Health ...................... Incidentals ................... Salaries ...................... Police ....................... Int . on bonds ................ Sinking fund ................. Int . and discount ............. Lights ....................... Public schools ................ Summer school ............... Aux . water bonds ............. Maturing gas bonds ........... Oil for streets ................ Street flusher ................ Sidewalks .................... Police uniforms ............... N . I,. Levy property .......... Refunded fines ............... Refunded licenses ............. Refunded taxes ... ........... Old veterans ................. Release of stable contract ...... Am'! $3,475.37 7,928.00 24,764.00 2,360.00 4. 650 . 00 2. 000 . 00 14,027.20 2. 030 . 00 4,100.00 7. 990 . 00 8,158.00 25. 920 . 00 13. 000 . 00 1. 200 . 00 6. 500 . 00 10,000.00 500.00 5,000.00 2,000.00 1. 500 . 00 2,000.00 2. 125 . 00 225.00 7,000.00 59.50 25.00 66.06 200.00 160.00 Approprlated Am't Spent $3,185.28 7,630.82 24,898.23 1,948.26 4,614.39 1,908.71 12,694.74 2,039.91 4,188.50 8,147.08 8,112.92 25,835.00 83. 000 . 00 865.50 6,811.74 10,000.00 500.00 5,000.00 2,000.00 1,350.72 575.00 1,959.56 228.14 7,000.00 59.50 25.00 66.06 200 100 160.00 To Credit of Spent ,over Appropriation Appropriation $290.09 297.18 411.74 35.61 91.29 1,332.46 45.08 85.00 334.50 149.28 1, 425 . 00 165.44 $158,963.13 $155,005.06 Net amount to credit of appropriation. $3,958.07 $134.23 9.91 88.50 157.08 311.74 3.14

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54 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January Along with this report should go the statement that out of these appropriations sufficient was saved to add $6,465 to the city’s fixed capital and enough of the revenue was saved to add by special appropriations $9,872.49. All this has come to pass through a concentration of power and responsibility accomplished by the ordinance creating the ofice of municipal business manager. This officer’s power is complete until a departmental committee unanimously appeals from him and the council sustains its appeal. No action of the kind has ever been taken or suggested. CHECKS ON CONCENTRATION IN MODERN CHARTERS BY DR. CHARLES FREMONT TAYLOR‘ Philadelphia NE of the most important of the numerous worthy and useful accomplishments of the National Municipal League has been its 0 influence on and helpfulness in city charter making in this country. At its recent annual meeting in Baltimore, this was one of the most important topics discussed; and it is a proof of the progressiveness of the league that after thorough discussion, the dominant opinion of the experts there assembled was that the “commission manager” plan of charter is the best in sight at the present time. However, the time limit for discussion expired just as the subject of checks was reached; and the present writer has been asked to take up this part of the subject, and also to give his views on two notable books that have recently appeared on charters and city government. As the chief and most effective checks on the city manager plan of city government, as well as upon all other plans of either city or state government, are the initiative, referendum and recall, these will be given prominence in this presentation. One of the most helpful books to charter committees that the writer has seen is “Applied City Government, by Herman G. James, J.D., Ph.D., associate professor of government and director of the bureau of municipal research and reference at the University of Texas, There is not a superfluous word in this book. It is a marvel of clear analysis and terse expression. The formation of a charter is taken up step by step, and after each section of the proposed model charter is explained, it is put into terse and simple words and is printed in italic letters. Thus a model charter is 1 Editor of Equity and Medical World. SPubIished by Harper & Brothers, New York, 1914. Price 75 cents.

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19151 CHECKS ON CONCENTRATION IN CHARTERS 55 built up, article by article, so that, when a committee has finished the book, the italic portions of the book can be merely put together, and a mode1 charter wilI be had. The writer knows of no other book on this subject on so simple and practical a plan. The powers (article I) are expressed in these simple but comprehensive words: ‘(and shall possess all powers consistent with the laws and constitution of the state of . . . ” Thus in this simple manner, every question as to powers is at once limited onIy by the state laws and constitution. In the explanatory matter preceding he says that “an enumeration of powers will be construed to exclude powers not enumerated.” The above brief statement, in italics, embraces all of home rule that any city in a given state can possess. The model charter thus built up is short, consisting of only seven articles, and the articles as a rule are short and very exact in their expression. The author advocates the preferential ballot (Grand Junction plan), which he explains and illustrates clearly and includes in his model charter. He also explains proportional representation, but does not include it in the charter. As to the form of government, he boldly adopts the commission form as modified by the city manager plan, though he seems to prefer the term mayor to city manager as applying to the chief administrative oEcer of the city. The commissioners shall serve without pay. The mayor (or city manager) shaIl be chosen by the commission without limit as to previous residence; this officer to be selected for his administrative qualifications for an indefinite term. He “shall be responsible to the governing body of the city for the proper administrat,ion of all the affairs of the city .” Sufficient has been said to indicate that this book presents the best and latest opinions concerning city charters, with (regretfully) an important exception which we will take up later under the head of checks. Now let us take a peep into the other book: “Municipal Charters,”s by Nathan Matthews, LL.D., .mayor of Boston 1891-95, chairman of Boston finance commission 1907-09, lecturer on municipal government in Harvard University. These two books show vividly the difference in their point of view between Boston and Texas. The first part of the book (93 pages) deals with “essentials of an American city charter.” The first one, along the lines of the old ideas, consists of 63 very full pages. Charter B, the commission type, would modify the first charter according to 10 pages of omissions, substitutions, etc. Part I11 of the book consists of 26 pages of notes to the charter drafts. The author’s conservatism is marked, in comparison with our Texas Published by Harvard University Press, 1914. This is a scholarly book of the old school. Then follow charter drafts. Price $2.00 net.

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56 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January author. He strongly favors the “responsible executive type” (page 14) of city government. The following sentence, quoted from page 15, sums up his ideal of city government: “The type of charter best adapted to the case would therefore seem to be the responsible executive type with a single small legislative board or council, with such checks and balances as will prevent the grosser forms of extravagences and corruption, and with such a concentration of the several powers of the city government that at each succeeding election the voters may have no difficulty in determining who is and who is not responsible for what has been done or left undone.” It is surprising to the up-to-date student that the author would admit no possibility of recall, but “at each succeeding election” the voters may determine “who is and who is not responsible for what may have been done or left undone”! No check upon officers except the regular elections, and as we shall see later, no check upon what the officers may do! This is the plan that has always pleased the “predatory interests” and their creatures, the politicians. Publicity has long been advocated and depended upon as a check to misgovernment and corruption in city government. No “cure” has so many failures to its credit. This remedy should be continued, of course. We should not give up anything in which there is any good at all; but we should recognize its weakness, and add checks that really do check. Ex-mayor Matthews, as representing the conservative type of thought, favors a unicameral legislative body of small numbers. Thus we see that even the conservatives are now demanding the concentration of power in few hands. AIong with this must go the possibilitg of checks on such concentrated power, to be used only in case of need. This principle is so reasonable and necessary that very few oppose it. The check universally held by private employers upon their employees is the possibility of discharge. The public should have the same power of control of the public’s employees. This is the recall. As we shall see later, this power is extensively held by cities and even by states, and it has not been abused, It has been used to excellent purpose, even the mere existence of this power exercising a salutary influence upon public officers. .A public officer, however, may do much harm before he could possibly be recd!ed; and he may be negatively good, but leave many important things undone. By the referendum it is possible for the voters to effectively check any undesirable ordinance; and by the initiative it is possible for the voters propose and enact ordinances desired by them but neglected or opposed by their official (supposed) representatives. Thus faulty representation is remedied. And that is the only purpose of the initiative and referendum. They are not presented as a substitute for representative government, but only as a corrective of false representation..

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19151 CHECKS ON CONCENTRATION IN CHARTERS 57 Now to take up Professor James’ book again: Among its many excellenConcerning the initiative and Here is section I of article cies we regret to find a reactionary note. referendum let us say the good things first. VII (pages 92 and 93): Every issue of bonds authorized by the governing body of the city, under the limitations herein prescribed, and every grunt of a franchise for the operation of a public utility, under the following limitations, shall, before becoming efective, be submitted to a vote of the people for ratification. Such ratijcation shall occur at a special election held for that purpose unless a regular election occurs within ninety days of the date of passing the resolution authorizing the bond issue or the granting of the franchise, in which case the question shall be submitted at such election. In either case a majority of the votes cast on the question shall be necessary and suficient to makethe proposed measure effective. Beyond this, which, however, is a very important exception, Professor James is hopelessly conservative concerning these important checks on concentrated government. For either the initiative or referendum he would make the astonishing requirement of 35 per cent, not of the votes cast at the previous election, but of the qualified voters (that is, whether they voted at the preceding election or not). And for the recalI he would make the same extreme requirement. Turning again to Ex-mayor Matthews’ book: He would tolerate the referendum on licenses for the sale of intoxicating liquors, the issue of loans for particular purposes, the establishing of public gas, water, electric lighting and similar undertakings, etc., and it is to be invoked presumably by the council, as he distinctly and emphatically opposes the initiative, referendum or recall on petition by the voters. Thus this book, though new, takes a place among the antiquated works on municipai government . Considering Ex-mayor Matthews as hopeless, and assuming that the readers of this progressive magazine recognize the fact that concentrated power may become dangerous unless it is possible to use checks when occasion may arise, and as it is very probable that the readers of this magazine and many charter committees will be attracted to Professor James’ book, let us address ourselves to the extreme and unreasonable percentages he would require for invoking the initiative, referendum and recall. The writer has now before him the charters of 37 initiative, referendum and recall cities, and 27 general state laws concerning the use of the initiative, referendum and recall in cities. Not one makes the extreme requirements advocated by Professor James. Wilmington, North Carolina, comes the nearest, requiring 35 per cent, not of the registered voters, but of the vote cast at the last preceding general election. And while it would require 35 per cent for the initiative special election, yet it would allow an initiative on 10 per cent, to be voted on at the next general elec

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38 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January tion. This is the closest we can come to Professor James’ figures in actual practice, and it stands alone, though its requirements are much easier than those of Professor James. In practice, the recall percentages are the highest, ranging from 15 per cent (Sacramento, California, only 10 per cent-and no harm done) to 35 per cent. Many are 15 per cent, many 20 per cent and many 25 per cent-very few higher. The initiative and referendum percentages run distinctly lower. There are many 5 per cent, and many 10 per cent. Some run higher. The higher percentages are usually for special elections. Now how have these worked in practice? Details may be seen in ‘I Municipal Initiative, Referendum and Recall in Practice,’’ by the present writer in October, 1914, issue of this rnaga~ine.~ But the following brief statement may be made here: In this country there are nearly 400 municipalities that have the commission form of government; and nearly all of them have the initiative, referendum or recall, and some municipalities not under the commission form of government have these powers. A majority (at least 200) have all three of these powers, while some have the initiative and referendum without the recall, etc. Of all these municipalities, and for all the time thej have possessed these powers, a nation-wide investigation discovered that only 31 had used the initiative, 26 the referendum and 33 the recall. Further, 35 attempts to invoke the recall have been made, but failed on account of the promoters not being able to get a sufficient number of signatures. This indicates that the securing of recall signatures is not as easy as some theorists seem to believe. Of the 33 recall elections actually held, 20 resulted in recall and 13 resulted in re-election of the official sought to be recalled. In examining the uses of the initiative, referendum and recall in the various cities of the country, we do not find any indication of the fact that those cities which have the lowest percentages have used these powers the most frequently. In fact, many whose requirements are the lowest have not used these powers at all. Among those which have used these powers the most frequently can be found those which require the highest percentages. For example, Dallas, Texas, has made the most frequent and the Irost successful use of the recall among all the cities that have the recall, yet its recall requirement is 35 per cent, the highest percentage given, yet not quite as high as that recommended by Professor James, as he recommends 35 per cent of the entire electorate, whereas Dallas, Texas, requires per cent of the entire vote cast for candidates for the office of mayor on the final ballot at the last precedinggeneral municipal election.” Hence it seems that when there is occasion to invoke these powers, they will be invoked even though the conditions are difficult; and easy condi4 Vol. iii, p. 693.

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19151 CHECKS ON CONCENTRATION IN CHARTERS 59 tions do not cause the undue use of these powers. Here we have facts and experience favoring low percentages. Facts and experience prove that low percentages do not lead to abuse of these powers. The above results show a striking conservatism on the part of the voters. They do not abuse these enlarged powers, but they use them to good purpose when there is occasion. The corruption that a few years ago made municipal government in America notorious the world over would have been impossible if the voters of all municipalities had possessed the initiative, referendum and recall. The old-fashioned “checks and balances” consisting chiefly of distribution of powers and division of responsibilities did not check, .and the “balances” were seen chiefly in the bank accounts of “boodlers” who were permitted to use the powers of city government for their own selfish aggrandizement. Publicity was later added as a check, and we wish to preserve and extend it, but it has not been an effective check. The old-fashioned ‘(checks and balances,” the division of powers and distribution of responsibilities, do not check. They permit the intrusion of selfish interests in the government and prevent the adequate protection of the public interests. We see the need of discontinuing the “balances,” and of concentrating the powers and responsibilities. This is the only way to increase efficiency. But concentrated powers are dangerous without the possibility of control outside the few hands into which great power has been concentrated. Where is the most rational place in which to lodge this possible control? There can be but one answer: the electorate. And the initiative, referendum and recall are the best methods yet devised in which to exercise this control. These, then, are the checks par excellence. They do not obtrude except when needed. They do not interfere with efficiency, yet they insure faithfulness and honesty. They are admirable in theory, and they have proven to be safe and effective in practice. There is one thing more that may possibly be construed as a check. It is proportional representation. It can be construed as a check on the theory that a representative body chosen by a method that will place in that body representatives of every considerable class or group in the electorate, approximately according to the numbers of each, will be more likely to represent the electorate truly and satisfactorily than a body not so made up. The theory is good, and the practice will doubtless prove the theory.

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60 . NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January TANGIER : AN INTERNATIONAL CITY BY DENYS P. MYERS~ Cambridge, Massachusetts T FALLS to Tangier, Morocco, once a fertile center for near-war news that made head lines to become the first really international city,of the world. In a few months the new regime will be in control and the quaint hodge-podge of modern business and Moorish aristocracy and poverty that is called Tangier will be ruled by the Moors themselves and the French, Spanish, English and German2 residents of the place. In 1912 France acquired Morocco as a protectorate, and Spain secured control of the slice along the coast, except Tangier. So the international city is in a Spanish preserve, which’ is in the territory of Morocco, which is in charge of France. The Moors, of course, constitute the largest element of Tangier’s population, also the least important. The Spaniards outnumber the French, but France holds the strings of government down at Fez, where the sultan reigns but governs only by consent of France. Yet Tangier is an international city set at the center of all this maze, and those who know it best believe it will succeed. The scheme was worked out at Madrid, the scene of the negotiations in 1880 that first brought Morocco on to the world stage as an international question, and the scene of the diplomatic settlement that divided the country between France and Spain after Germany was eliminated subsequent to the Agadir incident of 1911. Immediately after France and Spain settled their accounts the question of Tangier came up and the plans for the international government were not completed until July, 1913, while the new regime will not be in full operation for some time. The negotiations at Madrid progressed in secret and were unique. Really four primary interests were represented in them, though the negotiators were but three in number. France represented both herself as the suzerain and Morocco as her protectorate, which, however, can have but an attenuated control over the vicinity of Tangier and over Tangier itself; Spain represented herself as the European country most interested from the point of view of her citizens and from her control over the immediate vicinity of the city; and, lastly, Great Britain represented Europe, including her own vital interest in protecting the Strait of Gibraltar, and ‘Of the World’s Peace Foundation, Boston. 2As a result of the declaration of war between France and Germany of August 3, 1914, German residents in the French protectorate of Morocco have been expelled. There is, however, no reason not to suppose that the arrangements explained in the article will be th; permanent basis. I But that does not end the story.

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19151 TANGIER : AN INTERNATIONAL CITY 61 as the friend and adviser of France and Spain who had participated in all the negotiations relating to Morocco. German interests were constantly consulted. Considering the present division of the rest of Morocco between France and Spain and the intention to make Tangier really an international city, the negotiations were unique from the diplomatic point of view. Even more broadly, they are more so from a legal point of view. Heretofore, the system of capitulations has governed foreigners in the so-called backward nations. The foreign communities at Peking and Constantinople, for instance, have well-defined extraterritorial rights; in Egypt the international court is too familiar to warrant description. Tangier, however, is to differ from these: its foreign and native populations are not to have generic rights and privileges to any greater extent than can be avoided. The Madrid negotiations, therefore, were designed to put forward an experiment in international law which will be watched with interest and may form a basis for governing analogous communities in other parts of the world. From the very novelty of the problems encountered, not’to speak of the difficulty of compromising the national interests affected, the Madrid negotiations were destined to be lengthy. The considerations above set forth are, of course, immediately understandable, but their working out into the definite articles of a municipal constitution offered the tedious problem. Fortunately the problem was not essentially a political one, its primary basis being to set up a municipal government that, while doing no violence to the Makhzen’s control of the state, French control of the Makhzen and Spanish authority in the northern zone, should give essential justice to foreigner and Moor alike in the affairs of the city. Nor did the problem arise solely from the Agadir incident that resulted in Morocco dropping out of the list of sovereign nations. Early in 1911, before Mulai Hafid’s beleaguerment in, and the French relief of, Fez, the Makhzen, or Moorish government, worked out a project of municipal regulations for Tangier which became the basis of the Madrid negotiations, which encountered a problem different in character from the Makhzen’s task only as subsequent events added new considerations. The fundamental idea of an internationalized city was then uppermost in the minds of the sherifian authorities and the diplomatic corps, who together were in control of the city. Tangier is for practical purposes a neutral city, and steps will doubtless be taken by the European governments for its formal recognition as such. To begin with, the municipality, established by sherifian decree, includes the territory subject to the urban tax as levied under the Algeciras act, subject to extension;and this renders its domain the creation of the powers. This municipal domain is defined as public and private, the terms distinguishing character of use rather than ownership. The public munici

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62 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January pal domain includes the public streets and places and the boundary walls of the city, with the exception of the fortresses and batteries which continue to belong to the Makhzen. Jn case Tangier is formally neutralized these will be dismantled. The Makhzen will continue to own its real property and buildings devoted to state services distinct from the municipality. The Tangier public domain is inalienable except that the municipal council may change its classification with the approval of the property acquired or given and accepted by the municipality under specified conditions, and of such property of the public domain as shall be declassified. In the original scheme the officials were to consist of a president, an administrative commission and a municipal council. A president of the municipality and an assembly are now sufficient as a result of political rivalry among the interests of the powers dying with the passing of the Agadir incident into history. In 1911 it was contemplated that the president of the municipality would be named and revoked by the Makhzen, but cposen from the Moorish members of the municipal council. Such Moorish control would now defeat the international idea of the government and the president is to be elected by the assembly and preside at its sessions. His duties in general are those of a municipal executive and among many other tasks he is to present the annual budget to the assembly and issue highway and police regulations. The assembly is the popular elective body, composed of 24 Moroccan members and 11 foreigners, representatives of the powers. The amin El Mustafad and the Mothasseb, Moorish territorial officers, are ezoficio members. The other Moorish members, one of whom may be a Jew, must not enjoy foreign protection. In the earlier scheme they had to fulfill the conditions necessary for a foreigner to be enfranchised, though they were to be appointed by the Makhzen. The foreign assemblymen are to be elected by enfranchised foreigners voting irrespective of nationality. The foreign assemblymen must be qualified as voters and not more than four of the same nationality can be elected. The assembly is renewable every three years. One vacancy, either among the Moors or foreigners, must remain unfilled, but when two vacancies have occurred, a complementary election may be held, if the plan of 1911 has been followed in the last form of Tangier’s charter, the full text of which is not yet to hand. The assembly is the legislative body of the international city, with the usual powers of such a body. Originally it was planned to have a much more complicated arrangement and to have an administrative commission above the assembly. It was to consist of the president and three vice-presidents nominated by the Makhzen from the members of the assembly, one of whom was to be a Moor and one a foreigner; the Mothasseb, the amin El Mustafad, a technical delegate from the sherifian

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19151 TANGIER : AN INTERNATIONAL CITY 63 department of public works and a medical man designated by the assembly. The commission was to be constituted within 15 days from the time of the first sitting of a new assembly, meet fortnightly in secret, and its chief duty was to name all heads of municipal services. No municipal employee may be dismissed without its decision. It was to draw up the police, hygiene and sanitary regulations which the president should promulgate as executive; decide on highway and other public service changes or extensions, which decisions were executory within two months unless countermanded by the financial authorities within that time. Necessary temporary measures could be taken. All of these attributes now fall to the assembly, which is much freer from Makhzen control than the old commission, but which yet must observe many considerations due to the complicated French, Spanish and strictly international elements which must be satisfied. France being pararrount in Morocco and Spain being the territorial neighbor of the Tangier internationalized zone, it is natural that police control should be divided. Under the Algeciras act the police control at Tangier was mixed, French oEcers being in charge of the urban police and the Spanish organizing and directing the force in the vicinity of the city. No distinction between urban and extraurban police longer exists. The distinction now is between military police, which are headed by ;t Spaniard, and the civil police, who are under the control of a Frenchman. France as representing the sultan naturally has a great interest in the administration of the city, which being Moslem is based in its native aspects upon Koranic laws. But Spain has the bulk of the foreign population, and Great Britain is greatly interested in Tangier’s commerce. Moreover, Britain acts in a way as a mandatory of the other powers. So provision has been made for distributing administrative officers so that France shall have 33 per cent of the appointments, Spain 29 per cent and Great Britain 18 per cent, the discretion of the president and assembly being trusted with the other 20 per cent. All Moslems, of course, will be tried before their own kadi, appointed by the sultan at the recommendation of the powers. But litigation may arise between a Moslem and foreigner, or more rarely between two foreigners. So a mixed court is provided along the lines of the international court in Egypt. It is to consist of two Frenchmen, one of whom will preside, two Spaniards, two Englishmen and one German. To make up for a Frenchman presiding, a Spaniard is to be public prosecutor. It was quite impossible to ‘leave the entire government to the eIective assembly, in view of the complicated interests involved in Tangier’s public works, which were built or are being built under the provisions of the Algeciras act. So a committee composed of 11 representatives of the powers and one of the suItan was established to insure the international character of the administration and to protect all national in

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64 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January terests. Under ordinary circumstances it is likely that this committee will be somewhat ornamental. One of the pleasant things about the international city is the luck it has had with its debt. France absorbed Morocco very largely by the process of insisting on improvements that were valid as improvements, but not wanted by the country, loaning money to carry them through and then working into the administration to protect the investment. Before Agadir the whole Moroccan customs were mortgaged to France and collected by Frenchmen. To give Tangier a fair start as an international city, she freed the city’s resources from all monetary claims that it was possible to relinquish. All strictly legal claims,--a share in the war indemnity, for instance,-were canceled. Tangier starts its financial life with far less indebtedness and financial disadvantage than had been expected. France has even given up a legitimate claim to supervise the city’s finances in the interest of the sultan, and the city thereby becomes financially autonomous. She and Spain have retained only the right to exact special permission if Tangier should wish to levy special duties on imports or should desire to alienate Makhzen lands. As the bulk of Tangier imports are destined for the Spanish or French zones beyond, the reasonableness of the first stipulation should be apparent. As Makhzen lands are subject to Moslem, which is to say Koranic, law, the necessity of guarding native susceptibilities explains the second stipulation. It is, however, the foreign electoral rights that are most interesting in this international city. Electors must be 25 years of age; not have been convicted under a penalty involving loss or diminution of civil rights under national law; have resided at Tangier at least two years; and be owners or occupiers of a house or apartment of which the rental value has been fixed by the administration of the urban tax at a sum of at least 120 pesetas hassani ($24) per month. “Officials of the Moroccan state, consulates, posts and telegraphs and of the public services of the Makhzen who are not Moorish subjects,” said the earlier document, “are not restricted to the conditions of residence fixed in the preceding article for the exercise of electoral rights. But they must prove, except in the case where they live in the building where they perform their duties, that they are owners or occupiers at Tangier within the conditions specified in that article.” Every year the voting list is to be revised by a special commission composed of each nationality. The list will be posted two weeks and decisions on objections or observations concerning it must be made within a month. A committee made up of existing officials will prepare the first list. Nineteen articles are devoted to the conduct of elections, the details being devoid of special interest. The voting booth is to be open of a She exacted no pound of flesh.

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19151 THE VALUE OF MUNICIPAL EXHIBITS 65 Sunday from 10 a. m. to 3 p. m. at the office of the municipal assembly, the officials in charge being representatives of the foreign nationalities in the assembly. Casting of the ballot must be in person. It is provided that. no one is elected in the first instance unless he has obtained (‘ 1, the absolute majority of the votes cast; 2, a number of votes equal to one sixth of that of the electors registered. If several candidates obtain the same number of votes, the election goes to the oldest.” These provisions appear impossible of execution until one recalls that voting is to be on national candidates, and then they indicate that diversity of national represen tation would certainly result from them. If a second balloting is to be held the next Sunday, a relative majority rules. “Every elector has the right of arguing the total or partial nullity of the electoral operations. , . . The municipal council determines as a court of last resort on the said claims in the first sessional court held after the elections.” That provision should go far toward satisfying many foreign susceptibilities. Since Tangier first came into the realm of international politics it has had a hard time. Throughout the period from 1901 to 1911 when the Moroccan question assumed the character of a European war cloud, Tangier as the headquarters of the Moorish department of foreign affairs and the residence of the foreign diplomats was the center of Moroccan affairs, and Moroccan affairs often engrossed the whole world. The diplomatic battles that were fought out at the Kasbah or in the pleasant villas that were the homes of the ministers from Europe were noteworthy and would make a book in the telling. But they are past, and it speaks well for European diplomacy that the old battlefield of the diplomat is now become a real city of the nations, the object of the creation being frankly the good of the municipality and the prosperity of its people. THE VALUE OF MUNICIPAL EXHIBITS BY LENT D. UPSON’ ET the Hook,”-three words of no special significance, yet when placed upon a chart above a six-cent hook for which the city of New York paid 60 cents, did more to stimulate public concern in methods of government than would 100 municipal reports, replete with questionable statistics. With this feature at the first municipal exhibit, held in New York City in 1908, was begun a new method of making municipal government a concrete reality to the man on the street. Director, Dayton bureau of municipal research. 5

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66 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January In this period of the open shutter in public affairs, the most perplexing problem of municipal administration is that of interesting the citizens even in special programs, not to mention familiarizing them with the ordinary details of local government. The extraordinary progress in methods of sanitation, finance, corrections and other municipal functions, necessitates, that government continuously inform the taxpayers and secure their co-operation, if governmental measures are to keep pace with the possibilities or even the necessaries of present day life. For example, in a western city “the summer hump” in the death rate of babies has been practically eliminated by adequate health service; yet the public is only slowly becoming reconciled to the visiting nurse, and beginning to learn that this work is a legitimate public function. Concretely, the activities of the city can only keep pace with the social-mindedness of the citizens. Realizing the cumbersome reports filled with unintelligible and inaccurate statistics not only fail to arouse the citizen, but destroy potential interest, the bureau of municipal research, in 1908 hit upon the happy thought of presenting new needs and old ideas to the New York public in visualized form. The above mentioned “Get the Hook” chart was only one of hundreds of such plain statements illustrated, which impressed upon John Smith, in primer language, the way his money is being spent by officials he helped elect. Since the first experiment in New York, followed by two exhibits financed by the municipality itself, this novel publicity method has been used successfully in practically every section of the country. They are not political but economic, designed to show as a physical budget lesson, the use of public funds whether spent for a cake of soap or a million dollar water plant; to kill disease germs, or for a modernized fire division. Not only through figures made intelligible by comparative charts and photographs, but by the actual operation of city departments, is the public educated in the prevention of graft and waste, and in community activities and community needs. Citizens who have never been in a fire house, see in actual use the delicate instruments which protect them from fire waste, are impressed with the relative costs of oats and gasolene as motive power for fire apparatus, and learn that fire protection is a most expensive function, necessary because of public indifference and common carelessness. The citizen who has quarreled with the department over a water bill can here definitely visualize the annual personal cost of a leaky faucet and the immense public extravagance of leaky mains. Truly, administrators may color their exhibits from personal interest but this is not less possible with printed city reports. The exhibitor cannot keep the public from learning how departments are operated and from comparing their operations with the methods of others. Again, the exhibitor cannot but secure a stimulation for his own work, from the interest which another citizen may show in how that work is done. On

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19151 THE VALUE OF MUNICIPAL EXHIBITS 67 the whole, there are no axes which can be sharply.ground, nor cheap politics to play,-it is simply carrying out the idea that a citizen who knows” will not cheat himself nor allow himself to be cheated by the man he has placed in public offce. Any citizen with sufficient interest and half his lunch hour to spend may, through this opportunity, learn what the city is accomplishing with the taxpayer’s dollar and what it has planned to do in the year or years to come. Out of the little show held in New York in 1908, under private auspices, which 62,808 persons attended, came the appropriation of $25,000 for the first New York exhibit in 1910. Here 45,000 square feet of space in three floors was taken up with 360 booths which had an elementary demonstration of how the operating budget of $163,000,000 a year was spent and incidentally why $200,000,000 was being requested for the year following. In the first two days 100,000 visitors had seen the exhibit, and the total number for the whole period was over 1,000,000. The attendance the year following was even larger than this, 700,000 school children receiving personal invitations to be the guests of the city. The second largest shows after the New York exhibition were those held in Cincinnati n 1912 and 1913. The first of these was to urge upon the public the necessity for an increase of taxes, if even the ordinary functions of government were to be continued, not to mention the social and welfare activities which the progressive administration had added. The second exhibit was again devoted almost entirely to the idea of interesting the public in the support of the advance measures of government which had been instituted. Both of these exhibits were open only two weeks, during which time an average of 150,000 people attended, and each cost approximately the same as the 1300-page annual reports published by the city. Cincinnati had for a score of years been maintaining in office, men who did not believe in the publicity of governmental affairs. It was therefore believed that a determined campaign of advertising would be necessary to arouse public interest in this new form of city reporting. Speeches were made before every organixat,ion that would listen; interested merchants placed slips advertising both the exhibit and the city’s tax needs in their monthly statements; each water bill carried into the home a label telling the story; and street car advertising was used extensively during the time of the show. An effort was made to interest the ministers of the city in the fact that if the social work of the city was to be efficiently advanced the administration must be supported in the demand for public funds. As a result nearly one half of the clergy in the city preached a sermon on the relation of the church to unmet community needs, and many more carried announcements of the opening of the exposition, in the church calendars or announced the event from the pulpit. The expansion of the exhibit idea has been notable.

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68 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January .During several hours each day the congestion was so great that the purpose of the show was in a measure defeated. There was with one exception no music, nothing dramatic, nothing given away, yet in the evening automobiles were parked for a block in front of the hall, and millionaires, laiorers, politicians and reformers rubbed shoulders, in an effort to see where their tax dollars were going. Thousands of school chitdren came in classes with their note books. Urged by substantial prizes for the best essays on how the school child could help the city government, the exhibit became a matter of study, rather than of idle curiosity. In place of text-book theories, the municipality suddenly became a reality of streets and lighting; of big mercantile projects; of extensive charities; of a management marked with both great efficiency and inefficiency. Public officials became interesting men who were more than willing to explain the details of their departments, and whose interest in their work was augmented by the public interest in it. The educational value of this exhibit may be seen in the attitude of the public to the proposal for an increased tax, which having been granted by a bare majority the previous year, was renewed by a vote of almost two to one. But whether this levy had been granted or not, the public cannot but have been favorably impressed with the fact that there has been a municipal “show down,” cannot but take a keener interest in matters of their intimate concern. At least with thousands of school children, there will be the memory that at one time their city took them into its confidence, establishing a precedent which public opinion may demand to be followed. In more recent times some notable exhibits have been held in New York City, Pittsburgh, Hoboken, Jersey City, Cincinnati, Ossining, The Oranges, New Jersey, Dobbs Ferry, New York, Springfield, Massachusetts, and Westfield, New Jersey. Aside from the direct contact of the citizen with the exhibit, such a program affords methods of municipal publicity which can be secured from no other source. One finds here hundreds of citizens thinking of the same subjects in the same terms. It is self-evident that they will think more intensely, more vividly, more earnestly, as a group than they will as individuals. Such a show invariably moves the city hall from the last page of the newspaper to the front page. Prominent people who must be adequately reported, come to make speeches at the noon hour and in the evening; politicians of both sides make use of it; nearby cities send their officials who must carry home the impression of better govern‘ment and the stimulus of interest. In Cincinnati the exhibit justified the personal invitations of prominent citizens and the invitations to out-of-town men of prominence. The result was a large amount of outof-town publicity which worked its way back and had a local influence through the heightening of local pride. The preparation of an exhibit

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19151 UNEMPLOYMENT IN OUR CITIES 69 itself has a vahe in the increase of the number of sentiment centers in the interest of better government. The fight is conducted from a score or hundreds of points instead of from the mayor’s office. Every employee whose work is described becomes a missionary whether he wants to or not. One of the most interesting phases of the New York and Cincinnati work was the pride of the departmental employees in the activities’of their own departments shown in the exhibit. Emphasis has already been given to the possibility of enlisting the interest of a large number of civic and private agents who can contribute to the city’s efficiency: improvement associations, churches, schools, women’s clubs, all of whom can be reached to help the city, without regard to partisan interest. Originally the municipal exhibit was a presentation of the activities of the municipality as a whole. It has now developed to a point where certain phases of municipal and social work are being even more commonly exploited, particularly those of welfare and hygiene. Perhaps this is because these phases of work are most important and are less appreciated by the public. The complete development of this field, however, has not yet been reached and it is to be anticipated that the time will shortly come when every progressive cit.y will place before the public a picture of city work in simple, interesting and comprehensibIe terms. It is then that we may expect efficient citizenship to become a proper factor in efficient government. UNEMPLOYMENT IN OUR CITIES BY FRANCES A. KELLOR~ New York City ITH the possible exception of Miss Addams, who could not keep any subject possibly dry, not even statistics, this seems to be W a competition in dry subjects. I think, however, I am going to be the only one who can really make good on that proposition. I regret exceedingly that the mayor of my city is not here to-night. Had he been here he would have told you of the very interesting experiment which New York City has started,-a municipal employment exchange, which has a men’s department, a women’s department, and a juvenile department for directing youth into industry. It is now forming a committee for the purpose of taking up the whole subject of unemployment, not only the labor exchange, but it is contemplating the use of its police as information centers for unemployed. In other words, the man out of a job can go to a policeman who will direct him to a place where he can find one, if that job exists. It is also organizing in connection with 1 Vice-chairman of the committee for immigrants in America.

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70 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January its municipal lodging house a social service committee, the first of its kind in the country. The usual method with these lodging houses is to let the men and women go through day after day without trying in any way to rehabilitate them. We found from our study last winter that at least 40 or 50 per centum of the men in the lodging places out of a job really wanted to work. We propose to have a social service committee take those men in hand and try to readjust them to society. In discussing unemployment to-night, I am going upon three assumptions : 1st. That there is work in America, and that its industries are in good condition. 2d. That unemployment is primarily the business of industry to remedy, as it relates to employables, and of charities as it relates to unemployables, a division we have never clearly made in America. 3d. That the business of government is to supplement the work of industry, to supervise and to regulate it. I am dividing my subject into two fields: first, a very brief description of present methods; and second, a program in which industry, government, civic organizations, and the average citizen can participate. We must keep in mind that, however broad and complicated the situation may be, it is the single individual and the single job that is being dealt with. The subject of employment may be divided into three main fields. First, the labor market; second, the facilities for directing workers into industry; and third, the facilities for relieving unemployment. Almost every market in America is adequately managed except labor. The present methods in the labor market are, first, what we call direct employment, which is advertising and answering advertisements in the newspapers, answering and issuing circulars, and the old way of putting a sign in your window and letting men and women looking for “Boy Wanted” or “Woman Wanted” make personal application at the office. The greatest agency through which unemployed people obtain employment is through the private employment agencies for unskilled labor. We have the general labor agencies which handle the great bulk of unskilled labor for men and women, the shipping agency which deals with the immigrants. We have the intelligence offices which deal with domestic labor. Most of the women who are here know the conditions of those agencies. There are the agricultural agencies, which are the most unorganized because agriculture is the most unorganized of all the employments; and we have the political agencies which still direct a large percentage of the employed of America. In addition none of these private agencies of which there are some five thousand throughout the country, exchanges information, none of them

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19151 UNEMPLOYMENT IN OUR CITIES 71 co-operates in any way although all charge a very high fee. We have also the agencies for industry, and the employer’s association. The Federal government provides a Division of Information for immigrants. State employment bureaus number about twenty-one, and we have municipal employment bureaus, of which there are about twentyfour. In addition to all this, we have a number of philanthropic and civic agencies, first, those that take care of the normal workers, who are both able and willing to work, and those that deal primarily with children, such as the vocational bureaus, and those that deal with handicapped persons, who have to have some special work done for them. But generally our labor market is thoroughly disorganized, without co-operation, without system, although perhaps one third of the unemployment is intercity and interstate. The next most important problem is the directing of workers into industry, first, for children. There has been a considerable growth in the last few years in the subject of vocational guidance. A number of public schools already have committees. We find if we cannot start the children right, if they are maladjusted as soon as they begin, that they get into blind alley trades, and later become the drifters and the “hoboes.” Now, in addition to the children we have another problem,-the newly arrived immigrants. Our present system is this,-the immigrants come in at our ports, of which you have one here. They are allowed to go from that port without any inquiry whatever being made as to their previous occupation, or their training. The result is that practically all of them, both men and women, go into the cauldron of unskilled labor, from which many of them never get out. You find the tailor working in the trench, the engineer acting as a waiter in some hotel, and you find most of the women staying in housework, although some of them are very skilled needle women. That is an illustration of the maladjustment. The question of relieving unemployment is one of the things which we will have to face this winter. The unusual condition existing because of the war makes not the normal handling of labor the immediate problem, but the actual relieving of unemployment is the vital thing. We have, first, the question of whether we can stimulate public works by the government; second, whether we can get the states to continue their highway work, in building aqueducts and other improvements; third, whether the cities will not issue bonds for the purpose of doing the work which is necessary to be done. The next important step is the regulation of industry, the dovetailing of casual employment, so that some may work three days a week, or every other week so that others may be employed, and also the planning of city work. Take, I want to show you how very wasteful our present method is.

