Citation
National municipal review, July, 1915

Material Information

Title:
National municipal review, July, 1915
Series Title:
National municipal review
Creator:
National Municipal League
Place of Publication:
Philadelphia, PA
Publisher:
National Municipal League
Publication Date:
Language:
English

Subjects

Genre:
serial ( sobekcm )

Notes

General Note:
Volume 1, Issue 1

Record Information

Source Institution:
Auraria Library
Holding Location:
Auraria Library
Rights Management:
Copyright National Civic League. Permission granted to University of Colorado Denver to digitize and display this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.

Auraria Membership

Aggregations:
Auraria Library

Downloads

This item has the following downloads:


Full Text
NATIONAL
MUNICIPAL REVIEW
1915
Editor
Clinton Rogers Woodruff
Associate Editors
John A. Fairlie Herman G. James
Adelaide R. Hasse Howard L. McBain
VOLUME IV
PUBLISHED FOR THU
national municipal league
BT
THE RUMFORD PRESS
concord, h. e.
1915


NATIONAL
MUNICIPAL REVIEW
Vol. IV, No. 3 July, 1915 Total No. 15
HOW THE COMMISSION-MANAGER PLAN IS GETTING ALONG
BY BICHARD S. CHILDS 1 New York
IT IS getting along rather nicely, thank you! Of course, it is a very young thing, dating only from January, 1913, when Sumter, S. C., first put it into effect. In this brief two years and a half, however, the commission-manager plan has been taken up by 25 cities and towns,2 and five states3 now have optional laws permitting their cities to adopt the plan by a simple formality. None of the commission-governed cities, except Amarillo, have changed over to the new plan yet; but some of them are planning to do so.
This represents very substantial material progress, and this scheme of municipal government now has an assured standing before any charter revision commission. In fact progress has been so rapid that critics might be moved to scoff at the willingness of our cities to experiment with new things, since there has really not been time for the new plan to
1 Secretary, National Short Ballot Organization, and chairman of the National Municipal League’s committee on the commission form of government. See report of this committee, National Municipal Review, vol. iii, p. 44, also article on “The Commission Manager Plan,” by Henry M. Waite, vol. iv, p. 40.
2 City Pop. Date in Operation City Manager Salary
Sumter, S. C......... 8,109 Jan. 1913 Vacant $3,600
Hickory, N. C........ 3,706 May 1913 S. C. Cornwall 2,000
Morganton, N. C. . . . 2,712 May 1913 R. W. Pipkin 1,200
Dayton, Ohio......... 116,577 Jan. 1914 H. M. Waite 12,500
Springfield, 0........ 46,921 Jan. 1914 C. E. Ashburner 6,000
Phoenix, Ariz......... 11,134 Jan. 1914 R. A. Craig 5,000
371


372
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
demonstrate whether it is good or bad. I suspect that the spread of the plan represents a new courage on the part of business men who formerly have left municipal charters exclusively to the lawyers; but who now find that familiar principles of business organization may after all deserve a respectful reception in the mysterious counsels of a charter revision committee.
The literature of the plan consists mainly of the report of the National Municipal League’s Committee, a close analysis of the plan from the standpoint of political science; two pamphlets by the National Short Ballot Organization, one a popular exposition to be distributed in local campaigns for the adoption of the plan and the other a technical summary of the charters for the use of charter commissions; and the new book in the National Municipal League’s series by H. A. Toulmin, Jr., entitled “The City Manager, a New Profession.” This last is a little shy on perspective and a little fond in its appreciation, but, like its peer, Hamilton’s “Dethronement of the City Boss” which played a useful part in the early days of the commission movement, it comes promptly, puts in orderly array all the material thus far available, and makes good reading for laymen.
City Pop. Date in ( Operation City Manager Salary
La Grande, Ore 4,843 Jan. 1914 F. J. Lafky 2,400
Amarillo, Tex. . 9,957 Jan. 1914 M. H. Hardin 2,400
Cadillac, Mich 8,375 Jan. 1914 Ossian A. Carr 3,000
Manistee, Mich 12,3&1 April 1914 Chas. E. Ruger 2,000
Montrose, Col 3,252 Jan. 1914 P. W. Pinkerton 1,800
Taylor, Tex 5,314 April 1914 Vacant
Denton, Tex 4,732 May 1914 W. L. Foreman
Collinsville, Okla. . . . 1,324 Sept. 1914 Claude Thorpe
Lakeland, Fla 3,719 May 1914 D. F. McLeod 2,100
Big Rapids, Mich.. . . 4,519 1914 W. J. Fairburn 1,500
Jackson, Mich 31,433 Jan. 1915 Gaylord C. Cummin
Sherman, Tex 12,412 Apr. 1915 Karl M. Mitchell
Bakersfield, Cal 12,727 Apr. 1915 Wallace M. Morgan 3,000
Tyler, Tex 10,400 Apr. 1915
Newburgh, N. Y 27,805 Jan. 1916
Sandusky, 0 19,989 Jan. 1916
Ashtabula, 0 18,266
Niagara Falls, N. Y. . 30,445 Jan. 1916
Wheeling, W. Va 41,641 Jan. 1917
In addition there are officers called manager’s in the following towns, which cities do not have commission-manager charters or lack some of the fundamental features of the plan: Staunton and Fredericksburg, Va., Norwood, Mass., Inglewood and San Diego, Cal., Glencoe and River Forest, 111., Grove City and Titusville, Pa., Morris, Minn., Clarinda and Iowa Falls, la., Clark, S. D., Beaufort, S. C., Tucson, Ariz., and Roswell, N. Mex., Terrell, Tex., Grand Haven, Mich., Alhambra, Cal. In Canada, Port Arthur, Ontario, and Maissonneuve, P. Q.
3 Massachusetts, New York, Virginia, Ohio and Iowa.


1915]
THE CQMMISSION-MANAGER PLAN
373
Thus far there is no visible tendency on the part of charter makers to depart from the basic principles of the original Loekport proposal. The main difference of opinion seems to be in the question of what appointments shall be made by the commission direct in addition to the selection of the manager. The coming model charter of the National Municipal League arranges to have the commission appoint the civil service commission and the auditor, in addition to the manager who is to make all other appointments. The Dayton charter adds the city clerk to the commission’s appointments. The Springfield charter has the commission appoint the manager, city solicitor, city auditor, city treasurer, purchasing agent, sinking fund commissioner and civil service commission, which obviously is going much too far.
In various other cities the assessors, municipal judges, the board of education, are, not improperly, appointed by the commission instead of by the city manager. Several cities have gone still further and have put the police department, for instance, beyond the manager’s authority, until the city manager has become merely the city engineer or superintendent of public works, and accordingly I have excluded them from the list of commission-manager cities altogether, inasmuch as in such cities the manager cannot manage. Dayton is unorthodox in its civil service provisions and has a freak clause subjecting the manager to popular recall, thereby giving him two masters to serve, the people and the commissioners.4 Except in this matter the Springfield charter may be regarded as standard. The most advanced charters are those of La Grande, Manistee, Cadillac and Taylor, which include the important provision of the preferential ballot.
The position of city manager, of course, is the central feature of the plan and the ultimate theory of the scheme contemplates that he should be an expert in municipal administration, selected without reference to local politics, and even imported from out of town.
In launching this plan of government we all feared that it might be many years before any American town would consent to having its best paid office go to any but home talent, and until this provincialism could be broken down, the professional city manager, giving his life to the science of municipal administration and advancing from the managership of small cities to larger ones at increases in salary, would be impossible. Happily, however, this provincialism, while it gives the local politicians a talking point, has proven to be largely a bugaboo. The first thing Sumter did was to advertise for applications for the office of city manager, and it hired one of the men who responded to the proclamation. Dayton began by offering the job to Goethals at Panama. Jackson was advertis-
4 See article of L. D. Upson in April issue of the National Municipal Review,
p, 266.


NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
374
[July
ing recently by way of a paragraph handed to the Associated Press. Hickory put a little paid advertisement in the Engineering News.
Still more astonishing, practically every city has chosen the manager from out of town. Even Phoenix, where the charter requires the city manager to be a local resident at the time of his selection, chose an itinerant engineer who was temporarily living there while engaged in a government project. Usually very few local men are considered, Indeed, it often happens that none apply. In at least one case where a well-qualified local man was available, the fact seemed to be against him. Citizens as a rule accept the idea of an imported manager as a part of the spirit of the plan and criticism ceases on that point after the adoption of the charter.
The transferability of managers from city to city also is already an established fact. Springfield hired the former city manager of Staunton, Va. Jackson offered its managership in turn to the managers of Dayton, of Springfield and of Big Rapids, and secured the latter at an advance in salary. Sherman, Tex., has hired the manager of River Forest, 111., after an unsuccessful attempt to secure a man who had attracted commendation as mayor of Paris, Tex. The profession of city manager is thus securely established already. The American City publishes monthly a very respectable little classified list of advertisements of would-be city managers. The National Municipal League and the Short Ballot Organization both maintain an informal roster of prospective city managers and the University of Texas announces the formation of an embryo employment bureau for them. Three universities, California, Michigan and Texas have already projected courses for training city managers and the young men who are training in the various bureaus of municipal research have their eyes eagerly fixed on those positions.
In December 1914 the city managers had their first annual convention at Springfield and formed the City Managers Association.5 Only eight of the seventeen managers were present, and so it was not very much of a convention, but rather a “round table.” The proceedings have been published in full. The papers that they read to each other were not very technical, with the exception of one on municipal accounting, which was submitted by an outsider. It was clear that they took their new profession very seriously and were proud of being pioneers in it. There was genuine interchange of views, and humorous comparing of their troubles in “herding” their commissioners. A significant touch is given by the appearance of paid advertisements in the published proceedings, advertisements of asphalt, motor trucks, steam rollers, chemical engines and sweepers. City managers, who are likely to spend their whole life .in
6 Ossian A. Carr, Cadillac, Michigan, is the secretary.


1915]
THE COMMISSION-MANAGER PLAN
375
municipal administration, are more worth the attention of a purveyor of municipal supplies than the transient old-style mayors, and when the City Managers Association grows to a good size, it is likely to have from this source all the money it can use and the association accordingly is capable of becoming of immense moment in municipal administrative progress in America.
The question of where trained city managers could be found has been answered in most cases by the selection of an engineer, with more or less experience in municipal work. In small cities this saves the separate salary of a city engineer. This seems to be the natural solution because in small cities there is not enough general administrative work to keep a man busy unless he is to take intimate personal charge of public works. Civil engineers, as a rule, have knocked about the world a good deal and have been forced to learn how to get along with people, while at the same time they are trained in precision and method. The profession comes as near to filling the bill as any, although, of course, the training is not broad enough to be entirely satisfactory and something better must eventually be found. Even Waite of Dayton, for instance, who is the ablest of all the managers and able to earn his $12,500 a year elsewhere than in his new profession, is by no means at home on matters outside of engineering and freely admits that he would have been much at sea many times but for the assistance of the local bureau of municipal research.
The value of this new style chief executive is expected to lie in the longer experience of the manager, as compared with the transitory chief executive of the older plan, but of course the plan has not yet been in operation long enough for this advantage to develop and there are still many cities with old style mayors who have had longer experience in municipal administration than any of the city managers. I think I can see, however, a more earnest desire on the part of the managers to educate themselves. Certainly they all feel a greater incentive and fondly hope that they are in the work of city-managing for life with a long' and expanding career ahead of them.
I should like to be able to prove also by tangible evidence that the indefiniteness of the manager’s tenure and the inability of the rank and file of the city administration to look forward to any definite time when the present manager and his disturbing ideas will disappear has resulted in giving to the manager better control over the civil service than an ordinary mayor can secure. Every new executive in private business or in public life runs up against a “System,” an instinctive resistance on the part of his subordinates to new policies, and in municipal administration the “System” is frequently much stronger than the transient executive.


376
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
Perhaps the washing of the streets of Dayton fits my case. For a long time it had been desired to wash the streets with water, but it required the co-operation of the fire department, the water department and the public works department,—and the streets were not washed. The new manager was able to set the thing going at once.
Undoubtedly the city managers work harder than the average mayor and get closer to the details. In Manistee, for example, the old government had authorized $80,000 on a new trunk sewer; the existing sewer was 27 years old and was reported in very bad condition. The new city manager spent $1200 to clean out the old sewer and after the removal of several tons of sand and refuse it was found to be in perfect condition— and the new one is not to be built. A less spectacular case is the incident of the shovels in Sumter. Some shovels were needed for street work and when the requisition for the purchase came in to the city manager he refused it and sent for some idle shovels from the water department.
The easiest way to measure up the relative efficiency of the commission manager plan as compared with the old government is by financial comparison. In Dayton the total operating expense in 1914 was $1,067,-062, an increase of $77,709 over the year before, but the new regime gave $140,000 worth of new services, or an improvement in efficiency of about 6 per cent in the first year, without taking into consideration the fact that the old administration used a considerable part of a flood prevention bond issue of $800,000 for ordinary operating expenses and thus made an ostensibly remarkable showing. In Springfield the operating expenses were reduced from $450,000 in 1913 to $400,000 in 1914, the first year under the new plan. A floating debt of $100,000 was wiped out in fourteen months. Meanwhile the town was getting more service than before. The area cleaned by the street cleaning department was increased by 25 per cent. Garbage collection, formerly provided for only a small portion of the city, was extended to every house. The valuation of increased services is not available, but leaving them out of the calculation, the new regime is apparently about 11 per cent better than the old.
In La Grande, the city manager found the city bankrupt, its warrants so greatly depreciated in value that the banks were refusing to take them at any price. Outstanding warrants had reached $110,000, slightly more than a whole year’s budget. In the first year, $35,000 was cleared off and another $35,000 disappeared during the first four months of 1915.
In Manistee, the 1913 budget was $104,000. The new regime saved $20,000 of this and at the same time greatly increased the city’s service, including the restoration of ten miles of paved street, which were in deplorable condition, as well as making unnecessary the $80,000 bond issue previously mentioned for the new sewer. Apparently, therefore, the new government in Manistee is 20 per cent better.