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72 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January for instance, the dovetailing of seasonal work. The railroads know in October or November that they are going to lay off a certain number of men. They know that these men are going to be employed in the ice fields later. But there is no co-operation between the ice companies and the railroads on employment, though there is on the question of rates. If those men were sure of jobs, it would save them from coming all the way back to the city, getting their positions through an employment agency, and spending a considerable part of their money in the city, and going back to the other industry very much demoralized. In addition to the regularizing of industry, we have the problem of the temporary shelter, and the aid of the unemployed. Unfortunately, many of our cities have no municipal lodging house. Supplementing that work is the work of philanthropy. In New York, the churches of the city are planning to provide extra accommodations for the numbers of unemployed that the municipal lodging houses cannot take care of. The practise of having the unemployed stay in the jails is most demoralizing. We have a number of experiments which are being made at the present time. Baltimore, perhaps, has already taken them up. We have the sewing rooms for the unemployed women. We have one sewing room in New York where ,a number of women are employed, making bandages for the Red Cross. They are not only doing that, but they are making their medical supplies, giving employment to these women. I understand that Philadelphia is going to improve upon that plan by providing work in the factories, having them make the supplies for the war, instead of having them made in philanthropic sewing rooms, thereby enabling the factories to keep open. I have tried to outline very briefly the general problem of unemployment. I want to leave with you a program, because the most helpful thing about any problem is a practical program. The different cities can co-operate with the philanthropies and with the Federal government in carrying it out, and we need a national program to deal with a national situation. Baltimore can be one of the cities. The average citizen can help greatly in carrying this out. It is stated that these are not to be printed, because the United'States has no money to publish them. We have to use reports 14 years old when all our other information is but four years old. Any letter to the government authorities in Washington asking for the publication of these records will help. 2. A classification of the employable and unemployable, with suggestion of practical measures for care of employables by industry and of unemployables by relief or special industries. At the present time we ask industries to carry the burden of the unemployables, including the defective who are not able to compete in the average business organiza1. Publication of census returns on employment (1910).

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19151 UNEMPLOYMENT IN OUR CITIES 73 tion, while at the same time we ask philanthropy to carry the burden of the employables. The first step toward an adequate solution must be the proper division of these two groups. 3. The organization of the labor market by: (a) Establishment of Federal Employment Bureau to act as clearing house for state and municipal bureaus, and to handle the reserve labor supply and intercity and interstate unemployment. (b) Extension of Federal Division of Information as a national agricultural labor bureau, and urging of rural organizations to establish efficient centers to co-operate and compete with industrial labor agencies. We ask the question of why it is that farmers cannot get labor from New York City. There are 300 employment agencies maintained by theindustries and 15 for farm hands. The farmers have no means of reaching the source of supply, as these agencies are mostly run in connection with saloons and attract the “bums” of the city. (c) Revision of agreement between transportation lines, cattle exporters and bureau of animal industry by which shippers, and not outside agencies, hire men and establish the conditions. One of the greatest commentaries upon the unemployment situation to-day is that the Bureau of Animal Industry in Washington specifies the number of cattle that may go on a ship, the amount of space to each head, the water supply, etc., while they make absolutely no provision whatever for the comfort or protection of attendants that go with the cattle. The hardships of the men on these cattle ships are appalling. (d) Federal and state regulation of private agencies according to accepted standards, with reports, to enable government to know and direct labor distribution. Nearly all of the 5,000 agencies do an interstate business. They are regulated either by the state, or by the municipality, with the result that a man drafted in New York and stationed in Texas has no redress against the New York agency unless he can get back to press his complaint, (e) Establishment of municipal bureaus to handle local work and to clear through Federal clearing house agencies, gradually eliminating state agencies, as the state is not an available unit for distribution and cannot be politically administered. Maryland has .a free employment bureau. I think last year $500, and practically none this year. Therefore, you have on your statute books a law which requires a state official to operate a free bureau, and the state has provided no funds in order to enable him to fulfil his oath of office. That is one of the things which Maryland should have corrected. (f) Establishment of local clearing houses among (1) philanthropic agencies; (2) civic agencies; (3) religious agencies; (4) commercial agencies. Each group to establish a local clearing house for its own use to facilitate matching positions and applicants and to co-operate with muIt had a very small appropriation.

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74 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January nicipal bureaus; such local clearing house centers to co-operate with Federal agencies in intercity and interstate work. What happens now is this,-a half a hundred churches or civic societies are all engaged in finding work for the same people. There is no co-operation, no clearing house, no way of knowing what others are doing. One organization will have a half a dozen applications for employees, and another may have a half a dozen applications for positions. There is no way of matching them at the present time. We have started in New York as part of our practical scheme, a clearing house among the private agencies, We are trying to get the church agencies to do the same thing. If we can get the different agencies working together through a clearing house plan, it will remove the burden from the unemployed. The greater number of agencies, the greater burden to the unemployed, because they are paying more than one fee, when they might go‘ to some central agency, and be advised of the situation. (g) Systematizing of want advertisements in newspapers and window signs, so as to eliminate waste in applications, consuming the resources of unemployed. An advertisement appears in the paper that a dish washer is wanted. At five o’clock there will be 100 or 200 men in line. That line will continue all day long and sometimes be renewed the next day. Our railroad problems have been much more complicated. We should devise some way by which we can eliminate that enormous waste in time and in strength and in hope and constant disappointments due to answering advertisements already answered. (h) Elimination of the padroni and substitution of paid employeeshousing and supplies to be under the direct control of such employeesor company or contractor-and the boarding boss eliminated as a labor agent. It can’t be done. The only way is to eliminate him as between the employer and the employee. He is now responsible to neither. (i) Separation of the sale of liquor and furnishing of jobs; decrease in disturbance of the market by political manipulation of private business jobs by political leaders. I don’t believe any of you realize the extent to which the saloon is‘ both a labor broker and a lodging house. We found last winter in our investigation one night 1400 men sleeping in the rear rooms of saloons. When they got a job they had to pay back the favor by patronizing them. We could not ask those saloons to close their doors as there was no provision made for sheltering the men who would have been turned into the streets. We found that the men who could not get a position were regarded as wards of the saloon, and the policeman was interested in voting those men at election time. We have solved many problems much more difficult. Don’t make the mistake of trying to regulate the padroni. They were in debt to those saloons. The same thing is true of the saloon as a labor broker.

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19151 MUNICIPAL EMERGENCY HOMES 75 It ought to be stopped. But we cannot break it up unless we provide something else. 4. In addition to organizing the labor market there is the question of the relief of unemployment by: (a) Development of public works, including reclamation of lands, afforestation, military training, etc. (b) Planning of regular governmental work to cover dull seasons and meet the needs of casual and seasonal laborers. (c) Dovetailing of seasonal work and direct distribution from one industry to another by business regularization of work in industries. (d) Establishment of municipal lodging houses for temporary care of unemployed and creation in connection therewith of social service committees, to render personal service, outfit those for whom there are jobs, and to connect the men and women individually with social and philanthropic agencies that can help them get their foothold. 5. Study of unemployment insurance and its adaptability to American conditions and institutions. We are likely to get, because unemploynent insurance in England has been so successful, a number of unbaked insurance bills relating to this subject. The success of the English system depends upon two things. First, their admirable system of labor exchanges with interdistrict reports; and second, labor organizations. We have neither in such a degree in this country, that would enable us at this time to adopt the unemployment insurance system now used in England. 6. Vocational guidance committees and bureaus to direct more intelligently children entering occupations, and to direct newly-arrived immigrants. I have tried to give you some suggestions to-night as to a national program, because doubtless the National Municipal League from time to time will be appealing to you to help it to carry out this program in the various philanthropic organizations. MUNICIPAL EMERGENCY HOMES BY EDWIN A. BROWN’ Denver, Colorado N EVER in the history of our nation have the serious problems of life with such strength of demand confronted us as in the present time. Out of the many, one of the most ponderous and uncertain questions which must be settled, is our problem of destitution. When the harvests of summer are gathered and we stand face to face with the coming of winter, and with an established national condition 1 Author of the widely read book “Broke” (The Man Without the Dime).

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76 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January of 6,000,000 workless people and one fourth of that number homeless and moneyless, we cannot help but cry out for more light to determine the truth of a question which is so difficult of solution. It is encouraging to note that the signs of our times are filled with prophecies and accomplished efforts to obviate this social evil-and many others-through the physical and mental endeavors of our many thoughtful, earnest workers for the public good whose dreams are for political, social and economic justice. During five years in a personal constructive social study throughout our country to influence our various municipalities to build and support free municipal lodging houses-or municipal emergency homes as I prefer to call them (it means more and sounds better)-two years of that study was made as a homeless wage-earner in a shoulder to shoulder struggle with the migratory worker. One of the most forceful pleas for complete, adequate municipal emergency homes came to me the winter of 1911 in Chicago. Almost without warning a blizzard of snow and wind drove down upon the city with such swiftness and fury that in 12 hours’ time all traffic of street car service and railroad terminals was blocked. The officers of the many railroad companies on the instant were desperate in their efforts to get workers from the ranks of the 4,000 homeless, penniless, out-of-work men at that time. They hurried from one cheap beer joint to another, hiring men, and from Hogan’s five-cent flop on the west side to Hinky Dink’s on the south. The Illinois Central railroad company quickly employed several hundred men. But’no sooner had the men begun work down on the snowbound tracks than they began to drop out; one by one, then several at a time, and a number were carried away by the city ambulance and in the police patrol. The overseers quickly discovered the men were suflering from malnutrition and must be fed before effectual progress could be made in raising the blockade and promptly marched the men to the nearby cheap restaurants and fed them. These examples and a great many similar ones prove to society that the conservation of human energies is a vital necessity of to-day. These men from these cities-and the condition is national-many of them existed days and even weeks on what they snatched from the freelunch counters of the saloons and were forced to sleep under the most destructive conditions while awaiting an opportunity for work. These examples of the storm which can be multiplied by many calamities of fire and flood and the various casualties continually confronting us, demand this human force. The battle is hard to win with a weakened army. When we consider the many changes and demands of our everyday industries which force the laborer into periods of idleness, and as we view

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19151 MUNICIPAL EMERGENCY HOMES 77 .our social status, we plainly see a hundred honest reasons why the normal man or woman may find himself or herself penniless and homeless. To this brief business appeal for municipal emergency homes the advice may well be given to promoters of great industries to realize that the man who has only his arms to dispose ol is just as important a part in the wheel of industry as the propelling force, and to city governments to awaken to the truth of the necessity of co-operation with big business interests in conserving in every way the human force of labor as essential to a progressive nation. Not until these controlling powers are wise, broad, and human enough to see that the citizen who must work with his hands must have care, not abuse, will they have learned their first lesson of peace. It is gratifying to those who have striven for civic betterment to see that in many cities the municipal emergency home has come, and has come to stay; that a great many tentative homes have been established, a few complete in character, and many planned in the past few years. The cities that have adopted them now wonder how they ever did without this humane institution. In Denver it was a tooth and nail battie between the social welfare workers and the vice trust, political boss, and machine rule for a municipal lodging house, and not until the venomous cobra of special privilege had deceptively crept back for a renewal spring to create for their interest a more advantageous government to further their aim and ends and allowed for one short year a more humane political party to take control, was the municipaI Iodging house given to the city. In 1912 Denver rented a well-built, substantial three-story building in a part of the city convenient for the laborer, for men only, installing 70 beds, bath, fumigating rooms, kitchen and dining-rooms and a free municipal employment ofice to be run in connection with the institution. The total cost for the complete furnishing of this building was $713.96. On New Year’s night 1913, Denver opened the doors of this its new experimental municipal emergency home. We say experimental, because the Denver true spirit-not always of the highest but of the best societyis not to do things by halves and Denver will eventually have a perfect and complete home in every detail. However, this splendid little institution, as incomplete and inadequate as it is, has proven a veritable oasis in the desert of human adversities. On the opening night every bed was occupied, and the figures of this institution show that in the first five months of its existence it sheltered 5,680 men, provided 10,943 meals and found work for 500 men, 80 women-it is a question in our minds if some of those women did not need shelter and food-all at a total cost to the city of $1,795; while the

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78 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January cost annually of maintaining Denver’s two jails is $400,000 and $800,000 for arrests and prosecutions. Very frequently the worthy superintendent of the municipal home receives letters from the once down-and-out man, now prosperous, letters filled with gratitude for the tiding over the rough place. In every city of our country men and women are forced into prisons for shelter where municipal emergency homes do not exist or are inadequate to fill the need, and no man forced to pass the night in a jail-even as a lodgercan keep his self-respect. It may be of interest at this point to noteand it speaks volumes for Minneapolis-that that city recently turned one of its prisons into a municipal lodging house. In view of the above facts, can we help but raise the question, which of these two city institutions is the more valuable to the social welfare of a municipality? There are but two municipal emergency homes to our knowledge in the United States to-day which approach completeness in character of construction. One in New York City and one in Buffalo, New York. We recommend every city contemplating this humanitarian function to inspect both of these homes. Both of these wonderful homes are the outgrowth of tentative homes and the question where the trial home now exists is, not shall we abolish the home, but how can we perfect it? The municipal emergency home should not be regarded as a charity in any sense of the word, for charity, like jails, makes a man lose his self-respect and that is fatal but should be looked upon as a privilege of labor by the right of toil, for the wage-earner who earns 25 cents and pays it for a bed is paying taxes just as much as the man who owns the building and the bed, and though he himself may be temporarily out of work and money, his brother worker in his line of trade or unskilled who have nothing but their knowledge and strength, as well as t.he small home owner, are doing their share toward the support of the city. The moneyless wage-earner should not enter the municipal emergenc y home as a cringing dependent, but with head up, as a man with a civic right. Progressive cities should not have a charity board, but every sity should have a department of public service for labor. A city should know the demands of its home in capacity and fill that requirement. Our greater cities each should have several complete perfect homes to fill the demands of the temporarily out of work poor, especially during the winter season. To be brief, I take pride in referring any city to New York’s municipal emergency home for technical plans as a guide, though I may add-if I remember rightly-it is lacking in a sitting-room, smoking-room and

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19151 MUNICIPAL EMERGENCY HOMES 79 library, and above all else, a laundry, where guests may be given an opportunity to wash their clothing. The municipal emergency home should be always open every hour of the day and every day of the year. The question should not be if a man has a sin, but if he has a shelter from the night. There should be no lock on the door. There should be no time limit for the honest man or woman. A blacksmith cannot shave a man nor a barber shoe a horse. The strong scrub woman cannot do the office work of the delicate girl, nor the delicate girl the arduous duties of the scrub woman,-they must wait for a place to fit in. The work test is not in harmony with American freedom and study has proven it unscientific. It should be governed by intelligent, God-inhabited people and kept completely out of politics and police control. The progressive, humanely inclined citizens who are weary of being exploited by private charities and the niggardly, rich old skinflints who never contribute a penny toward helping the city that has enriched them; the citizens seeking relief through the revenue of general taxation by creating governmental agencies for the aid of their less fortunate brothers, and a purer, better social community; who have recognized that the municipal emergency home is one of the superior influences in a well-governed city, will find it a hard won victory in cities governed by the political boss and machine, especially where the public utilities are privately owned, as the brutal system of private monopoly has been to destroy, to keep in subjection by ignorance, superstition, and, if need be, cruelty, toward that element of society who must perfect the highways and build the city, the palace and the temple. But where the government of a city is honestly and honorably administered, particularly where its public utilities are municipally owned, there will be little difficulty in getting the municipal emergency home. Some cities hestitate where this establishment is not in tune with their ruling policies and try to frighten the citizens with the pessimistic declaration that it will “encourage idleness and pauperize the people.” Why not close our public hospitals (and it is more godly to prevent than to cure), our public libraries, our public parks, playgrounds, and all our benevolent public institutions if benevolence pauperizes the people, or lest some unworthy one creeps in.

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80 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January THE LIQUOR PROBLEM-A BRIEF REPLY BY DURANT DRAKE‘ R. KOREN’S paper in the July NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW^ gives food for reflection to the advocates of national prohibition. M Certainly the points he raises should be carefully considered. But as a dispassionate spectator, interested in the ethical aspects of such movements, and desirous of forwarding agreement upon the best methods of curing the great and obvious evils of the liquor traffic, I am disposed to question his conclusions. In a recent volumeS I ‘have discussed the pros and cons of the situation and favored the convergence of effort toward an ultimate national prohibition amendment. I should like to present here summarily some of the reasons why my study of the matter leads me toward this differing conclusion. (1) We must admit that the anti-liquor crusade has had its “shadow side. ” Prohibitionists have assumed on too scanty evidence that we know more than we really do of the evils of “moderate” drinking. A one-sided and biased presentation of the facts has given the brewers a right to complain of unfair tactics. Experiments to date are more confusing in their results than the sweeping assertions in the prohibition handbooks would lead one to believe. It is to be hoped that the forthcoming publication by Professor Dodge of his experiments carried on in the Carnegie Nutrition Laboratory will clear up some of these points and give honest campaigners more reliable data. But after all, this onesidedness and bias are universal wherever any great cause enlists enthusiastic support, and should be judged no more harshly than everybody’s partisanship in politics and religion. An unconscious selection of the arguments in favor of one’s own party or church or country is almost inseparable from any hearty loyalty, and is to be counteracted only by a widespread recognition all along the line that loyalty to the truth should come before all other loyalties. Scrupulousness in statement pays in the long run, since it leaves less likelihood of successful refutation. But the liquor-side has certainly been, in general, even farther from such a scrupulousness in campaigning; my observation of the discussion, and independent study of the evidence, leads to the belief that the prohibitionists have not, on the whole, seriously overstated their cause. The evidence is not all in yet, and they have in some particulars been overready to make use of insufficiently supported conclusions; but I strongly 1 Associate Professor of Ethics and Philosophy of Religion, Wesleyan University. Vol. iii, p. 505. Problems of Conduct, Houghton Mifflin Company.

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19151 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM-A BRIEF REPLY 81 suspect that the evidence will turn out to be quite as favorable to their cause as they have taken it to be. (2) It is true, of course, that many politicians have come out for prohibition from motives of expediency, so that a legislative majority for it has not always expressed the actual convictions-or lack of conviction -of the legislating body. Prohibitionists have taken advantage of this fear of public opinion, and have not hesitated to threaten the political life of politicians who withstood them. But whether this is an immoral practice, as Mr. Koren intimates, depends upon whether representatives should be influenced by their own convictions only or by the wishes of their constituents. Considering the present average quality of our politicians, there is much to be said for the latter view. In any case, there is no way to prevent them from being influenced by those wishes; to forbid prohibitionists to utilize the force of public opinion, and to shield politicians from the pressure of those of their constituents who desire prohibition, would be to fail to use the weapon with which the political game is universally played, and to have them subject to the contrary pressure from those of their constituents who want liquor. No reform movement, as things now are, can afford to neglect this method of advancing its cause; and none, so far as I know, has scrupled to do so. It seems, then, rather flat for Mr. Koren to say of the anti-saloon cause that (‘its creed is coercion rather than persuasion, and its strength lies in its ability to make capital out of political cowardice” (p. 508). If the majority of a politician’s constituents desire prohibition, is it not proper for them to make him aware of that fact as insistently as possible, and for him to heed that pressure? And if the fear of losing his job enters in, are we sure that we do not wish it to? If we are, why is the recall coming in so fast? Nor is it fair to say that “moral suasion as a means of betterment seems to have been relegated to the background” (p. 508). On the contrary, the campaign of education is being pushed in every state. But if Mr. Koren thinks that “moral suasion” alone will touch the heart of the average politician, apart from outside pressure, let him try to put through any reform in that way. There are, to be sure, fair and unfair tactics; it is well known that the liquor-trade has used the latter to no small extent; if the prohibitionists have, they are to be as severely condemned. But Mr. Xoren adduces no evidence of corrupt practices. And the general method of bringing political pressure to bear upon politicians in a direction opposite to that in, which their self-interest has hitherto pushed them seems to me undeserving of blame. (3) It is undoubtedly true, for the reasons that Mr. Koren gives, that fewer voters desire national prohibition than the statistics concerning “wet” and “dry” territory would at first glance indicate. But no one need be alarmed lest prohibition be foisted upon an unwilling country through the juggling of figures. National prohibition cannot come 6

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82 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January until a majority of the people believe in its necessity; however an occasional politician may be influenced, the voters at the polls are not going to vote away their right to buy liquor unless they believe that self-denial to be imperative for the banishing of a great evil. If the majority do so decide, there is nothing for the minority to do but to submit. For better or worse, we are committed to the principle of majority rule. And there is no more reason for speaking in this particular case of “the acceptance of the doctrine of force as the means of making men sober” (p. 516) than of a similar use of force in making men pay income taxes. All reforms have to be passed in the teeth of a violently protesting minority, which will be in some localities a large majority. But if orderly good government is to continue, such overruled minorities and local majorities must yield with good humor to the prevailing popular will until they can repeal by the regular methods the legislation which is odious to t,hem. Whether or not, then, we believe in national prohibition, or a national divorce law, or national law against child labor, or what not, we have no right to blame those who are working for such laws; and if any such amendment can muster votes enough to pass, we must give our loyal allegiance to it while it stands on the statute books, without deeming our personal rights abused or our liberties unduly curtailed. (4) Again, it is likely that a prohibition amendment would be poorly enforced in localities where the majority were against it. And such non-enforcement does indeed make for a general contempt of the law. So it is with the laws against disorderly houses. And yet the ablest students of the social evil do not believe in the repeal of those laws. Grave as is the harm of disrespect for the law, the harm of leaving great evils free from legal prohibition is still graver. Does any one suggest the repeal of anti-opium laws because they are violated on every hand? No, the existence of the law makes it, after all, easier to fight the evil, gives a certain vantage-point, has a definite restraining influence, and is of great educational value. Not all, indeed, but a good many, are actually deterred thereby. There would still be drinking, no doubt, under national prohibition, but can any one suppose that there would be as much? Would many of our friends and neighbors have home stills, or secretly buy smuggled liquors? Would you and I? It is begging the question to speak of the “shame of Maine”; that there has been as much sale of liquor in that state as there has been, mder a prohibitory law, is shameful, indeed; but has there been as much selling of liquor as there would have been without that law? There certainly has not been as much. And with a national law the case would be very different. There would then exist no powerful liquor trade in neighboring states to push the sale, indeed no possibility of buying legally from across the border. It is obvious that national prohibition

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19151 THE LIQUOR PROBLEM-A BRIEF REPLY 83 would cause a great deal of illicit selling and smuggling, and some home distillation and brewing; but it is as obvious that it would cause a tremendous decrease in thc total amount of liquor consumed in the country. To talk, then, of non-enforcement, is no argument. Laws that cross human passions and desires are always difficult to enforce; that fact is absolutely no reason for not passing the laws and doing our best to enforce them. Marriage laws are broken on every hand; shall we then legalize free love? Shall we legalize the free use of opium and cocaine? If you do not believe that the use of cocaine or of alcohol for their exhilarating effects is an evil, by all means say so, and fight restraining laws by all fair methods. But if the prohibitory laws are passed, against your judgment, you must obey them, or you are a traitor to free government. And you must not talk about non-enforcement, thereby encouraging others to disobey them, as if it were a legitimate form of registering protest. The patriotic citizen will not shrug his shoulders and speak of the impossibility of enforcing laws, he will help see to it that they are enforced-whether he believes in their wisdom or not; and he will vote for the prohibition of whatever he deems an evil, although he well knows that the mere passing of the law will not suffice to eradicate it. As a matter of fact, prohibitory laws are being, on the whole, better enforced than they used to be. And there is a growing sentiment, a genuine increase in conviction, as to the desirability of such laws. Whether that conviction is justified or not I am not here discussing. But what I wish to point out is that the only legitimate matter for discussion is whether or not liquor-drinking ‘‘ in moderation” is an evil. If it is not, then a prohibitory law is a bad law, and we must oppose it by adducing experiments that show the value, or the harmlessness, of “moderate” drinking. If, on the other hand, the experiments seem to show that “moderate” drinking is a grave evil, then we must prohibit it, just as we prohibit opium and cocaine. And having prohibited it we must fight for the enforcement of the law. The issues that Mr. Koren presenb seem to me then side-issues, to be considered carefully, indeed, but having no bearing upon the real problem. That problem is complicated enough, heaven knows. But the sort of arguments that he raises against prohibitory laws would apply equally to prohibition of cocaine and opium, of child-labor, of gambling and indecent pictures-in other words, they don’t apply at all. If the drinking of alcoholic liquors is absolutely and radically an evil, alcohol must go. And the prohibitionists, who sincerely believe that it is such an evil, are to be praised for using every legitimate means to banish it. I may add that I, personally, have been converted, not by their eloquence, but by my own disinterested study of the subject, to their view, It is not a legitimate form. It is at least a step toward its eradication.

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84 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January THE PITTSBURGH CIVIC COMMISSION BY H. D. w. ENGLISR’ Pittsburgh T IS impossible for organizations like the Pittsburgh civic commission to “point with pride” to many definite results and work accomplished upon which their imprint may rest. Pioneers in civic enterprise seldom get credit for the foundations they have laid and upon which the superstructure must of necessity be carried on by others. This is especially true of an organization which must often fight the political powers that be. There can be no such words as “go along” in’the vocabulary of an honestly conducted and voluntary organization made up of men who give their time and money for the public good. The best work of a public commission is always done by way of education and suggestion. Otherwise too much pressure is at once met by the endeavor to gain political control of the organization, or the antagonism of public men who desire no help from any citizen. We prate about our democracy in cities-there is no place where there is so little of it. Let some good citizen who has a real interest in his city, go either to the council chamber or to an official in his native city, with some excellent suggestions. His prominence may save him from actual discourtesy, but both the scheme and himself will be looked upon with scant patience. The whole atmosphere of civic officialdom is expressed in the words, “Who’s doing this?” The reason of course is obvious. We have permitted the impression to get abroad that the men we elect to ofice are public masters, instead of public servants. A civic commission organized for the purpose of coaching citizens who aspire to office, so as to get clearly in their brains that they are servants, not masters, would have biblical backing for its existence and would be the best thing American cities could do at present, We might call it (‘the university of civic culture and democracy,’’ and when men graduated their diplomas would be the best platform for civic campaigns. It is rather rough in a democracy to have to teach men that “public office is a public trust” and that he who would be a real master must first learn to be a real servant, but that is one of the most fundamental forward movements in civics we could make in America. The result may be summed up in a remark made by the burgomeister of a large German city some years ago. The writer had expressed both pleasure and surprise on the fact that, while keeping his city so splendidly clean and up-to-date in every particular, he at the same time had leisure for, and entire charge of, $50,000,000 in expenditure for improvements which I 1 President of the commission.

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19151 THE PITTSBURGH CIVIC COMMISSION 85 would make his city a marked one, even among German cities. His answer was made in broken English-“My dear sir, I am building a city, not a machine.” In Germany they make a man ruler over many cities, if they find he is public servant enough to rule over one. It is very hard to keep public spirited citizens on a commission like the Pittsburgh civic cornmission, for it is only after many years of work and education they occasionally get their suggestions or plans adopted, and these largely upon the understanding that such improvements are to be credited to the political machine in power, to be used of course as a political asset. This has been the greatest work of the Pittsburgh civic commission-it has effaced itself in order to get its suggestions carried out. When you can get 15 men to spend their money and time for years and permit the credit to go elsewhere, you are getting close to the ideal of the real public servant. The present grade of the greatest improvement of the last administration is the grade given by the engineer employed by the Pittsburgh civic commission. One of the great thoroughfares which now carries the principal vehicle traffic to the East End of our city with a new, beautiful and artistic bridge will be found suggested and outlined by the commission. The art commission which is adding so much to the artistic beauty of public work in Pittsburgh was created by a bill drawn in the offices of the civic commission and followed by the secretary of the civic commission in every particular through the legislature until the governor’s signature made it a law. The ordinance making it possible for our present excellent traffic regulations was drawn up in conjunction with the officers and engineers of the commission. The initiative for a commission form of government was initiated through a meeting of prominent business men called by the civic commission, which in turn called a mass meeting. The resolutions were written by the officers of the civic commission, and the secretary of the commission lived in Harrisburg until the bill was passed. The proposed wall for keeping out floods and the filling in of many of the principal streets was suggested by the civic commission. The wall has received the endorsement of the flood commission, and a large number of streets were filled in by the last administration. The great work, however, was for comprehensive city planning by an outside commission, B. J. Arnold, John R. Freeman and Frederick T,aw Olmsted, three of the leading experts in the country, were retained to outline constructive investigation into ((the needs and limitations of the Pittsburgh industrial district in so far as its physical development can be effectively controlled by the action of the community.” That report covered transportation, construction of thoroughfares and parks, water supply, sewage disposal, wharf ,treatment for floods, smoke prevention Another organization had the credit largely.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January and building regulations. Detailed sketches have followed. Mr, Olmsted’s report is a text book in Pittsburgh. It is not the fault of the civic commission that the exhaustive report of Bion J. Arnold on the transportation problems of our city which cost the city $50,000, has not yet been used with good results to the city. The commission had retained Mr. Arnold, but gave over that engagement to the city at its request and his report should be the basis for Pittsburgh action, as was a report made by him to Chicago for its action. The unfortunate political conditions obtaining in Pittsburgh have not yet produced a man who could take that report and utilize it for the benefit of a long suffering citizenship. The facts given by Mr. Arnold in his report to Chicago was the basis of an entire change in that city’s transportation problem. It is no reflection upon his splendid work that the powers in Pittsburgh failed to do likewise. To get facts which might change conditions in your street car system which affects the welfare of a million people for $50,000 makes that sum look small indeed. Thus the work of the commission will find fruitage in the permanent improvements made in Pittsburgh for 100 years to come, long after the men who so unselfishly wrought have died. However, they are seeing many of their suggested improvements brought into existence even now. You have only to go over the city with one of the reports like “Pittsburgh Main Thoroughfares and the Down Town District” in your hands, to see how, by the suggestions of practical men, things somehow come to pass. This perhaps gives some idea of what such a commission can accomplish by untiring and unselfish devotion to the cause of civic advance, without hope of reward. The difficulty, however, in going on with such work is at once apparent. When a, commission does not get credit for the things done through such suggestions and powers of education, it usually goes to pieces on the financial rocks. You can’t accomplish the splendid practical and constructive work done by the commission without a rather heavy expenditure of money. Mr. Andrew Carnegie has most graciously helped this commission by adding 20 per cent to all the money contributed by the people of Pittsburgh. The people of Pittsburgh naturally wanted results. They have gotten very many, but the credit has largely gone elsewhere. Raising money annually becomes more difficuIt. The endowment of civic commissions made up of men who would give their time unselfishly to public work would be of incalculable good to any city. It presents a wonderful opportunity for men of wealth to make permanent civic spirit which must be fostered if our cities are to be what our great American nation has a right to expect. A citizen of Cleveland has started it. This beginning is well worthy of emulation in Pittsburgh.

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19151 HOW TO MAKE STATE LEAGUES EFFECTIVE 87 One of the substantial improvements in which the Pittsburgh civic commission had a large share as mentioned above was that of the removal of the hump described by U. N. Arthur in the July, 1914, issue of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REV~EW (vol. iii, p. 547). HOW TO MAKE STATE LEAGUES OF MUNICIPALITIES EFFECTIVE1 BY HERMAN G. JAMES~ Austin, Texas HE first problems arising in connection with increasing the efficiency of state municipal leagues are perhaps among the simplest, though not by any means necessarily easy of solution. The first question naturally would be whether the unit of membership should be the municipality or its officials. It seems to me that for practical purposes it must be a combination of both features. The unit so far as membership and voting rights are concerned should, in my opinion, be the municipality, for only by giving to the cities as such in their corporate and continuing capacity the character of members, can the continuity of the league itself be insured. Of course municipalities, like all other corporations, public or private, can act only through individuals and those individuals are the municipal officials. The active personal participation, therefore, can come only through the persons who act as agents of the municipalities. The simplest solution of the problem would seem to be that the municipalities, as such, should be th’e legal members, paying the dues and exercising the voting rights through their representatives or delegates, while all of the higher municipal officials should be regarded as the active participants in the co-operative work of the league. In addition to the municipalities, which through their officers are or should be most interested in the activities of the league, there are other sources of help and co-operation which should not be neglected. These are the commercial clubs, civic clubs, libraries and other organizations and institutions interested in municipal welfare, as well as a number of individuals who, though not belonging to any such organization, have public spirit enough to wish to promote the cause of good city government. T ‘See article on “The League of California Municipalities,” by H. A. Mason, Paper presented at the 20th annual meeting of the National Municipal League, Professor James in addition to holding a chair in the NATIONAL MmIcIrAL REVIEW, vol. ii, p. 111. Baltimore, November 18, 1914. University of Texas is also secretary of the League of Texas Municipalities.