1915]
THE COMMISSION-MANAGER PLAN
377
In Taylor, Tex., the annual income was $49,000 and in the first year under the new plan, with the aid of less than $2,000 new tax revenue, the city manager wiped out a floating debt of $9,600, a 15 per cent better showing.
Cadillac cut $6,000—13 per cent—out of the $47,000 of annual running expenses while improving the municipal service.
Little Hickory, N. C., with running expenses of $32,000, cut out $4,400 —14 per cent—in the first year of the new plan, squeezed in several thousand dollars worth of extra service and kept up the pace in the second year.
Another little one, Morris, Minn., spent $28,300 in the first year of the new plan which was $3,800 more than the year before, but the manager shows an increase of $6,000 in permanent improvements and $2,500 more cash on hand—a 15 per cent advance.
Montrose, Col., reports that the old accounts were so meaningless as to make comparison impossible, but the manager starting with smaller appropriations saved in the first year enough to reduce the tax levy 18 per cent.
In Montrose the appropriation for 1913 was $43,810 and for 1914 $40,130. But the city did considerably more work with the latter sum and had $13,000 more cash on hand at the end of the year than at the beginning.
All the cities seem to have such stories to tell of increasing service without correspondingly increased expense, of floating debts being wiped out, of disbursements kept within appropriations, of municipal accounts that tell the true story, of thrift in little matters. All the managers seem to be keen to produce annu'al reports that will be creditable to the new way of doing things. Highly typical of the new spirit is the failure to fill the office of director of public safety at Dayton and Springfield. It was a charter position, but not altogether necessary inasmuch as the fire and police departments are already well unified and require little overhead Co-ordination. How long would such an exempt position with its good salary have remained vacant under the old regime?
One of the unsettled points has been how to prevent the commission from interfering unduly with the manager. The commissioners are not always business men and do not always know how to delegate authority and keep their hands off. In Port Arthur, Ontario, which has had a commission-manager plan for six years, the commission, which is a large one, is incessantly interfering with the manager and fussing over details which ought to be delegated. In Sumter it was the same way. The commissioners constantly went over the head of the first manager and dealt directly with subordinates, so that the city manager was often merely a helpless spectator. In Phoenix the commissioners attempted to dictate


378
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
appointments to the city manager and to make him retain inefficient employes for political reasons. The manager refused and was removed after a disagreement which had the whole town by the ears, and another man of presumably more complaisant temper was secured in his place. This, curiously enough, was under the one charter which attempted to set up defenses for the city manager, who could only be removed for cause after a public hearing. (This made the removal of the manager a. question for the courts and for a time Phoenix had two city managers, each claiming exclusive authority. The Phoenix charter, quite properly, has been amended so that there can never again be a question of the ability of the commission to discharge a city manager.)
The city managers are a little inclined to talk impatiently about the need for a protected tenure, but if the commission is to be held responsible ultimately for every detail of the city management, the power to interfere must be left to it. Undoubtedly city managers will always be more or less impatient with the amateurs in the commission, who will ask the impossible, worry the manager with petty criticism and harry him with ridiculous theories. Nevertheless this clash of the expert with the amateur is just what we want. If the expert cannot convert a commission which has had enough confidence in him to hire him, it is probable that he would have difficulty also with the people whom that commission represents, and until he can win over that commission he ought not to be allowed to go ahead.
The commissions of Dayton, Springfield, and certain other cities where the majority of members are business men, seem to be giving their city managers little trouble. Manager Hardin in Amarillo says: “I am the connecting link between the commission and the employes. The commission has never attempted to get out and instruct any of the employes, and the night I qualified I told the commission, ‘now if you want anything done, come to the manager’; I told the employes ‘if you want to know anything or want to get in touch with the commission, do it through me.’ It will cost any man his job to go around me and try to put anything over with the commission.”
In the long run, this solution, informal though it is, is probably better than any charter restriction.
When the commission consists, as it often does, of only five men in a fairly large city, there is a certain inadequacy on the representative side of the government. The Dayton commissioners have been pained to discover that they have been stepping on the toes of numerous people without knowing it. Large sections of the people find not a single man on the commission who is of their own type. Upson of Dayton and Waite, the city manager, are impressed with the problem and suggest proportional representation to insure a proper diversity in the commission.


1915]
THE COMMISSION-MANAGER PLAN
379
Meanwhile much could be done by creating advisory boards attached to the several departments. All the best engineering talent that may happen to reside in the town could thus be called in to study and report independently to the manager and commission on the projects of the public works department. The local physicians could be hitched up to the health department and on other boards could be put citizens who manifest some interest, or who have some special ability or experience to contribute. Such boards, acquiring familiarity with departmental problems, could become highly serviceable. If the city manager determined upon a good, but unpopular, policy,- there would be a dozen members of the advisory board prepared to explain it and justify it to fellow townsmen. If the policy was wrong, the unwillingness of the advisory board to concur would perhaps deter the manager and the commission from embarking upon it. The advisory board’s objections might warn the manager when he was unknowingly rubbing the people the wrong way. A hundred men and women on such a group of advisory boards, having no actual power and hence not being self-seekers, can be developed by considerate treatment into a co-operative force of great value and comfort to the officials without clogging the simple machinery of the responsible government. In a large city advisory boards could be provided with paid secretaries and in any case their opportunities for inquiring should be unrestricted, their equipment for investigation should be ample, their reports should be public records.
The dissatisfaction expressed in Dayton by the attempt to amend the charter out of all semblance to the true commission-manager type is merely a phenomenon familiar in politics everywhere and akin to the fact that the mid-term congressional election usually runs against the administration. Cadillac experienced a similar reaction in the attempt to recall the commission after six months. Numberless commission-governed cities have seen the new plan subjected to bitter attacks during the first years, usually at the hands of those whose political power waned with the coming of the new era.
In Dayton there is extra danger in the fact that the business men at the beginning had things too wholly their own way and elected a handpicked business ticket. Now business men comprise but a trifling percentage of the population and live a good deal in a little social world of their own, and a good many currents of opinion can flow that business men know nothing of. The business men supposed they had catered adequately to the rest of the people when they thoughtfully put a labor representative on their ticket, but apparently that was not enough. Any politician in Dayton could, for instance, have warned them that the fixing of the city manager’s salary at the unfamiliarly high figure of $12,500 would be politically risky. It seems likely that in November Dayton


380 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July
will defeat the attempt to spoil the charter and will put a politician or two on the commission'. In general, the cities that elect former mayors and couneilmeri to their new commissions may be making haste more slowly and more surely.
Other phases of the opposition to the commission-manager plan seem trifling. The idea of a chief executive from out of town seems to please more people than it disturbs. They dub it “one-man government” sometimes, but even that seems to fascinate and I have heard it seriously urged that the manager be made independent and relieved from interference by the commission. Some socialists have unofficially opposed it with the same blind hatred which they are apt to vent on anything that originates elsewhere. Perhaps it was due in part to the incaution of these same sapient business men in Dayton who naively sent out publicity to the effect that the commission-manager plan was “the creation of Mr. Patterson, a multi-millionaire manufacturer.”
Socialists made similar attacks, officially, on the commission plan, whose originator in Des Moines they discovered to be a man of some means and therefore presumably an agent of capitalism intent on subverting democracy. They tamed down and withdrew from their position after a while and they are not making the same mistake again on the commission-manager plan. In Dayton they opposed the charter and are now being used by the politicians who are stirring up all the discontent they can. In Sandusky, Ohio, however, it was largely the socialists who put the charter through. Their own national information department, tackling the problem of municipal government constructively, arrived by inevitable logic at the commission-manager principle. Their convention could not quite swallow it, but the plan will gain a few more friends and become orthodox except that the non-partisan ballot, wonderfully helpful to them though it is, will doubtless remain taboo.
Our own Mr. Foulke has shaken his finger in solemn warning of the danger that elections may revolve around the question of retaining or replacing the city manager. This would, of course, be quite out of the spirit of the plan, but it will undoubtedly occur from time to time just as it occurs in school board elections when the superintendent becomes an issue. The proper antidote is a becoming modesty on the part of the city manager. In all dealings with the public the commissioners should do the talking, the explaining and the glorifying. If the commissioners hire a fine manager and thereby get fine results, theirs is the glory; the manager is only their agent and private adviser. The commissioners ought to be the ones to go around making speeches; the manager ought to be on happy terms with the reporters, but, like the president, never be personally quoted in their despatches. His opinions ought to stay under his hat except when he is in consultation with the commission. He should