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88 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January It seems self-evident that the effective support of these sources should be enlisted, and the conventional division of membership.into active and associate members seems to furnish a convenient method of 'bringing these factors into play. Let the municipalities be the active members and exercise the voting privilege, let their officers be the principal participants in the official work of the league, but by all means encourage all non-official organizations and individuals to assist the league by contributions and to derive benefit therefrom by receiving its publications, by being invited to its meetings and by being encouraged to keep in close touch with the permanent officials of the league. The question of dues presents somewhat more difficulty. It seems desirable, as will appear a little later, that the league should not be subject to interference by the state government. Appropriations by the legislature for the purposes of the league would, it is believed, almost invariably carry with them some such undesirable interference. So far as possible, therefore, the activities of the league should be supported by the membership dues, although a helpful co-operation in other ways on the part of the state authorities would undoubtedly result in much mutual benefit. We are, therefore, face to face with the problem of prescribing a membership fee small enough so that it will not be considered as a burden by the municipalities, and yet large enough to furnish the necessary funds for a valuable activity on the part of the league. Graduated membership dues for municipalities on the basis of their populations would seem to be a fair and logical arrangement, although it was objected to in the constitution of the League of Texas Municipalities, and was there replaced by a provision for one membership fee for cities under 5,000 and another fee fer cities over 5,000, no matter what their size. It would probably be expedient in organizing a state league to put the membership fee at the lowest possible figure 'and by gradually enlisting the interest of cities through their officials and secretaries and by showing in what concrete ways the league may be of value to all cities in the state, to open up the possibilities of increasing the membership dues for the purpose of still further increasing the scope of activity of the league. The problem of getting municipalities to join the league is also full of difficulties. It would not seem to be expedient to require by state law, as has sometimes been suggested, that all municipalities should join and pay their membership dues. In every state there will be a number of cities in which the officials are really anxious to take advantage of every opportunity for solving their problems and will, therefore, vote the membership dues without any kind of external pressure. If pressure must come, and undoubtedly in every state there will be many cities in which the governing body will not act in the premises except as a result of pressure, it would be better that such pressure come from within than from without. In other words, civic clubs and influential individuals in the city can

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19151 HOW TO MAKE STATE LEAGUES EFFECTIVE 89 be used to advantage in inducing the city officials to take the necessary action, and, it may be added parenthetically, such action on the part of unofficial agents would be more probable and more likely to be successful if those agents themselves had a connection with the league such as was indicated above. With the increasing size and effectiveness of the state league it will undoubtedly become less and less difficult to enlist further members. The second group of considerations suggested in the program for this meeting, viz., those referring to meetings and publications, seem to present somewhat greater difficulties. With regard to the frequency of meeting, I believe it may be assumed that an annual meeting is all that can be hoped for. The expenses of holding the meeting and the travelling expenses involved would probably point to that conclusion and if it did not, I believe that the tradition in favor of annual meetings is so strong that any attempt to increase the frequency of such meetings would be docmed to failure. I am assuming here that the meetings should come at least once a year: The length of the meetings would perhaps be affected somewhat by the geographical conditions of the state. A meeting of municipalities in Rhode Island would not involve any great expenditure of time and money in the matter of attending, so that the question of making the meeting worth the expense of attending need not be considered, but if the state league is blessed, as is Texas, with a working area of 263,000 square miles, then it would seem desirable to make the meetings of sufficient length to warrant the expenditure of time and money involved in merely getting to and from the meeting place. Probably three days would represent the upper limit of efficiency. With regard to the character of the program, my own feeling is that one of the chief benefits to be derived from such a gathering of municipal officials is the interchange of personal, practical experiences, and that very little of real lasting value is taken away from the hearing of learned and lengthy disputations, but that much may be gained from personal questions at a round table or informal discussion. For purposes of advertising, it is undoubtedly wise that one or two well-known experts along certain lines be secured to address the meeting as a whole. But sections for the different classes of municipal officers with suggested problems and a considerable amount of informal discussion seem to me to promise the greatest good from the conventions. Publications by leagues of municipalities should fulfill a twofold purpose. In the first place, they should keep alive during the interval between the conventions the feeling of co-operation and common interest among the members of the league; in the second place, they should contain some information of real value. The emphasis of all such publications should be laid on the local aspect of general problems, that is, on those

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90 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January matters which interest the municipalities of the given state in particular. General publications, such as The American City, and the NATIONAL MuNICIPAL REVIEW, contain much information of value to all the cities, which need not be duplicated in the state publications; but discussions of the peculiar local problems and a comprehensive record of the activities of the various municipalities seem to justify at least a quarterly publication, if not a monthly journal. From the above indications of the character which in my opinion such publications should have, it will be seen that one publication for several state leagues (unless a number of small contiguous states face similar municipal conditions) or for all leagues in theunited States, would not seem to be a crying necessity, nor fraught with much promise. The third caption in the program for this discussion, viz., that of co-operation, opens up the most interesting problems of all. The various state organizations can undoubtedly be brought into co-operation through their permanent officers by a continual and sympathetic correspondence. National meetings of secretaries of such leagues would probably never bring together more than a very small proportion of such officers owing to the distances to be travelled, involving the expenditure of a very large amount of time and money, but within the state there are agencies with which these organizations of municipalities can very. effectively co-operate. I refer particularly to bureaus of municipal research and reference. If they are located, as in my opinion they should be, in the state universities, the possibilities for co-operation are very manifest. The ideal arrangement would be to combine in one person the functions of permanent officer of the league and director of the municipar research and reference bureau. For, if the state league attempts to do any successful research or reference work, and if the research bureau, on the other hand, fulfills its obligations to the cities of the state in which it is located, they will inevitably cover the same ground at a considerable duplication of energy and money, and without the possibility of either agency rendering satisfactory service except with the continuing aid of the other organization. Common sense and economy, therefore, point not only to co-operation, but to identification of such instrumentalities of municipal improvement. Under such a plan as the one just suggested, the expense to the league of municipalities of keeping a permanent paid secretary would be either eliminated or greatly reduced, while the expenses of a bureau of municipal research and reference, so far as the activities in the state were concerned, could very well be borne in part by the municipalities which derive the primary benefit therefrom. Such a bureau of municipal research and reference organized for these purposes can come to full fruition only when it contains on its staff real experts in all the various municipal activities represented in the cities of

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19151 THE CONFERENCE OF AMERICAN MAYORS 91 the state. What a splendid opportunity this would afford to the smaller municipalities to engage at a relatively small expense really expert, disinterested advisors in place of private individuals, whose aim too often is not to serve the municipality by which they are employed but to derive the greatest pecuniary benefit for themselves. THE CONFERENCE OF AMERICAN MAYORS ON “PUBLIC POLICIES AS TO MUNICIPAL UTILITIES” BY CLYDE LYNDON KING’ Philadelphia HE conference of American mayors on public policies as to municipal utilities, held in Philadelphia, November 12-14, 1914, was distinguished by five important features: First, a balanced program which presented the relation of the city to its municipal utilities from practically every point of view; second, the wide attendance thereon by mayors, official delegates from cities, aldermen, public service commissioners and delegates from civic associations and universities; third, the prevalence of a sustained demand for reserving to each city full power to municipalize its public service institutions at will without undue legal, financial or constitutional handicap; fourth, the rising resentment in American cities against the state public service laws that have deprived the cities of adequate powers over their own most important services, and fifth, steps were taken toward the final establishment of the Utilities bureau through which cities may co-operate on utility matters.2 On the program were experts such as Delos F. Wilcox on fundamental planks in a public utility program; Louis D. Brandeis on interlocking directorates; Edward W. Bemis on some present-day issues in regulation; Frederic C. Howe on municipal ownership-the testimony of foreign experience, and M. N. Baker on public ownership and operation of wat er-wor ks. The corporation point of view was ably presented by Nathaniel T. Guernsey on the regulation of municipal utilities, Francis T. Homer on holding companies, Charles Day on a constructive policy for public service corporations and Clarke M. Rosecranta on objections to public ownership and operation. Numerous and valuable were the contributions of city officials. Mayors Blankenburg, Harrison and Mitchel presided at the three sessions of Friday. Mayor Hocken, of Toronto: ’ Wh,&on School, University of Pennsylvania. *NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. iii, p. 751. T

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92 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January discussed the Toronto hydro-electric plant, Mayor-elect Raymond, of Newark, presided on Saturday evening, and Mayor Baker, of Cleveland, presented Cleveland’s distinctive contribution to public ownership and operation. The publicly-owned and operated utility plant in America was presented by Paul Winchester, of South Norwalk, Connecticut, and C. W. Koiner, of Pasadena, California. Ray Palmer, commissioner of gas and electricity, Chicago, presented a valuable paper on municipal lighting rates; Alderman Charles E. Merriam, of the University of Chicago, discussed Chicago’s need for control by its own electorate of its own public services, and Robert Crosser, member of Congress, presented the reasons why he believed in public ownership and operation. Three public service commissioners addressed the conference, John M. Eshleman, president, California Railroad Commission, Hon. Halford Erickson, member of Railroad Commission of Wisconsin, and Hon. Milo R. Maltbie, member of Public Service Commission for the First District, New York, while Hon. Charles A. Prouty, of the division of valuation of railways of the interstate commerce commission, presided at the Saturday luncheon. On the whole, the discussions were pointed, well supported, and will, when published, present a distinct contribution to this ever-present problem. Those in attendance upon the various sessions were convinced that a resolution endorsing ownership and operation of the city’s public services could easily have been passed. In lieu thereof, however, resolutions were passed, stating the attitude of the conference to be: That no general conclusion be formulated upon the abstract question of municipal ownership, but rather we express our judgment to be that municipalities should be given, in all instances, the power to municipalize public utilities, the expediency of its exercise being at, any time and place, and with regard to any psrticular utility, a matter for local determination. From cities on all hands came protests against the extreme state laws which were depriving cities of practically all control over their most important public services. This sentiment was voiced by the second clause of the convention’s recommendations which read : That we make no general determination as between state board and local or home rule regulation of public service corporations. That we do, however, declare that the franchise-making power should in all cases be local, that municipally owned utilities should be subject to local control only, that in large cities local regulation is plainly to be preferred, and that, in all cases, the principle of home rule should he preserved by at least leaving it to the people of a city, of whatever size, to determine whether they desire to act for themselves or to call in a state board, if one exists, either to regulat>e or to aid the local authorities in regulating privately owned local utilities. The Utilities bureau, discussed in the October issue of this REVIEW, was heartily indorsed in the resolutions adopted, as also in many of the

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19151 UNIVERSITY GRADUATE AND GOVERNMENT 93 addresses and in the conversations of groups of men interested in the public side of utility questions. That we endorse the idea of the establkhment of the Utilities bureau, as a nationwide intercity agency for bringing the combined ability md experience of all our cities to the service of each city which may face a public utility problem. Through it, we meet the combination of private interests with a combination of public interests, and to the specialized experts which private interests thus mass in defence of one another, we oppose the skill, experience, and resources of the united cities of the country. We recommend that the trustees of the Utilities bureau proceed to its further organization, outlining a plan by which its support may be assured, and its services made available. In this connection, we suggest, for the consideration of the trustees, that an office be provided, records kept, espert.8 be employed, and that cities which can legally do so, contribute on some equitable baais to the expense of the bureau, in excess of its earning, when in the ser4ce of cities actually using its facilities in the solution of particular problems. The resolution read: It is significant that at the same convention city officials both demanded greater local control over the city’s serving companies and recognized the need not only for a wider control but aIso for national co-operation in order that the cities may be able to cope with the nationalization of utility companies. That there has been such nationalization on the part of serving companies, no one can deny. It was equally apparent that there as yet has been no active co-operation even among cities of the same commonwealth. It is to be hoped that through this new spirit of co-operation results can be secured of definite value to the serving companies through stability of investments and adequacy of returns and to the cities themselves through adequacy of service at reasonable rates. HOW CAN WE WORK THE UNIVERSITY GRADUATE INTO MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT? BY EDWARD A. FITZPATRICK Madison, Wisconsin HE problem of getting the university graduate into municipal The Chicago T Tribune in an editorial named the larger problem as “White Collar Poverty” and discussed it as follows: A new poverty is springing up in the United States-a poverty of the educated classes. We have been and still are especially proud of the educational opportunities which this country affords to its humblest citizens. Many of our universities are filled with poor men’s sons. Legehds have been woven about the boys who “worked their way through colgovernment is a phase of a very large problem. 1 Secretary, committee on practical training for public service.

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94 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January lege” tending’furnaces and waiting on table. It is these boys whom we idolize, whose grit and perseverance we hold up as an example to the young, that are now adding a new problem to our already overburdened social scheme. These men form what might be termed the “intellectual proletariat” of the country. This editorial goes on to say that it has been pointed out by an eastern investigator that there are over fourteen hundred college-bred men in New York City who are tramps and criminals. The deaths in the Bowery lodging houses frequently reveal the facts of misspent lives of college men. It has been frequently pointed out in New York newspapers that there are men in the Bowery lodging houses who know their Aristotle and their Plato in the original, but who evidently know nothing about twentieth century economic conditions. But our problem is more specific than that. The question is raised because college men do not now go into municipal service and the reason is obvious: The colleges or universities are not giving men the point of view, the kind of information, or the training which prepares them for municipal service. Mayor Mitchel at the recent conference on universities and public service said in part: During my experience in public office I have noticed that the men who come from college directly into public service are not equipped to do that work effectively, and that they must pass through a more or less protracted period of training before they are fit to carry on successfully the duties even of the minor offices of the city government. . . . It requires practical contact with these problems before the men are ready to carry the work of the departments or intelligently to approach the problems of government. Probably it is for just that reason in the past men who call themselves practical politicians have been more successful in handling governmental problems than the men who have received theoretical training, but have lacked the practical knowledge, because the first class, in rubbing up against t,he problems of life at close range and in their personal experience acquired in the working of the governmental machinery, are equipped actually to do the day to day work in the departments, although they may not do it as intelligently or with the vision that the mind trained in college would have after he had acquired a practical experience to equip him to do the day to day work. The exclusive attention to what has been printed about municipal government rather than to the existing facts in the government in the community in which the college is located is a cause for this lack of interest in municipal government. For example, take a college class in any one of the institutions in New York City to the municipal lodging house, to .the recreation piers on a summer evening, to the city hall and municipal building, to any one of the municipal hospitals, and you will observe a new light in their eyes and animated discussion for a few succeeding days. Instead of the ordinary college class with the professor taking the star

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19151 UNIVERSITY GRADUATE AND GOVERNMENT 95 part and the rest of the people acting in pantomime, you have a concerted company in which the leading part is taken successively by various students. President Butler in his introduction to Paulsen’s book said that the college or university student must be sharpened to a point. This sharpening should begin at least in the colleges. There is no reason, however, to believe that it could not’be begun in the high schools. The committee on practical training for public service definitely proposes a plan for getting the university man into municipal government. Its present concern, however, is with the student of political science and economics. Its method is applicable to students of accountancy, engineering, medicine, and law. The ordinary procedure is for a student to spend three years at least in the university, in the class room, in seminar, in the library, securing academic wisdom on specific problems, in this case on municipal government. These men are frequently without the daily contact with government .which would enable them to translate the words of the page into the experience around them. The only way this translation can be adequately brought about is through experience with the facts and methods of government. The committee recognizes the need for theoretical foundation. It agrees with Mayor Mitchel when he says that “university courses in statistics, political theories or political economy, are, of course, the desirable foundation of future efficiency and administrative ability, but by themselves fall far short of the essential equipment for public service.” It proposes, however, that post-graduate students who have had one year’s theoretical foundation shall spend the second year in practical contact with government by leaving the university and reporting in a governmental department or a bureau of municipal research or other agencies of administration or investigation. The student would then return to the university for his third year, having had a year’s experience in adapting the theory of his under-graduate work and the first year post-graduate work with the real problems of government. He ought to return to the university with numbers of questions and problems. His third year in the university ought to be spent in reflection on his experience of the preceding year in the light of the theory that the university is teaching. It is needless to say that these students cannot be placed anywhere. Obviously there must be some method of investigating the opportunities of the country where such men could get an adequate experience, doing under adequate supervision things that need to be done by the community. For that purpose the committee has been making an investigation of agencies and governmental departments off erine such opportunities. For example, the New York Bureau of municipal research was investigated by Prof. Albert Bushnell Hart of Harvard, Jeremiah W. Jenks of New York universitj , Henry Rogers Seager and Charles A.

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96 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January Beard of Columbia, It will submit to the universities shortly the results of these investigations. Even after a place has been investigated and approved by the committee for its present conditions and future prospects, it is barely possible that the student may be given merely routine clerical work. For that purpose the committee has proVided a system of reports by the student of his daily work. It has provided a system of supervision by means of which a member of the committee, the professors of the university from which the student comes, or a professor from a recognized institution near by, may make visits to the institution to be sure that the student is getting educational work. The experience of men who have had actual contact with government during their academic career warrants the conviction that these methods will produce men who will go into municipal government if the opportunity is given to them, The only method of training men in various phases of municipal government in connection with individual courses is to give one year of actual contact with the real problems of government under adequate educational supervision under such men as City Manager Waite of Dayton, Dr. McCarthy of the Wisconsin Legislative reference library, Dr. William H. Allen, or Frederick A. Cleveland of the New York Bureau of municipal research. Then there will be no question about university graduates going into municipal service. You will not be able to keep them out. The committee is interesting other agencies or co-operating with them in a campaign for a definite recognition of public service as a career. It is urging a national campaign to remove the local resident requirement for public service. It desires increased compensation for public service and tenure during efficiency. It will shortly initiate studies of the nature and extent of the knowledge and skill required for specific jobs in the public service so that the men in the universities may be advised as to these requisite qualifications, and universities may adapt their courses to these needs. But more important is the presentation to the universities of an adequate method of training men for public service,-which has untold advantages not only for public service but for all higher education. With the universities leading the way, with an awakened public consciousness, and with co-operation of all agencies of the common welfare, an American Pericles can say: “In name, from its not being administered for the benefit of the few, but of the many, it (our government) is called a democracy; but with regard to its laws, all enjoy equality, as concerns their private differences; while with regard to public rank, according as each man has reputation for anything, he is preferred for public honors, not so much from consideration of party, as of merit; nor, again, on the ground of poverty, while he is able to do the state any good service, is he prevented by obscurity of his position.”

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19151 THE SMOKE NUISANCE 97 THE SMOKE NUISANCE BY EARL J. ZELLNER M ANY cities are taking active steps to investigate the cause and the methods to be used for the abatement and in due time the elimination of the smoke nuisance. The federal government is conducting scientific investigation through the bureau of mines; while in the cities ordinances have been passed; commissions have been appointed to investigate and smoke inspectors placed in charge of smoke abatement departments. Campaigns are being conducted, the main object in view being to educate the people to the fact that the smoke nuisance, while being to a great extent an engineering problem. is their problem as well, and one in which the public should be interested from a financial and an economic point of view. It is possible from an engineering standpoint absolutely to prevent objectionable, dense smoke; yet without an intense, widespread public sentiment, based on an intelligent knowledge of the effects of smoke, efforts in this direction will be of little avail. Public opinion must be formed, and the community operate to this end. Some city ordinancesfor example, that of Baltimore-prohibit the emission of dense black or gray smoke for a longer period than six minutes in any one hour. Cincinnati has the same provision. The Pittsburgh ordinance provides against the emission of dense black or dense gray smoke except for eight minutes in any one hour. The Cleveland ordinance allows no period at all for the emission of dense black smoke. For any smoke inspector to determine the density of smoke emitting from a stack, the standard method recommended by the American society of mechanical engineers is used. This standard is based on the Ringelman smoke scale. These charts are simply squares in each of which is included 100 sub-blocks, the lines dividing the squares into sub-blocks being of varying shades of blackness. In making an observation to determine the density of smoke the four charts are placed between the observer and the smoke, and the color of the smoke as it emits from the stack is matched with’ the degree of density of the blackness on one of the cards. At a distance from thirty to fifty feet from the observer these colors on the cards blend into varying shades of gray. The smoke ordinance usually specifies the chart to be used as the standard. The more dense the smoke the greater the waste of fuel in the furnace, for black smoke, while thought by some to be the only feature of the nuisance, is relatively the least harmful part. Smoke is the visible sign 7

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98 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January of imperfect combustion; the useful-signal of something wrong in the combustion process; smokeless and complete combustion are practically synonymous terms, that is, the former cannot exist in the absence of the latter. For perfect combustion there are three primary requisites, namely, carbon, oxygen, and the maintenance of sufficiently high temperature to make possible complete, chemical combustion of the first two factors. Perfect combustion means a great saving in fuel to the plant owner; imperfect combustion means a loss of a large part of the volatile fuel of high heating value. At the same time imperfect combustion also causes a great loss to the nation, the community and every individual. The deleterious gases in smoke are principally carbon monoxide (CO) and sulphur dioxide (SOJ, the latter combining with the moisture in the air and in time forming sulphuric acid. Statistics show that there are more people subject to bronchial and nasal troubles in a smoky city than in a clean one, and that pneumonia and typhoid fever are more fatal in a smoky atmosphere. These gases not only pollute the air we breathe, but are destructive to vegetation, cause the deterioration of buildings, ruin draperies and cause a negative loss to cities by keeping out those industries which require a clean atmosphere for the manufacture of their products. It is claimed that the smoke nuisance costs the country $600,000,000 a year: and that the damage done by smoke in the large towns of the United States would build in every city over 100,000, a structure equal to the Congressional library, maintain the army and navy for a year and build the capitol at Washington. Electrification is conceded to be the solution for the railway smoke. It has a most promising future, though the results will be gradual, but sure to come in time. Central power and heating plants using automatic stokers and carefully designed and operated furnaces, are fast coming to the front as a remedy. The gas producer has been proved one of the most efficient remedies. The power, developed at the mine in the form of electricity or gas, can be carried by means of cables and pipe lines. It is an interesting fact that one ton of coal in a gas producer will produce two and one-half times as much power as that developed by the same amount of coal in a steam plant. Along with these remedies is suitable legislation supported by public opinion, All smoke ordinances should contain a provision that all plans for new boiler plants, or proposed reconstruction of old ones, must be approved by the chief smoke inspector, before work of erection or improvement is started. Yet how can this nuisance be remedied?

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EDITORIAL ARTHUR CROSBY LUDINGTONl A WIDE circle of civic interests felt the shock when the sudden death of Arthur C. Ludington was reported from London on November 4, 1914. As will be easily understood by his personal friends, he was not able to resist the call to service, and despite his American citizenship, was at length, to his great satisfaction, successful in attaching himself to ,the Red Cross for work in France with the troops. On November 4, he was found in his room by his valet, unconscious, with a glancing wound in his head from the revolver which he had just purchased with his Red Cross equipment. In spite of prompt and skil1ful surgical attention he died three hours later. The inquest developed ample evidence that he had been in excellent health and spirits and full of lively interest in his future plans. The coroner’s verdict was that death was accidental. To readers of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW Ludington’s name is familiar, as he was an associate editor during the REWEW’S first year and a contributor of various articles and departmental material that were always valuable by reason of his thoroughness in research. He was also a very useful member of the council of the National Municipal League for several years, where his unusual personal charm won him very warm friends. His work in New York City was summed up in the following tribute prepared and given to the press by a large group of well-known civic workers : He had been in England several months when the war broke out. The friends of Arthur C. Ludington had intimate opportunity to know the work which he did for this city and state. To the solution of civic problems in New York he contributed a keen intelligence, trained in political science at Yale, at Heidelberg, and as assistant to President Wilson at Princeton. Having an income sufficient for his daily needs, he chose to devote his whole energy to public service. His patience, skill and reliability in gathering and marshalling facts, *At its meeting in Baltimore, November 18,1014, the council of the National Municipal League took appropriate action concerning Mr. Ludington’s services a an aforetime member. When Mr. Ludington went abroad he resigned his membership in the council, with the understanding that when he returned he would be eligible for reelection. His work in behalf of the league and its ideals amply corroborates the praise given to him in the above memorial. 69

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100 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January made him indispensable in many public undertakings. In the struggle for honest elections, direct primaries, Massachusetts ballot, short ballot, legislative reform and many kindred proposals, he played a part which was always immensely useful, yet rarely conspicuous. It is significant that hardly a piece of work is identified with his name or capable of being singled out as exclusively his handiwork. Yet few important movements were undertaken without receiving from him some real contribution. He worked always in such unselfish and intimate co-operation with others that these contributions, large though they were, cannot be detached from those of other men. He rendered important service to the city club, the Citizens union, the Honest ballot association, the Direct primary association, the Short ballot organization, the legislative committee of the Progressive party, the congestion committee, and to governors, mayors and members of the legislature. His untimely death by accident in London on November 4 deprives this city of a citizen.whose later life would surely have been of still greater value and eminence. We who have suffered a personal loss in his death feel it our duty to bring home to citizens of New York the debt of gratitude which they, too, owe to his memory. And especially should he become an inspiring example to other young men of education and means. Freed from the necessity of earning a living, he felt an imperative call to freely give public service. For he held, with Robert Louis Stevenson, that “no man can be honest who does not work.”

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NOTES AND EVENTS I. GOVERNMENT AND ADMINISTRATION Charter Revisions.-Boston Keeps Sniall Board. Perhaps the most notable municipal contest in this country on November 3 had to do with the proposed change in the make-up of the Boston city council from a board of nine elected at large to one composed of representatives from the seventeen wards. In earlier issues of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW,^ the political history of this proposal has been dealt with at. length. It is sufficient to know that Boston voted to retain her present system by a majority of 47,181 to 26,231. Although six wards voted to accept the change, every section of the city, except East Boston, as D whole, voted against the proposition. The Christian Science Monitor commenting on the result said: That there are distinct neighborhood and ward problems that demand solution as such, i: not disputed. And if the present system of representation brought men into ofire who ignored this fact,, or who were oblivious to evidence of locality needs and were unwil!inp to heed petitions for action, there would be just cause for complaint. But the present system has no such inevitab!e rewilt on council members. They must particularize as well as see and act generally. 8 They mush care for localities as well as for the city as a whole; but, not Aubject to the political discipline of a locality, if at any time of choice they put the whole before the part, the city before the ward, they find it easier to take large iiews of policy and duty. New Massachusetts Cities. On the same day two Massachusetts towns voted to incorporate as cities-Revere and Attleboro, but Westfield rejected the proposed change. Under the new system Attleboro and Revere will be governed by a mayor 1 Vol. iii. p. 593. and council. Each city will be divided into wards from each of which one member will be elected at large. The mayor, city clerk, city collector of taxes and city treasurer will be chosen by the whole city for terms of two years each. Three members of the school committee also will be elected each year. There is little in the action taken by these Massachusetts cities in the direction of simplicity. Under the Massachusetts constitution, unlike that of most states, a city must receive its fist charter of incorporation by a special legislative act; but such act must also be approved by a vote of the people. Commission Gouernment in New York. The optional city government law has had its test. Four rejections and one acceptance constitute the gross result. On the same day as the general election, Lockport rejected plan “C” which has the commission-manager plan, by a vote of 2,427 to -1,962. Cohoes voted 2,331 for and 2,429 against the plan. Mt. Vernon rejected it by a majority vote of about 150. Niagara Falls accepts the same plan by a vote of 2,526 to 1,068. Auburn on the same day rejected plan “B.” According, however, to the Auburn Citizen, the defeat of the plan does not indicate that the people of that city do not wish a change in their city charter. It is argued that had plan “C” been submitted and a better opportunity for discussion been given, the result in favor of a change would have been favorable. These New York results are anything but discouraging, since the margins of rejection in several cases are very small. It is believed also that the act would be much stronger if it made provision for non-partisan elections. 101

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January Bufulo won its six-year fight for commission government, the successive steps of which have been recounted from time to time in the REVIEW. This is now the largest city in the United States under the plan, and its charter follows in every important respect the Des Moines model, the governing board consisting of the conventional five. Elections will be nonpartisan, but the ballot will not be preferential. Provision is made for the referendum but not for the initiative or recall. The vote on the charter stood 36,362 for and 20,891 against adoption. The total vote for governor was 69,240. Commission-Manager Plan-New Accessions. In addition to Niagara Falls, two other American cities on November 3 adopted the commission-manager plan, by means of special home rule charters: Ashtabula, Ohio, and Jackson, Michigan. In both cases non-partisan elections with the initiative, referendum and recall were included, and the charters otherwise conform to the generally accepted plan in use in other places. This makes a total of cities under the commission-manager plan of twenty-three, as follows: Sumter, South Carolina. Hickory, North Carolina. Morganton, North Carolina. Dayton, Ohio. Springfield, Ohio. Phoenix, Arizona. Big Rapids, Michigan. La Grande, Oregon. Amarillo, Texas. Manistee, Michigan. Abilene, Kansas. Collinsville, Oklahoma. Montrose, Colorado. Taylor, Texas. Denton, Texas. Lakeland, Florida. Morris, Minnesota. Ashtabula, Ohio. Jackson, Michigan. Alhambra, California. Niagara Fa&, New York. Sandusky, Ohio. Detroit Amends Charter. Nine amendments were made to the charter of Detroit on November 3, none of which, however, very radically affects the structure of the city government. These were propositions increasing the rate of interest on bonds from 4 per cent to 5 per cent; dividing the city into 21 wards; granting compensation to civil service commissioners; raising the forced paving limit of the city from $300,000 to $600,000; providing for an increase in pension of retired and disabled &emen; creating a recreation commission; giving the council power to fix the salary of city officers; empowering the mayor to appoint and remove appointive officers at his pleasure, and giving the council power to grant special privilegw for street encroachments. Toledo Accepts Charter. The proposed home-rule charter, which has been noted heretofore (vol. iii, No. 4, p. 768), was carried on November 3, by a substantial majority.' Calijornia. Important action affecting the future of the cities of California was taken by the voters of that state on November 3, for, according to the California Oullook, the following amendments, all of fundamental importance, were carried. 1. Amendment No. 19 relating to the consolidation of a city and county and limited annexation of contiguous territory. This amendment is the result of a compromise between the cities of Oakland, Los Angeles and San Francisco. It provides a method by which B metropolitan city may annex surrounding municipalities, even those outside the county of the annexing city. The consent of n majority of the electors of the annexed district, however, is required. This amendment contains a number of minor provisions. 2. Amendment No. 25 is of particular interest to framers of city charters in that it permits a general grant of powers over municipal affairs instead of necessitating the enumeration of a long list of powers as heretofore. A number of minor matters are also taken up in this amendment. 3. Amendment No. 27 modifies the county home-rule amendment passed in * From H. S. Gilbertson, secretary, Short Ballot Organization.

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19151 NOTES AND EVENTS 103 1912 so as to permit county officers to discharge certain municipal functions of any municipality in the county incorporated under general laws or framed under the home rule pro\ision of the constitution. 4. Amendment No. 29 is apparently of similar scope as amendment No. 25 except that it applies to counties organized under general law rather than by charter. Amendments No. 7 relating to homerule in taxation, No. 16 relating to excess condemnation, and No. 33 relating to public utiIities, are reported to have been defeated. It will also be a matter of regret in many quarters that California is not to have a constitutional contention, this proposition having been defeated by the people at, the November election. * Commission Government in Pennsylvania.-Dubois having voted to become a third class city, brings the number of cities operating under the new commission form of government bill to 29, and the population in the cities operating under it to 908,793. * Municipal Ownership.-Los AngeZes. In May the people of Los Angeles voted in favor of a bond issue of $6,500,000 for the construction of a municipal electric lighting plant. Those favoring municipal ownership based their optimism on the success of 11 years of municipal ownership of the water system of Los Angeles. It was claimed by the municipal ownership forces that profits of $8,286,531.14 have accrued to the city during the time that the city has operated the water service. Since Los Angeles has a population of half a million, its experiment with municipal ownership of its lighting and power system will be watched with interest. Milwaukee Lighting. The railroad commission of Wisconsin made an informal investigation as to the cost of municipal street lighting in Milwaukee, and found that a plant could be built and operated by which the city could own and operate an adequate number of four ampere luminous arcs and tungsten lamps at an average cost of $75.11 per lamp. The items in this cost as given by the commission seem to be uniformly higher than similar items in private plants under substantially similar circumstances and conditions. The significant fact is, however, that, without allowing for any other business or for the diversification of it5 load in any way whatsoever, the city could build a plant and get up-to-date electric lamps at $75.11 each. It is very clear that under anything like a reasonable development for power and commercial uses, the cost per lamp would be much lower than this, yet $75.11 is a much lower rate than the average city in the United States is getting from private companies. Lectures on Public Utilities. During March, April and May, a course of lectures was given on public utilities before the Finance Forum of the West Side Y. M. C. A., New York City. Among the lecturers were T. Commerford Marton, of the New York Edison company; Francis T. Homer; Arthur Williams, of the Edison company; Dr. Edward P. Hyde, of the General electric company; T. P. Sylvan, of the New York telephone company; Thomas N. McCarter, president of the Public service corporation of New Jersey; W. H. Gardner; William D. Kerr, director of the Bureau of public service economics; and Charles F. Mathewson. The fact that all of the lectures in the course were published by William P. Bonbright & Company, investment bankers in public utilities securities, will perhaps place the reader on his guard as to their prejudice and value.' * Municipal Ownership of Railways in the District of Columbia. House Report No. 15191, otherwise known as the Crosser bill, provides for the acquisition, ownership and operation by the commissioners of the District of Columbia of all the street railroads located in the District of Columbia. Many statements, favorable and unfavorable to municipal ownership, have 1 Prepared by Clyde Lyndon King.

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104 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January been called forth during the hearings on this bill. To facilitate the work of those interested in the subject-matter of the bill-who, otherwise, would have to plod through the pages of testimony pertaining thereto-the bureau of public service economics, in July, 1914, issued an abstract of hearings before the committee on the District of. Columbia. This abstract sets forth in a clear, concise manner the salient features of the bill. It is followed by an abstract of the statements of various important men regarding the bill .The bureau, in addition, has prepared a brief and argument based on the abstract of the hearings. *. Municipal Ownership and Operation of Water Works. The nineteenth century opened with sixteen water works in the United States which were municipally owned. It closed, as M. N. Baker, editor of Engineering News, in an address before the Conference of Mayors pointed out, with nearly 3,500 works, more than half of which were under public ownership and 200 of which had changed from private to municipal ownership. In his address Mr. Baker expressed the opinion that it would be salutary if there were some measure of state control over the way in which a city raises its money to defer the cost of its utility service. He also believes that there should be state’ control of water works accounts and reports. In addition he asserted that the case for general state control of the utility of water supply rests upon the fact that public health is a matter of state and national concern, and cannot safely be left to local control. * Telephones.-The Kansas utilities commission recently ruled that a telephone company must furnish satisfactory service and must charge its stockholders the same rate for telephone service that it charges its other customers. The ruling was brought out by the application of the Fairview telephone company for permission to increase its rates. The 300 stockholders of this company were getting service at 50 cents a month, while the 80 consumers, who were not stockholders, were paying one dollar a month for the same service. The commission held this to be discrimination and ordered all telephone companies to discontinue this practice, which was found to be very common throughout the state. * London’s Electricity Supply.--Bccording to the London Reform Noh, the supplying of electric light and power in London is in a very chaotic state, as may be gleaned from the following statement: “At this moment there ,are 65 authorities supplying electricity upon 49 different systems from 70 generating stations containing 585 engines.” Two well-known electrical experts were engaged to work upon the problem. In their report they recommend the establishment of “a new undertaking with such powers 3s will enable it to concentrate production, standardize and unify distribution, and bring about the amalgamation of the different undertakings.” As to the methods by which the new agency might be established, the experts came to the conclusion that the best method is “partial or complete municipal ownership with private operation, under street municipal control, the bulk of profits going to the public, whether as ratepayers or consumers.” The special committee on London electricity supply rejects the idea of R scheme providing for complete municipal ownership and operation and recommends a combination of municipal control and ownership with operation by a company. The metropolitan area of electricity supply embraces six county councils, including the London council. Without this area, there exists 70 electricity supply undertakings of which 39 belong to local authorities, and 31 to private companies. The question now is, will parliament make the London county council the supply over this vast area? There is a movement on foot for the formation of a gigantic electric light and

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19151 NOTES AND EVENTS 105 power company for London which will be a large holding and operating company, to take over the shares of the existing companies and offer the old shareholders shares in the new enterprise in exchange for their present holdings. W of the companies are not definitely in favor of the proposed scheme; but a special corximittee has been appointed to examine thoroughly the problem. London’s electrical requirements will be carefully studied and indicated in the proposed plans. * Accounting Notes.New York’s Proposed Payroll Revision. City Chamber- ‘ lain Bruere, co-operating with the department of finance of the New York City government and with the bureau of municipal research, is engaged in working out municipal payrolls. In the first place all of the payroll forms of the many city departments will be standardized to 17” x 14” in size. Similar to the advertisements now appearing relative to certain food products, New York’s new payrolls may be said to be prepared “without being touched by human hanclq.” The size adopted will admit of payroll preparation by any of the standard mechanical devices wed in this line of work. Addressograph plates will contain for each employee(1) name; (2) amount of monthly or halfmonthly salary, stated in figures; and (3) the same amount stated in words. It is planned to establish a division in the department of finance where the payrolls and employees’ checks of all departments in the city will be prepared, instead of having each department prepare its own roll as at present. That the standardization and centralization of payroll methods will save a large amount of money is obvious. Moreover, the new method will lend itself much more readily to facility of operation. Not the least important part of the plan contemplates the use of signature cards for per diem employees so that when paying men in the field, instead of being compelled to wait for each man to sign his name on the roll, cards will be distributed immediately upon the arrival of the paymaster’s automobile and quickly signed by the gang or group to be paid. As fast as signed the men will fall in line and exchange their cards for the money due them. The same cards can be used for six months without rewriting. Each per diem employee will have a number which will appear on the badge to be worn on his coat. This same number will also appear on the card and on the payroll, thus providing an additional insurance that the right man is being paid. Pittsburgh’s Salary Standardization. The mayor’s bureau of costs and the civil service efficiency division of the Pittsburgh city government, with the assistance of the New York bureau of municipal research, have been malung an intensive study for several months, relative to standardizing the rates of compensation of that city’s employees. Instead of permitting this work to lapse as have some of the cities which began standardization of salaries, the city council, under the leadership of Robert Garland, chairman of the finance committee, have retained A. W. Procter of the New York bureau to sit with them during the period of making the 1915 budget, so that they may put into immediate effect the recommendations with respect to salary changes. Boston Considers New Budget Methods’ There has been considerable agitation recently among those interested in municipal government in Boston, relative to the adoption by that city of scientific methods of budget making. Boston is one of the very few large cities which still continues to make its annual budget according to the methods which prevailed a decade ago. Inasmuch as the proposed plan has become entangled with a proposal to change the office of the city auditor to a comptroller’s office or department of finance, and such change is opposed from several quarters there is considerable doubt whether new budget methods will be adopted at this time.’ York bureau of municipal research. 1From Herbert R. Sands, C. P. A,, with New

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106 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January The Meaning of the English Budget.There are some interesting changes in the budget. Poor law grants are to be passed on recommendations of departmental committees. Educational grants are increased, including grants for feeding children, medical inspection and treatment, physical training, open air schools, tuberculosis treatment, schools for mothers, and special training for teachers and scholars. The police grant is to be increased from 38 per cent to 50 per cent. The road hoard is to classify roads in three divisions, the government to pay half the expenditure on main roads, one fourth on county roads, and nothing in respect of district roads. Further government control over local administration is to be strengthened and pressure is to be put upon local authorities to carry out schemes of social and public improvement. The municipal income tax is not adopted, because experts declare it impracticable.’ * Minneapolis Bureau of Municipal Research.-The Minneapolis civic and commerce association established a bureau of municipal research to make currently available to the city departments the best experience in municipal administration. The work is done under the municipal research committee of the association. Frank S. Stdey, formerly of the New York training school for public service, is the director of the bureau. The city council has authorized the director to survey the city departments and to recommend such changes as are necessary to get rcsults with the greatest economy of effort and money. The bureau opened in January, 1914. The newly organized civil service department was the first to be studied and the changes recommended were made. A survey of the health department has been made, including studies of office administration, accounting, food and sanitary inspection service, control of contagious disease, handling of vitsl statistics, etc. As a result the office has been reorganized and new systems are being 1 From P. M. Jameson, University of Texas. installed. New activities suggested by the bureau will be undertaken when the health appropriation is made adequate. At the request of the city council a special study wm made of the fees taken in by the city clerk’s office other than those turned over to the city treasury. The findings of this study resulted jn an ordinance requiring city employees to return to the city treasury all fees collected. In co-operation with the bureau, the council committee, which has charge of the garbage and ash collection and disposal, is reorganizing the system of collection and disposal so that better service will be given the city at less cost. At present a survey of the city hospital is under way. Surveys of the comptroller’s office, .the waterworks department, the department of building inspection and the public library have been asked for the city officials in charge. The Minneapolis bureau makes its suggestions directly to the heads of departments or to committees or boards in charge. When assistance is desired in installing the new systems or undertakings recommended, the bureau furnishes it. The results of the work of the bureau of municipal research appem in the increased effectiveness of the departments. The attitude of the city officials was shown in a letter which the commissioner of health wrote to the chairman of the municipal research committee stating that all the recommendations of the bureau had either been or were to be carried out, and requesting that the bureau keep in touch with his work. * Public Safety Notes.-Police Training School. The school for recruits of the New York police department has been reorganized by Commissioner Woods as the training school of the department. To recruits it now offers carefully planned courses in the laws and ordinances of the department and practical police instruction in the streets and in the courts, gymnastic training, instruction in swimming, wrestling and boxing and a course of lectures in first aid work. Men who have been in the department six years are re

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19151 NOTES AND EVENTS 107 turned to the school for an additional eourse of instruction. All men detailed to the traffic squad are given a special course of instruction before being assigned to this work. All lieutenants of the depnrtment are given instruction in the duties of their position in a special class in the school, taught by the inspector of the department. Furthermore, there has been distributed to each member of the uniformed force a ZOO-page volume entitled “Police Practice and Procedure” which gives in clear form an excellent exposition of the principles of police administration. This book has been prepared by Inspector Cahalane, the director of the training school. St. Louis Promotion Plan. St. Louis has adopted a police promotion system which is distinctly superior to the plans in use in other cities which do not have civil service promotion examinations. Whenever a vacancy occurs all men in the next lower rank who are eligible for promotion are directed to submit to the head of the force through official channels an application for promotion which shall contain a brief account of their service in the department, their principal assignments and details, their meritorious acts and performance of exceptional police duty. The commissioner addresses letters of inquiry to the citizens named in these applications. These applications together with the replies received by the commissioner to the inquiries sent out by him are carefully considered on a competitive basis, and the best man is selected for promotion. Police Signal Lamps. Police Commissioner Woods of New York has established in the busiest precinct of that city a system of signal lamps, each of which is connccted with the station house of the preeinct on an independent electric circuit. One of these lamps is located on the beat of each patrolman and the lieutenant at the desk in the station house can, by closing the circuit and lighting the lamp, call the patrolman on post on any beat to the telephone for orders. The response of the patrolmen to these signal lamps is very prompt and the efficiency of the patrol service is much increased tbereby. Extra Tours in Place of Fines. Fire Commissioner Adamson of New York, after making a careful study of the system of fines in vome in that department, has come to the conclusion that the infliction of a fine upon a member of the uniformed force does not in most cases have a salutary disciplinary effect. The fireman who is fined does not suffer personally as much as do the members of the heman’s family, whose income is decreased. Accordingly Commissioner Adamson has discontinued the practice and in lieu thereof deprives such firemen of their days off by requiring extra tours of duty. As a result the families of the firemen are no longer punished for the delinquencies of the bread-winner and the department received additional service in point of quantity from those firemen whose service is deficient in quality. Disciplinary Powe~ of Superior Police Oficers. In most American cities the police force is a semi-military organization, the members of which are subject to charges if they violate any rule or regulation of the department. The preferring of charges is cumbersome and is employed in the case of every violation of the rules and regulations, whether serious or trivial. Much valuable time and effort are lost, and to obviate this Commissioner Woods has issued an order authorizing inspectors of police to take cognizance of specified minor violations of the rules by police officers under their command. Such disciplinary powers have been possessed by superior police officers in Europe for many years. Service Journals. Although most of the larger American cities have a school of instruction in which police recruits are instructed in the performance of their duties, practically no American city has made any provision for the systematic instruction of its regular police officers in police work and law enforcement. Most cities which give their policemen physical training confine this work to military drills held to train the men for an annual police parade. The estabhhment of a weekly service journal for PO icemen in St. Louis and the estab

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108 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January liihment of a bi-weekly service journal for policemen in Cleveland mark the commencement of vocational training for police officers in America. These service journals contain instructive papers on law enforcement; correct answers to practical police problems submitted in civil service examinations for promotion; news items of interest to the members of the uniformed force and a department in which answers are published to queries on police subjects submitted by members of the force. The educational value of these senrice journals is very great.’ * City Planning in New York.-Two things are noticeable with relation to the powers and composition of the planning commission just appointed for the city of New York: It is purely advisory; and it is a large unpaid body of citizens giving but a fraction of their time to this public work. In writing on the subject, Frank B. Williams, a member of the commission, says : ‘I Personally I believe that city planning commissions should have advisory powers, and no others; and such appears to be the growing practice. City planning touches and concerns nearly every phase of city administration. To narrow the field of such a commission would prevent it from doing comprehensive planning, and defeat the chief object of its appointment; to give it power other than advisory, would divide authority and responsibility between the commission and the city administration, which is contrary to sound principles of municipal government. That the advisory commission, to have power, must win support by educating the citizens is no misfortune to the cause of city planning or good government generally. Only progress by this method is permanent. “The New York commission is given no power to compel reference to it of city plaMing matters, or to delay find action by other departments until it has had opportunity to investigate and report. Some measure at least of these powers I believe 1 Prepared by D. Leonhard Felix Fuld. every city planning commission should have. The composition of the New York commission would seem to be a guarantee that, practically, it will not lack these powers. The city is not liely to force to a premature decision matters in which these men suggest that further investigation is necessary. “The New York commission is L large unpaid body composed of citizens who are not city planners, but are busy with matters closely related to some part of the city plan. The intention is to divide the commission into numerous sub-committees, so as to make it possible for men with little time for work to cover the whole field. “There are many methods of forming a city plaiming commission. It is my belief that the choice should lie between a large unpaid citizens’ commission, and a small, highly paid professional commission. At the stage in which city planning finds itself at present, there is much to be said for the form of commission New York has chosen.” * Housing and City Planning.-Rural Homing. In the House of Commons recently, it was proposed to provide 23,000,000 for the board of agriculture to deal with the rural housing problem. It seem that rents are to be “on an economic basis,” but the loan is to be extended, and there will be no sinlung fund charge with respect to land. It is expected that Parliament will be asked to decide that town planning shall be com.pulsory, and not merely limited to those localities in which there happens to be an enlightened and progressive local council. There is a desire on the part of municipal officers to extend the powers of the town planning act to all of the cities. Planning Greater London. A proposed circular road for the city of London was considered by town planning experts at a recent meeting of the Town Planning Institute. Such a road, of course, would be a relief to the traffic situation in London. Compulsory Town Planning.

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19151 NOTES AND EVENTS 109 Irish Exhibition. The civic exhibition, Ireland, 1914, recently took place under the auspices of the Civic Institute, Limited, at Dublin. The primary object of the promoters was “to illustrate simply, clearly, and vividly” recent advances and achievements in Ireland, and to point the way to the solution of certain problems of immediate interest.1 * German Municipal Activities in the War Period.-It is very extraordinary in view of the general impression held in this country about the conditions in the belligerent nations, to see how steadily and with what little interruption the usual municipal activities are being carried on in German cities. However, the municipal journals, which by the way in Germany in contrast to those in England; for instance, are continuing during the war without diminution in iolume, give some interesting facts with regard to the extraordinary duties imposed upon the cities by the war. The first of these extraordinary activities seems to be the voting of appropriations for providing necessities of life at normal prices. Frankfurt, for instance, has made an appropriation of 2,000,000 marks far such activities. In Berlin the administrative board of magistrai is meeting in daily session and has proposed an appropriation of 6,000,000 marks for providing flour, bread, and other food stuffs. The municipalities have quite generally determined the maximum prices to be charged for such food stuffs and provide for the punishment of usurious charges. According to statistics collected by one of the German municipal journals, there is no fear of a food famine. Provision has also been made for readjusting the work of public instruction so far as it has been effected by the calling of the teachers to the colors. Many German cities have voted thousands of dollars for the support of women ‘From R M Jomrson, University of Texas ?This evidently does not refer to the London Munacrpal Journal, which arrives regiilarly -EDISOH and children left without resources as a result of the head of the family being called to the colors. Provision has been made for the training of officers on the pension list for service in the municipalities in place of such officials as are called to the front. The Stadte Zeitung of Berlin, one of the leading municipal journals, writes editorially in praise of the bureaucracy and its accomplishments in this time of war, which it has not hesitated to condemn at times and in the conduct of its ordinary business. It is estimated that in Berlin as a result of the war about 200,000,COO marks worth of building has come to a standstill, but the authorities in Berlin and elsewhere have decided to carry on all undertakings already decided upon, in order to remedy the problem of unemployment. In Dusseldorf several hundred of the municipal officials and employees not called to the colors have voluntarily given up a portion of their income to be devoted to the support of families needing assistance because of the loss of their producers, and for the Red Cross. In certain cities of Germany a municipal voluntary militia has been organized for purposes of police protection to take the place of the considerable number of police which have been called to the colors. In one community all of the higher municipal authorities were called to the colors, leaving the municipality without a regular official. One result of the war has been the postponement of all the proposed meetings of municipalities in the various portions of the German Empire. Cologne recently voted 100,000 marks for the relief of the population in East Russia in want because of the war. A number of German municipalities have issued notices to their citizens to exercise the greatest economy in the use of the light and water furnished by the city, with a view primarily to preserving the supply, but also in part because of the reduction in the number of men available for continuing these public utilities.

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110 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January The most serious problem facing the municipalities in Germany as a result of the war seems to be that of unemployment. All classes of the population have been affected by the closing down of a great many industries, and the difficulty of providing work for men seems to be great.’ * Municipal Markets.-Chicago. On September 24 the first municipal markets to be established in Chicago were opened for business. These markets are in the centers of congested districts where the people need cheaper food. Miss Kelley, who is in charge, aided by agents of the markets commission, had circulars printed in English, Hebrew, German and other languages and distributed for the instruction of consumers. In addition, agents were dispatched to truck farming districts within a radius of 25 miles of Chicago to notify farmers that places would be reserved for them. The markets promise to be a great success. Liverpool. An interesting fact is reported by Oscar L. Hewitt, of the Chicago Herald, who finds that Liverpool gets a 5 per cent commission upon the value of products brought into the municipal market by producers and sold directly to consumers. The profit from the market is $60,000 a year. The profit to producers and consumers is still greater.2 * Municipal Promotion as Function of Government.-In the commission government charter of the small city of Amarillo, Texas, provision is made for a board of civic development whose functions are very similar to those of an ordinary chamber of commerce or board of trade. The activities of this board are directed to advertising the city and promoting its commercial interests. There are 14 members, and the board is subject to little control by the city commission. A tax of two I From Herman G. James. : From Clyde Lyndon King. mills on the dollar is levied to furnish revenue for the undertaking. In view of the fact that the courts of many states have held that taxes may not be imposed for the purpose of assisting commercial enterprises and thus promoting the commercial interests of a city, the question presents itself whether, if the matter were contested, the courts would sustain the expenditure of public revenues for a purpose such as this, however, “public” it may seem to be in the broader acceptation of that term. 3: Municipal Waste Disposal.-The Chicago waste commission recently recommended to the city council a comprehensive plan for the collection and disposal of all the city’s wastes, which would involve an ultimate expenditure of $3,513,000. The council then authorized an appropriation for the purpose of making further detailed studies and preparing for putting the general plan into execution. The studies will probably require a year for completion. The city has purchased the contractor’s plant for $175,000, which was about $200,000 less than the company originally demanded, and has spent about $260,000 in its reconstruction. The city is also erecting a large incinerating plant to serve the extreme southern part of the city. * Higher Offices Competition in New York.-The New York civil service commission has refused the application of the Mitchel administration to exempt the secretaries of six commissioners recently authorized to study certain phases of the municipal problem. In refusing this request the commission established a policy that the merit system should be extended to the higher positions in the operating departments of the city government, properly embracing all positions without actual policy determining functions. The commission, however, did exempt certain of the persons desired by the administration on the ground of their special fitness.

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Unemployment and Distress in Great Britain.-The effects of the war upon employment and distress among the poor became apparent in August. Local representative committees are being set up under government initiative. These committees will make a continual survey of trade and industrial conditions. They will seek to co-ordinate relief and charitable agencies and will work in co-operation with municipal and poor law authorities.' * Municipal Printing.-The Glasgow corporation has passed a resolution to appoint a special committee to consider and report aa to the desirability of instituting a printing and stationery establishment where the municipal printing could be done so far as practicable. We know of no local authority in the United Kingdom which does its own printing. Municipal Scrubber.-The Louisville health department has created the job of municipal scrubber and cleaner, whose duty is to aid in the keeping of tenement houses clean. She is also available for the occupants of one and two family houses; at the expense of the latter, however. * Municipal Wages.-The same demand which precipitated the municipal strike at Leeds, viz., the claim to 2s. a week advance inwages for all municipal employees, has been made at Manchester. * City Commissions at Work for Chicago. -The subjects of railway terminals, municipal markets, the disposal of waste, and unemployment are receiving the attention of four separate commissions. 19151 NOTES AND EVENTS 111 11. POLITICS2 Crime in Chicago.-The specid committee of the city council investigating crime in Chicago was created by an order introduced in that body by Alderman Charles E. Merriam on May 18, 1914. The order providing for a comprehensive study of this important problem was as follows: ORDERED, That the mayor he and he is hereby authorued and dlrected to appoint a committee of five aldermen for the purpose of investbating and reporting to this council upon th frequency of murder, assault, burglary, robbery, theft and like crimes in Chicago; upon the official disposition of such cases; upon the causes for the revalence of such rrimes; and upon the {est practical methods of preventing these crimes. Alderman Merriam, chairman, Kerner, Long, Walkowiak and Nash were appointed members of the committee and an appropriation of $10,000 was voted by the council to carry on the work. Subsequently, after a number of preliminary reports had been submitted by the com1 From R. M. Jameson, University of Texas. *Prepared by the Editor except where otherwise indicated. mittee, a further appropriation of $15,000 was voted to complete the inquiry. The text of the order creating the investigating body indicates that the committee was not limited only to investigation of the activities of the police department, as has been the case with many inquiries of this kind, but rather aims to include the work of other administrative agencies which deal with crime in the community, such as the courts, the prosecuting machinery and local penal and correctional institutions and the more fundamental, psychological and sociological aspects of the problem. The investigation under the direct supervision of Alderman Merriam has been carried along three lines. Morgan L. Davies, attorney for the committee, has been in charge of the investigation of the police department and the legal phases of the inquiry; Edith Abbott has supervised the collection of statistics of crime; and Prof. R. H. Gault of the Northwestern University has been engaged a~ psychologist and criminologist. Fletcher Dobyns has directed the investigation of the relatiom of pickpockets and other criminals

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112 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January with the police and has been associated as advisory counsel with Mr. Davies in other phases of the investigation. Several reports have already been submitted. Miss Abbott has reported on the extent and character of crime, on the number of complaints, arrests and convictions; on the workings of the adult probation system; on conditions ,in the county jail; and on the social status of those arrested. Her report indicates that although there were a total of 109,764 arrests made in 1913 in Chicago but 10 per cent were on felony charges, while the remainder were held on minor misdemeanor charges. Of the 11,000 persons arrested for felonies but 3 per cent were sent to the penitentiary and a large number are imprisoned needlessly for very long periods of time, although not convicted. Courts, jails and jail machinery, costing over eight million dollars a year to maintain, is used almost entirely for those who are later declared innocent and discharged, or for those whosc offense is found to be so trivial when found guilty as to deserve only a fine. Another important fact brought out in her report wm that more than 80 per cent of those committed to the house of correction, over 12,000 in number, were sent there because they were unable to pay the fine imposed upon them by the court, and that a system of paying hea by installments, such as has been tried in Kansas City, Indianapolis and other places, would be more just to the minor offenders and a great saving to the state. In a subsequent report Miss Abbott pointed out that in Chicago, at least, the statement frequently made that immigrants are more prone to commit crimes than are native Bmericans is not true. The figures show, on the contrary, that the number of immigrants arrested for criminal offenses is very much less proportioqately than for those born in America. A number of public hearings have been held at which many of the judges of the municipal court, the commanding officers of the police department, and a number of investigators working under the direction of the attorneys have been examined in regard to conditions prevailing in Chicago, and much evidence indicating a very close relationship between certain police o5cers and criminals operating in the city has been brought out. A number of instances were reported in which police officers cooperated with pickpockets in the plying of their criminal trade. Two detectives are now on trial before the civil service commission on charges based on testimony of this character given before the committee. It is expected that the work of the committee will probably be completed by January 1, 1915, and that a number of constructive proposals will be made which, it is hoped, will aid in the prevention and the better suppression of crime in Chicago. s Orange, N. J.-H. 8. Gilbertson, the executive secretary of the National Short Ballot Organization, ran for the office of mayor on the Progressive ticket. He was defeated, however, in the Republican landslide that swept over New Jersey generally. Q Chicago.-Of the 12 sitting judges of the municipal court who were renominated all except two were re-elected. The two who failed of re-election were candidates for other offices at the same primary. Of the two who were defeated one was a very excellent judge and the other W&B .indifferent. In the opinion of those who followed the situation, “It must be accepted that a considerable number of voters were making a real effort to vote intelligently on this office, as is indicated by the fact that the sitting judges of both of the leading parties who had been endorsed by the bar primary were reelected except for the instances noted.” The secretary of the American Judicature Society in commenting on the situation says: “It seems incredibly stupid that anybody should doubt that appointment by the governor, either for life tenure or for definite terms, would not be better than the elective method it works out here. There are some arguments of comse against appointment by the governor.

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19151 NOTES AND EVENTS 113 We are endeavoring to find a plan which possesses advantages of both of the traditional methods of selection and as few as possible of the defects.” 5 Buffalo.-Three fourths of the state legislators elected from Erie County are pledged to the Municipal League of Buffalo to work for the submission of an amendment to the recently adopted charter of the city providing for the initiative and the recall. 5 Harrisburg is now operating under a commission form of government, being one of the third class cities &ected by the recently (1913) enacted Clark law. The local situation under the former law was not so bad as in many another city. On the other hand, her experience under commission government has not been an unqualified success. It is reported that the water department is being managed satisfactorily, public sentiment having forced the appointment of a skilled bacteriologist, in whom there is confidence. Moreover, a bit of real economy was effected by combining the various chemical needs of the city under the supervision of this one bacteriologist. The streets are in the hands of a man who was formerly a street supervisor. They are neither in better nor worse condition. The hances of the city are directed by the same official who previously controlled them, for the Clark bill did not provide for a reorganization of the administration of finances. On the other hand, public order and safety have received a serious set-back. Under the Clark act it has been possible for the three Republican members of the council to assume control of the police department. This control has not been exercised in the interest of better government. The mayor in this city is a committing magistrate, and holds police court every day. The policemen report to him. He has practically no authority over them, and has had to suffer the humiliation recently of having a patrolman who had been dismissed for drunkenness permitted to abuse him publicly in the councilmanic chamber, under the 8 support of the three dominating Republican councilmen. The park commission has ceased to be a factor of any interest. The members including J.. Horace McFarland, a vicepresident of the National Municipal League and president of the American Civic Association, were publicly accused of wrongdoing by the weak-kneed superintendent of parks. Accordingly, they resigned their positions on the advisory committee. Later on, however, they were influential in having Warren H. Manning of Boston retained as adviser. To support their self-respect and their notable record, the five members of the old park commission have refused to serve on the city planning commission, which is now appointed and includes five excellent men who know nothing whatever about city planning and only one of whom has been in any sense active in public work. The personnel of the governing commission is not strong. The dominating factor on the Republican side is the highway commissioner, who is the grade of a good, ordinary, political contractor-foreman. Another councilman was foreman of a machine shop and had been one of the city assessors. He is honest, but without imagination and with much prejudice. The third Republican is a very weak man, who has been on all sides of every question all his life, and whose commercial aspirations have been expressed through a cigar store. Mayor Royal is a reasonably capable man, who held over, but he is absolutely powerless, because he is a Democrat. His Democratic associate, the cashier of the Harrisburg national bank and an able financier, is not interfered with in the management of his department. 5 Detroit.-Mayor Marx was re-elected over Frederick F. Ingram, a business man of high character and many attainments. In the words of a correspondent:, “Some of the reasons for Mayor Marx’s victory at the recent election are: Mr. Ingram who in every way would make a good executive, is not a strong man politically, not being a ready speaker or a mixer. Mayor Marx, on the other hand, while not

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114 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January a strong speaker, is a mixer and had the backing of a strong political machine.” Mr. Ingram was emphatically in favor of carrying the mandate of the people with regard to the municipal qwnership of street railways into immediate operation. In one of his statements he said: “The people decided to have municipal ownership. They are given a so-called day-today agreement that to say the least makes the road to municipal ownership more difficult.” * Seattle.-Mayor Hiram W. Gill’ is giving Seattle a sane and acceptable administration, and is keeping the promises he made in his campaign for re-election and vindication. The city, in the opinion of one close observer, is “at least reasonably clean and orderly, perhaps as well regulat5d as a coast city could be expected to be. There is no open gambling nor has there been any attempt to revive the restricted district. This is not to say that conditions could not be improved here. Far from that. But the mayor is giving every evidence of a desire to serve the city conscientiously and to the best of his ability.” The Post-Intelligencer, which had a leading part in the recall of Mayor Gill and in two campaigns opposed his re-election on account of his former record, finds much in his present administration to commend, and is pleased to give him a word of praise. * California.-Hon. W. P. Lawlor who earned a wide reputation a~ the presiding judge during the graft trials in San Francisco some years ago, has just been elected associate justice of the supreme court of California. * California Home Rule.-Notwithstanding the strong home rule sentiment which prevails in California, fifteen of its cities have voted to turn over the regulation of their public utilities to the California public utilities commission. According to the secretary of state the actual valuation of the property thus to be regulated is estimated at $9,000,000. The cities so pp. 398, 608. 1See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. iii. voting are Santa Monica, Palo Alto, Willets, Orange, Covina, Monterey, Pomona, Antioch, Salinas, Eagle Rock] Belvidere, Ontario, Daly City, San Jose and Huntington Beach. * English Municipal Elections.-The feature of this year’s municipal elections in England was “an unprecedented absence of contests.” There was a truce between the political parties, and; according to the London Municipal Journal, most of the fights that did take place were forced by the Labor people. A few contests, of course, were put up by candidates who belonged to no party and championed special causes, but the electors were not enthusiastic, as they seemed to have had other things to think about. The result of the elections is that the personnel of the councils remains pretty much as it was. In the words of the Municipal Journal: “Retiring councillors have been lucky in getting returned without the bother and expense of contests, and the public have been spared expense too, and a great deal of autumnal oratory. The cost to the ratepayers of a municipal election is considerable. The expense of printing and placarding the walls with the names of candidates and instructions to voters, the hire and equipment of polling booths, the fees of presiding officers and poll clerks, the cost for motor-cam, police, and counting clerks, and other incidental expenses, are borne by the rates, and in the aggregate comes to a substantial sum-as much as E.1,400 in a Manchester November election with an average number of contests. All this money has been saved, and can be spent upon the provisions of employment for men who are hit by the war. Next year, or the year after, the contests for the municipal councils will be resumed, but the big fight must be seen through first.” * Election of English Mayors.-Recently, the “mayor choosings” occurred in England. Contrary to general opinion, the mayors were not very frequently chosen from among the aldermen. Re-elections occurred in less than one fourth of the cases. Of 376 mayors, 80 aldermen were

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19151 NOTES AND EVENTS 115 selected; 82 mayors were reelected, 24 having served as aldermen; 15 army officers were chosen, one admiral, and 4 knights. The longest term, 25 yews, occurred at Lydd, while a term of 15 years is recorded at Montgomery. * Autotaxation as a Political Weapon in German Cities.--An interesting consequence of the thoroughgoing recognition in German public law of the proprietary functions of the government, both state and local, and the legal rights and obligations that flow therefrom as distinguished from the governmental functions was recently drawn in a decision by the district administrative court of Potsdam. The magistrat of the city of New Cologne had entered itself on the municipal voters’ list on the basis of the taxes paid by the city on its proprietary undertakings. This entry being contested in the proper administrative proceeding, the court held that the magistrat as the legal representative of the city was entitled to be inscribed on the voters’ list of that city by reason of the taxes, both state and local, paid by that city on its proprietary undertakings. In other words, the city not only taxes itself, but becomes entitled to a vote in the proper class for members of the city council by reason of such taxpaying. Even more interesting than the legal point involved is the political use made of this power. The taxes paid by the city exceed those paid by any other taxpayer. In the case in question they were more than the totals paid by the three next highest taxpayers. Hence the magistrat would come in the first class of voters and might in many cities constitute that first class alone. In that case the magistrat would be entitled to elect one third of the members of the city council, which would of course give them a very important political position. That this power would be used for political purposes was clearly shown in the statement of the magistrat in question’that it desired to exercise this power in order to oppose the likelihood of a social democratic majority on the city council.* 1 From Dr. Herman G. James. The Voting List of Berlin made up according to the three class system in 1913, is as follows: First class, 771 voters; second class, 32,291 voters; third class, 359,803 voters. This means in substance that 48 members, or one third of the council of the German metropolis, are elected by one fifth of 1 per cent of the total number of voters, ie., of those who make up the first class of large taxpayers. The lowest individual tax payment in this group was $1,795. A second third of the council is chosen by 8.2 per cent of the total number of voters, i.e., of those making up the second class, whose individual tax payments ranged from the figure noted above down to $48.35. The third class, made up of all other voters, contains 91.6 per cent of the electorate but chooses only one third of the members of the council. Of the 48 seats in the council chosen by third class voters, 45 are now occupied by socialists. Berlin is divided into 16 councilmanic districts for first and second class, and into 48 districts for third class voters. As a result voters of the first and second classes are called together to elect councilmen every two years, while voters of the third class are called together for this purpose once only every six years. The figures stated above are of especial interest in comparison with those given by Professor Munro for the year 1905 (p. 131, Government of European Cities). Between that year and 1913, the total number of voters in Berlin increased from 374,751 to 392,865. The first class voters decreased, however, from 1,829 in 190.5 to 771 in 1913, or from forty-eighthundredths of 1 per cent to nineteenhundredths of 1 per cent. Voters of class two remained almost the same in absolute number, but their percentage declined from 8.6 per cent in 1905 to 8.2 per cent in 1913. In spite of the reform of the three class election law in 1900, therefore, the influence of the plutocracy is steadily increasing in the municipal affairs of the German metropolis.2 1 From Prof. Robert C. Brooks, Swarthmore Collegs.

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116 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January 111. JUDICIAL DECISIONS Right to Photograph.-An interesting question wm that recently presented to the attorney general of Wisconsin as to whether officiah who have the right to enter premises for purposes of inspection have also the right to make photographs showing the conditions found by them in such premises. In an opinion to the state health officer, C. A. Harper, the attorney general held that an inspector has such authority for the purpose of being better able to show the conditions existing to the administrative officials. This seems a logical deduction from the right to inspect and a necessary part of that right. The possibility that such reports as are made by deputy health officers may be rendered more graphic by photographs of the premises concerned and made available as public records for public use or public inspection should have a salutary effect. * Street Lighting-Obligation of Municipality.-The supreme court of Georgia in Witiiams trs. Mayor and Council of Washington' held that in the absence of a statutory requirement, a municipal corporation is under no obligation to light its streets; that it has the right to exercise its own discretion aa to whether it will light them or not, and that from the exercise of such discretion, no liability will arise. The court in effect holds, however, that if a municipality attempts to light its streets and subsequently neglects them or does not maintain adequate lights, and an injury results, that that fact, along with other circumstances, may be considered in determining whether there is negligence in failing to keep the street in a reasonably safe condition for pedestrians. 5 Municipal Lighting Plant-Care Required.-The Kansas supreme court held in Hurze us. lola' that a city which attempts to operate an electric light plant and furnish electricity to its citizens acts 182 S E. R. 56. $142 P R. 947. in its proprietary capacity, and that as such proprietor it is obliged to exercise the highest degree of care to avoid injury to its patrons. On this principle, the court held that a commissioner of the city having received notice between two and three o'clock of a defect in the lighting system within one hundred feet of plaintiff's shop and at a place receiving current under the control of the same transformer, the city was to be deemed negligent in not preventing an injury to plaintiff in his shop some three hours later, caused by the defect in the transformer. * Water Supply Outside City Limits.Many cities having municipal water systems supply territory lying outside the city boundaries. The question as to the rate and terms on which such supply should be furnished was before the Alabama supreme court in a case entitled City of Montgomery VS. Green.3 In that case the court held that all consumers to whom the city furnishes water, whether living within or without the city Limits, are entitkd to receive it at the same rate, in the absence of some physical difference justifying separate classifications. The same court held in Ellis us. Bimningham Water Works Company' that a property owner has no right of action against a water company for the loss of his property resulting from the failure of the company to provide sufficient water or water pressure for fire purposes, as required by its contract with the city. The contract to provide water for fire purposes having been made with the city, an individual property owner is excluded by a want of privity from maintaining an action against the company. 5 Liability for City Deposits.-When a bank in which municipal funds are deposited fails, the question usually has to be threshed out as to the respective liability of the officer making the deposit and a 65 S. R 783. 65 9. R. 805.

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19151 NOTES AND EVENTS 117 the municipality to stand the loss. In Stevens us. City of LudEow’ the Kentucky court of appeals held that the city council, having selected the depository and having directed the treasurer to keep its funds in the institution selected by it, the treasurer could not be considered liable, but that the city itself had assumed responsibility for the integrity and solvency of the institution selected. Most municipalities, however, try to avoid the possibility of such a situation by requiring surety bonds or collateral security for deposits of municipal funds. rb Recall of Officers.-Various recall provisions of the states having that interesting institution are giving rise to considerable discussion and some litigation. In Mills us. Niclcens,Z the Washington supreme court had before it for construction a constitutional provision requiring that a petition to recall an officer of a city of the first class shall be signed by not less than 25 per cent of the qualified electors of such city, computed from the total number of VO~PR cast at the preceding election, for candidates for the office from which the attempt is being made to recall an official. It was held that the words “at the preceding election” mean the next preceding election held for the election of councilmen whether that election was the one at which the particular councilman sought to be recalled wm elected or a subsequent one. The Oregon supreme court, in a case, Smith us. Barbur, not yet reported, has held that even in the absence of specific legislation as to the form of the ballot, the question as to whether an o5cer should be recalled must be submitted as a separate proposition and unless carried by a majority vote that the subsequent vote for candidates to succeed him should not be considered. The point insisted on by the plaintiff in this case was that the officer against whom a recall petition had been filed and who did not thereupon resign, should be voted on as one of the candidates for the office at the recall 9. W R. 473. * 142 P. R. 1145. election, but that no question specifically as to the recall was authorized under the Oregon constitution. The supreme court thus upheld the right of a citizen to vote on the specific question as to the recall of a particular officer rather than throwing the matter open for a choice among several candidates. * Meat Inspection and the Police Power. -The power of a municipality to regulate the slaughtering of animals and to require an inspection of carcasses when meat is to be sold, waa sustained by the supreme judicial court of Maine in State us. Starkey.a The court held that the public health is to such an extent the foundation of the public good that individual convenience and profit must be enjoyed in proper subjection to and observance of laws affecting the public health. That based on that principle a regulation instituted foe the purpose of preventing injury to the public and which is reasonably adapted to furnish the desired protection is constitutional and is a valid police regulation. 5 Bidding on Contracts.-The right of the lowest bidder under an advertised competition to have a hearing before a valid contract can be awarded to a higher bidder, is sustained by the supreme court of New Jersey in Armitage vs. Mayor, elc., of Newark.4 While the court held that a public body, if it desires to change the terms of such a competition, has the right to reject all bids and advertise for new ones, it decided that such a body could not award a valid contract under such an advertised competition to one who was not the lowest bidder. The court further held that in such a competition the bids called for must be for identical work, including the length of time to complete it, since in no other way could the competition be the same for all bidders. The spectacle of public bodies calling for bids and awarding contracts to other than the lowest bidder on account of the personality of the bidders, or other reasons not connected with the bidding itself, is an 890 A. R. 431. (90 A. R. 1035.

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unpleasant one, and decisions of this sort should do much to correct it, * Multiplying Nuisances.-In De Moll us. City of New York,l the court had the rather complicated situation of an alleged nuisance caused by two separate agencies and had to determine whether the result of the two agencies co-existing being a nuisance, the two things themselves could also be considered nuisances and so abated. The agencies in question were a tank for the storage of gasoline maintained by the defendant on its own property below the surface of the street, and a private alley way with a cess-pool or drain to carry off water that accumulated in the alley. The drain having become clogged caused water to collect in the alley itself and the gasoline tank allowed gasoline to escape, and spreading over the surface of the accumulated water became ignited and resulted in an injury to the plaintiff. The court held, however, that neither of the separate units of the combination being a nuisance in itself, the combination could not, therefore, be considered a nuisance. dr Basement Sales Rooms.-The authority of a city council to enact an ordinance prohibiting the retail sale of goods on a Boor more than twenty feet below the street grade, but at the same time permitting the retail sale of goods 12 stories above the street, was questioned in City of Chicago us. Maudee BTOS.~ The ground was taken that such an ordinance is unreasonable, as unduly discriminating against basement sales, on the ground that a basement may be made as safe as any floor above the street. The court held that the question of the relative safety of the basement and upper floocs of the building was one before the council at the time of the passage of the ordinance, and that the decision of the council on the question of the reasonableness or unreasonableness of the regulation, in the absence of other questions raised, is final. * Special Assessments and Proceedings in Rem.-Statutes providing for the levy and collection of special assessments for public improvements ordinarily provide for their collection by proceedings in rem. Under such a statute the supreme court of Alabama, in City of Decatur us. Southern R. R. Company,3 held that the statutory proceeding in rem is exclusive and that a personal judgment against the property owner for the amount of the assessment cannot be recovered. In the case in question a special assessment had been levied against the right of way of the railroad company. The statute by authorizing its collection only by the proceeding in rem and the property of the railroad company not being subject to sale for failure to pay, rendered the levy unenforcible. The city, therefore, had nothing more valuable than a cloud on the company’s title. IV. MISCELLANEOUS Chicago Psychopathic Laboratory.-The Chicago municipal court, under the leadership of Chief Justice Olson, is making still further valued contributions to modern penology. A psychopathic laboratory has been inst,alled with Dr. W. J. Hickson in charge. In his address before the American Association for the Study of Feeble-Minded, Dr. Hickson declared it to be his opinion that crime is a disease and must be so regarded. “Of 245 boys examined in the Chicago psychopathic 1148 N. Y. S. 667. 9 106 N. E. R. 181. laboratory since its establishment on May 1, only 18 were found to be normal mentally. In the light of these disclosures it becomes quite easy to accept the idea that a diseased brain is at the bottom of diseased behavior, and it is high time that we are dropping, in these cases, the idea of criminality.” The Chicago plan is to have an experimental as well as a practical laboratory for the study of crime-a laboratory similar to those of Kraepelin, Sizhen, Bleuler, Sommers, Bonhoeff er, Raymond a65 S. R. 536.