1915]
THE COMMISSION MANAGER-PLAN
381
never appear in open conflict with the commission and if he does differ with them, others must make the fight. In other words, he must at all cost keep out of politics. That means crawling into a hole out of the limelight and resolutely staying there, and thus unobtrusively continuing manager through successive administrations no matter how various may be the commissions that come and go over his silent head. Manager Ashburner of Springfield, with political experience as manager of Staunton, Va., has kept pretty quiet and has now bought a home in Springfield. Manager Chappell of Big Rapids and Jackson does not even burst into print .when the inexperienced Jackson commissioners displace him in impatience with the cautiousness of his innovations. But manager Waite of Dayton became a national figure—and an issue for next November’s election! The Dayton pamphlet covering the first half year of the new rule was the “Report of the City Manager to the Commission” with an introductory letter by the city manager and the names of the commissioners nowhere to be seen. The second pamphlet six months later was the “Report of the City Commission,” signed by the commissioners, beginning “One year ago we took up the reins of government” and no mention of the city manager anywhere! Apparently practice supports the theory!
With the commission plan in small towns a commission of three was better than one of five because their work was mainly individual and executive. With the commission-manager plan there is no advantage in making the commission so very small. The short ballot principle is well enough observed with five, or an even larger board can be provided if the terms expire in rotation. The complaint comes from Sumter that the difficulty with the commission of three is the tendency to meet by telephone or settle a policy on the sidewalk. Public business should â–  not be handled in that elusive way. A meeting of the commission should be a formal occasion at a set time so that the public can look in and interject comment if it wants to. A little larger commission is likely to meet with more ceremony and overhaul each proposition more noisily.
Sherman, Texas, varies the plan in a way that will be worth copying when larger commissions begin to come into vogue, as they should and will. Sherman elects sixteen commissioners with rotating tenures and the charter provides for an executive committee of three within the commission, chosen by it and holding office at its pleasure, to handle details and to work in special intimacy with the manager.
The cities to watch just now are Dayton, where the plan is under attack, Phoenix, where the commission has fired a manager because he was above being a patronage-broker, and Niagara Falls, where the managership is viewed by some as a prize plum for some local politician.


382
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
My final note is most significant of all. It concerns a letter received a while ago from a California school boy. He admits that he has not stood any too high in his studies, but he has decided that he could do great good to thousands of people as the manager of some city (of course a small one at first) and can I please tell him what and where to read and study as a preparation? Forsooth! Municipal administration in America an iridescent dream for youths!


RECENT CITY PLAN REPORTS
BY CHARLES MULFORD ROBINSON Rochester, N. Y.
I
EXACTLY a year ago1 the National Municipal Review published its second annual review of American city plan reports. In the twelve months that have since elapsed, more than thirty additional reports have appeared. While the total probably represents the largest number ever issued in a one-year period, so attesting the virility of the city planning movement, there is this strikingly significant fact to be observed in running over the titles of the long list. Of the thirty and more reports, only three make the slightest suggestion of covering all the phases of a city plan. And one of these modestly uses the word “studies”; in the text of another, the author—who happens not to be an American—hastens to explain that his report is, after all, only preliminary—in fact, that qualifying word appears on the inside title page, so that very likely it was not his fault that it did not also have place on the cover; and the third is plainly labeled, on the outside, “preliminary report.” All the others profess to deal with no more than one aspect or phase of city planning.
That a very healthy and desirable situation is thus revealed must be obvious to every one who knows how wide reaching the scope of real city planning is. Most of all, it will be evident to the city planners themselves. The discovery will give to them courage and hope, for nothing is more disheartening than for a struggling, more or less tired, finite brain to be asked to do infinite things. The piece worker, whose lot is so often pitied, has at least the satisfaction of knowing that he can do the whole of his job and do it perfectly, a satisfaction which heretofore has been denied to the American city planner. Moreover, this increase of modesty, or shall we say of common sense, is likely to bring to the movement new and more powerful friends; and the work itself will gain in proficiency and thoroughness.
While this development is the outstanding feature in the published city plan reports of the last twelve or fifteen months, two other tendencies which were noted a year ago have persisted, and in so doing have acquired added significance. These are the substitution of thoughtful, studious discussion for showy pictures and the appearance of reports by commissions that are integral parts of municipal administrations. These characteristics may now, probably, be considered as fixtures of present day city planning in the United States.
1 See National Municipal Review, vol. iii, p. 539.
383


384
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
With publications so many and varied, it is no easy matter to know where to begin a review. Perhaps the three general reports offer the best starting point, for then we shall be free to take up the discussion of distinct phases of the subject.
II
These general reports deal with Albany, Calgary and Bridgeport. In their handsome presentation, their many beautiful photographs and plans, they well represent that older, and certainly attractive, type of report which, though so prominent among the publications of a year ago, seems now to be passing. Yet it may be that the decrease in their number is due to the sudden contraction and conservatism which followed the breaking out of the war, rather than to a tendency which will be permanent. For the general city plan report has, it should be noted, commendable qualities besides its mere attractiveness. To create a community ideal, to put a vision into the minds of money-making citizens, to visualize the community concept—all that was well worth the doing, and without its doing municipal progress would not have gone as far as it has. If the city efficient, and even the city beautiful, seem more likely to be attained as a result of concentrated scientific studies, and of technical reports which can be presented in a matter-of-fact fashion, it is something to have created the wish for their attainment. Perhaps, indeed, that is an equally essential part .of the long operation of securing them. So the reports for Albany and Calgary, and appreciably, though to less extent, that for Bridgeport, are yet studies typical of a kind which has its own particular value, and for which the need may never entirely pass.
There could hardly be a coupling of cities, with approximately equal populations, which are more unlike. Albany, crowded on steep hillsides, stands for age, for the traditional conservatism of the Dutch, for hereditary wealth. Calgary, far scattered, stands flamboyantly for youth and enthusiasm; for riches lately taken from the earth. Bridgeport spells industrialism in its modern urban aspect. It is significant therefore that such diverse cities have coincidently secured city plan studies, and have paid relatively large sums for them.
“Studies for Albany”2 represents the collaborative work of Arnold W. Brunner, architect, and Charles Downing Lay, landscape architect. The larger part, however, seems to be the contribution of Mr. Brunner, the whole work bearing a strongly architectural impress, which in plan and presentation is marked by that elegance of manner so characteristic of Mr. Brunner’s city planning. There is in the text, withal, much of good sense and of restraint, and a welcome absence of foreign photographs.
The preface to the Albany report clearly states that “a city is a living
2 “Studies for Albany.” Arnold W. Brunner, architect; Charles Downing Lay, landscape architect. 1914.


1915]
RECENT CITY PLAN REPORTS
385,
organization and must grow and develop naturally, and the basic principle of city planning is to consider the plan merely as a program for its future development.” The author calls attention to Albany's “pronounced individuality” and voices the wise decision that “it would seem a calamity to attempt to formalize the city of Albany.”
The studies comprise a score of short discussions of definite problems. Each of these is fully illustrated, and is accompanied by plans and perspectives of prospective effects. The method involves some sacrifice of the sense of cohesiveness and co-ordination, but it is concise and clear; and presumably it left Mr. Lay free to handle the subjects which naturally fell within the scope of his scrutiny. The thousands of travelers who, in entering Albany by rail or river, note the transformation now taking place at the foot of State Street under the direction of Messrs. Brunner and Lay, will feel a special interest in this report.
“The City of Calgary: Past, Present and Future,”3 is a sumptuous volume by Thomas H. Mawson and Sons, of England. It contains many colored plates as well as many photographs, is bound in stiff covers, and may be had only by purchase (at $2.00) from the Calgary city planning commission.
Of the admirable discussion in the text and the scientific analysis, the fine pictures give little hint. On reading, one finds that the mind mainly responsible for it is not only, as so obviously, an artist’s. The inside title, “Calgary: A Preliminary Scheme for Controlling the Economic Growth of the City,” paves the way for a table of contents which contains such main headings as traffic disposal, policing and fire control; trade and commerce; the civic life; the environs; financial and legal— discussions which the delightful illustrations would not have suggested. So also do these words which, taken from an address by Mr. Mawson, have been printed on a front page by themselves:
City planning is not the attempt to pull down your city and rebuild it at ruinous expense. It is merely deciding what you would like to have done when you get the chance, so that when the chance does come, little by little you may make the city plan conform to your ideals.
But the introduction opens with the words, “The problem of the planning of a modern city is one which must appeal with overwhelming power to the imagination.” It is, then, in no cold-blooded way that the expert has taken up his work. There is an interesting survey of physical, social and commercial conditions, and the discussion of what to do for Calgary and how to do it is based on the accepted principles of the science of modern city building. If one sought an idea of what city planning undertakes to do and were restricted to the scrutiny of a single report, he could do no better perhaps than study that for Calgary.
3 Calgary: A Preliminary Scheme for Controlling the Economic Growth of the City. Thomas H. Mawson and Sons, city planning experts, London.


386
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
The “Preliminary Report to the City Plan Commission of Bridgeport, Conn.” is by John Nolen.4 It is published, the commission states, “for the purpose of calling out discussion, criticism, comment and public opinion generally.” Its proposals as a whole have been, as yet, neither approved nor disapproved by the commission.
Thus the volume, which is presented in much cheaper form than are the reports for Albany and Calgary, lacks the air of completeness and finality which they possess. It is simply a compilation of data, diagrammatic and statistical; and even the text, which is very brief, does not lose the preliminary, or tentative, quality. “When the plans and preliminary report have had careful consideration,” says Dr. Nolen in concluding his summary, “it will be possible to take the suggestions and criticisms, and with more confidence undertake the preparation of the final plans and recommendations.” He adds also this important suggestion: “If results are to be obtained in city planning, it is also necessary for the commission to have in its employ some one who is constantly 'on the job.’ City planning for a growing city like Bridgeport is a permanent, endless process. It is not merely a matter of getting from some one a report and some plans, with a list of recommendations. If a city is alive and growing, the city planning never gets done. Therefore it is necessary to have some one familiar with the matter, free to follow it up constantly.” The Bridgeport report is interesting especially, then, to the outsider, as a survey, for its bringing together of the material from which a real city plan may eventually be evolved. It is entertaining, further, to know that Dr. Nolen himself has said of the study that it is the “briefest city plan report ever made. . . . One can read the
report in 36 minutes.”
Ill
In a class by itself, but more nearly akin to the general reports than to those which discuss single specific phases of city planning, is a pamphlet entitled, “Notes for a Study in City Planning in Champaign-Urbana, by the 1913 and 1914 Classes in Civic Design at the University of Illinois.”5 The professor in charge of the course explains, in a foreword, that “to give concreteness and practicability to their work,” he had required his students in the two classes to make a study of civic conditions in the twin cities in which the university is located. To each student, moreover, a special subject was assigned for investigation and report, and these theses, subsequently discussed in class room, form the chapters of the little book.
To make, therefore, an authoritative city plan for Champaign and Urbana was notsthe prime purpose of the study. Rather, the object was
4 Preliminary Report to the City Plan Commission, Bridgeport, Conn., with supplementary material, by John Nolen, city planner. January, 1915.
5 Notes for a Study in City Planning in Champaign-Urbana, by the 1913 and 1914 Classes in Civic Design at the University of Illinois. 1915.


1915]
RECENT CITY PLAN REPORTS
387
the reaction upon the students themselves, “in the quickening of their social consciousness and the broadening of their civic outlook.” But so admirable were the theses, and so fully did they embody “general principles of procedure which relate to civic problems everywhere,” that the head of the department ordered their printing and circulation at university expense. “The report as a whole,” says the Municipal Journal, “indicates that the students have been taught to notice carefully those things which have to do with the well being and favorable appearance of a city, and that they have imbibed a realization of the importance of details.” This pamphlet, illustrated with photographs and containing a map and some diagrams, represents something new and interesting among general city plan reports.
Further evidence of the practical nature of the city planning training which now is being given to college students is offered, significantly, by the pamphlet on “Akron Pavements,”6 which has lately come from the office of the dean of the college of engineering in Akron’s municipal university. The city council requested the university to investigate the condition, cost and durability of Akron’s pavements. The report advocates city planning, noting that a first step in the planning of a pavement, as of any other structure, is the determination, as far as possible, of its future use, a determination which city planning based on traffic counts will go far toward settling. It expresses also the desire of the university to be of such further assistance, through both students and faculty, as it may. Valuable general data have been tabulated in the appendices.
In leaving general reports, to take up those which, like the Akron study of pavements, discuss single phases only of the city plan, it becomes possible to arrange the latter publications in groups, according to subject considered. We have, for example, three which map out park systems, a half-dozen which consider problems of transportation, others which take up the housing question, city planning legislation, etc. It is significant that reports of this character, which a year ago could be dismissed with a few words, form so large a part of this year’s publications. The tendency toward specialization, then observed, has made rapid progress.
IV '
Of the reports on park systems, two really date back a long time, though they have only just come from the press. These are the reports by Olmsted Brothers for Spokane, Washington, and for Dayton, Ohio. The Spokane park plan,7 now presented in a report by the park commission covering the period from 1891 to 1913, was actually completed in April of 1908. The report is more than a mere park plan. Made under
6 Akron Pavements: A Report of an Investigation made by the Municipal University of Akron. 1914.
’Report of the Board of Park Commissioners, Spokane, Washington, 1891-1913.
2