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19151 NOTES AND EVENTS 119 and Janet in Europe, except that it is to be devoted exclusively to court cases. Although the Chicago psychopathic laboratory is set down in the midst of the Municipal Court and works in conjunction with each of its specialized branches, Doctor Hickson’s paper dealt more especially with the working of the laboratory in relation to the recently established Boys’ Court. An examination of 245 boys from this court has revealed the following results: Only 18 tested normal on the Binet-Simon scale (a standardized list of questions and mental tests, the answers to which determine the mental age of the subject). In other words, only 7.34 per cent had a normal intellectual development; only 20, or 8.18 per cent, were borderland cases; and 207, or 84.49 per cent, were morons (persons whose mental age is below their physical age). “The average chronological age of these morons,” Doctor Hickson reports, “was 18.71 years; their basal age, 8.69 years and the total mental average 10.98 years. The normal cases showed an average chronological age of 20.94 years and a mental age of 12.70. The borderland cases averaged slightly lower. Our findings in the Boys’ Court were so bad that we have been giving our different tests with the greatest leniency and interpreting the answers with the greatest liberality. Even under these conditions, however, the average mental age of the boys brought before us was 8.69 years. “The significance of these findings cannot be taken too deeply to heart. The situation is so misunderstood and inconsistent that immediate remedial measures are demanded. These mental children deserve our pity rather than our present attitude of indifference, for they are irresponsible. “They should not be driven from pillar to post, relentlessly hounded, treated with contempt and punishment, as they now are under the blanket of our ignorance. Light on the subject must be spread broadcast at once, and the proper humane, medical and constructive means instituted.” The Boys’ Court, with which Doctor Hickson has co-operated to the fullest extent, was estabhhed to meet a demand for the same kind of speciahed treatment that juveniles are receiving in the Juvenile Court. It waa created because of the belief-since verified-that many delinquents between the ages of 17 and 21 were suffering from retarded adolescence and deserved the assistance that special courts with the co-operation of social agencies could give them. Chief Justice Olson tries to account for the Iarge number of boys that have been coming into the Boys’ Court by the fact that the court is a new court, being inaugurated in March of this year; that it is surrounded by very efficient civic and social agencies which have taken great pains to find work for boys brought into it; and that as a result the police have been taking in many of the troublesome boys in their districts in the hope of helping them. Results in the Morals Court so far have revealed conditions almost as bad as those found from the study of the Boys’ Court. The records are not quite so full as in the case of the Boys’ Court but already have gone far enough to see that about, the same kind of condition exists there as in the Boys’ Court. The Domestic Relations Court also has contributed its quota of feeble-mindedness to our already overflowing list. There is no doubt that a large percentage of marital unhappiness and shipwreck has feeblemindedness at its foundation. If the Chicago Municipal Court, through the co-operation of experts like Doctor Hickson, can ascertain the cause of crime and abnormality and appIy the remedy, it will be making a contribution of the highest value to the human race. * Standardizing By-Laws of Chambers of Commerce and Similar Associations.At the joint convention of the members of the American association of commercial executives and of the Central association of commercial secretaries, held at Cincinnati the last week in September, at which time a consolidated body under the name

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120 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January of the National association of commercial organization secretaries was effected, one of the important reports that was presented and adopted, was that of a committee on standardization, in the form of a draft of model by-laws, suitable for commercial and civic organizations in cities of from 10,000 to 100,000 population. The committee which was composed of 19 secretaries, with Munson Havens, secretary of the Cleveland chamber of commerce as chairman, had been at work on its report for more than a year. As a preamble to the by-laws submitted, 10 general structural principles essential in by-laws of a commercial organization which had been approved by the American association in September, 1913, were presented. I quote as important, from those general principles, the following: (2) Qualifications for membership should be stated with sufficient breadth to include all eligible persons; but provision should be made for reasonable care in the admission of members, as to their character, kancial responsibility and sympathy with the general objects of the organization; provision for the suspension or dismissal of a member for cause. (5) Provision that the source of nomination for the governing group of the organization shall be the membership at large; and provision for the exercise of a choice by the membership in the election of nominees to the governing group. (6) Provision that the governing group shall have ample power nnd certain jurisdiction; but provision for a reversal of the action of this group in a regular manner by the organization itself; and provision that at regular stated intervals the governing group shall be required to present a report to the membership. (7) Provision that the governing group shall elect the officers of the organization. (8) Provision that committees shall be named by the president, subject to confirmation by the governing group; and provision that every action of every committee shall be subject to review by the governing group before becoming the action of the organization, but provision that general policies and reasonable freedom of action in specific cases in a particular line of activity by a group of members interested in that line-either through the creation of a subsidiary organization (such as a board or department) or by committee. (9) Provision that the executive officer of the organization shall be elected by the governing group, and that he shall have the power of appointing and discharging all other employees; but provision that salaries shall be fixed by the governing group, or by a committee to whom the governing group may delegate that power. Interesting as a step forward in the stated objects of commercial organizations, and illustrating the evolution of the sphere of activities of such organizations, is the incorporation in section 1 of the constitution of “civic interests” as one of the purposes for which organization is effected. Time was, not so many years ago, when the chambers of commerce, boards of trade and other business organizations were supposed to be devoted exclusively to matters of trade and commerce. In these days many organizations are recognizing that on them rests a large responsibility for co-operation with and actual leadership of many movements designated as civic. A definite illustration of this new attitude was afforded by Minneapolis when, a few years ago, several of their commercial organizations were consolidated under one body, which has definitely recognized civics in its title, namely, the “Minneapolis Civics and Commerce Board.” Article 3 relating to boards of directors, provides that the direction of the work of the chamber of commerce and the control of its property, shall be vested in a board consisting of 15 members all of them to be elected annually. The board is to elect the secretary and fix his salary, and the secretary shall, upon his election, become a member of the board of directors. Under article 4, relating to officers, section 4 outlines the duties of the secretary, which among other things, provide that he shall appoint, have the general supervision over, and may dismiss all employees of the chamber.

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19151 NOTES AND EVENTS 121 Article 5, relating to committees, provides, first, that the president shall appoint all committees subject to confirmation by the board of directors. Second, an executive committee, to be composed of five members of the board, who shall transact all routine business of the chamber, shall act for the board in the interim between its meetings, shall have authority to order disbursements for the necessary expenses of the organization and audit the same for payment. Section 4 provides that “It shall be the function of committees to investigate and make recommendations. They shall report in writing to the board of directors. No standing or special committee shall represent the chamber in advocacy of or opposition to any project without the specific confirmation of the board of directors, or such confirmation as may be clearly granted under general powers delegated by the board of directors to that committee.” Article 6 provides for the formation of subsidiary organizations unde; the name of “boards” with authority to adopt such by-laws, rules and regulations aa may be necessary for its proper government, but none of which shall in any way conflict with the purposes and objects of the chamber, as set forth in its charter and providing that no action or resolution of any subsidiary board shall be binding upon or expressive of the sense of the chamber of commerce. Under the article relating to meetings, definite provision for the consideration of resolutions provides that they must be offered at meetings in writing and that no member shall read or offer for action, any communication, report or resolution until it has previously had the approval of the board of directors, without first making a general statement of the subject-matter thereof. Should any two members object to its presentation it shall be referred to an advisory committee of three, to be immediately appointed by the presiding officer. After hearing any statement the member offering, or the members objecting to its presentation may desire to make, this advisory committee shall report the matter back to the meeting with its recommendation that it be presented to the meeting, or that its presentation be deferred. This provision guards against the introduction and action upon matters which upon a more cttreful consideration by a regular committee might be deemed as irrelevant or not worthy of consideration. The model constitution is distinctive in a number of respects, important among which is the method of selecting the officers of the chamber itself, which is to be by the board of directors and not by a direct vote of all of the members. The committee in making thip report, stated that it had aimed to make provision for an organization that should be as democratic as possible, and that should really vest the direction of the organization itself in the members, and in providing for the election of officers by the executive board, rather than by the chamber itself, they felt that they were adhering to that aim, especially as provision had been made for an orderly nomination of directors from the entire body of the membership and the judging of the election by men in no way to be considered as candidates for any position on the board. The constitution was unanimously adopted by the commercial secretaries, with the recommendation that it was desirable that rn many chambers of commerce as possible, in re-drafting constitutions, aim to make them conform, so far as possible, to the model proposed.’ ?1? A New Kind of Improvement Meeting. -On October 9, 1914, there occurred at Bristol, Pennsylvania, a meeting so unconventional in character and conduct as to be worth noting. The meeting included the burgesses and commissioners and many other of the officials of some twenty boroughs and townships in the lower end of Bucks county. It was called under the auspices of the borough of Bristol, and presided over by the burgess. The motto of the meeting, as stated on the program and on the buttons which the delegates and guests were asked to wear, was “Co1 Richard B. Watrous, secretary American Civic Association.

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122 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January operative Citizenship Counts,’’ and the announcement was made that this was “Suburban Improvement Day.” Addresses were delivered by Burgess Thomas Scott of Bristol, setting forth the desire and intent of the meeting; by Edward M. Bigelow, highway commissioner of Pennsylvania, on co-operation in highway improvement work; by Major John C. Groome, head of the notably e5cient Pennsylvania state constabulary, descriptive of the aims, practices, ideals and methods of his force, particularly as related to suburban patrol and helpfulness in the enforcement of such laws aa the forest, fish and game laws, in addition to the ordinary statutes. Dr. Lewis, principal of the William Penn high school of Philadelphia, made a most striking and inspiring address on the way to make the schools better and the school building useful. J. Horace McFarland, president of the American civic association, spoke on “Co-operation in Improvement Work,” describing instances where co-operative citizenship had counted, and other instances where lack of co-operation among the various agencies had brought promising movements $0 naught. He particularly emphasized the value of co-ordinated improvement work between the communities in its relation to possible industrial betterment. Following him, Mr. Bigelow reiterated his ercperience and beliefs in connection with the influence of improved highways on the appearance and value of abutting properties. The addresses of the day were in a measure tied together by the final talk given by Alba B. Johnson, president of the Suburban metropolitan planning commission of Philadelphia, who described the powers and outlined the possibilities of this newly formed commission, which controls, under legislative enactment, within a radius of 25 miles from the borders of Philadelphia. The feature worth emphasizing in the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW is the “gettogether” idea, which, under the energetic organization of Joseph R. Grundy, of Bristol, brought into a community of relation so many separate towns and townships, and brought before them expert statement aa to things that might be done. It can readily he seen that other meetings of this sort in various counties of various states could not but result favorably upon the improvement of rural and suburban conditions. Particularly emphatic and significant was the applause which followed Dr. Lewis’ presentation aa to the foolishness of the present partial use of the community’s property in schoolhouses. 1 * The Survey Committee of the Cleveland Foundation has been appointed for the purpose of fiecuring the most comprehensive and thorough information possible on social conditions and agencies in Cleveland. This information is for use primarily by the foundation in deciding how the bequests received by it can best be used for the purposes for which the foundation itself has been established. These purposes are the social, industrial and civic improvement of Cleveland. The foundation can use its funds for any purpose that comes under this broad scope. No further restrictions are placed upon expenditures. The information secured by the survey will also be accessible to other agencies working for Cleveland’s welfare. There will be one marked distinction between the Cleveland survey and others made elsewhere. Other surveys have made a cross section at IL given time of the community’s social forces. The Cleveland survey will do this and then supplement the information. The.proposed cross section of Cleveland life and labor will not be made in its entirety at one given time. The purpose is to help the community to laow itself. This can be achieved only if the people of the city are carried along in their thinking with the survey as it progresses. To accomplish this, only one social interest or field of the community life will be studied at a given time, e.g., public health, education, dependency, industry or recreation. While the study of one field is in process, a.9 much material aa possible will be given to the public through 1 From J. Horace McFarland. Hamqburg.

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19151 NOTES AND EVENTS 123 the newspapers, special pamphlets and public meetings. No preliminary reports will be made that would jeopardize the further conduct of the study. The survey committee hopes that this will prevent undigestible overdoses of information when the study of a given field is completed. Also, the community’s thought will be helped towards the same conclusion or an intelligent criticism of a conclusion reached in any study. The question now before the survey committee is, --“What field of study shall first be undertaken?” Two principles will determine the decision; first, the field must be one of fundamental importance and of pressing necessity, as compared with other possible investigations; second, as between two fields of equal importance, the one holding the public interest will be selected. In this way, more co-operating thought will be given to the partial reports as issued, as well as to the complete survey, than would be given if this point of contact with popular interest were not established. The members and the director of the committee are now engaged in sounding all possible currents of public opinion and individual thought in order to reach a wise decision as to the first field to be entered. The present relief survey is only an emergency study. Suggestions made to the committee already include women’s work and wages; the educational value of children’s occupations; the assimilation of the immigrant; the care of crippled and defective children; causes of and remedies for destitution; the school system, its governmental organization, administrative methods and curriculum; recreational needs and activities; the educational needs and possibilities of the adult and juvenile population; sources of additional municipal revenue; and a plan for developing the transportation facilities of the city. All these suggestions are being carefully considered in the light of the committee’s principles of selection. Other proposals or arguments for or against any of those already suggested are desired. The opening of The Survey office, at 612 St. Clair avenue, gives all citizens an opportunity to talk with the director and join in what will be from the outset a cooperative movement for Cleveland’s further advance. * Legal Social Work.-Some idea of the legal social service work which a modern community is endeavoring to render to its citizens may be gathered from a quarterly report of the welfare department of Dayton, Ohio, and of its legal aid division. The division comes under the supervision of the director of public welfare, the Rev. Dr. S. Frank Garland, and was started more as an experiment to find out what the needs would be and what needs could be supplied, rather than with an idea of what was to be done. Experience has demonstrated that the department is filling a long-felt want. The counsel’s salary was fixed at $600 on the supposition that he would put in from 2 to 4 o’clock each afternoon, except Saturday, in the department offices; the remainder of his time to be devoted to private practice. The work has become so voluminous that he has practically given up private practice and is devoting all of his time to this work. The department charges no fees whatsoever for any services rendered and eliminates damage, divorce, criminal, personal injury, property owners and storekeepers cases, as an attorney is in a position to get a fee in all the above cases, except criminal, and the department is not filling the place of a public defender. The character of the work that comes within the province of the department is broad and takes in practically all branches of the law, including criminal prosecutions. To illustrate the latter: In one instance a colored contractor, in performing his written contract with the owner of certain property, maliciously employed laborers, with no intention of paying them for their work. There were 15 cases of this one contractor brought to the notice of the department and it proceeded at once to file mechanic’s liens to protect their claim, and in order that a lesson might be taught other contractors, who were undoubtedly doing the same thing, the counsel instituted criminal proceedings in

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124 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January conjunction with the city prosecutor, going upon the theory that to one who has nothing else but work and labor to give, and that whoever takes the same from him without paying its proper value, could be prosecuted under the Ohio statute for obtaining anything of value by false pretenses, The contractor was arrested, tried, convicted, and sentenced to 60 days in the city work-house. $’ Industrial Survey in Cincinnati.-The Cincinnati chamber of commerce through its civic-industrial department has started a survey of that city from the viewpoint of all the brpad phases that go to make up a city, including industrial, commercial, educational and social conditions. According to a statement of that chamber: “It is proposed to get a clearer idea than ever before of all the fundamental things which affect the city’s industrial strength and weakness; to know for what kind of industries the city is best equipped; to develop data which will enable the great educational system now being developed by the city to serve in the broadest possible way the varied interests of the city. The intention is to get at the bottom of things which affect the city’s prosperity and growth, so that the elimination of these things can be taken up in a scientific manner.” 3c A “City Mother” to act in a confidential capacity with parents in juvenile cases, is the innovation which Chief of Police Sebastian of Los Angeles has introduced. The chief’s reasons for this appointment are given in his annual report:“Owing to the increase in the amount of work in the police juvenile bureau, much of which is of necessity of a confidential nature, this being required to protect the names of fist offenders and their families, I have decided to establish a separate bureau known aa the ‘City Mother.’ It is my intention to keep this bureau in other quarters than the police station houses, so that parents, especially mothers, will not hesitate to confide their troubles to the ‘City Mother.’ “I find that many parents do not like to visit the police juvenile bureau, or either of the station houses, fearing publicity, and dreading the effect of its consequences. It will be the duty of the policewoman detailed to command this bureau to receive in confidence the statements of parents concerning their children, and to assist them in every way possible consistent with police duties. “This being a new departure in our work, many of the details will have to be worked out m questions and obstacles are encountered.” * American Civic Association.-The tenth annual meeting of the association, which occurred in Washington, December 2, 3 and 4, 1914, was notable not only because of its decennial significance, but because of the attendance, the interest and the things said. As customary with this and similar organizations, the program was overcrowded, there being seven sessions in three days, with thirty-four speakers, of whom thirty-one were present on time, with two absent by reason of sickness. Seven national organizations were adequately represented in short, terse, cooperative addresses at the opening session, showing a most interesting spirit of helpful interrelation. The high spots of the meeting were the president’s address, in which a new position was .taken in relation to the need for American city planning for American cities, as contrasted with the constant pressure for thoughtless adoption of foreign ideals; George A. Parker’s notable and almost revolutionary suggestions in respect to recreation for congested population, and the picture discussion of Amrrican and Canadian national parks. Thomas Adams, civic adviser to the Conservation commission of Canada, made two addresses of extraordinary interest, and it is not too much to say that his addresses, adequately illustrated as they were, set forward immeasurably the economic basis of city planning, as applied not only to the relief of congestion in the greater cities, but to the proper extension of the smaller communities. His second address was given in connection with the

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19151 NOTES AND EVENTS 125 joint session of the association with the American Institute of Architects, meeting at the same time in Washington. The question of unnecessary noises was ably handled by Mrs. Imogen B. Oakley, and this is to be one of the e%.b to be stressed by the association in connection with its general campaign against nuisances, including the billboard, concerning which there was a most picturesque session. * Conference of City Managers.The first conference of the managers of American cities was held in Springfield, December 2 to 4, at the invitation of Charles E. Ashburner who has been the city manager of that city since the inauguration of the commission manager plan there, and who prior to that waa city manager of Etaunton, Virginia. Eight city managere were present and an association was formed with Mr. Ashburner a8 president and Ossian A. Carr of Cadillac, Michigan, as secretary. Necessarily the papers presented were of a temporary value only, inasmuch as there has not been sufficient experience upon which to base serious papers. The meeting was an interesting one, however, and most suggestive in that it was the beginning of what bids fair to be a ’powerful movement in A4merican cities. All chief executive officers appointed by the legislative body are eligible for membership. .1? State Municipal Leagues. Iowa. Home rule for Iowa cities waa one of the principal subjects under discussion at the annual meeting held in Davenport, early in September. A formal report on the subjects was presented by a committee headed by Mayor Alfred C. Mueller of Davenport. It recommended the appointment of a standing committee to have charge of a home rule campaign. As a result of these recommendations, the league declared itself in favor of home rule, meaning thereby the right of selfgovernment for the cities and towns of Iowa “in matters which are municipal and purely local,” and of a constitutional amendment conferring upon municipalities the right to frame or adopt or amend their own charters. Another resolution of considerable significance stated that it was the sense of the league that assessors in cities and towns should be ap pointed by the city or town council instead of being elected by the people, as is now provided by statute. Virginia. The League of Virginia Cities likewise expressed itself favorably to home rule and the city manager plan of government and the enactment of a bill giving each city in the state power to create a city planning commission to prepare suitable plans for the symmetrical development of the cities. Minnesota. At the Mankato meeting of the League of Minnesota Municipalities, perhaps the most interesting feature wm the paper read by Frederick H. Bass, professor of engineering at the state university on the subject of “Engineering Co-operation, a Plan for Municipal Efficiency.” He proposed the establishment of an engineering bureau that would act in more than an advisory capacity for the smaller cities of the state, a bureau that would take upon itself the technical and professional services in each municipality. Few of the smaller towns in the community are in a position to secure expert assistance of which they are in great need, and the establishment of an engineering bureau might enable them to command high grade services. Another interesting feature was the report on the model village as a result of a survey conducted by a special committee of the league. In an effort to interest more of the cities and villages of the state in the league and to present to the state the constructive purposes of the organization, the executive committee asked a bureau of municipal research to conduct a survey of one of the smaller cities. Herman, a village of 800, was selected because it appeared to be fairly representative of the smaller towns that are springing up in Minnesota without plans for future growth. A party of 10 spent two days in Herman looking over the field and presented their views at a community gathering on the second day of the survey. These reports were made with a view to

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126 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January presenting suggestions applicable to all smaller towns. Just how fruitful the work in Herman will be and how effective the example will be is yet to be disclosed. Tezas. The city manager plan was the leading subject discussed at the Houston meeting of the League of Texas Municipalities, November 10 and 11. In the address of the retiring president, Mayor Wooldridge, of Austin, high tribute was paid to the work of the bureau of municipal research and reference of the University of Texas. The need for civil service merit rules in Texas cities was presented by Paul H. Sheldon, and was regarden as significant because the merit system is not at the present time very strong. The league went on record as favoring a state law similar to that passed in Kansas confirming the right of cities to appropriate general funds for league dues and expenses of delegates to the annual convention. The Northwest. The League of Pacific Northwest Municipalities discussed the municipal ownership of public utilities, presenting a distinguished list of speakers. California. In connection with the meeting of the League of California Municipalities at Del Monte, October 12 to 15, the subject of city planning received for the first time detailed consideration. The meeting waa held under the joint auspices of the league and the University extension division of the University of California. City planning was inaugurated on a permanent basis. Its purposes as outlined at the first conference are: (I) To create the widest possible understanding of the need, to show that it is practicable and sensible from the economic and social as well as the aesthetic standpoint; and to unite all separate movements for city planning in the various cities of the state into one strong central body. (2) To secure the drafting of comprehensive lams for the establishment of city planning commissions with powers best calculated to serve the interests of the community, with just regard for personal property interests of the individual. (3) To assemble data, reports and general information concerning successful city planning work in other states and in Europe for the benefit of California communities; to encourage the establishment of city planning commissions and organizations and to help them as far as possible in their work. The Illinois Municipal League was reorganized at its meeting in Urbana in October. Following the precedent of Wisconsin, Texas, and Kansas, a professor connected with the state university was made secretary of the organization, Dr. John A. Fairlie being chosen. He ww at one time secretary of the League of Michigan Municipalities while connected with the University of Michigan. Kansas. The League of Kansas Municipalities expressed a good deal of interest in the city manager plan and adopted resolutions recommending the abolition of the national party designations at municipal elections. It also recommended that all bonds issued by the cities be paid serially in not to exceed 20 annual instalments. A Municipal Improvement Exhibit.-A long standing conviction on the part of the head of the department of architecture of the University of California, the secretary of the League of California Municipalities and others interested in municipal improvement in California has been that the public bddings in the cities of the state are far below architectural par. This led the bureau of municipal reference of the uniiersity to undertake the collection of a municipal improvement exhibit consisting of photographs of the most noteworthy and most commendable examples of municipal improvement in California, the purpose being to stimulate an interest among the cities in securing improvements similar to those in cities of the same size in other parts and to direct their attention to high standards of civic architecture. An invitation was sent to the city officials to send in photographs of their public buildings and as a result over 400 were received. These were inspected by Professor John Galen Howard, head of the department and a jury of architects. Theif action in eliminating over three

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19151 NOTES AND EVENTS 127 fourths of the photographs submitted testified to the poor standards existing in the state. The exhibit consisted of photographs of city halls, libraries, schools, auditoriums, bridges, playgrounds, parks and industrial buildings such as water works and electric light stations. The exhibit was first shown at the annual convention of the League of California Municipalities at Del Monte last October aa one of the features of the first California conference on city planning. Since then the section on bridges has been sent to a small town in the northern part of the state and the school section to an Alameda county city. The bureau is preparing to mount the exhibit in such form that it may be sent out as a whole to stimulate interest in a community to better their public buildings or in sections to boards of trustees and other public bodies who are preparing to erect new public buildings. * The American Society of Municipal Improvements held its annual convention in Boston, October 5 to 8. Its program as in previous years dealt largely with the problems of construction. The address of Mayor Curley of Boston was filled with interesting information concerning what Boston had been doing along construction lines, among other things reporting the building of 25 miles of concrete sidewalk each year, motorizing the fire department, and constructing a high pressure water system. Colonel Sohier, the chairman of the Massachusetts highway commission, stated his conviction that the present high efficiency of road work in Massachusetts had been maintained by keeping employees who had been trained in its service, instead of discharging them with every change of administration, a policy that could well be followed by construction departments of all the cities and states. * A Municipal Maternity Hospital.-The Bradford (England) city council has adopted a scheme submitted by the health committee for the establishment of a small maternity hospital carried on by the city. The charges for each case attended at home are 10 shillings, and for each case in the institution 10 shillings plus one shilling per day for maintenance. By this arrangement it is hoped materially to reduce the rapid decline in birth rate so prevalent in Bradford and other places. * The Pennsylvania Department of Labor and Industry has completed an inquiry into the number of unemployed persons in the state. In reporting the results of its investigations it suggests that cities should not only establish employment agencies, but also so far as expedient undertake public works as a means of affording relief. John Price Jackson, commissioner of labor and industry, who recently returned from Europe where he made a study of industrial conditions, states that in Germany and England they are endeavoring to use public works as an outlet for unemployed labor and are, he understands, successfully carrying out this method. * The Homeless Poor of London.-It seems that the homeless poor of London is on the decline. On June 5, there were only 258 casuals in the wards, whereas, on the corresponding day, 1913, there were 391. This number being less by about seventy than the figure for the end of June, 1912. Since October, 1912, the Metropolitan asylums board has administered a scheme for providing for homeless persons found in the streets of central London at night. Persons found without shelter between 10 p. m. and 2 a. m. are given an order of admission, either to a casual ward or a shelter, according to circumstances. The scheme has proved so successful that its area of operation is to be increased.' * Minor Municipalities Prize at Rutgers College.-Hoping to interest Rutgen men in the subject of the most satisfactory management of municipalities, a resident of Highland Park2 has offered a prize of $50 for the best essay, length unlimited, on the management and organization of minor municipalities in New Jersey. The subject may be treated in any manner that 1 From Robert M. Jamson, University of Texsa. 9 A residential suburb of New Brunswick.

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128 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January the writer desires, but a few suggestions are given: In the first place, to consider the provisions in the constitution concerning municipalities, and what general or special statutes have been enacted on the subject. An adequate study might be made of the progress of commission government and the possibility of its adaptation to the minor municipalities of New Jersey under the law of 1911. A study of the government of some of the nearby boroughs, whose population varies from 1,500 to 3,000, is to be made at first hand and a report of the examination of one borough given in detail. Suggestions are then to be made by the writer as regards the best method of administration of minor municipalities, whether by (1) town meeting, (2) elective council, (3) commission government, (4) paid expert. What is the best method of financing improvements? What is the character of the improvements which are to be financed by long-term bonds? What by short-term bonds? What improvements should he paid from the annual income?' f English Municipal Strikes.-A number of English cities have been embarrassed of late by strikes on the part of the employees of the municipal utility companies. How to prevent these strikes is a question which is receiving a great deal of attention, not only at the hands of the municipal authorities, but also of the officials of the corporations involved. The clause which the North Metropolitan Electric Power company has inserted in its new bill is attracting widespread attention in England. It provides:-"Where a person employed by a municipal authority or by my company or contractor upon whom is imposed by Act of Parliament the duty, or who have otherwise assumed the duty of supplying any city, borough, town, or place, or any part thereof, with gas or water, wilfully and maliciously breaks a contract of service with that authority or company or contract or, knowing or hav'From Edward T. Pnxton (Rutgem 1914). assistant in the bureau of muniripal retlearch and reference of the University of Texas ing reasonable cause to believe that the probable consequence of his so doing, either alone or in combination with others, will be to deprive the inhabitants of that city, borough, town, place, or part, wholly or to a great extent of their supply of gas or water, he shall on conviction thereof by a court of summary jurisdiction or on indictment a8 hereinafter mentioned be liable either to pay a penalty not exceeding twenty pounds or to be imprisoned for a term not exceeding three months, with 01 without hard labor." * Co-operative Stores.-A co-operative association for municipal officers and public servants is proposed in England. After mature consideration, it hrts been decided to proceed by means of a limited liability company. * Purchase of Prison-Made Goods by New York Municipalities.-Under a law of 1896 the cities of New York state, as well as the state itself and other political subdivisions thereof, are required to purchase from the prisons of the state such diversified goods as are manufactured by the prisoners and are suitable for public use. This law absolutely prohibits the purchase in the open market of goods which may be bought from the prisons and declares that no claim for any article manufactured by the prisons and purchased from another source shall be audited without a certificate of the state prison commission to the effect that the article could not be furnished. In the absence of provision for effective supervision of purchases, audit, and accounts by the prison commission it is manifest that this requirement of the law would be exceedingly difficult to enforce. No such provision exists. It is not surprising, therefore, that the prison commission comes forward with the statement that many cities are persistently ignoring the law and cites a long list of offenders whose authorities have purchased few, if any, prison manufactures for a number of years. 9 Professor Charles G. Haines of Whitman College has accepted a call to the

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19151 NOTES AND EVENTS 129 chair of politi;als cience at the University of Texas. While in the state of Washington Dr. Haines took an active part in municipal affairs, serving as secretary of the League of Northwest Cities. * Professor Ralph E. George, formerly of Lehigh University, has accepted the chair of associate professor of economics and business at Whitman College, Walla Walla, Wash. * Robert A. Crosby, formerly executive secretary of the Civic Federation of New Haven, has been made head worker of the University Settlement, New York, in SUCcession to Dr. Henry Moskowitz, now president of the Board of Civil Service Commissioners of New Yorlc City. Mr. Crosby is succeeded as secretary of the Civic Federation by T. F. Moench of Philadelphia, local secretary of the North American Civic League for Immigrants. * Ralph Bowman, formerly secretary of the Municipal Government Association of New York and recently a director of the Bureau of Municipal Research in Milwaukee, has been made director of the Philadelphia Bureau of Municipal Research in succession to Dr. Jesse D. Burks. Frederick P. Gruenberg will become assistant director. * Oliver McClintock of Pittsburgh, after a useful term of service, has retired from the presidency of the Civic Club of Allegheny County. Mr. McClintock for many years has been one of the leading factors for municipal progress in Pittsburgh, and as a member of the council of the National Municipal League has been one of its most active coadjutors. * Dr. Delos F. Wilcox of New York has been appointed deputy commissioner of the department of water, supply, gas and electricity. Dr. Wilcox was formerly chief of the bureau of franchises of the Public Service Commission of the First District, New York, but since July 1, 1913, he has been engaged in private practice as a consulting franchise and public utility expert. 9 Last summer he was employed to take charge of the valuation of the private water companies operating in New York City, such companies being subject to regulation as to rates and services by the commissioner of the water department. In addition to the regular duties of his new office, Dr. Wilcox will carry forward to completion this valuation work. * Mrs. Owen Wister.-The Civic Club of Philadelphia of which she was president has issued a pamphlet entitled “In Memoriam: Mrs. Owen Wister,” containing many tributes paid to Mrs. Wister both as a woman and as an active factor in the civic life of Philadelphia, of Pennsylvania and of the nation. Mrs. Wister was a founder of the club and held nearly every position of prominence within its gift. The pamphlet is interesting alike as a civic document and as a tribute to a strong personal factor in the modern civic movement. * The Very Rev. Walter T. Sumner, D. D., dean of the Episcopal Cathedral, Chicago, who, has been an active force in municipal affairs, chairman of the first Vice Commission, and a member of the Chicago school board, has been elected Bishop of Oregon. * Thomas Mott Osborne has been appointed warden of Sing Ring, the New York state prison. Mr. Osborne is a wellknown reformer and man of affairs. He has been three times mayor of Auburn and was a member of the first up-state public service commission, having been appointed by Governor Hughes. He was a member of the council of the National Municipal League for two years and has for many years been one of its active support ers. * The Municipal Government Association of New York, Walter T. Arndt, secretary, has opened offices in the New York City Club house. The two organizations have been working in harmony for some time past and this move is designed to bring about a still more effective co-operation.

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DEPARTMENT OF PUBLICATIONS I. BOOK REVIEWS MUNICIPAL. LIFE AND GOVERNMENT IN GERMANY. By William Harbutt Dawson. London: Longmans, Green and Company. $3.75. The methods and results of German city administration have long since commanded admiration in America. Yet the problem of getting a fair and accurate account of these things has been one of considerable difficulty. Very little of any value has been written in English on the administrative side of German local government; and the average American student of municipal affairs has neither the time nor the patience to work his way through the various German year books of statistics and manuals of administrative law. Mr. Dawson has therefore undertaken a useful task in his attempt to give English readers a clear statement of what the German cities set out to do and how far they succeed in doing it. The volume deals both with the organization of German city government and with its day-to-day functions. The larger portion of the book, however,. is deioted to the latter subject. Every important branch of civic activity gets its share of attention: city planning and land policy, housing, public health, poor relief, finance and municipal operation of public utilities, each has one or more chapters. The treatment is both descriptive and critical, but on the whole the author’s attitude towards German methods is distinctly sympathetic. He sees much to admire in all branches of German administration and much that might profit.ably find imitation in England. Too often, however, this admiration carries him beyond the bounds of accuracy and in some cases to general statements which are absurd. good example: “Let the town clerk of an English municipal borough,” Mr. Dawson tells us, “be asked what powers his council can exercise, and he will point to volumes of laws and heaps of text books . . for nothing can be done for which there is not express legal sanction. . . On the other hand, let the mayor o’f a German town be similarly questioned, and he will at once answer that, there is practically no limit to the administrative powers which he and his collertgucs may exerrise; they can do everything, in fact, that the good government of the town may seem to require.” (p. 33.) The German mayor who would make any such answer would be talking nonsense, as the author himself unwittingly proves in the latter part of the same chapter (pp. 43-57). If Mr. Dawson had placed more dependence upon the published laws of the land and less upon conversations with members of the municipal bureaucracy, he would have kept many such sweeping statements from marring .the pages of his book. There is no more certain way of getting an exaggerated statement of a German official’s powers and influence than by taking the ipse dixit of the official himself. On the other hand, the author has shown great diligence in hunting up figures and considerable skill in putting them together. The four chapters on municipal taxation, for example, give an excellent survey of this complicated subject. The discussions of housing policy, poor relief and local school administration, while somewhat sketchy, are also worth the attention of the American reader who is interested in these things. Other chapters, such as Here is n 130

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19151 BOOK REVIEWS 131 those relating to trading enterprises and social welfare work, contain little more than an array of statistical details. Unfortunately, moreover, the author gives us, in most cases, no indication as to the source of his financial data. Anyone who has had much occasion to use the financial reports of German cities and has learned how easily they can be misinterpreted, will regard this avoidance of references as a very grave defect. Nevertheless, a volume which is so encyclopedic in its details is sure to prove of service as a work of reference. WILLIAM BENNETT MUNRO. HaTvaTd University. 4.APPLIED CITY GOVERNMENT. By Herman G. James. New York: Harper and Brothers. 75 cents. The disagreeable side of the critic’s duty may be quickly completed in connection with this book by noting the inadequacy of the title to convey an idea of the nature of the contents. The work is, it is true, a constructive application of scientific knowledge about city government; but it is an application of a limitedpartoi that knowledge only. It is concerned with but a single problem of city government, that of Organization, that of the constitution of the city. It deals only with the city charter. The sub-title reads “the principles and practice of city charter making.” Here, again, a formal criticism may be made. By “principles,” the author indicates his discussion of the various matters with which a charter must deal; and as “practice,” he offers concrete provisions which together form a model charter conforming to the conclusions reached in the critical discussion. The discussion of principles, however, leads the author to the acceptance of certain features of organization and to the positive rejection of others. The result is that the constructive treatment is conhed to a single type of city government the commission-m ana ger form. The principles of the recall, general referendum and initiative are approved, and incorporated as essentials. In short, the book presents, and presents only, the most advanced ideas on city organization. Only incidental aid is offered to those cities which prefer to remain under one of the older forms of organization. Taken, however, in conjunction with Nathan Matthews “Municipal Charters,’’ constructive material is now available for the three important forms of American city government today: the responsible-executive type, the commission type, and the commission-manager type. The work under reiiew is probably the most important acquisition that can be made by the library of a city that is contemplating a manager form of government. The advantages of this type and the principles to be applied in its organization are stated with the utmost succinctness. The various matters proper to a city charter are discussed in logical sequence, the discussion being immediately followed in each case by a model provision. The discussion and provisions are not exhaustive. Only the most strictly essential points are covered. The model is a skeleton only, but an extremely useful one. As director of the bureau of municipal research and reference at the University of Texas, Dr. James has had experience that enables him to anticipate the chief questions confronting charter commissions. A well-selected bibliography of the commission and manager plans is appended. ROBERT T. CRANE. * A TREATISE ON THE LAW OF PUBLIC UTILITIES OPERATINQ IN CITIES AND TOWNS, By Oscar L. Pond, Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Company. $6. This treatise on the law of municipal utilities purports (1) “to ascertain both the nature of the municipal corporation aa expressed in the law and in the construction which the courts have given to the powers conferred upon the municipality by the state, to discover what limitations are placed on municipal actiiity by our constitutions, as construed by the courts; and (2) how far the judicial construction University of Michigan.