388 ^ NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July
the personal supervision of John C. Olmsted and J. Frederick Dawson, its long text is a better city plan report than some of the publications to which in the past that overworked name has been given. Besides discussing the treatment of existing parks, and recommending new parks,, playfields, and boulevards and parkways, there is a long section devoted to consideration of the revision of the city plan. Here such matters as rapid transit, steam railroads, the size of lots, the restriction of building height and location, and an art commission are treated with illuminating and suggestive comment. If, in conformity with its title, the Spokane park report is not to be considered a general city plan study, it is only because the emphasis placed by it on the subject of parks is, viewing the problem as a whole, disproportionate.
The report on a park system for Dayton,8 published at the end of 1914, is dated, even on the outside cover, three and a half years earlier; but it is the sort of report which will not grow old, at least outside of Dayton, for the comment on local features is thickly interspersed with the wise enunciation of general principles of which the application is not limited by time or place. For this report, also, John C. Olmsted is believed to be largely responsible, though it is issued, as is the practice, under the firm name.
The third report outlining a park system is that for Little Rock, Arkansas, by John Nolen.9 It is not a long report, and aside from some cross sections showing suggested treatments for streets and avenues,, there are only three plans and one (a city) map. But it is presented in a form unusually attractive, and its discussion is definite and practical. It is arranged under the headings: A., City squares, civic center and capitol grounds; B., School grounds and athletic fields; C., Main avenue system; D., Encircling parks and boulevards; E., Reservations.
In an introductory word, Dr. Nolen makes these interesting comments: “In the reservation of parks it should be clearly understood that the primal end is neither to beautify, nor to add a luxury. . . . Park
reservation serves a distinctly practical purpose, providing always an element of permanence to a neighborhood, which serves to fix the real estate values in the region. ... In our rapidly growing American cities, it is vitally necessary to recognize certain laws on which wholesome development depends, precisely as we recognize laws on which the physical development of the individual depends. ... A certain ratio should be maintained between the population of a city and the area reserved for open spaces. As the city develops, it is a short-sighted policy that fails to maintain the ratio—a policy which leads eventually to low property valuation, to slum conditions and to ill-favored succeeding generations.”
8 Report on Proposed Park System for the City of Dayton, Ohio. Olmsted Brothers, landscape architects, Brookline, Mass. April 12, 1911.
9 Report on a Park System for Little Rock, Arkansas. John Nolen, landscape architect, Cambridge, Mass.


1915]
RECENT CITY PLAN REPORTS
389.
V
It was noted, in preparing the review of a year ago, that the later reports were showing a strong interest in the problems of transportation, as these are developed on both highway and railroad. The current reports express this interest with a growing emphasis.
One of the most elaborately issued and most suggestive of all the reports of the year has proved to be that of Secretary Hooker of the Chicago City Club, on “Through Routes for Chicago's Steam Railroads”.10 Its purpose is to discover “the best means for attaining popular and comfortable travel for Chicago and suburbs,” and with this intention it presents two propositions: “The first is that Chicago’s urgent need for better means of fast and comfortable local travel should be largely met by its steam lines; the second is that these should, to that end, be organized on the through route plan.” The points made are that the steam lines are mostly elevated already, as respects street interference; that they represent the highest speed in travel; fan out thickly over the city; and, having their own rights-of-way, minimize public suffering from the noise, dust and danger incident to fast travel that uses street lines, whether on, above, or below the surface. Finally, it is shown that even in Chicago there is a wide margin of unused capacity on the steam railroads. All these points are set forth with arguments, supported by numerous photographs, cartoons, and striking diagrams, possessing far more than local application.
The city planning bearing of the project is sufficiently indicated in the author’s contention that a system of through-routing for local travel on the steam lines would, if properly designed and executed, yield more accommodation in rapid transit for the same outlay than could be secured by any other means. But he explains that in concrete terms the promise is, 1, more home life for the people, taking them out to cheap land where they can have better houses with more space around them; 2, better health for the people; and, 3, these gains at the minimum of expense. The popular manner in which all this is set forth, its original character, and the wealth of pertinent data which accompany it, combine to make this book one of the best presented, and one of the most instructive and valuable, of the year’s city planning reports.
In marked contrast to this presentation is the report on Chicago railway terminals by John F. Wallace11—a technical report by an expert engineer to the city council, though its technicality appears rather in the form of its publication than in its writing. With the main business district of the city now fearfully congested, with the railroads so
10 Through Routes for Chicago’s Steam Railroads, by George Ellsworth Hooker. 1914. See National Municipal Review, vol. iii, p. 798.
11 Report of Mr. John F. Wallace to the Committee on Railway Terminals of the City Council of Chicago. October 20, 1913.


.390
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
hemming it in that it cannot spread while they remain in their present locations, with the necessity imminent for new and larger terminals, and with projects pending already for some of these, the railroad problem in Chicago has become a very inviting subject of study and of vigorous discussion. Mr. Wallace has little to say on the theme which Mr. Hooker so earnestly presented. He thinks the goal beset with practical difficulties, but believes it one to be kept in view and gradually worked toward. His interest is, as doubtless requested, in the problems immediately pressing, and while these are local questions only it is interesting to note, as of possibly general application, his emphatic objection to a suggestion for a single union station for passenger business, or to a continuous group of such stations which, adjoining, would be practically one, as has been proposed on Twelfth street. “From a practical railroad point of view,” he says, “a single union station would increase congestion, be more unsatisfactory and inconvenient to passengers, and more expensive to the railroad companies, without enough compensating features to justify its use.”
At the same time that Mr. Wallace was making his report, a report on the like subject was under preparation by Bion J. Arnold, for a citizens’ terminal plan committee,12 paid for by private subscription. It is much the more extended and exhaustive study, the text alone making a volume of 223 printed pages, to which there are to be added folded-in maps and a statistical appendix. That such a report could be turned out in sixty days is one of the most remarkable features of it. Mr. Arnold received his formal authorization on September 19, 1913; Mr. Wallace’s report was delivered on October 18, and Mr. Arnold’s on November 18. Mr. Wallace had already co-operated, however, by making available the data which he had collected. These data, which are not included in Mr. Wallace’s own published report, with these which Mr. Arnold adds as the result of his studies, are most interesting and valuable and, naturally, constitute the bulk of the book. The chapters include discussions of such questions as: influences affecting terminal problems, the city plan, growth and future development, analysis of terminal plans presented, powers of the municipality, all of them subjects of importance to city planners.
The committee which retained Mr. Arnold states, in a foreword, that it was “not committed in favor of, or against, any of the various terminal plans”; that its sole object was that the “problem shall be thoroughly, broadly and constructively investigated, with a view to reaching the best general solution.” Mr. Arnold’s recommendations look to a straightening of the south branch of the Chicago river; the placing, within a definite
12 Report on the Re-Arrangement and Development of the Steam Railroad Terminals of the City of Chicago. Submitted to the Citizens’ Terminal Plan Committee of Chicago. By Bion J. Arnold, consulting engineer. November 18, 1913.


1915]
RECENT CITY PLAN REPORTS
391
time, of the tracks of most of the steam railroad companies in covered subways beneath the street level in the area bounded by Twelfth, Halsted and Lake streets and the lakefront; the concentration of long distance passenger traffic into the fewest possible number of terminals; and an “interchangeability of suburban service between roads operating in different parts of the city.”
With regard to street traffic problems, a division of the Boston Chamber of Commerce has brought out a very interesting report on the conditions in the business center of Boston, with various proposals looking to the relief of the congestion.13 From the broad standpoint of general city planning, it is significant, first, that the traffic conditions have gradually become so serious, imposing upon business so great a handicap to its efficient operation, that the chamber is willing to expend much valuable time in the study of the problem, and no small amount of money in prosecuting the study and publishing its findings, illustrated with diagrams, photographs, etc.; and, second, that the study has been undertaken by the chamber’s younger men. Their report opens with a brief historical survey which is full of interest to the city planner. The investigators, having sketched the growth of the city, say: “Once the whole business district was fully occupied, there was only one possible way for it to expand. It was bounded on the west by the Common, on the northwest by two hills, and on the north and east by the river and the harbor respectively. Geographically, it could spread to the south and southwest, but all traffic from the western section to the business districts breaks against the Common, flows around it, and tumbles into the whirlpool beyond. There is no broad attractive street to carry the stream to the south and southwest of the present crowded district. Hence, retailers have been afraid to move. They want to be in the whirlpool, not in slack water. Had such a street as described been constructed when the Back Bay was filled in, the present situation might have been very different.” No better argument to show the value of city planning could be asked for than is offered by this entirely unprejudiced report. Remedies now proposed are discussed under the headings of better traffic methods and changes in street construction and arrangement, the committee feeling that “to consider means by which the present business district of Boston can be extended in area,” which they recognize as the one permanent remedy, “would be to transcend the natural scope of this report.” They urge, however, “that the proper committee of the chamber vigorously take up this matter.”
Of the several reports having to do with street traffic, the most elaborate, however, is that made for Philadelphia by the transit commissioner,
13 Street Traffic in the City of Boston. A Study Made under the Direction of the Governing Board of the Under Forty Division, Boston Chamber of Commerce. 1914.


392
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
A. Merritt Taylor, and his staff.14 This has been published in two large volumes, of which the second is entirely given up to maps and diagrams. These are colored, drawn on such a scale that they have to be folded in, and are seventy in number. This gives an idea of the elaborateness both of the study and of its presentation—qualities which put it in the front rank among all the reports of a city planning nature that have yet been published in America. The text is divided into twelve sections which include recommended routes, general design, estimates of cost, of timesaving, of traffic, of income, of effect on assessed values; statistics in regard to population and housing, in regard to rapid transit in all the larger American cities, and to rates of fare.
In addition to this monumental report, the department of city transit in Philadelphia has issued, in modest pamphlet form, its annual report.15 As the first report of a department organized only on July 1, 1913, there is given some account of the office organization and of the history of its creation. The department’s birth was one of the results of the city’s great transit study, to secure the carrying out of recommendations which the transit commissioner had made. There seems a likelihood that this begins a series of annual reports that will be most interesting to future students.
Yet another Philadelphia report, that also deals with the transportation end of the subject, is one issued by the department of public works. It discusses the abolition of grade crossings in South Philadelphia and the consequent development there of opportunities for commercial and industrial progress.16 This, too, is issued in pamphlet form. The redemption of South Philadelphia by the correction of the railroad situation, and then the re-platting of streets, has been before the public more or less for 25 years. The report, with its many constructive suggestions and its program of a policy, now agreed upon, represents therefore a matured judgment and well ripened plan that is of great local interest.
VI
Last year’s review hazarded the guess, based on various indications, that housing was one of the subjects most likely to be emphasized in American city planning reports of the near future. In the publications of the last twelve months the subject receives important attention.
From the Minneapolis civic and commerce association, which is responsible for city planning in Minneapolis, comes a profusely illustrated
14 Report of Transit Commissioner, City of Philadelphia, July, 1913.
15 Annual Report of the Department of City Transit of the City of Philadelphia for the Year ending December 31, 1913.
“South Philadelphia. The Abolishment of Grade Crossings and the Creation of Opportunities for Commercial and Industrial Development. Department of Public Works. Philadelphia, 1913.


1915]
RECENT CITY PLAN REPORTS
393
pamphlet on the housing problem.17 The excuse for the pamphlet is stated in these words, taken from the preface: “It is vastly more important to every business man that Minneapolis be prepared to comfortably house and care for a population of 1,000,000 twenty-five years hence than that the industries to support a population be secured.” The housing problem, it is pointed out, is “the universal result of unguided city growth. . . . Neither Minneapolis nor any other city
in America has yet learned the art of growing.” The investigation, of which the report is the product, occupied several months and revealed that Minneapolis had the usual housing evils. The final section is devoted to a plea for city planning. “The primary question,” say the business men who write the report, “is not, ‘What can the tenant afford?' it is, ‘What can Minneapolis afford?’ ”
A report which comes from another committee of the same association considers the limitation of heights of buildings.18 It compares the needs of Minneapolis and the practice of Minneapolis with that of other cities, presenting much valuable data; and in a series of appendices, illustrated by charts, it considers the requirements for adequate light and air. A proposed ordinance is submitted which would prohibit structures exceeding “a greater height than If times the width of the street, with a maximum height of 140 feet to the top of the parapet,” except under certain conditions—as, for example, for towers. The projection of cornices is also regulated. While this report does not compare in exhaustiveness of data with the remarkable study published last year by the Heights of Buildings Commission of New York, it yet constitutes a very definite and practical statement which is easily grasped. The New York report,19 a volume of 300 pages of text, exclusive of many pages of illustrations, maps, etc., will remain of course in a class by itself. Nothing can ever again be written on the regulation of building heights without going to the report of the New York commission, as to the standard reservoir of data.
Of somewhat similar exhaustiveness, but on another subject, are the discussion and collated material in the first annual report of the Massachusetts homestead commission.20 This takes up the subject of housing, and of city and town planning from a housing standpoint, considering
17 The Housing Problem in Minneapolis. A Preliminary Investigation made for the Committee on Housing of the Minneapolis Civic and Commerce Association. September, 1914.
18 Minneapolis Civic and Commerce Association. Report of Municipal Committee on Limitation of Heights of Buildings.
19 Report of the Heights of Buildings Commission to the Committee on the Height, Size and Arrangement of Buildings of the Board of Estimate and Apportionment of the City of New York. December 23, 1913.
"The Commonwealth of Massachusetts. First Annual Report of The Homestead Commission. 1914.