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132 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January of the law with regard to the taxation and sale of municipal public utilities facilitates or impedes the cities in the discharge of these new duties imposed by the ownership, operation or proper regulation and control of municipal public utilities, which they are being called upon to assume; and also (3) to ascertain what are the most efficient methods of regulation and control aTailable to the state or municipality over the operation by private capital of municipal public utilities.” (p. 3). The treatise is especially valuable in covering the first two classes of topics. The author, with a legal bent and legal training, has made a collection of leading precedents in perplexing utility problems of inestimable value to all students of the subject. The book is a mine of facts, all worth while and all worth hahing at hand in such ready reference form. It is diflicult to pick out types of the facts included in its 954 pages. The reader, for instance, will be cited references on the point that the courts hate not fatored exclusite franchises “and hare refused to recognize the power of municipal corporations in the absence of statutory authority to grant exclusive franchises or to imply that a franchise was exclusive where any other reasonable construction was possible in caae it waa found that the municipality granting the franchise had the legal right to make it exclusive.” Interesting cases are also cited to show that a contract for division of territories among competitors is toid, the court holding that to abandon the right to its territory conferred on a company by its charter is to “abandon a public duty” and the court of equity will not “aid either party in the enforcement of such a contract. . . . The contract between these corporations tends to create and perpetuate a monopoly in the furnishing of gas to the city, and is therefore against public policy.” . On the other hand, cases are cited to show that an exclusive franchise may be waived for the apparent effect of creating competition. “This right to exclude competition,” one court held, “waa not a right vested in the company for the benefit of the public, because in its very nature it was injurious to the public; but it waa a right vested in the company for its own benefit, which it might, therefore, surrender with the consent of its stockholders. ’’ The various chapters deal with the construction of municipal charters, what are municipal purposes within the meaning of the constitution, the implied powers of municipal corporations, the constitutional limitation of municipal indebtedness, the franchise, utility contracts, discrimination in service, liabilities and negligence of municipalities, and public utilities, exemption from taxation, sale of property providing municipal public utilities, street and highway privileges of municipal public utilities, the right to fix rates and the reasonableness of rates, regulations for telephone service, municipal ownership, municipal bureaus or commissions, and state public utility commissions. The discussions of policy are often doctrinaire and relatively valueless. The author is most at home at giving digests of cases. The book is to be heartily commended’ however, as an indispensable source book to all interested in the legal phases of the relations between municipal utilities and governmental bodies of the city or state. It represents a great amount of painstaking work, coupled with good judgment and thoroughgoing knowledge. CLYDE LYNDON KINQ. University of Pennsylvania. PROGRESSIVISM AND AFTER. By W. E. Walling, New York: The Macmillan Company. $1.50. An acute observer has remarked that Mr. Walling is one of fiw socialists who do not write their own books over every year or two, meaning thereby that he does not revolve in speculative dialectics, but is always seeking new light through a fresh examination of the concrete stuff of politics. A few yews ago Mr. Walling wrote a stimulating and informing book on the drift of modern socialism, which was rightly hailed by students as a real contribution to the subject and W[LB doubtless considered worthy of notice by 9

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19151 BOOK REVIEWS 133 mme of our least obtuse politicians. Mr. Walling then attempted a volume on the philosophical aspects of socialism which wat~ not so successful, although it was probably as lucid as anything philosophical can be. In the volume before us, our author has returned to his first method, that of examining the drift of politics as reflected in the writings of those whose position and influence in that sphere make their obserlations both real and significant. Though the volume bears the title of “Progressivism and After” it might be accurately characterized as an analysis of the relation of progressivism to the socialisticstream of tendency. It will doubtless be surprising to Progressives and Socialists, for it portrays the former as leading the way to a state capitalism, controlled and regulated, which, in turn, is but the precursor of state socialism. Socialists, on the other hand, will be unhappy to find that the path to socialism, or social democracy, leads through a period of rule by capitalists and the Blite of labor, which, although it will be marked by immense social improiement, will be about as undemocratic as the German bureaucracy. In other words, according to Mr. Walling, we shall have a period of regulated capitalism, in fact we are well into that era now; that will be followed by state socialism tinged with nationalism; and finally, when capitalism and the socialistic state have prepared the machinery for social democracy, and the unskilled as well as the skilled workers have been educated for the task of assuming real power in the government, socialism, in full panoply, will be here. Those who imagine that goi.ernment ownership and regulation are in themselves socialistic will find good reason in these pages for changing their opinion. Those who suppose that laborism-dining with Mr. Gompers and Mr. Mitchell at the Century Club, for instance-is socialistic, will likewise discoier the error of their way. The intimate essence of “The New Freedom” is here squeezed out and resolved into an old wine for small capitalists “on the make,” and the ancient shibboleth of “equal opportunity” is subjected to a destructive analysis flhich puts the little red schoolhouse and kindred devices far in the rear. It is to be profoundly hoped that some of our Chautauqua statesmen may carry this book on circuit with them and delve into its pages between acts. They will not find it a treatise on theoretical politics, but a fair argument based upon a study of the utterances and ‘policies of the most thoughtful and important men in the country who have had the courage to deal with real economic problems. If Mr. Walling’s prophecy should prove to be wrong, it is not because he has failed to keep his ear to the ground and his eyes open at the same time. The mighty Armageddon may simmer down to a campaign for a “good primary law” and the “overthrow of corrupt bosses,” but Mr. Walling has made out a good case for his thesis that more serious things than these lie beyond Progressivism. CHARLES A. BEARD. Columbia University, July, 1914. * GARDEN CITIES AND CANALS. By J. S. Nettlefold. London: St. Catherine Press. 1 shilling net. At first glance, the title of this wellwritten book would seem to be made up of two dissimilar factors in civilized life. What can a garden city-the newest attempt to serve humanity and economics to mutual advantage-have to do with a canal, the very old first diversion of a waterway outside the seas or the rivers? In a clear and prophetic discussion Mr. Nettlefold makes the relation plain, and incidentally furnishes a powerful argument for a waterway and a city planning policy in the United States. The one relates to the other, and each should addvantage by the other. Cheap transportation, of ample capacity, is vital to extended business, not only for its essential facilitation of business, but because of the way in which it tends to distribute population, to make available for residence and for industry the lands at lower price.

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134 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January Those of ua who have followed the investigations of the Sage Foundation at Pittsburgh need no restatement of the conclusions set forth by Mr. Nettlefold, to the effect that there is sociological, financial and humanitarian disadvantage in congestion; that (at least in England) congestion tends to occur at seaports because of convenience to the cheapest transportation; and that any proper means for distributing economically the workshops and the homes of the workers over a wider area should be availed of. Mr. Nettlefold quotes at length from the thoughtful conclusions of the Royal Commission on Canals and Inland Navigation, published in their report of 1909. One statement only is here inserted: The cost of land is an important element in the cost of production. Thisdepends upon competition for sites, and this again depends upon whether the factories are crowded together or are spaciously distxibuted. In international competition the relative cost of land is by no means a negligible element. For social and sanitary reasons the distribution of industrial populations over wider areas is to be preferred to concentration in a few crowded districts. Relative superiority in the physique and morals of its workers is an advantage to a nation. If industries am widely distributed the workers can have better houses at lower renu, can beathe less vitiated air and they and their farniLes can in many cases eombine with factory wwlc the healthy and profitable occupation of small agricultural produdion. These advantages will be lost if by reason of the continued costliness of internal transport British staple trades are driven to masR themselves around a few seaports. In addition to its cogent arguments for a system of inland waterways for England, all of which apply with even more force to the United States, Mr. Nettlefold’s book urges the establishment of more garden cities, similar to “First Garden City,” often called Letchworth. This unique industrial community, some 35 miles from London, has in eight years grown to have 7,912 inhabitants, in 1,761 buildings, worlcing in a number of most successful factories, and so operating in respect to the human factor that the death rate has dropped from 14.1, the London rate, to a maintained average of but 8 in the thousand. And this garden city is financially SUCcessful, as well, so that other like communities may be undertaken as favorable business ventures, rather than as a form of industrial philanthropy. Mr. Nettlefold argues forcibly for such communities to be established along the canals he advocates, and he proposes the use for power production of the fall in the canals, to check the use of the vanishing coal and the consequent making of wasteful and unhealthful smoke. The book goes into detail as to the possibilities in the direction of its argument, and is very well worth reading. Certainly anything that can cause consideration of better living conditions for workers, better earning facilities for manufacturers, and cheaper and more certain transportation, ought to be worth the attention of all good citizens of the United States. J. HORACE MCFARLAND. * VOLUNTEER HELP TO THE SCHOOLS. By Ella Lyman Cabot. Boston: Houghton, Mi& Company. 60 cents. Mrs. Cabot, in this compact little book of 140 pages, has analyzed and classified the various kinds of volunteer help which have been given to the schools in different communities. Mrs. Cabot has been chairman of the department of education of the Women’s municipal league of Boston and can speak from experience. She haa shown how the volunteer amateur may become a social expert by close co-operation with the school heads and by gathering and using specific information in certain designated fields. The volume is in the nature of a survey of what has been done during recent years. “This study has two aims,” says the author, “to suggest to the amateur how to give help and to the teaching force how to receive and guide the gifts of the public.” Volunteer help may come from many sources but in general is most serviceable in the initiation and supporting of new

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19151 BOOK REVIEWS experiments in education and in the giving of expert service, professional or social. “The young teacher is now often an untrained social worker. She sees in her pupils needs that she does not know how to supply, or she is blind to wants that me staring from their faces. She cannot work out alone the great problems of health, housing, physical need, lack of recreation, that are silently and incessantly undermining much of her best work.” Mrs. Cabot believes that public interest and personal service can remedy this. It is distinctly encouraging to read, for instance, that the Committee on Prevention of Tuberculosis of the Charity Organization Society prepared and circulated through the public schools an essay on “What you should know about tuberculosis” and to read further that in cc-operation with the departments of health and education “it maintains on a ferryboat in the harbor an original and interesting class with two teachers,”-a class made up of 40 tuberculous children. Dental clinics, now sometimes incorporated in the regular school programs, are the outgrowth of volunteer contributions which teachers testify bring increased mental alertness. The friendly visitor in the homes of dull or unmanageable children often discovers perfectly preventable causw which are forthwith eliminated. The case records of the home and school visitors of the New York Public Education Association are pocket editions of humaninterest stories with happy endings. Under the heading of recreation, Mrs. Cabot tells of school gardens, social centers, athletics and playgrounds,-all valuable adjuncts of school life made possible by volunteer initiative. One of the most interesting e‘xperiments recorded ia that of the Massachusetts Civic League to find out (1) the cause and cure of irregular attendance in the vacation schools; (2) the most appealing and the most valuable summer curriculum; (3) the relation to one another of different agencies for recreation. The methods taken to increase interest and attendance in the vacation schools might well be adapted in some form to the regular day schools. We surely have too little of the “priceless privilege” idea on the part of parents and children in the matter of school attendance. In the larger cities the art galleriea and museums have worked out excellent schemes for educating teachers and pupils. This, with the gardening activities, forms an interesting venture into the world of aesthetic appreciation. One of the most far-reaching experiments mentioned is that of vocational guidance. Curiously enough in Chicago the effort to place children leaving the grammar grades resulted in an effort to keep them in school, as in most cases it was found to be unnecessary for the children to work in factories or shops at 80 early an age, and employers were found to be less and less inclined to employ children . HARLEAN JAMES. Baltimore. PP JUVENILE COURTS AND PROBATION. By Bernard Flexner and Roger N. Baldwin. New York: The Century Company. The more the citizen is admitted to the mysteries of courts and other public institutions and the more reliable teats are afforded whereby to judge the social value of the same, the better for society as a whole. From this point of view, a distinct service to the layman has been rendered by the National probation association’s special committee on juvenile courts and their administration in publishing the volume before us. Mr. Flexner and Mr. Baldwin have prepared the report which has been endorsed by their co-workers on the committee, including such helpful interpreters of childhood as Judge Ben Lindsey, Judge Mack and Julia Lathrop. At a time when women’s clubs and other organizations are urging the establishment of ‘juvenile courts in all parts of the country, it is imperative that the technique of such courts be thoroughly understood and their development studied. Interest will therefore attach to the arguments given by the authors of this volume in favor of uniform

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January standards of administration and the recommendations which they suggest aa generally applicable. Judges and probation officers equally with the citizen will find in this volume a useful guide in the perfection of their work and in a comprehension of the problems underlying it. Much general confusion on legitimate court jurisdiction over the child is cleared up by the insistence that dependent and neglected children as such (unless exposed to open immorality) have no proper place in a juvenile court but belong instead to relief or prevention agencies. The administration of widows’ or mothers’ pensions would .thus be diverted from the juvenile court in order that no taint of judicial interference with the family status may be attached to this form of relief. It is the delinquent child, in the opinion of the authors, that is the proper subject for the court and this child is studied in relation to detention homes, schools, medical examinations, psychopathic clinics, segregation of cases, care of defectives, probation and indeterminate sentences. The point of view that is adhered to is that “it is primarily the child, not the act, which the court is treating.” The merit system in the appointment of probation officers is advocated but it is recognized that in this field of service personality is of prime consideration. Colored probationers for colored delinquents are approved wherever financial conditions render their employment possible. The importance of the sex line in probation work is also emphasized in these vigorous words: “It is a serious reflection on the intelligence of some of our juvenile corrts that men officers are still permitted to supervise delinquent girls. ” Significant of the breadth of view and modernity of the authors, also, is the fact that they realise that a far higher standard is exacted from girls on probation than from boys and tbat the necessity of raising it for the latter is imperative. While this volume is a study of the juvenile court as it exists, the attempts to increase the functions of the court are outlined and declared to be legitimate and vital. “The court in the future will undertake to deal more effectively with the family which produces the neglected or delinquent child who is merely a factor in the larger and more complicated problem. ” Contributory delinquency thus becomes a proper study for the juvenile court and that inevitabIy, as the authors see, leads it to study the adult in his or her relation to social and industrial conditions just aa the child is studied in its family relations. A consciousness of the need of a better organization of all public and private relief and preventive agencies is the natural outcome of such study and offers a fruitful source of inquiry and suggestion. While this volume is technical in form, it is written with a simplicity and a reality that give it popular utility and interest. MARY R. BEARD. 16 HEALTH WORK IN TEE SCHOOLS. By Ernest Bryan Hoag, M. D., and Lewis M. Terman. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company. $1.60. The number and character of recent boola on what is commonly called medical school inspection is encouraging. The authors of the present book have adopted the simpler but broader title of “Health Work in the SchooIs.” They have treated their subject with equal breadth and simplicity, and with forcefulness. The book is addressed primaxily to teachers, but t,hat makes it none the less valuable for the majority of those who need information on this important subject. The case for public supervision of the health of school children is first presented. The conclusion is reached that this supervision should preferably be vested, aa is now generally the fact, in the education rather than the health board. The place of the doctor and of the school nurse is discussed, with stress upon the need of the school nurse in any event. The various communicable diseases of children and the proper way of dealing with them in the schools are described. The teaching of health and hygiene in the schools is given careful attention. Finally,

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19151 BOOK REVIEWS 137 there me brief and illuminating sketches of health supervision in the schools of leading countries of the world. Reference lists at the end of each chapter and a teacher’s school health library of 16 volumes, complete a well-written and useful volume. 31. N. BAKER. Montclair, N. J. Ir IMPERIAL YEAR BOOK FOR CANADA. 1914-1915. Edited by A. E. Southall. Montreal: John Lovell and Son, Ltd. This is a most satisfactory handbook of the British Empire prepared for Canadian readers; that is to say, the Canadian statistics and information are particularly full. The data have been carefully gathered and have been well arranged. Section (IV) is devoted to governmental statistics. The municipal references are not as full as they should be and as it is to be hoped they will be in future editions. The purpose of the book is accurately set forth in the editorial preface by the editor, Mr. Southall, who says: “In the Imperial Year Book I have tried to give a concise and comprehensite review of Canadian life and activity since confederation, to show Canada’s present position as a nation and her status as a self-governing dominion, to outline the constitutions and resources of her sister dominions and the other clependencies of the Empire.” * GRAPHIC METHODS FOR PRESENTINQ FACTS. By Willard C. Brinton. New York: The Engineering Magazine Company. $4. One of the interesting developments of the past decade has been the utilization of graphic forms in conveying the truth about municipal conditions. Dr. L. D. Upson in his article in this issue points out the contributions made in this field by the bureaus of municipal research. Mr. Brinton, who has had a long and thorough training in scientific management, has given us a striking contribution to the graphic illustration of material facts. Eliminating mathematics and technical terms, he seeks to show how these may be presented in such a way aa easily to be grasped by the casual reader. The volume represents “an honest attempt toward an advance in the art of using data in graphic form,” and in this the author has admirably succeeded. Prepared for the non-technical man, the book will also prove suggestive to the engineer and statistician. Students of municipal affairs may study its pages with profit in order that they may develop a growing tendency to present difficult and complicated situations in such a manner as easily to be grasped by an indifferent or ignorant public. The volume which is abundanbly illustrated is one of the “Works Management Library.” * CIVIC RIGHTEOUSNESS AND CIVIC PRIDE. By Newton Marshall Hall. Boston: Sherman, French and Company. $1.25. Dr. Hall preached a series of sermons in his church at Springfield, Massachusetts. They dealt with current civic problems from the point of view of a Christian minister who believes that the final factor is the human factor and that there can be no complete solution of them that “does not take into consideration the teaching of the Master of men.” The sermons have been gathered into a volume which is sane and stimulating. There is an absence of rant and vituperation that shows depth and sincerity of purpose; there is a spirit of democracy that is stimulating and a sweet reasonableness that is all too frequently lacking from such forms of civic utterance. There is a happy combination of individual responsibility and emphasis on the need for community service that is reassuring. Ir H-4NDBOOK ON THE LAW OF MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS. By Richard W. Cooley. St. Pad: West Publishing Company. $3.75. This handbook presents in compact form the general principles of the law of municipal corporations. It represents an am

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138 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January plilication of those chapters of Judge H. 5. Ingersoll's book on public corporations published ten years ago which deal with municipal corporations. The aim has been to set forth concisely those fundamental principles which must be applied in any attempt to formulate and construe the law of municipal corporations as found in the various statutes. Designed primarily for students of law, it has a very considerable value both for the general practitioner and the general students. A number of chapters of Judge Ingersoll's original work have been retained in substantially their original form. * MY'NEIGHBOR. By J. S. Woodsworth. Toronto: The Missionary Society of the Methodist Church. This volume, which is an interesting study of Canadian city conditions, is a strong plea for Christian social service. It is one of the series of text books issued by the missionary society of the Methodist Church for the forward movement in that denomination. It is an interesting and encouraging illustration of the new spirit to be found in churches on both sides of the boundary line. The author has read to good purpose and has prepared a volume which is admirably adapted to be of general service for its particular constituency. It will, however, prove interesting to a much wider group than that for which it was originally prepared. * FORTY YEARS OF IT. By Brand Whitlock. New York: D. Appleton and Company. $1.50. Brand Whitlock, who for eight years ser\ed as mayor of Toledo, in succession to Samuel M. Jones (Golden Rule Jones) and who like him was elected on a nonpartisan ticket, has put into this volume his interesting esperiences both as mayor and as a friend of leading radicals like Altgeld and Tom Johnson. The result is a volume of insight aiid suggestiveness. It loses none of its interest because of the efficient services Mr. Whitlock is now rendering as the American minister to afflicted Belgium. * TEE PERSONALITY OF AMERICAN CITIES. By Edward Hungerford. New York: McBride, Nast and Company. $2.00. Have cities souls? Have they characters? These are questions often asked, but not always so interestingly aa Mr. Hungerford has done in this volume. He has sought to embody in a chapter something of what he calls the flavor and personality of the typical American city and he has succeeded remarkably well. Originally prepared as magazine articles, the author has done well to gather these studies into a volume which may be appropriately called a contribution to municipal psychology. 47 IOWA APPLIED HISTORY SERIES, VOL. 11. Edited by Benjamin F. Shambaugh. Iowa: State Historical Society of Iowa. Volume I1 of the Iowa Applied History Series contains the following suggestive articles: Scientific law-making; Reorganization of state government in Iowa; Home rule in Iowa; Direct legislation in Iowa; Equal suffrage in Iowa; Selection of public officials in Iowa; The merit system in Iowa; Social legislation in Iowa; Child labor legislation in Iowa; Poor relief legislation in Iowa. * THE MUNICIPAL INDEX. New York: The Municipal Journal. 50 cents. This contains the references to current municipal publications on roads and pavements, sewerage, sanitation] water supply, street lighting and power, fire, police, government] finance, street cleaning, refuse disposal, traffic and transportation, structures and material, published in the Municipal Journal from August, 1912, to December, 1913.

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19151 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 11. BOOKS RECEIVED 139 THE BOYS &D GIRLS OF GARDEN CITY. By Jean Dawson. Boston: Ginn and Company. 75 cents. A PRIMER OF CIVICS. Polish Edition. By J. J. Zmrhal. Issued by the Colonial Dames of Illinois, 1914. A COURSE IN CITIZENSHIP. By Ella Lyman Cabot, Fannie Fern Andrews, Fanny E. Coe, Mabel Hill, Mary McSkimmon. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. $1.25. GARDEN CITIES AND CANALS. By J. S. Nettlefold. London: The St. Catherine Press. 1 shilling net. INTERPRETATIONS AND FORECASTS. A Study of Survivals and Tendencies in Contemporary Society. By Victor Branford. New York and Lonhon: Mitchell Kennerley. $2.50. New York: John Wiley and Sons. STUDIES OF TREES. By J. J. Levison. LEADING WOMEN IN SOCIAL SERVICE. Edited by Mrs. Oswald Stein. Chicago: A. C. McClurg Company. MUNICIPAL CHARTERS. A Discussion of the Essentials of a City Charter with Forms or Models for Adoption. By Nathan Matthews, LL.D. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. $2. By J. S. Nettlefold. London: The St. Catherine Press. 2 shillings. CARRYING OUT THE CITY PL~. By Flavel Shurtleff and Frederick Law Olmsted. New York: Survey Associates, Incorporated. $2. WATER WORKS STATISTICS OF THIRTYEIGHT CITIES OF IOWA, WITH THE METER RATES OF SEVENTY CITIES. By John H. Dunlap. Bulletin of the State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa, 1914. PRACTICAL TOWN PLANNING. 111. REVIEWS OF REPORTS‘ Transactions of the Commonwealth Club of California.-The Commonwealth Club of California is an organization unique among the clubs of the United States. Founded 11 years ago in San Francisco as a club of a few public-spirited citizens organized to seek the facts regarding public questions without partisanship, and to discuss them without the expectation of entering on active propaganda, it has grown to be one of the largest and strongest civic organizations in the state, with a field all its own. From the beginning the Commonwealth Club aspired to be statewide in its membership. The men present at the organization meeting included Banjamin Ide Wheeler, president of the University of California, William P. Lawlor, judge of the superior court, John P. Young, man* Under the direction of Professor Fairlie. aging editor of the San Francisco Chronicle, Frederick Burk, president of the State Normal School of San Francisco, and Edward F. Adams, editor, publicist and moving spirit in bringing the club into existence. The present name was speedily chosen from among a dozen offered, “Commonwealth” being the suggestion of Dr. Wheeler as significant of its purposes. In line with the statewide activities it covered, Harris Weinstock of Sacramento, merchant and sociologist, was chosen aa first president, and served for five successive one-year terms. He was succeeded January, 1908, by Edward F. Adams, “the father of the club,” who also served for five terms. Beverly L. Hodghead, who had served for years as vice-president of the club wm then chosen president for 1913 and is now serving his second term. The controlling body of the organization

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140 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January is a board of governors, consisting of the ex-presidents, the president and vice-president and seven governors elected for threeyear terms. It is a slowly changing body, which has governed carefully and wisely. The discussions of the club were from the first kept on a high plane. As soon as funds could be collected they were printed and as soon as it was seen that there was an earnest effort to secure the facts covering all sides of a subject, they began to attract attention. Speedily the club grew in numbers until at the time of the great conflagration of 1906 it had a membership of about two hundred. The growth of the club continued with its activities until in 1909 with 650 members it ventured on the employment of an executive secretary, who should give all his time to the work of the club, should organize the committees, edit the publications and secure information for both sides in the club’s discussions. Since that time the club has doubled in numbers, has begun the collection of a special library on civics with index of all the material available in the leading libraries of the state, and haa built up a committee organization that covers the governmental, social and economic problems of California. Various methods of handling public questions have been tried by the club, but the following has been evolved by experience aa the most satisfactory in securing adequate discussion. A subject is se lected by the board of governors. If no suitable committee exists the president of the club is authorized to appoint one. In this appointment every effort is made to see that all opinions are represented. The committee is asked to bring together all the material data on the subject, to agree, if possible, on a statement of the facts, with such conclusions as seem just. If the committee does not agree in its conclusions two or more reports will be prepared. If the subject is of more than ordinary complexity a larger number of members are brought together under the name of a section of the club, and the section subdivides the work among several committees. When the committee or section is prepared to report, the governors set aside one of the regular monthly meeting~ for a hearing. The club meetsLat dinner at the Hotel St. Francis on the evening of the second Wednesday of each month. Promptness is the ruling order, the members sitting at table at 6 o’clock, the program beginning at 8, and the adjournment had at 10: 15. The committee has usually one hour in which to present its reports. The remainder of the time is given to discussion from the floor, usually under the five-minute rule. Under this system an able committee organization has been built up, for the members who work on a committee are usually those who have been directly connected with the practical work in the line of the in. vestigation, through their daily employments or life studies. A subsidiary feature of the club’s activities is the Saturday luncheon where an address is delivered by some distinguished stranger or competent resident. -4s the addresses thus delivered give an ex parta statement of the views of one speaker, and time does not permit opposing views to be presented, these addresses are rarely published by the club. In fact, one of the rules of the club provides against such publication unless &s a part of an investigation by a committee of the club. The exceptions have been Secretary Franklin K. Lane’s address of September 5, 1913, dealing with certain features of the question of conservation; the address of John F. Davis on California history; that of T. B. Walker on conservation of the forests; and that of Captain I. N. Hibberd on “Rehabilitation of the Merchant Marine.” As these dealt with subjects under investigation by the club, they were published rn a part of its records. The published transactions of the club are thus made up of reports, addresses and discussions covering the activities of many original investigators, checked by the criticism of open discussion. They axe for the most part the result of first hand information from men actually engaged in the practical work in the line of activity under discussion, and rely only to a minor degree on recasting the information published by others. They have, therefore,

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19151 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 141 come to be widely sought for EM sources of information that cannot be found elsewhere. The list of transactions published is as folloms: No. VOLUME I 1. Relations of Employer and Employed, November, 1903. pp. 31. 2. Civil Service, January, 1904. pp. 31. 3. Taxation, June, 1904. pp. 14. 4. Reclamation of Swamp Lands, October, 1904. pp. 48. 5. Direct Legislation, January, 1905. DD.34. 6. Rigdation of Water Rights, Decem7. Progress Report, January, 1905. pp. ber, 1905. pp. 101. ** 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. LL. Penoloev of California. March. 1905. pp.g. Relations of Employer and Employed, Hospitals of San Francisco, May, State Charities of California, June, Proyess Report, October, 1905. pp. April, 1905. pp. 30. 1905. pp.32. 1905. pp. 22. 14. 13. Government Regulation of Railroad Freight Rates. November, 1905. pp. 40. No. VOLUME I1 1. The Port of San Francisco, January, 1906. pp. 67. 2. The Tenement House Question. Child Labor in California, October, 1906. pp. 48. 3. Torrens System of Transferring Land Titles, November, 1906. pp. 30. 4. Good Roads, December, 1906. pp. 50. 5. The Direct Primary, January, 1907. pp. 28. 6. Appointment and Tenure of Office of Teachers in California, February, * 1. 8. 9. 10. 11. -, 1907. pp. 31. Water Supply for San Francisco, June, 1907. pp. 109. Fire Protection for San Francisco, September, 1907. pp. 41. Condition and Needs of the University of California, October, 1907. 131). 37. A-rMunicipal Ownership, November, Needs of the National Guard, Decem1907. pp. 46. ber, 1907. pp. 42. No. VOLUME I11 ' 1. State Indebtedness, January, 1908. pp. 25. 2. Proposed Educational Amendments to the State Constitution, February, 1908. pp. 45. 3. Proceedings at the Annual Banquet, March, 1908. pp. 20. 4. The Proposed Taxation Amendment to the State Constitution, May, -. 1908. pp. 100. 5. The Bankinp Laws of California. June. 1908. p< 85. 6. Amendments to the State Constitution to be voted on November 3, 1908, August, 1908. pp. 40. 7. The Railroad Commission of California September, 1908. pp. 72. 8. Regulation of Stpck.Sales by Proposed Senate Constitutional Amendment No. 34, October, 1908. 9. Reform in Criminal Procedure, December, 1908. pp. 74. pp. 36. No. VOI,UME IV 1. Proceedings at a Banquet in Honor of Dr. James Bryce, March, 1909. pp. 30. 2. Forestry in California, April, 1909. pp. 85. 3. The Question of Ship Subsidies, May, 4. Some Conditions of PacSc Ocean 1909. pp. 30. Commerce, June, 1909. pp. 43. ber, 1909. pp. 116. vember, 1909. pp. 100. 1909. DD. 27. 5. Swamp Land Reclamation, Septem6. The Hetch Hetchy Water Supply, No7. Indian Rights and Wrongs, December, 8. Proaress Report for 1909, January, 1910. pp. 61. No. VOLUME V 1. Conservation of the Forest. Februarv. ", 1910. pp. 14. 2. Labor Problems in California, April, 1910.. pp. 150. 3. Rehabihtation of the Merchant Marine, May, 1910. pp. 17. 4. Dependent Children, June, 1910. pp. 68. 5. ThePrevention of Tuberculosis, July, 6. Constituhional Amendments of 1910, 7. India Basin and State Highways, Oc8. Progress Report for 1910, January, 1910. pp. 77. September, 1910. pp. 88. tober, 1910. pp. 48. 1911. pp. 53. No. VOLUME VI 1. The Red Plague, May, 1911. pp. 83. 2. Employers' Liability and Woman's Suffrage, June, 1911. pp. 68. 3. The Recall Amendment, July, 1911. 4. The Railroad Commission Amendments, August, 1911. pp. 44. 5. Direct Legislation, September, 1911. pp. 68. pp. 84.

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142 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW 6. The City Charters Amendments, Oc7. State Aid to Amculture. November, tober, 1911. pp. 55. 1911. pp. 1.07. 8. Marketing Irrigation Bonds, December, 1911. pp. 69. 9. Progress Report for 1911, Jmu~y, 1912. pp. 82. No. VOLUME VII 1. Control of San Francisco Harbor, 2. Conservation, June, 1912. 3. State Text Books, August, 1912. March, 1912. pp. 68. 60. pp. 246. pp. 4. Home Rule in Taxation, Oct,ober, 1912. pp. 86. 5. Workmen’s Compensation-Employers’ Liability, November, 1912. pp. 54. 6. State vs. Local Control of Harbors, December, 1912. pp. 40. 7. Progress Report for 1912, January, 1913. pp. 87. No. VOLUME VIII 1. Judicial Procedure, February, 1913. 2. The Water and Forest Bills. March. pp: 53. 1913. pp.. 48. 1913. pp. 53. 129. 1913. pp. 19. 1913. pp. 100. 4.5. 3. The Industrial Accidents Bill, April, 4. Immigration, May, 1913. 5. Public Recreation, June, 1913. pp. 6. Sources of California History, July, 7. Red Plague-2nd Report, August, 8. Land Transfers, September, 1913. pp. pp. 25. 9. Smoke Problems of California, Sep10. Address by Hon. Franklin K. Lane, 11. Internal Waterways, November, 1913. 12. Progress Report for 1913, January, tember, 1913. pp. 44. October, 1913. pp. 9. pp. 70. 1914. No. VOLUME IX 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Bay Cities’ Water Supply, February, Federal vs. State Control. March, 1914. pp. 96. 1914. pp. 62. pp. 70. The High Cost of Living, April, 1914. Taxation Amendments of 1914, May, 1914. pp. 75. 66. Selection of Judges, June, 1914. pp. Powers of Cities, July, 1914. pp. 66. The Eight Hour Law, August, 1914. pp. 51. [January Copies of Volume I are very rare, as most of them were in the club office at the time of the great San Francisco conflagration of 1906 and went up in smoke with the destruction of the city. The other volumes may be found in many libraries tliroughout the United States. These publications fall into certain main groups: Conservation of natural resources, judicial procedure, taxation, commerce, public health, and charities and corrections covering the main lines of investigation. CONSERVATION The inquiry into the conservation of natural resources was begun in the early days of the club with an exhaustive study of “The Regulation of Water Rights in California,” and the results were published in Volume I, No. 6, of the transactions issued in December, 1905. The special case of conservation of forests was taken up and a report published as a part of the transactions, February, 1910. The discussion and publication was of material assistance in the campaign for improved forestry laws in California. 9 new angle of the conservation question was taken up at the club meeting held March 25, 1911, when “The Doubtful Zone of Authority between State and Federal Governments” was discussed. A section on conservation was organized with Frank Adams of the United States irrigation investigations office as chairman. The section began its work by bringing together an inventory of the natural resources of California lands, forests, minerals, waters and water powers, and discussed the steps that should be taken to conserve and improve them. The section was diiided into committees and after a year of labor reported to the club at the meetings of March and April, 1912, when the addresses and reports were printed aa No. 2 of Volume VII of the transactions (246 pages), the largest number ever issued by the club. The sectioii through its committees then took up with the state conservation Commission the unsettled question of water titles and forest protection and assisted with constructive criticism in s

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19151 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 143 drafting the measures reported on in February, 1913, in transactions, Volume VIII, No. 2, under the title “The Water and Forest Bills.” The section then came back to the question of the “doubtful zone of authority,” and in December, 1913, delivered its report,which was issued with considerable additional data and a discussion of the leading cases, as No. 2 of Volume IX, March, 1914. “Federal us. State Control,” the final report covered the control of forests, of mineral lands and of waters, the general conclusions of the section recognizing the authority of the federal government to control with respect to its own lands, but favoring the policy of ultimate state control. Closely related to the conservation reports are those on swamp land reclamation (Volume I, No. 4, and Volume IV, No. 5). JUDICIAL PROCEDURE “The law’s delays” is a subject on which the club has spent a good deal of energy. After a number of preliminary considerations of the subject a special section was appointed, with Beverly L. Hodghead as chairman, to consider a number of papers which had been laid before the club, and to make further investigation and to report conclusions in the form of specific recommendations. The section analyzed the various causes of delay of justice under headings, the accusation, the trial jury, the proceedings at the trial, the charge to the jury, and the appeal, and made suggestions for remedies. On the approval of these recommendations by the club meeting of December 9, 1908, the section was authorized to prepare bills to carry out the recommendations and 62 measures for this purpose were laid before the legislature of 1909. The acrimony roused by the San Francisco graft prosecutions that had resulted in the ruin of the administration of Mayor Schmitz, the conviction of Abraham Ruef of bribery of the city legislators, and indictment and trial of several leaders of the financial world, was still a powerful force, and after a warm struggle all the bills were defeated. The subject was again taken up in committee, and a more modest program was laid before the legislature of 1911, seeking to abolish the inquisition into the motives and procedure of the grand jury, and to shorten the procedure on appeal from a judgment. Most important of all waa a constitutional amendment providing that no judgment should be reversed or new trial granted for errors of procedure unless on a review of the entire cause the appellate court should be of the opinion that there had been a miscarriage of justice. This amendment was ratified by an overwhelming majority of the voters October, 1911, and under its operation reiersals on purely technical grounds have ceased. Decisions ha\ e dealt with the material points bearing on the guilt or innocence of the person taking appeal from a conviction. These measures dealt with the defects of criminal justice. Attention was therefore directed to the subject of delays of civil justice, and reports from committeea on ciTil procedure and on criminal procedure were heard at the club meeting of December, 1912, and published with the discussion, and, in addition, a tabulation of the records of the appellate courts for a series of years analysing the causes of delay, as Volume VIII, No. 2, transactions of the club, on “Judicial Procedure.” With the authority of the club these recommendations were laid before the legislature of 1913, but through various causes they failed to become laws. A most important step was taken at the instance of the club, however, in submitting to the people a constitutional amendment extending to cii il cases the rules of decision on appeal established in criminal cases in 1911, as follows: “No judgment shall be set aside, or new trial granted, in any case, on the ground of misdirection of the jury, or of the improper admission or rejection of evidence, or for any error as to any matter of pleading, or for any error as to any matter of procedure, unless after an examination of the entire cause, including the evidence, the court shall be of the opinion

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144 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January that the error complained of has resulted in a miscarriage of justice.” This amendment was voted on at the election of November, 1914, and will of its ow% force eliminate most of the causes of delay. The club’s committees are continuing their investigations, and will be prepared to recommend to other legislatures further measures, in the long struggle that has come down from the days before Justinian “to make justice more speedy and certain.” TAXATION Questions regarding a correct system of taxation were taken up at an early day in the history of the club. The third number of Volume I of the transactions of the club covers a paper by Professor Carl C. Plehn, advocating the abolition of the general property tax for state purposes, and a report of the discussion that followed. Following this discussion, the legislature of 1905 appointed a commission to consider the subject, which framed a constitutional amendment to abandon the general property tax for state purposes and to raise the state’s revenues largely from an income tax on corporations. Several meetings of the club in 1908 were devoted to a consideration of this amendment and the reasons for and against its adoption were discussed in detail. The papers, reports, and discussion were brought together May, 1908, in Volume 111, No. 4, of the transactions of the club and furnished the arsenal from which most of the weapons for both sides in the campaign of that year were drawn. The amendment was rejected by the voters in November, 1908, and with considerable modifications to meet the objections urged in the club’s discussions was submitted again by the legislature of 1909. The revised amendment was carefully examined by the club’s committee on taxation, discussed at a club meeting, and the results published as a part of Volume V, No. 6, “Constitutional Amendments of 1910.” A special session of the legislature still further modified the amendment before the election to meet the criticisms of the Commonwealth club discussion, and the amendment was ratified at the election of November, 1910, and is now the law of the state. Two more numbers have been iseued on the subject of taxation, Volume VII, No. 4, “Home Rule in Taxation,” October, 1912, covering reports and discussion on a constitutional amendment to permit local governments to exempt property from taxation; and “Constitutional Amendments in 1914,” Volume IX, No. 4, May, 1914, covering six proposed amendments to the state constitution regarding the taxing power of the local governments. The so-called home rule amendment was rejected in the election of 1912 and revised to meet criticisms of detail in the discussion of 1912, and drawn to permit the local governments to exempt from local taxation, by clmses, any property except land and franchises, is now before the voters for ratification or rejection. The other five provide for repeal of poll taxes, exemption of ptoperty of institutions of collegiate grade, exemption of shipping, subjecting certain public properties to local taxation, and limiting to taxpayers the privilege of voting on bond issues. These measures were analyzed and the facts and arguments for and against their adoption brought together in this publication. PUBLIC RECREATION The growing importance of recreation as a feature of organized social life was recognized by the club in 1912 by the formation of a section on recreation survey. The section divided into committees which first collected the reports of work conducted in other states and then made an intensile study of the recreational facilities of San Francisco as illustratiTe of the problems of California cities. The results were discussed at a club meeting in May, 1913, and ‘published June, 1913, as No. 5, Volume VIII, of the transactions with the title “Public Recreation.” Besides a general survey of conditions through the United States, it presented six committee reports covering a study of the management conditions and effect of the local parks and playgrounds; re

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19151 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 145 freshment places, including saloons, cafhs, and settlements; shows, including all types of theaters; motion picture theaters and variety shows; dance halls; and legislation present and proposed. Most of the material was obtained through personal iniestigation by members of the section. PUBLIC HEALTH Considerable attention has been paid by the club to matters affecting the health of the community. In 1905 it discussed “The Hospitals of San Francisco” (Transactions, Volume I, No. 10) and in 1910 published its discussions on “The Prevention of Tuberculosis” (Transactions, Volume V, No. 5). After a good deal of hesitation, the club took up for investigation the subject of prevalence of venereal diseases. Influenced by the advice of medical men that the conspiracy of silence that surrounded the subject was furthering the spread of these diseases, and in spite of the fact that they rarely appeared in the mortality reports they were among the plagues most destructive to mankind, the subject was scheduled for discussion. A committee of physicians was appointed to present the medical aspects of the question with a historic review by a layman, end the reports with the discussion thereon were printed May, 1911, as “The Red Plague” (Transactions, Volume VI, No. 1). The committee was then reorganized to investigate the administrative problem of dealing with the agencies of infection found in prostitution. The committee reported in June, 1913, covering the history and effects of regula,tion from the medical and moral points of view, and the reports with the discussion that followed, were published in August, 1913, as “The Red Plagueecond report (Transactions, Volume VIII, No. 7). The two reports have been in demand from all parts of the United States as a sane and comprehensive presentation of one of the greatest problems confronting civilized society. Besides covering the questions described above, the club has published reports and 10 discussion on widely related subjects of government and administration, from agriculture to the cost of living, from tene ment house legislationto the Hetch Hetchy water supply, from internal waterways to industrial accidents, from woman suffrage to the problems of direct legislation. It will be seen that a considerable part oi the work of the club is concerned with discussion of propositions laid before the people by the legislature or by petition of electors to be ratified or rejected. This service has grown in importance with the large increase in such direct legislation. This year the voters of California passed on 22 amendments and 4 bonding acts submitted by the legislature, 4 measures passed by the legislature and held up by referendum petitions, 17 measures proposed by petition of the people, and a proposition for a consitutional convention. The most important of these have been discussed in principle or in detail by committees of the club or covered by discussions of former years. The work that has thus been done has proved of much assistance, not only to the members of the club, but also to the public at large. The published transactions, besides being sent to all members, are found in the libraries and in the offices of the leading newspapers. The information they contain is thus at the service of those who discuss public measures. It is spread in widening circles through all classes in the community and has proved a powerful factor in forming the public opinion that is the cause and force behind all laws and systems of government and society.‘ 9 State Control of Public Water Supplies and Stream Sanitation.-During the past 30 years, along with general progress in sanitary matters, there has been a growing appreciation of the necessity of pure public water supplies to protect public health, and a‘growing demand for clean streams that may be freely used as sources of water supply, for industries and munici1E. A. Walcott, Secretary of thc Commonwealth Club of California.

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146 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January palities, for stock watering, for pleasure purposes and other legitimate demands. It was soon found that control of these matters could not be entirely entrusted to municipal authorities, and it became necessary to establish some central authority for the purpose of exercising general supervision over them, The justification for such central authority is due to the fact that the condition of a public water supply or the pollution of streams and waterways are not matters of purely local concern. A public water supply that is polluted not only endangers the health of those living in the community which is served by the polluted water supply, but it also endangers the life and health of visitors from other communities and the rural districts, so that a polluted water supply becomes a focus of infection throughout a wide area. A typical case in point is Niagara Falls, which, prior to the installation of water purification works in 1910, distributed an untold number of cases of typhoid fever and possibly other water-borne diseases throughout the entire United States and Canada, and undoubtedly to some extent abroad. The matter of stream sanitation is still less satisfactorily controlled by municipal authorities because of the fact that the municipality which foots the bills for the purification of its sewage receives no, or little, direct benefit. The benefit extends primarily to riparian owners in a downstream direction. There has always existed means of redress against offending communities that ha\e polluted water supplies or which unduly pollute water courses through the common law. Persons who can prove that illness or death resulted from a polluted public water supply may secure an injunction against further use of such supply, or may obtain an award of damages. Riparian owners whose property is injuriously affected by the undue contamination of streams may likewise secure an injunction against the further discharge of sewage into the stream or may secure an award of damages. This method of control, however, has proved unsatisfactory, inasmuch as it involves long drawn out, uncertain and costly litigation and it often proves impracticable for the individuals who are injuriously affected to raise the necessary funds for the employment of legal advice and the prosecution of court proceedings against the much larger resources of a municipality. Massachusetts was the fist commonwealth in this country which undertook systematically through its state board of health to control the purity of public water supplies and the pollution of waterways. Laws passed in 1888 instructed the state board of health to advise cities, towns and corporations with reference to water supply and sewage and wastea disposal. I Sufficient appropriations were given to the board to enable it to study the problems of that state through inlestigation and through experimental and research work. The nominally advisory powers of the state board of health were made virtually mandatory by requiring that all petitions to the legislature for authority to install water supplies and sewerage systems must be accompanied by a report from the state board of health. Perhaps the next advance was made by the state board of health of Ohio, which in 1892 had a clause inserted in its enabling act providing that no public water supply or water purification plant or sewerage system or sewerage purification plant could be installed until plans for the same had been approved by the state board of health. The insertion of this clause was inspired by the then recent disastrous epidemic of water-borne cholera in Hamburg, Germany. Owing to lack of appropriations, this branch of the state board of health’s work was carried out in a more or less perfunctory manner, but beginning in 1897 the services of sanitary engineers were employed and ever since, superyision over public water supplies and sewage disposal has constituted a very important branch of the board’s work. In 1908, a law was enacted in Ohio known as the Bense act which has placed Ohio well in the forefront with respect to the control of public water supplies and

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19151 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 147 stream pollution, so far as legislation is concerned. This act protides that when complaint is made by local authorities or a specified number of electors against a community or corporation which has an impure water supply or which is polluting a stream, the state board of health must make an investigation. If upon investigation, it finds that conditions are as stated in the complaint, then it must serve notice upon offending parties to appear at a hearing before the board to show reason why they should not be ordered to abate the objectionable conditions. If, after such a hearing, the board is still continced that corrective measures are necessary, it may issue an order against the constituted authorities demanding an abatement of the objectionable conditions, which order becomes effective when it has received the signatures of the governor and the attorney general. The law provides a further safeguard against the arbitrary action by proTiding that if after the issuance of the order, the community or other parties affected do not beliele the order to be just, they may demand that the matter be referred to a commission of sanitary engineers, one to be appointed by the state board of health, one to be appointed by the parties against whom the order is issued and in a case of disagreement between these two a third member is to be appointed by the two already appointed. The law states that the decision of this commission is final. Compliance with the orders of the board is insured by a clause which imposes a fine or imprisonment upon any responsible official or corporation officer who fails to perform his share in m,eet;lg the board’s requirements. The constitutionality of this law has been upheld by the supreme court of the state. In 1905 Pennsylvania came to the forefront in sanitary matters by reorganizing its health department and remodelling its health laws. The revised laws place the health activities of the state under the supervision of a single commissioner of health and with respect to water supply and stream pollution, provide that no public water supply or no sewerage system nor any extension of water mains or sewer pipes may be installed until plans for such improvements have been approved by the health commissioner. By including extensions of water pipes and sewer pipes, the state board of health soon had to consider practically every public water supply and sewerage system in the state, for the reason that extensions are being constantly made to such utilities. The Pennsylvania laws were made effective by large appropriations, much larger in fact than any state health department had hitherto received. During the decade from 1900 to 1910 many state boards of health became more or less active in matters relating to public water supply and stream pollution. Among the most progressive in these matters may be mentioned the state boards of health of New York, New Jersey, Minnesota, Virginia, Maryland, Indiana, Kentucky, Michigan, Louisiana and California. All of these states exercise more or less super1 ision over public water supplies and are given more or less mandatory power. The most drastic legislation yet attempted governing public water supplies and sewage disposal was recently passed in Maryland. This legislation comprises all the essentials of the Ohio laws and has in addition a great many detailed provisions regarding the development of urban residential sub-divisions with reference to water supply and sewerage, the use of cesspooh and privy vaults and methods of submitting plans and specifications. If all of the activities prescribed in the act are fully carried out, ~ery much larger appropriations than me now available will be required. Illinois occupies a rather unique situation with reference to the control of public water supplies and stream pollution. The state health laws do not give the state board of health specific authority over such matters and as there waa a growing need for some central advisory body with reference to the sources of water supply, the state water survey was established at the University of Illinois in 1897. This survey began merely as a water laboratory of moderate size in which chemical analy

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148 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January ses of water were made on samples shipped in to the laboratory. In 1911, the legislature imposed new and additional duties upon the state water survey which provided for the field examination of water supplies and of watersheds. A sufficient appropriation was made available to establish an engineering department so that since the latter part of 1911 the survey has been carrying on activities similar to those which are conducted by the more progressive state boards of health, but it has been able to exercise its influence only through advisory methods. The state control over stream sanitation in Illinois was greatly strengthened by a working agreement made between the state water survey and the rivers and lakes commission in the early part of 1914. The rivers and lakes commission was created in 1911 and in its enabling act is contained a clause which gives the commission authority to command the abatement of the pollution of streams, but with no specific authority for enforcing its demands other than that it may request the attorney general to enjoin municipalities, corporations and persons responsible for failure to carry out the commands of the commission. During the first years of the commission’s existence, this clause waa practically a dead letter, owing to lack of appropriations. As a result of the working agreement between the state water survey and the rivers and lakes commission, above referred to, the state water survey investigates all cases of alleged stream pollution and reports to the rivers and lakes commission. The latter uses its legal authority to summon witnesses to appear at hearings and to command abatements. By way of summary it may be stated that there is no uniformity in the practices of the several states with reference to central state control over public water supplies and stream sanitation, other perhaps than that authority in all cases, except in Illinois, is vested in state boards of health. It would probably be impracticable for all of the states to adopt uniform laws inasmuch as local conditions materially affect local requirements. Much benefit can no doubt be derived by a study of the legal side of the question with a view to securing greater harmony of practice than now exists and also for the purpose of securing a more rational control over interstate waters. The United States public health service is at the present time collecting all state laws relating to public water supply and stream pollution as well as other health matters and this work will form the basis of a comprehensive report to be issued at a later date.‘ * Taxation.--lndiunu. In 1891 Indiana established a state board of tax commissioners to which was given more extensive powers of supervision and original assessment than any administrative body had theretofore possessed, in any state. Since then the commission hm become a familiar feature of tax administration and many of these bodies have achieved notable results in tax reform. For numerous reasons, however, the Indiana commission has fallen far short of the ideals of its founders, though until recently there has been little evidence that the board realized the true state of affairs. In 1912, for the first time in its history, the board ventured upon criticism of the Indiana tax system, and in 1914 its members participated in a state conference on taxation, the keynote of which was dissatisfaction with taxation in Indiana? At this conference, conducted under the auspices of the state university, a former member of the state board criticised the assessment of moneys and credits, a member of the present board demonstrated serious inequalities in the assessment of t.angible .personal property, and the state legislative librarian argued strongly for a special tax commission for the purpose of making a thorough study of the whole situation. The unanimity of opinion at the conference did not extend, however, beyond dissatisfaction with the existing system. Classification was advocated by several speakers, and 1 PAUL HANSEN, Illinois State Water Survey. rProcetdings of a Conference on Taxation in Indiana, Bloomington. Indiana, February 54,1914. 189 pp.

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19151 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 149 the favorable results of the Minnesota three-mill tax on moneys and credits were briefly described. Others preferred to leave the framework of the tax law substantially unchanged, and strengthen the board of tax commissioners. The Wisconsin system of central supervision was discussed by Professor Adams, who told how Wisconsin had reconciled the opposing tendencies of local self-government and centralization for efficiency by the local election of assessors, and the central authority to appoint a county supervisor and to order reassessments. On the other hand, in a discussion of the well-known difficulties which the Michigan board of tax commissioners has encountered in its efforts to secure full valuation, Professor Friday declared that in Michigan the power of review without direct control of the local assessors, through appointment or otherwise, was inadequate to secure uniform assessments. The distinctly educational character of the conference rendered any attempt at formal resolutions unwise, but the members of this preliminary conference arranged for a permanent state tax association for the purpose of co-operating with other agencies in securing needed legislation. Professor W. A. Rawles was elected president of the association. The report of the.committee on taxation of the conference of the mayor and other city officials of New York state discussed the replies to a questionnaire which had been sent to the assessors of the 51 cities of the state. Of this number, the assessors in 46 cities sent replies. The,questions dealt entirely with the assessment of real and personal property, and the replies revealed striking differences in equipment and methods. In only 23 cities did the assessors use tax maps, though a field book of some sort was used in 43 cities. Twenty-seven places used a unit system in assessing lots, but in only six cities was a record kept of the sizes of buildings. Thirty-two cities used an alphabetical roll, and six a geographical roll. Of the 71 questions, 23 related to personalty assessments but the replies were so incomplete as to furnish no basis for New York. conclusions. The chaotic replies to this section of the questionnaire are suggestive of the condition of personal property assessments. The committee approved the resplution adopted at the first New York state conference, on taxation, held at Utica in 1911, recommending that the assessor be given authority to require a statement of the true consideration before any deed, mortgage or lease could be recorded. It found appointment of assessors in fifteen cities, and recommended the appointment of d assessors, to hold office during good behavior, but this suggestion was ignored in the list of recommendations adopted by the conference. Washington. The state tax conference held in Seattle on May 27-29, 1914, was the second recent meeting of this sort conducted as a purely educational venture under the auspices of a state university. The program of the Washington conference was more extensive than that of the Indiana conference, and permitted therefore more complete discussion of the tax problems of the state.1 Judging from the papers presented, there is abroad in Washington a more general interest in tax reform than is in evidence in Indiana, an interest which has doubtless been provoked in part by the activities of the single taxers. The papers on the taxation of natural resources revealed the fact that timber lands were being excessively taxed, while other valuable resources such as the fisheries and the shore and tide lands were escaping with only a nominal burden. In the discussion of the taxation of corporations, Professor Plehn’s significant admissions as to the crude assumptions and rough approximations necessary in the administration of the new California corporation tax appeared to reflect seriously upon the qualifications of that tax. As administered, it has apparently been neither simple nor certain in its operation, and for this reason Professor Adams ad1 Taxation in Washington-Papers and Discussions of the State Tax Conference at the Univeraity of Wsshington. May 27, 28 and 29, 1914. pp. 302.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January vocated in preference the Wisconsin system of a tax on the tangible property supplemented by an income tax. Professor Bullock punctured the hopes of those who. were advocating a corporate excess tax by characterizing the Massachusetts corporation tax as the most unequal and absurd that could well be devised. The most interesting, and in many ways the most significant part of the program was that dealing with methods of tax reform, and especially the papers of Professors Adams and Bullock. The former dealt with the educational aspect of tax administration, which was advanced as the absolutely fundamental condition for securing and holding gains of any other sort. The latter discussed several recent proposals, including separation of the sources of revenue, centralized administration, classification of property and the income tax. Complete separation of the sources of state and local revenue was condemned, though some degree of separation was admitted to be advantageous. It should not, however, extend so far as the complete rembsion of the direct state tax. Central administration was pronounced to be highly essential, but even a state tax commission could not enforce an obsolete and unworkable law. The income tax was held to be better than classification for mercantile and industrial states, while for those states which were predominantly rural, or which were unwilling to revolutionize their administrative machinery, classification would be more desirable. No resolutions were proposed, and no attempt was made to effect a permanent state organization.1 * Chicago and Its Street Railways.In 1907 Chicago granted “settlement” ordinances to its principal street railway companies. These grants, which were to run until 1927, provided for a virtual partnership between the city and the companies in the management and profits of the traction properties. The city was to receive 55 per cent of the net receipts 1 From H. L. Lutz, Oberlin College. above a 5 per cent return to capital, the properties were to be reconstructed and operated under the general supervision of a board of supervising engineers, containing a representative of the companies, a representative of the city, and a repre sentative of the general public. The Bth annual report of the board of supervising engineers has just been issued, covering the fiscal year ending January 31, 1912.l It throws much light upon the operation of this unique partnership arrangement and method of control. The volume reports the completion of the “immediate rehabilitation periods,” that is, the periods of immediate reconstruction and re-equipment, as provided for in the 1907 ordinances, and the transition to the period of normal operation. A review of the progress of the rehabilitation of the lines, as carried on under the direction of the board since 1907, indicates that the companies have more than met the requirements of the ordinances. About 560 miles of track have been built new or rebuilt. The rehabilitated tracks have greatly reduced the noise of operation, and with the special type of rail originated by the board, have largely eliminated the jolting and bumping of passengers. Hundreds of cars splendidly equipped with long platforms, commodious seats, motordriven ventilating systems, thermostat heat regulators, etc., have been added. New power plants have been constructed and the car speed has been materially increased. During the year the board approved the expenditure of $5,866,566.87 for construction and rehabilitation work. It is apparent from the board’s report that the rehabilitation of the street railway properties of Chicago, since 1907, has been a genuine one. It is claimed by engineering experts that no city has seen such a remarkable transformation in the character of the street railway properties in SO short a time, and that there is no street railway system whose physical properties can compare with those of Chicago. B. J. Arnold, chairman of the board says: “The physical condition of the traction *Fifth annual report of the Board of SuperviSins Engineers, Chicago Traction, 1914.

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19151 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 151 properties of Chicago is now at its maximum, and unquestionably is above that of any other city in the United States.” Approximately $85,000,000 has been spent in the reconstruction of the street railway properties since 1907. Probably not in the history of the world has such a great sum of money been spent in the re-equipment of a local street railway system in a similar period of time. Naturally, it has not been difficult to secure capital for these purposes, since all such investments are added to the plant valuation, upon which the companies are entitled to a 5 per cent return before any division of profits with the city, and are also added to the purchase price which the city must pay for the properties if it should exercise its right of municipal purchase, or which its assignee must pay in case the city should desire to transfer the franchises to other parties. These provisions for protecting all capital invested are so complete that the board has not been hampered by financial considerations in its efforts to establish the highest standards of equipment. The amount obtained by the city as its share of net receipts for the year was $l,S70,908. The total amount received by t.he city to January 1, 1914, was approximately $13,000,000. All the construction accounting and expenditures of the companies are supervised and audited by the board. One of the arguments urged against the adoption of the ordinances of 1907 was that there was no assurance of any income to the city from the proposed division of net receipts, and that a stipulated percentage of gross receipts should be guaranteed to the city. Certainly those who felt that the companies would succeed in so juggling their accounts as to deprive the city of the income due it must have had their fears set at rest. Chicago is unquestionably receiving the largest compensation for its street railway privileges of any American city. The report indicates that the city’s share of net receipts represents a tax of about 2 mills per passenger. The city may at any time commute its share of net receipts into a lower rate of fare. Therefore, if the city would surrender its share of net receipts, passenger tickets could probably be sold at the rate of 20 for 95 or 96 cents. This privilege the city has never seen fit to exercise. The moneys accumulated from this source cannot be used for general city purposes, but are reserved in a special fund for the future purchase of the street railway properties by the city. The board has bee? criticised by some of the city officials aa being an unduly expensive organization. But this report indicates that the total engineering and supervision expenses of the board have amounted to about $235,000 per year,a total of $1,176,178. This is 1.64 per cent of the total amount spent in the reequipment of the properties. A reliable engineering firm would no doubt refuse to consider less than 3 to 5 per cent of construction cost, for planning and supervising an enterprise of such magnitude. It should further be explained that this amount includes not only engineering and supervising expenses, but also the supervision of all construction accounting and the auditing of expenditures made by the companies.’ (I! Publications of the National Electric Light Association.-One of the important contributions to the literature of public service regulation is the weekly magazine or leaflet entitled Rate Research, published by the rate research committee of the National electric light rtssociation, and edited by William J. Norton, formerly assistant secretary of the public service commission for the first district, New York. Rate Research gives a summary of court and commission decisions bearing upon the regulation of public utility rates with especial reference to the electrical industries. The magazine also gives synopses of pamphlets, books, reports and articles bearing upon this subject. The terms of subscription for this magazine are $10 a year for one copy or $25 a year for three copies to one bana. *Ralph E. Heilman. University of Illinois. Ur

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152 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January address. It is issued from the headquarters of the rate research committee, 120 West Adams Street, Chicago. The thirty-seventh annual convention of the National electric light association was held in Philadelphia from June 1 to 5, 1914. At this meeting important reports, since puhlisbed in pamphlet form, were presented by the committee on progress, the rate research committee, the hydro-electric section, and the public policy committee. Of these reports the only one that requires especial attention here is the last. The public policy committee, of which Arthur Williams of the New York Edison company is chairman, takes strong ground in favor of regulation by public service commissions, and still stronger ground against public ownership and operation of electrical utilities. “Your committee,” says the report, “is gratified that so little conflict exists between its own views and those generally recorded by the various public service commissions. We have held consistently that the business of supplying electrical energy from large central stations is essentially a monopoly in the best meaning of the word. 1f a monopoly, privately owned and operated, but occupying public property to render a public service, it must be regulated by some public authority. Any effort to establish and continue an unregulated monopoly would not be in accord with the trend of public opinion.” It is evident that the committee’s advocacy of public regulation is based largely upon the expectation that by means of regulation electrical utilities will be protected from competition. The report contains a warning, however, in the shape of a quotation from a recent decision of the California railroad commission to the effect that a public utility monopoly cannot expect the public protection unless as a matter of fact it gives its patrons a liberal share of the advantages, in rates and service, which may legitimately be expected as a result of the economies of monopoly. The report lays particular stress upon the economic advantages of diversified service from each central station. This point is so significant of the developing tendencies of the central station business as to jmtify a more extensive quotation from the report. “One of the purposes in maintaining a regulated monopoly in the elep-ical industry,’’ says the committee, is to secure to the public and to the corporation the inherent advantages of generating and distributing electric current on a large scale to widely diversified classes and conditions of service. The larger the scale and the wider the diversity, the greater the obtainable economies. Some of these economies depend not upon size, however great, but upon a diversity of service, and this can be obtained only where a wide variety of service can be collectively served. An example of the thought we seek to convey here is found, say, in the manufacture of ice, the charging of automobiles, or the operation of street railways; however great the aggregate of the service of any one of these classes, mere magnitude of operation cannot possibly obtain the economies which would result from their combination at a single point of generation where their natural diversity factors can be utilized to the improtement of operating economies and the better utilization of invested capital. Ice making reaches a maximum in the summer and a minimum in the winter; the charging of automobiles reaches a maximum after, and not during, the business day; the passenger on a street car line is not using his electric light at his desk or in his store, nor motive power in his shop when riding in a trolley or suburban train. Here we have three elementary illustrations which, generally speaking, show a possible utilization of capital and an improvement in operating conditions obtainable through co-operative operation, but never through segregated operation.” The committee refers to the municipal ownership movement now being fostered in the District of Columbis as “one of most serious political and economic importance.” It adds that “obviously it would be no more possible for private capital and employment to compete with the unlimited resources of the national government in transportation or the manufacture and sale of gas and electricity, than it would be for private effort to compete with the resources of the government in the manufacture and sale of clothing or of food or any of life’s necessi

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19151 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 153 ties, the availability of which is of far greater human importance.” The members of the National electric light association are urged “to get in touch with their representatives in congress and present to them the serious political and economic consequences that are bound to follow an undertaking of this nature, so essentiplly private in its character.” The committee refers to the new Cleveland electric light plant, which is pledged to sell current at a maximum price of three cents a kilowatt hour, and states that “if this price prevails a very large percentage of the service will be supplied at a serious loss.” Curiously enough, it is the judgment of the committee that “‘with fair public regulation, municipal operation is bound to fail.” One of the appendices of this report is entitled “Some Important Decisions of the Past Year.” This appendix was prepared by Beardsley, Hemmens and Taylor, counsel for the New York Edison company. It is perhaps characteristic of summaries of court decisions prepared by lawyers interested in spreading abroad an interpretation of the law favorable to their clients that these gentlemen, in referring to the Kings County lighting company case, recently decided by the court of appeals of the state of New York, state that this court disagreed with the supreme court of the United States in the matter of the allowance of paving over mains in a rate case. The decision of the United States supreme court in the consolidated gas case is specifically cited as having decided that paving over mains should be allowed. Any careful student of rate decisions knows that the overwhelming preponderance of court and commission decisions is in line with the doctrine laid down by the New York court and that the United States supreme court did not pass upon this question in the consolidated gas case. It merely used certain general language to the effect that the present value of the public utility property was the value to be taken into consideration in a rate case. In point of fact, it reversed the decision of the lower court in which paving over mains had been specifically allowed. This citation only confirms the opinion of the writer, derived from previous experience, that the assertions of eminent counsel for public service corporations as to the meaning of judicial decisions, no matter how glibly cited nor how positively interpreted, should always be “taken with a grain of salt.” No one representing the public point of view should be frightened or influenced by them in the slightest degree until they have been carefully verified.’ * Manual of Accounting, Reporting, and Business Procedure of the City of Philadelphia.-Controller John hl. Walton, of Philadelphia, has recently issued a “Manual of Accounting, Reporting, and Business Procedure.,’ This publication marks the completion of the first step in a systematic program of reorganization upon which Controller Walton has been working for four years with the co-operation of the Philadelphia Bureau of Municipal Research. In the words of the preface, the purpose of the manual is “to prescribe a comprehensive and orderly method of accounting and reporting for the city and county of Philadelphia. It is designed to furnish, with respect to municipal business, the information regarded by bankers and business men as absolutely essential in the administration of private business.” This statement reflecb the new note in municipal administration. Heretofore municipal accounting has been designed apparently for the sole purpose of keeping public officers out of jail. This very worthy purpose could be accomplished by a system of memorandum cash accounts which registered the flow of cash into and out of the treasury. The idea of exhibiting for purposes of intelligent administration all of the pertinent facts regarding the financial status, operative results, and condition of funds, untiI recently, has been foreign to accounting practice in American cities, and, for that matter, in state and federal governments as well. The application of modern accounting methods to municipal manage1 Deloa F. Wilcox, New York City.

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154 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January ment is a recognition of the principle that intelligent direction of public as well as of private business requires that all essential facts be correctly, systematically, and promptly brought to the attention of the responsible officers, and of the public whose support is essential to the success of municipal management. The accounting procedure described in this manual provides for the detail and summary exhibition of three fundamental groups of financial data: 1. The proprietary relatiom-that is, the assets, liabilities, and reserves, and the net current assets as well as net investment of the city. 2. The operating resuttsTthat is, the revenues accrued, expenses mcurred, and the excess of the one over the other. 3. The funding relations-that is, the authorizations to incur liabilities and spend money and the character and condition of the funded resources available for meeting them. The accounting devices for accomplishing this threefold purpose are standardized in accordance with the best modern practice and are systematically described under six main headings: 1. Documents containing the original and permanent evidence of each transaction. 2. Registers and schedules for each class of documents; servmg as numerical indices to the original files as well as secondary records of the facts contained in the original documents. 3. Detail ledgers for analyzing and classifying each general class of accounts. 4. A general ledger to which, through a general journal, totala from the registers are periodically posted; thus providing accounts which control the accuracy of detail ledger accounts and summary reports. 5. Detail reports containing schedules of balances and totals from detail ledgers to be transmitted to department hgads and the central accounting office. 6. Su.mmary reports in the form of balance sheets and operation accounts to be regularly drawn from the general ledger. Standard general journal entries are included, with specific directions to accounting officers regarding their application to the problems of departmental accounting, and a standard expense classification for the uae of all departments in the operation of their expense accounting. On the whole, this manual is the most succinct and illuminating guide to municipal accounting procedure that has yet appeared in this country. It is based, to a considerable extent, upon the more voIuminous aecounting manual published four years ago by Controller Metz of New York; but the later manua more nearly than the first meets the accounting problems which the ordinary American municipality is now attempting to solve. It is regrettable that the accounting forms, the use of which is described in the manual, are not included in the manual itself and that those forms, previously published ria a pamphlet, are no longer available for. distribution. Controller Walton and those who have co-operated with him in the preparation of this little volume have made a notable contribution to the widespread movement for the application of business methods in public business.’ * Sewage Disposal for Texas Cities.Under date of October 1, 1914, the University of Texas has issued through its Bureau of municipal research and reference, Bulletin No. 362, entitled “Methods of Sewage Disposal for Texas Cities,” which will be of great value not alone to cities of that great state, but to all American cities having before them problems of sewage disposal. The bulletin is edited by Robert M. Jrtmeson, the secretary of the bureau, who gives aa one of the especial reasons for its publication at this time, the fact that the legislature of Texas, at its last session, passed an act prohibiting the pollution of streams by sewage or other matter within the limits of any municipality. That new law ha3 made necessary the immediate changing of the methods of sewage disposal by a large number of Texas cities, and the bulletin of the University of Texas answers, for them, an important and immediate need. Mr. Jameson had the co-operation of 1 JBSSE D. BURKB, Efficiency Departmmt of LOB Angeles.

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.I9151 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 155 Dr. Herman G. James, director of the Bureau of municipal .research and reference, with criticism and advice. In an editorial introduction, Dr. James states that the “purpose of the bulletin has been not to treat the subject so technically a~ to be comprehensible only by city engineers, but in as popular and simple a way as the subject permits, in order that the intelligent laymen of the cities, who are to act under the law, may have some notion of the use to which the money will be put which they wiU have to vote for the building of sewage disposal plants.” The outline of the bulletin is in two parts: fist, methods, and, second, descriptive analyses of plants. The opening chapter relates to broad irrigation, giving a brief history of the use that has been made of sewage disposal for the cultivation of arid lands, and cites Paris sewage farms and also those of Berlin. Chapters descriptive of other methods of sewage disposal are entitled “Sprinkling Filters,” “Contact Filters,” “Intermittent Sand Filtration,” and “Plain Sedimentation.” Part I1 gives important information as to the operation of various plants in Birmingham, England; Hamburg, Germany; Baltimore, Maryland; Worcester, Massachusetts; Columbus, Ohio; and Plainfield, New Jersey. As an appendix to the bulletin there is a bibliography, citing texts and treatises that have been consulted in its preparation. The Texas law on the subject of sewage and sewage disposal is also given in full.1 * The College and the City.--A Series of Addresses DeZivered at the National Conference on Unive-rsities and Public Service. The above is the title of a pamphlet publication made possible through the generosity of Walter Stern of Milwaukee, Wisconsin. The addresses were delivered at one of the sessions of the National conference mentioned above. The conference was called by Mayor Mitchel of New York City, and was held under the auspices of the committee on practical 1 RICHARD B WATROUS, American Civic Association, Washington, D. C training for public service of the American Political Science Association. The addresses are extremely interesting and suggestive of the relations which should exist between the college and the community in which it is located. Special attention wa~ directed to institutions such a~ the College of the City of New York, the University of Cincinnati and similar municipal institutions. The purpose as expressed by Mayor Mitchel was to devise some means for giving students a practical knowledge of government and for securing to the city a trained public service. The addresses covered such topics as “Democracy and a Trained Public Service.” “An Ideal Municipal University,” “New York as a Political Science Laboratory,” “New York as a Sociological Laboratory,” “The Opportunity of the College of the City of New York,” “What a College of Administration might do for New York,” ‘(The College of the City of New York and Community Service,” “The Interrelation of Theory and Practice.” The following resolution was adopted: “Be it resolved by this conference on universities and public service that the municipal colleges of New York be requested to plan an adequate demonstration over a period of years of the community service of a municipally supported institution in governmental administration and in promoting the general social welfare.” In an appendix there is offered by the committee on practical training for public service a proposed plan for a training school for public service in connection with any university. The basis and opportunity for training, the method of training, the organization of the school, the giving of degrees and diplomas, granting of fellowships, appointment of docents, the research opportunities for professors, and tentative regulations for the Ph.D. degree are each in turn given careful attention. The volume should have wide circulation. The plan proposed by the committee will appeal to many who are interested in government and administration from a practical standpoint and merits

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the consideration of those educators who view with misgivings the present tendency of education to substitute laboratory work for academic work. The effort of the committee is eminently conservative and has evidently been to unite scholarship and practice. The influence of the proposals in the future development of municipal and state institutions of learning cannot be seriously d0ubted.l * The Springfield Survey.-Under the direction of the department of surveys and exhibits of the Russell Sage Foundation, and on the initiative of a committee of local citizens, aided by the city government and the school board, a comprehensive study has been made of the city of Sprin@eld? Illinois. This is a city of 50,000 population; and this survey serves for cities of this size something of the 156 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January same purpose as the Pittsburgh survey for larger cities. A series of nine reports have been prepared, as follows:The Schools of Springfield, Illinois, by Leonard P. Ayres, Ph.D.; Recreation in Springfield, Illinois, by Lee F. Hanmer and Clarence A. Perry; Housing in Springfield, Illinois, by John Ihlder ; The Charities of Springfield, Illinois, by Francis H. McLean; Industrial Conditions in Springfield, Illinois, by Louire C. Odencrantz and Zenas L. Potter; City and County Administration in Sprin&eld, Illinois, by D. 0. Decker; Public Health in springfield, Illinois, by Franz Schneider, Jr.; The Correctional System of Springfield, Illinoi?, by Zenas L. Potter; Care of Mental Defectives, the Insane and Alcoholics in Springfield, Illinois, by Walter L. Treadway, M. D. At this writing the first three of these reports have been published; and the others are to appear shortly. Like the survey reports of other cities prepared under the Russell Sage Foundation, they 1 Pr.."arr RX Q,"-..TT..i-..rd+.. "l 111:"":present a detailed study of present conditions, well illustrated, with a program of recommendations for the improvement of social and living conditions. In connection with the survey a public exhibition was held in the state arsenal at Springfield, from November 23 lo December 2, 1914, at which illustrations of the survey were presented, By this means the results of this study have been brought home to many of the residents of the city of all classes, as well as visitors from othpr cities. J. A. F. * Preliminary Draft of a Bill Consolidating the Existing General Laws Relating to Boroughs in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.-By direction of the Pennsylvania general assembly of 1913 the legislative reference bureau of that state is authorized to prepare compilations by topics of the existing general statutes of the state, and further to prepare codes of the existing laws of the state. Acting under this authority the bureau has issued a preliminary compilation and consolidation of the general laws of the state relating to boroughs. It is proposed to carry the work further than is done in the above work and codify this material in time for the next general assembly pursuant to directions. The above, however, represents substantially all the material that willappear in the code. It is announced that changes in the existing law have been made only where necessary to the clearness and harmony of the compilation. The work is a most commendable one and should be of immense value to the boroughs of the state, especially if the legislature should adopt some such code as is proposed. It will relieve a condition in which there has been no little confusion. The whole effort bears ample testimony to the value and usefulness of the legislative reference bureau, an institution of the advantages of which some states seem slow to avail themselves. One hopes that this very creditable piece of work on the part of the Pennsylvania bureau will not have been perfomed in vain. RMS

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19151 BIBLIOGRAPHY 157 IV. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1 General ATLANTA, GEORGIA. Chamber of Commerce. Atlanta as the southeastern center of commerce and hance. 1914. 72 pp. BALTIMORE, MARYLAND. The Baltimore book. Ed. 4. 1914. -4ddre.w: The City Librarian. The most attractive publication of E boosting nature iuaued by any American municipality. . Municipal Factory Site Commission. The municipal handy book. A complete directory as to where to go and whom to see about city business also as to where to go and what to pay to secure necessary permits. 1914. 60 pp., 2 leaves. 12". hddress: Municipal Factory Site Commission, 'City Hall, Baltimore, Maryland. BERKELEY CIVIC BULLETIN. Published monthly by the City Club of Berkeley. Vol. 3, no. 24. September-Nolember, 1914. Address: J. R. Douglas, secretary, 205 Berkeley National Bank Building. Subscription $1.00 per year. Single copies 10 cents. No. 2. September 16. Proposed'bond issues for school buildings, civic center and harbor inprovement. No. 3. Popular legislation. A report on state constitutional amendments, initiative End referen,durn measures, and other propositions to be submitted for the peoples' ratification, November 3. pp. 33-52. No. 4. November 14. The building code. A resum6 of the proposed code drafted by the city code committee together with a statement of ita application to Berkeley conditions. pp. 53-67. The report was prepared for the City Club by Professor 0. M. Washburn. CITY CLW OF CHICAGO. Public health exhibit. Bulletins. No. 1. General information about the public health exhibit proposed to be opened at the City Club December 1, 1914. . September 1,1914. 4 pp., typewritten. No. 2. Program of ideas to be illustrated in the City club public health exhibit. September 2, 1914. 5 pp., typewritten. No. 3. Executive committee and sub-committees. September 3, 1914. I pp.. typewritten.. No. 4. Exhibit awignments and acceptances of responsibility for their preparation. October 20, 1914. Unpaged. . 'Prepared by Miss Hasse CLEVELAND, OHIO. Chamber of Com* merce. Committee on industrial development. How's business? How can you help to improie it? November 16, 1914. Report on the business situation of Cleveland based on replies to a questionnaire sent out by the committee. The Cleveland shipper and the 5 per cent freight rate decision. A report of the Transportation committee. October 5, 1914. 7 pp. COLOQNE, GERMANY. Ubersicht iiber die Verfassungsgeschichte der Stadt Coln seit der Romerseit und uber ihre Verwaltung im 20. Jahrhundert. Im Auftrage des Oberburgermeisters bearbeitet uon Dr. Georg Neuhaus, Direktor des Statistischen Amts der Stadt Coln, 1914. 216pp. 4". MINNEAPOLIS Crvrc AND COMMERCE ASSOCIATION. Members Bulletin. Vol. 3, No. 1. September 1914. 4 pp. F". 6 (1) PP. -. Contains an account of a census of industries of Minneapolis recently made under the direction of the Committee on industrid development of the Association. PENNSYLVANIA. Legislative Reference Bureau. Preliminary draft of a bill consolidating the existing general laws relating to boroughs. October 1, 1914. 242 pp. Address: Legislative Reference Bureau, Hamsburg, Pennsylvania. . Preliminary draft of a bill codifying the existing general laws relating to boroughs. October 1, 1914. 285 PP. Rules and orders governing the council and joint rules of the municipal assembly of the city of St. Louis. As adopted April 21, 1914, and amended October 9, 1914. 48 pp. 24". Accounting BAMMAN, F. C. Analysis of cost keeping as applied to municipal management of street cleaning. (American Journal of Public Health. August, 1914, pp. 674678.) -ST. LOUIS, Mrssomu.

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158 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January UNITED STATES. Library of Congress. Division of bibliography. List of references on municipal accounting. Dated June 24, 1914. 12 typewritten folios. . Art Commissions FLAQQ, (MAURICE I.) The dollar and cents value of art. Making art a democratic possession by relating art to the natural resources of Minnesota. October, 1914. 6 leaves. Address given before the Minnesota Federation of Women's Clubs convention, Rochester, Minnesota. October 7. 1914. Mr. Flagg is director of the Minnesota State Art Commission, with offices in the old capitol, St. Paul. The plea Mr. Flagg makes, of beauty as an economic asset. applies with equal force to cities. Billboards See Signs and Billboards. Budgets BRUERE, (HENRY). Reasons for New York city's $200,000,000 budget. December, 1914. (Real Estate Bulletin, v. 2, no. 4, pp. 11-15, 28-29.) Mr. Bruere is city chamberlain of New York City. The Red Estate Bulletin is published by the Real Estate Board, 115 Broadway, New York City. Subscription, $1.50 a year, 15 cents a copy. Los ANQELES, CAL. Budget committee of the city council. Budget estimates and allowances for the fiscal year 1914-1915. 64 pp. NEW YORK CITY. Board of Estimate and Apportionment. Departmental estimates for budget of 1915. 200 pp. F" September, 1914. Supplement to New Yorlc City City Record of PHILADELPHIA, PA. Budget statement of the school controller-Philadelphiafor 1915. 31 pp. The second annual statement made by the school controller. . Bureau of Municipal Research. Citizens' business. Bulletin, no. 129. November 12, 1914. City of Philadelphia, budget story no. 2. 2 leaves. 16". UNITED STATES. Library of Congress. Division of bibliography. List of references on the budgets of cities. Dated June 22, 1914. 12 typewritten folios. Building Construction CITY CLUB OF BERKELEY. The building code. A r6sum6 of the proposed code drafted by the city code committee together with a statement of its application to Berkeley conditions. (Civic Bulletin, v. 3, no. 4. November 14, 1914. pp. 53-67.) DAVIDSON (F. E.). Proposed State Building Code. Paper read at the state convention of the Illinois Society of Architects. (Construction News, October 31, 1914. 5,000 words.) MASSACHUSETTS. District Police Office. Form H. Elevator and escalator regulations framed by the board of elevator regulations approved by the governor and council, May 20, 1914, taking effect June 19, 1914. 1914. 131 pp. 16". -. Form G. Regulations relating to the erection, alteration and inspection of churches, enforced by the building inspection department. 1914. 15 pp. 16". NEW YORK STATE. Industrial Board. Proposed rules and regulations relating to the construction, grading, equipment, maintenance and operation of elevators and hoistways. Public hearings, July 7-13, 1914. 11 pp. Charters MATTHEWS (NATHAN). Municipal charters; a discussion of the essentials of a city charter with forms or models for adoption. Cambridge, Harvard Uniiersity Press, 1914. vii, 210 pp. PORTLAND, 0. The charter of the city of Portland, Oregon. In effect July 1, 1913. As reiised by the council August 19,1914. 156 pp. TOLEDO, 0. Propokd charter for the city of Toledo. Prepared and proposed by the charter commission. Election day, Tuesday, Noiember 3, 1914. 71 (9) ppCity Planning MASSACHUSETE~. Homestead Com'mission. Bulletin 2. November, 1914. 12 PP. No. 2. Information and sdggestions for town planning boards.

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19151 BIBLIOGRAPHY * 159 This bulletin is also printed in the first annual report of the commisaion noted elsewhere under the headmg Housing. PRATT (EDWARD EWING). A visit to Ulm, just prior to the war. (American City. September, 1914. pp. 191-193.) Municipal land, housing and town planning policies. Commission Government FULLER (A. M.). Six months under the new form of government. An address before the League of Cities of the Third Class at the fifteenth annual meeting of the league held at Meadville, August 2527, 1914. 2 leaves. Based on statements in reply to a questionnaire sent to 19 banks and 20 individuals in the 28 third class cities of Pennsylvania. RINKLIFF (GEORGE L.). Sandusky’s Commission-manager government. (MUnicipal Journal, October 29, 1914. 1,500 words.) Methods of governing public utilities, initiative, referendum and recall. Courts CHICAGO PWLIC LIBRARY. Municipal Reference Library. Bulletin 4. November, 1914. 16 pp. No. 4. The payment of fines in installments by offenders. November, 1914. KALES (ALBERT M.). Proposed amendments to the Chicago municipal court act relating to the selection and retirement of the judges of that court. July, 1914. 31 PP. NEW YORK STATE. Probation ComAnnuaI report, Jury 7, 1912-13. mission. Issued 1914. Contains report of an inspection of the BuEalo children’s court. WOOD (WALTON J.). The office of public defender; letters from Walton J. Wood, public defender, to bar associations of New York and Milwaukee; comments of the district attorney, judges and the press of Los Angeles; Los Angeles county charter: provisions. Los Angeles, June, 1914. Np: Crime and Criminals CHICAQO, ILL. Crime committee. Statistics relating to crime in Chicago prepared by Miss Edith A. Abbott for the Chicago city council committee appointed to investigate crime, September, 1914. vi, 48 pp., tables. Typewritten. Not seen. Title supplied by Chicago Municipal Reference Library. Electoral Reform AMERICAN PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION LEAGUE. Leaflet. No. 1. November, 1914. E5ciency and democracy in city government. Folder. Price to one address 10 cents per dozen. 60 cents per hundred. MUNICIPAL LEAGUE OF Los ANGELES. Municipal League Bulletin. September, 1914. 12 p. Contains a statement by George H. Dunlop on city and county consolidation, and the text of the address by Professor John R. Commons before the Municipal League, September 15, 1914, on proportional representation. PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION REVIEW. Organ of the American Proportional Representation League. Quarterly. October, 1914. ser. 3, no. 32. Annual subscription 20 cents. Address A. P. R. League, Haverford, Pennsylvania. With this issue the Review will continue to appear separately +tead of as a part of “Equity.” SHORT BALLOT BULLETIN (THE). Bimonthly, v. 3, no. ll. October, 1914. 8 P. On page 7 is a list of short ballot cities corrected up to November 3, 1914. in all 345 cities with a total population of 8,312,176. Excess Condemnation How NEW YORK CITY CONVERTS PRIVATE PROPERTY TO PUBLIC USE. December, 1914. (Real Estate Bulletin, v. 2, no. 4. pp. 17-23.) Address: ,Real Estate Board, New York City. Subscription $1.50 a year, 15 cents a copy. “The Committee on City Plan of the Boston Chamber of Commerce applied recently to the Real Estate Board for information RB to the procedure in New York. In order to get the information at firet hand, the Boaton Chamber’s questions were

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160 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January submitted to Mr. Joel J. Squier, assistant corporation counpel of the Bureau of Street openings of New York City. This story, therefore, may be regarded RS a sort of quasi-official dialogue between Boston and New York." EDITORIAL NOTE. Explosives See Fie Prevention. Fire Preventioa BENNETT (WALTER H.). Fire prevention from a legislative viewpoint. Address before the ninth annual contention of the Fire Marshals' Association of North America at Asheville, North Carolina, September 11, 1914. 15 pp. . The fire problem in Illinois. An address by Walter H. Bennett . . . Springfield, Ill., Fire marshal department (1914). 29 pp. CHICAGO, ILL. Municipal Reference Library. Ordinances re storage and manufacture of fireworks and explosives, compiled in the Municipal Reference Library, Chicago, Ill. October, 1914. 8 pp., typewritten. 4'. CLEVELAND, 0. Chamber of Commerce. Fire prevention day, Friday, October 9, 1914. 2 leaves. FIRE PREVENTION. Danger zone; building codes; private and public extinguishing appliances; control of occupancy hazard; state and municipal laws. (Contract Record. October 28, 1914. 3,000 words.) FIRE DEPARTMENT OF NEW ORLEANS. (Fireman's Herald. October 17, 1914. 2,000 words. illus.) A short article on the New Orleans fire department, by the chief of the department, Louis PuioI, is printed in the American City of October, 1914. ILLINOIS. Fire Marshal Department. Fire prevention day in schools, October 9, 1914; proclamation of the governor, program for fire prevention day; lesson8 and statistics on the fire waste for use in the schools of Illinois. 48 pp., illus. LONQLEY (W. E.). Analysis of chief causes of fires. (American City. July, 1914. pp. 4145.) NEW YORK STATE. Industrial Board. Bulletin 5. Fire alarm signal systems for factory buildings more than two stories in height where more than seventy-five persons are employed above the ground floor. 14pp. -. Proposed rules defining fireproof and fire-resisting materials. Public hearings July 8-14, 1914. 42 pp. PENNSYLVANIA. Department of Labor and Industry. Monthly Bulletin, v. 1, no. 1. June, 1914. 10 pp. No. 1. Fire drills and fire brigades; safety and welfare standnrds; rcgulation and reqmrements for motion picture theatres. 48 pp. Food and Drug Regulation WILBERT (MARTIN I.). The sale and use of poisons in cities. (City Record of Boston. November 21, 1914. pp. 1099.) Franchises CINCINNATI, 0. Code Published by the direction of the city of Cincinnati (41, 456 PP. Housing of franchises. of the council . . . 1914. A~oaovxc~ (CAROL). Social value of a housing survey. (Town Development, September, 1914, pp. 20-22.) FRIPP (R. M.). Speculation on the problem of 'housing the working classes in Vancouver (Contract Record, October 14, 1914. 2,500 words.) HOLLAND (B.). The London housing difficulty. (National Review, August, 1914. 10 pp.) MASSACHUSETTS. Homestead Commission. Annual report, 1. 1914. 336 PP . Appendix, pp 75-325, Foreign governmental aid in home building. NEUMANN (ERWIN). Beitrag zum Wohnungswesen in den Vereinigten Staaten unter besonderer Beriicksichtigung von New York. (Stadtebau, July-August, VEILLER (LAWRENCE). Protecting res1914. pp. 85-89, 104-107.) idential districts. 17 pp. National Housing Associntion Puhlications no. 20. Prire 5 cents. Address 105 East 22d Street, New York City.

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19151 BIBLIOGRAPHY 161 Markets See also Food and Drug Regulation. AUST~ (CHARLES B.) AND WEHRWEIN (GEORGE S.). University of Texas. COoperation in agriculture, marketing, and rural 'credit. 100 pp. (Bulletin no. 355, University of Texas, August 25, 1914.) CHICAGO, ILL. Municipal Markets Commission. Statement submitted to the committee on judiciary of the Chicago city council by the Chicago Municipal Markets Commission on the proposed ordinance licensing and regulating commission merchants, jobbers and brokers in farm produce and foodstuffs. November 12, 1914. 11 pp. Typewritten. Xot seen. Title supplied by Chicago Municipal Reference Library. HARVARD UNIVERSITY. Graduate School of Business Administration. . . . Harvard system of accounts for retail grocers; explanation of the profit and loss statement. (Bulletin no. 3 of the Bureau of Business Research, July, 1914. 24 pp., fold. tables.) Motion Pictures GREAT BRITAIN. Reports and special report from the select committee on London county council (general powers) bill [part vi.], city. of London (various powers) bill [part iii.1 and Glasgow corporation (celluloid) bill, together with the proceedings of the committee and minutes of evidence. 1914. xvi, 455 pp. F". 9d. regarding celluloid and cinematograph trades. LIST OF REFERENCES ON MOTION PICHouse of Commons Paper 374, 1911. Price 3s. The parts of bills cited relate to the regulations TURES. (Special Libraries. September, VERMONT. Board of Health. ' Bulletin, v. 15, no. 1. September, 1914. Contains rules governing motion picture theatres. 1914. pp. 107-113.) The federal acts relating to motion pictures are codified in the Mallory Compilation of U. 8. Statutes recently issued in 2 vols. They are as follows: Tariff Act 1013, sec. 3x0. Censorship of imported films by the serretary of the treasury; custom duties. 11 Act August 24, 1912, C. 356. Photoplay copyrights. fight films. Act July 31, 1912, c. 263. Regulation of prize Municipal Forestry BOSTWICK (ANDREW L.). Municipal tree-planting by special assessmenblaws and practices in several states and cities. (Municipal Journal, October 29, 1914, pp. 632.) NEW YORK STATE. CoLlege of Forestry, Syracuse. Bulletin, series 14, no. 2(b), 2(d). No. 2@). Rural and city shade tree improvement. University extension service in forestry. May, 1914. 15 pp. Possibilities of municipal forestry in New York. By N. C. Brown. June, 1914. 19 pp., illus. REYNOLDS (HARRIS A.). Town forests -a European idea by which America might profit. 1,300 words. illus. (American City. October, 1914.) No. ~(cI). Municipal Reference Libraries See also the note under Streets. Chirago CHICAGO PUBLIC LIBHARY. Municipal Reference Library. List of reports and documents relating to public utility valuations on file in the Chicago Municipal Reference Library. October, 1914. 9 pp. Typewritten. 4'. Address: Room 1005, City Hall, Chicago. -. Ordinances re storage and manufacture of fireworks and explosives. October, 1914. 8 pp. Typewritten. 4". -. Bulletin 4. November, 1914. 16 PP. No. 4. Payment of fines in installments. by offenders. 16 pp. New Yoric City NEW YORK PUBLIC LIBRARY. MunicNotes, v. 1, no. ipal Reference Branch. 1-6. October 28-December 2, 1914. Dr. Charles C. Williamson, librarian The Municipal Reference Branch is located in Room 500 of the Municipal Building. The '*Notes" is R 4-page issue published weekly for cirrulation among the officinls and employees of the city.

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162 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January St. Louis MUNICIPAI, TREE-PLANTINQ BY SPECIAL SEVERAL STATES AND CITIES. By Andrew L. Bostwick. (Municipal Journal, October 29, 1914. pp. 632.) ASSESSMENT-LAWS AND PRACTICES IN Municipal Research Bureaus Dayton, 0. DAYTON, 0. BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH. Shade trees in Dayton. October, 1914. 2 leaves. Results of a brief investigation of Dayton's trees, made by representatives of the Ohio State bgricultural College in co-operation with the Wdfare Department. and the Bureau of Munioipal Resenrch. -Water improvement plans. A statement of the proposed waterworks improvements for the city of Dayton. October, 1914. 4 leaves. -Budget classification, 1915. 8 lea\ es. -. A Human Interest Story. Baby death rate in Dayton reduced! October, 1914. Folder. Philadelphia BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH, PHILADELPHIA. Citizens' business. Bulletin, 127-129. 16". No. 127. October 29, 1914. The unemployed want work, not charity. No. 128. Not seen. No. 129. November 12, 1914. City of Phila2 leaves. delphia. budget story no. 2. 2 leaves. Springfield, Ma,ss. SPRINQFIELD (MASS.) BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH. Public Affairs no. 5. No matter who is elected-should not departmenth1 efficiency be raised where possible? 4 pp. Toronto, Canada. BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH, TORONTO, CANADA. Effective Citizen Co-operation. Bulletin 30-34. Sep tember-November, 1914. Folders. No. 30. Getting down to brass tacks. September 23. [Notice of nppointment of a deputation consisting of the mayor, controller, one ulderman, city treasurer and city auditor to inspect the accounting dopartmerits of New Yorlc city and Reading, Pa. No. 31. What reorganization has been effected in the Toronto Fire Department since October 31, 1913? September 26. No. 32. Nero fiddled while Rome burned. [Fire loases in Toronto compared with those of Paris and Philadelphia.] October 21. No. 33. [Outline of program for 1914-15 of Municipal Improvement Association and of Bureau of Municipal Research.] October 23. Lack of uniformity from city to city in the classscation of accounts and methods of reporting financial facC largely destroys the value of comparison as to cost and amount of civic services performed and therefore retards progrese in civic e5ciency. Contains a table showing net debt and tax rate statistics of five Canadian and 11 American cities. Address: Lumsden Building, Toronto. No. 34. Neighborhood Improvement LEFFERTS GUARDIAN (The). Published in the interests of the Lefferts Place Association and devoted to the preservation of residential neighborhoods. v. 1, no. 1. October 17, 1914. Richard J. Geary. editor nnd publisher, 118 Lefferts Place, Brooklyn, ?Jew York. Price 3 cents per issue. Ordinances See also under Building Construction for references to building codes. HOUSTON, TEXAS. The revised code of ordinances of the city of Houston of 1914, passsed May 6, 1914. . . in connection with which are published the charter of the city of Houston, as amended toOctober, 1913 , . . and thecodeof criminal procedure relating to municipal corporations, compiled and indexed by E. P. Phelps . . . 1914. 76, xvii, 8, iii. 560, lxxvi, pp. 8". Police NEW YORK CITY. Police Department. How to keep well. October 1, 1914. 6 leates. 12". Rules of health for the city police force prepared by a committee of police surgeons. Public Service AMERICAN POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION. Proposed plan for training schools for public service. Submitted by com

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19151 BIBLIOGRAPHY 163 mittee on practical training for public service. 15 pp. The members of the committee are: Charles McCarthy, Albert Bushnell Hart, Benjamin F. Shambaugh. William F. Willoughby, Raymond G. Gettell, and Edward A. Fitzpatrick, executive secretary. Address: Box 300, Madison, Wisconsin. NATIONAL CONFERENCE ON UNIVERSITIES AND P~LIC SERVICE. The college and the city. A series of addresses delivered at the National Conference on Universities and Public Service [pursuant to a] call issued by Mayor John Purroy Mitchel of New York City. 75 pp. The conference was held in New York City on May 12 and 13, 1914, under the auspices of the Committee on practical training for public service of the American Political Science Association. The publication is dedicated to Walter %ern "whose stimulating generosity has made the separate publication of this pamphlet possible." Contents: The College and the City. By John Purroy Mitchel; pp. 7-9. Democracy and a Trained Public Service, pp. 10-12. The Ideal Municipal University. By Frederick C. Hick; pp. 13-18. New York City as a Political Science Laboratory. By Charlea A. Beard: pp. 19-25. New York as a Sociologicnl Laboratory. By Samuel McCune Lindsay; pp. 26-31. The Opportunity of the College of the City of New York. By Albert Shiels; pp. 32-35. What a College of Administration might do for New York. By Jeremiah W. Jenks; pp. 39-48. The College of the City of New York and Community Service. By Stephen P. Duggan; pp. 49-53. A new Educational Develop ment. By Robert S. Binkerd; pp. 52-55. Demonstration of Univemity and Government Co-operation. By P. R. IColbe; pp. 56-59. Public Utilities BEHRMAN (MARTIN). New Orleans; a history of three great public utilities, sewerage, water and drainage, and their influence upon the health and progress of a big city. Paper read by Hon. Martin Behrman, mayor of New Orleans, La., before convention of League of American Municipalities, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, September 29, 1914. 16 pp. CHICAGO, ILL. Department of Public Service. Preliminary report upon interlocking control of public utilities in the city of Chicago. July, 1914. 9 pp. -. Statement of work. August, 1914. 6 pp. . Municipal Reference Library. List of reports and documents relating to public utility valuations on file in the Chicago Municipal Reference Library, 1005 City Hall. October, 1914. 9 pp. typewritten. 4". CONCERNING MUNICIPAL OWNERSHIP. v. 7, no. 9-10. September-October, 1914. pp. 193-240. No. 9. Private vs. municipal ownership of utiliMunicipal ownerehip in Washington, D. C. No. 10. Tho Cleveland municipal electric plant. ties. GESELL (GERHARD A.) Minnesota public utility rates; gas, electric, water; compiled in the Municipal Reference, Bureau of the general extension division, v. 254. pp. (Minneapolis, Bulletin of the University of Minnesota. No. 3 (Current problems), October 1914.) Electricity CHICAGO, ILL. Department of public service. The electric bureau of the Department of Public Service, city of Chicago . . . October 1, 1914. [lst report,.] 20 pp., table, chart. 8". Gas . Report of the gas bureau of the Department of Public Service, city of Chicago . . . October 1, 1914. [lst report.] 32 pp., illus., map, tables. 8". -Street Railways UNITED STATES. Foreign Commerce Bureau. Street railways in Germany, (In Daily Consular and Trade Reports, October 28, 1914, no. 253. pp. 490-91; tables.) Telephones CHICAGO, ILL. Department of Public Service. The telephone bureau of the Department of Public Service, city of Chicago . . . October 1, 1914. [lst report.] (11, 16 pp., map, tables, charte. Water CHICAGO, ILL. Sanitary District. The water power development of the sanitary district of Chicago. The report of the commission on sewage disposal and water power development. (Proceedings of the Board of Trustees of the Sanitary District

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164 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January of Chicago, November 12,1914. pp. 1719 -1861.) Plans, maps, tables, charts. S~LN DIEGO, Cat. Department of Water. Rules and rates of the Department of Water. Ordinance No. 5677, an ordinance relating to water service and rates. Adopted July 3, 1914. 31 pp. 24'. Purchasing Systems NEW YORK CITY. Municipal Reference Library. A list of references on the purchasing of municipal supplies and related topics. (Bulletin No. 5, November 25, 1914, of the Municipal reference branch of the New York Public Library, pp. 21-24.) Recreation CITY CLUB OF MILWAUKEE. Amusements and Recreation in Milwaukee. A bulletin of the City Club. 1914. 56 pp. Spontaneous and co-operative amusements: commercinlired amusements: recreation provided by philanthropic agencies: municipal recrention: a constructive program: statutes and ordinances on recreation. FORBUSH (WILLIAM B.). Manual of play. Philadelphia, 1914. 353 pp. Has a 171 page bibliography. Refuse Disposal C~CAGO, ILL. City Waste Commission. Report. June, 1914. 69 pp. folding tables. . Same. (In: Chicago. Council Proceedings, June 9, 1914, pp. 613-625.) School Census CHICAGO, ILL. Board of Education. Report of the Chicago school census of 1914. 37 pp. Schools MUNICIPAL LEAGUE OF Los ANGELES. Report of the executive committee of the Municipal League on the Los Angeles City School Department, October 13,1914. 7 PP. Address: Municipal League of Los .4ngeles, 606609 Equitable Bank Building. NEW YORK CITY. Department of Education. Course of study in civics aa adopted by the board of education May 27, 1914, with a syllabus aa adopted by the board of superintendents, June 4,1914. 20 PP. Sewage Disposal See also Public Utilities: Water. CHICAQO, ILL. The future sanitary problem of Chicago; a symposium; discussion by E. H. Lee and others. (Journal of the Western Society of Engineers, October, 1914. pp. 757-775.) JAMESON (ROBERT M.). Methods of sewage disposal for Texas cities. October 1, 1914. 64 pp. (Bulletin of the University of Texas, no. 362. Municipal Research series, no. 4.) PO'~TER (W. G.). Sewage disposal plant at Aberdeen, South Dakota, by W. G. Potter, with discussion by W. D. Gerber and others. (Journal of the Western Society of Engineers, October, 1914. pp. 788-805; illus., fold; plans.) Signs and Billboards MCFARLAND (J. H.). Illegal signs in Pennsylvania. November, 1914. 8 pp. American Civic Association Bulletin, series 11' no. 7. Billboard bulletin no. 3. Smoke Abatement ENGINEERING PHASES OF THE PrrrsBURGE SMO~ PROBLEM. 2 pp. (Pdwer. September 8, 1914.) KLOTZ (0s~) and WIUIAM CHARLES WHITE, editors. Papers on the influence of smoke on health. 1914. 173 pp., 21 plates. (Smoke Investigation Bulletin 9, Mellon Institute of Industrial Research and School of Specific Industries, Unisersity of Pittsburgh.) Contents: The Relation of Atmospheric Smoke and Health. (With bibliography.) By B. A. Cohoe, pp. 7-63. Pulmonary Arthracosis (sic)A Community Disease. (With bibliography.) By Oskar Iilotr. pp. 64-103. The Bacteriology of Soot. (With bibliography.) By W. L. Holman. pp. 104-122. Some Histological Evidences of the Disease Importance of Pulmonary Anthracosk. (With bibliography.) pp. 123-143. A Study of the Influence of Varying Densities of City Smoke

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19151 BIBLIOGRAPHY 165 on the Mortality from Pneumonia and Tuberculo&. By William Charles White and C. H. Marcy.' pp. 155-164. ,The Influence of Smoke on Acute and Chronic Lung Infections. By William Charles White and Paul Shuey. pp. 184-173. STREET (A. L. H.). Soft coal smoke as a legal nuisance. 2 pp. (Power. September 15, 1914.) Social Evil COMMONWEALTH CLUB OF CALIFORNIA. Transactions. v. 9, no. 8. September, 1914. No. 8. The red light abatement law. pp. 469-503. NANCE (WILLIS 0.). Report of observations on the control of prostitution in certain European cities, by Aldermaa W. 0. Nance, submitted to the Chicago city council, November 5, 1914. 14 pp. Typewritten. pal Reference Library. Not seen. Title supplied by the Chicago MuniciStreet Cleaning Washington (D. C.) Street Cleaning Methods. A series of articles. (Engineering News. AugustOctober, 1914.) PAXTON (J. W.). 3d article. August 27, 1914. 2 pp., illus. 4th article. October 1, 1914. 34 pp., illus. Mr. Paxton is superintendent of street cleaniug. Streets MUNICIPAL UNIVERSITY OF AKRON, AKRON, 0. Akron pavements. A report of an investigation made by the Municipal University of Akron. 73 pp. The report, which was transmitted in June, 1914, is made by Fred E. Ayer, dean of the College of Engineering. The report proper comprises pp. 1-33 of the publication, the remainder being made up as follows: Appendix A. Report on Contract and specifications for paving, Akron, 0. Prepared by the New Yorlc Bureau of Municipal Research, June, 1914. pp. 35-50. Appendix B. American Society of Civil Engineers. List of articles on city paving materials. From search made by the library of the society, April 3. 1914. In closing his report Dean Ayer says: "If Akron had a well-organized Municipal Reference Library, a large part of the work of this investigation would have been unnecessary. Most of the published pp. 51-65. data contained and referred to in this report would have been on file therein and accessible to all the officials of the city government. " Taxation CITY ASSESSOR'S METHODS IN FIFTYTWO CITIES OF NEW YORK STATE. Tax maps, fikld books, and assessment rolls, assessing systems. (Municipal Journal, September 10. pp. 351-353.) CLEVELAND (0.) CHAMBER OF COMMERCE. The taxation amendment. Report of the' committee on city fiances adopted by the board of directors, October 29, 1914. 7 pp. UNITED STATES. Census Bureau. Taxation and revenue systems of state and local governments. A digest of constitutional and statutory provisions relating to taxation in the different states in 1912. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1914: 275 pp. 4". Prepared in connection with the decennial investigation in wealth, debt, and taxation authorized by the department census act, and published in advance of the complete report in order that the information contained in it may not be withheld from the publie until the completion of the entire report. The sources from which the material was derived are given in footnotes. UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON. Taxation of land values; a bibliography. September, 1914. 20 pp. 12". University Extension series, Bulletin no. 13. General series no. 86. Traf3ic Regulation CHICAGO, ILL. Police Department. Rules for the regulation of street traffic, issued by the Police Department of the city of Chicago. September 1,' 1914. Folder. CHICAGO DAILY TRIBUNE. November 28, 1914. Loop district used as a freight yard halts trdc. Article ef about 900 words with a traffic map. CRUTCHER (HARRY M.). New traffic rules for St. Louis. illus. (Municipal Journal. October 1, 1914. pp. 460-461.) MANCHESTER, ENGLAND. Tramways Department. The passenger transportation problem. Report of the special eubcommittee. 1914. x, 141 pp., 72 plans.

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166 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January RULES AND REQWLATIONS GOVERNING STREET TRAFFIC IN PHILADELPHIA. illus. 7,300 words. (Engineering and Contracting. September 30, 1914.) nones of safety. Rotary and blo&k system, tratfic semaphores and TAYLOR (A. MERRITT). The solution of a city's transit problem. (The Electric Journal. October, 1914. pp. 514-542. illW.) Mr. Taylor is director of the Department of City Transit, Philadelphia. This article is supplementary to the report of the transit commission of Philadelphia published in 1913 (see NATIONAL MDNXIPAL R~VIEW Jsn., 1914, p. 214.) Denver Traffic Investigation. illus. 8 pp. (Aera. October, 1914.) TOLL (R. W.). Transportation Systems New York Rapid Transit Extension. A series of articles. History of rapid transit development in New York, especially evolution of systems now under construction. (Engineering News. October 1-15.) LAVIE (F.). let article. Oct. 1. 5,000 words. illus. 2d article. October 8. 7,200 words. illus. 3d article. October 15. 4,800 words. illus. Unemployment O'HARA (FRANK). Unemployment in Oregon; its nature, extent and remedies. September 1,1914. 39 pp. Report to the Oregon Committee on seasonable unemployment. PHILADELPHIA, (PA.). Bureau of Municipal Research. Citizens' business. Bulletin 127. October 29, 1914. The unemployed want work, not charity. 2 haves. 16". SEARS (AMELIA). The problem of unemployment and possible destitution, submitted to Chicago Municipal Markets Commission. October 1, 1914. 13 pp. Typewritten. Miss Seam is director of the Bureau of Public Welfare of Cook county. WOOD (ARTHUR E,). A study of the unemployed in Portland, Oregon. De cember, 1914. 32 pp. 12". Reed College Record, no. 18; social service bulletin, no. 3. Vocational Education NEW YORK CITY. Department of Education. Industrial conference, Washington Irving High School, June 29, 1914. 61 PP. A meeting called to consider plans for extending vocational education in New York City. The addresses made by the following speakers are printed Hon. John P. Mitchel, mayor of the city of New York, Mr. Charles A. Prosser, secretary of the National Society for the Promotion of Industrial Education, Dr. Gustave StraubenmUUer, associate city ' superintendent of schools, New York City, Hon. William A. Prendergaat, comptroller of the city of New York, Mr. H. E. Miles. president of the Wisconsin State Boards of Industrial Education, Mr. William Wirt, superintendent of schoole of GaN, Indiana. INDEX AND TITLE PAGE for the 1914 volume of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW . can be had upon application to the REVIEW, 703 North American Building, Philadelphia.

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THE WILLIAM H. BALDWIN PRIZE FOR 191 The Council of the National Municipal League has selected as the topic for next year’s competition the subject of A CRITICAL STUDY OF THE SOURCES OF MUNICIPAL REVENL IN ANY CITY WITH A POPULATION EXCEEDING 50,000 The Baldwin prize of $100 will be given to the author of the best essay on the above subject. THE COMPETITION IS OPEN TO Undergraduate students registered in a regular course in any college or university in the United States offering direct instruction in municipal government. : : The prize will be awarded by judges selected by the Executive Committee of t League, and the names of the winners will be announced at the next followii annual meeting. The essays must not exceed 10,000 words and must be typewritten in duplica and both copies mailed or delivered to an express company not later than Mar 15, 1915, addressed to Clinton Rogers Woodruff, Secretary of the National Mu1 cipal League, North American Building, Philadelphia, Pa., and marked “FOR TB WILLIAM H. BALDWIN PRIZE.” Competitors will mark each paper wi a “nom-de-plume,” and enclose in a sealed envelope the full name, address, claas ai college corresponding to such “nom-de-plume.” For any additional details concerning the scope and conditions of the compe tion inquiries may be addressed to the Secretary. Eighteen essays were submitted in 1914 for the essay on “Is the Cornmisail Form of Government a Permanent One.” The first prize was awarded to M Sybel Edelweiss Loughead, of Radcliffe College, Cambridge, and honorable menti1 was made of the essay submitted by Thomas L. Dyer, of Stanford University, Ca fornia. Prof. Howard L. McBain, of Columbia University, and Mr. H. J. Haake Editor of The Star, Kansas City, Mo., acted as judges. On behalf of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE, CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF, Secretary’s Office North American Building Philadelphia, Pa. September, 1914. Secretarg.