394
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
such subjects as the organization of housing companies, the exemption of homes from taxation, state aid, etc. The practice of some thirty or more countries, in Europe, Asia, South America, Australia and Africa is described. In fact, as one goes over the published reports of the last year, on various phases of city planning, one cannot but be impressed by the amount of research which has been going forward, and with the thoroughness of study which is now made possible.
VII
From the homestead commission there has also come, more recently, a valuable report on that method of paying for improvements which is known as the assessment for betterments, in which land damages and the levying of special assessments, having been combined in one proceeding, are determined by a commission appointed by the court.21 Familiar as this procedure is in states west of New England, it is novel there.
Another Massachusetts report on legal procedure in the execution of city planning projects has appeared in pamphlet form in a statement prepared by Flavel Shurtleff on “ City Planning in Relation to the Street System in the Boston Metropolitan District.” 22 The committee on city planning of the Boston Chamber of Commerce, in transmitting the statement, urges the granting of larger powers to Massachusetts town planning boards, the provision of suitable appropriations for them, the acquisition when possible of the fee in new streets rather than the easement, and the appointment of a state commission to revise the assessment laws.
VIII
A group of reports having to do with the more artistic side of city building—and the relative smallness of this group is striking witness to how far modern city planning has traveled from the “city beautiful” slogan of its earlier days—includes, as most important, a brochure on “A Center of Arts and Letters,” issued by the Detroit city plan and improvement commission.23 This contains, with map and brief statement, the plans prepared by E. H. Bennett of Chicago and Frank Miles Day of Philadelphia for the utilization in Detroit of certain lands, already mostly in public ownership, as a site for a library, an art museum and minor buildings.
31 Report to the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts relative to Taking Land for Public Purposes. February, 1915. House No. 1851.
32 Report on City Planning in Relation to the Street System in the Boston Metropolitan District, issued under the direction of the Committee on City Planning of the Boston Chamber of Commerce, 1914.
23 Detroit City Plan and Improvement Commission. A Center of Arts and Letters. November, 1913.


1915]
RECENT CITY PLAN REPORTS
395.
From the same commission there comes a very brief “Statement of Progress,” with illustrations, on the splendid memorial fountain which, with the James Scott bequest, is to be placed at the apex of Belle Isle.24
A report (the second) of the commission on beautifying the city of Norfolk, Virginia, is almost wholly devoted to the subject of street trees.25 At the end, however, it contains an interesting and impressive “resum6 of the plans of the commission when it began its work in 1909,” and a statement of what, in co-operation with others, the commission has accomplished.
In this group of publications there should also be placed the annual reports that have been issued by municipal art commissions, as those particularly of Pittsburgh26 and of New York27—the first named because it covers the activities of the commission since its creation, a period of three and a half years; and the second because it is New York's. Both reports are fully illustrated and attractively presented. The Pittsburgh commission is interesting, moreover, in itself because, unlike any other municipal art commission, it is not entirely composed of local men. Value-is added to the record it presents by the inclusion of the report of E. H. Bennett on the development of Pittsburgh’s “Point.”
IX
The reference to reports of municipal art commissions brings up a group of publications in which regularly organized divisions of the city government make record of their city planning activities. The appearance of reports of this kind was noted a year ago as something new; and their recurrence now, though the increase in their numbers is not large, has been spoken of as one of the significant features of the year’s output. No doubt in annual reports of mayors and of departments of engineering and public works these records appear with considerable frequency, and the importance of their inclusion in such places should not be overlooked. But it means a little more to see them brought out by themselves.28
From Springfield, Massachusetts, comes the first annual report of the city planning commission.29 This covers a period of about fourteen months, ending December 1, 1914, during which time there have been
24 City Plan and Improvement Commission. James Scott Memorial Fountain. Statement of Progress. Detroit, November, 1914.
26 Second Report of the Commission on Beautifying the City of Norfolk, Virginia.. January, 1912-July, 1913.
28 An Account of the Work of the Art Commission of the City of Pittsburgh, from its Creation in 1911 to January 1, 1915.
27 Annual Report of The Art Commission of the City of New York. For the year 1913. New York, 1914.
28 See National Municipal Review, vol. ii, p. 494.
23 First Annual Report of the City Planning Commission to the City Council. City of Springfield, Mass. 1914.


396
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
'‘forty-one regular meetings of the commission,” besides “numerous conferences with departments and commissions, members thereof, and individuals.” Two matters referred to the commission by the city council receive attention in the report. These are a contemplated removal of trolley poles from a portion of Main street, and the so-called “ East Springfield project”—the platting of certain thoroughfares in a new subdivision. The larger portion of the report, however, is devoted to a compilation of useful data with regard to the city and to an impressive analysis of the subjects which, in the commission’s estimation, should be included in a city planning study of Springfield.
The annual report of the Hartford commission on the city plan makes its regular appearance,30 and the annual report of the Bureau of Surveys of Philadelphia31 is, as usual, divided between questions of a strictly city planning nature—as the extension and improvement of the street system —and questions having to do with the construction of sewers.
From Newark, New Jersey, there has come an interesting little publication, put out by the board of education, for the school children’s study of Newark.32 Its brief and simple text, aided by illustrations, makes it possible for Newark’s children to appreciate what city planning is to mean for their city, an appreciation that may do much for the future Newark.
Messrs. Goodrich and Ford, the experts retained by the city plan commission of Jersey City, issue a report supplementary to that which was mentioned here a year ago.33 This takes the form of a memorandum of matters to be investigated or points to be studied, its interest to nonresidents of Jersey City being in the breadth of its range of subjects, and the thoroughness of study which it indicates.
Finally, the annual report of the city parks association of Philadelphia should have a word.34 Reports from such sources have not been included heretofore in this review, but this is because none other is in quite the same city planning class as those of the Philadelphia association. For a quarter century this organization has kept consistently in view the desirability of securing a comprehensive, scientifically worked-out plan for Philadelphia. Every report has made contribution to that end, the series forming a valuable addition to both the propagandist and practical
30 Sixth Annual Report of the Commission on the City Plan to the Mayor and Court of Common Council, City of Hartford, Connecticut. Year ending March 31, 1913.
31 Annual Report of the Bureau of Surveys of the City of Philadelphia for the year ending December 31, 1913. Issued by the City of Philadelphia.
32 City Planning—1914. Leaflet No. 23. Issued by the Board of Education for the Study of Newark in the Schools of Newark, New Jersey.
33 Addenda Memoranda to Report of Suggested Plan of Procedure for City Plan Commission, City of Jersey City, New Jersey, by E. P. Goodrich, Geo. B. Ford. May 1, 1913.
34 Twenty-Sixth Annual Report of the City Parks Association of Philadelphia. 1914.


1915]
RECENT CITY PLAN REPORTS
397
literature of city planning. As to the results, these are evident in the prominence which is Philadelphia’s in a tabulation of the publications of the last year.
X
With war ruining the cities of Europe, to which we so long have looked for instruction, and with many months of financial depression in this country, during which the cities had difficulty in selling bonds, it is noteworthy that our city planning movement has continually progressed.
The record of the next year is not likely to be less. Various cities— as Sacramento on the Pacific coast, Topeka in the far southwest, Minneapolis and Grand Forks in the northwest, and New York in the east, are known to have had studies made, to which publication is yet to be given, or to have such studies now under way. The University of Pennsylvania is conducting the first American summer school in town planning; the cities of California have lately organized a state city-planning conference; annual conferences are now held regularly in Massachusetts and New York; and the National Conference grows every year in numbers and in importance. Each year, too, the literature is increasingly practical, and more thorough study precedes the reports.
April 15, 1915.


RECENT PARK REPORTS1
BY F. L. MULFORD1 2
Washington, D. C,
IN ORDER to get a basis from which to judge the value of work done or not done by the different park departments, as recorded in their various reports, it may be well to crystallize some of the purposes and needs for a park, so that the relation that should exist between a municipality, its citizens, and its parks, may be kept in mind. An old idea of the use of parks is as a place of recreation or re-creation. In the days of small cities and much open country, this meant usually a place of pleasing geometrical design, ornamented by trees, shrubs, and tender plants, where one might sit quietly on stiff benches along the walks and on some occasions hear music discoursed from the ornate steeple of a band stand. The grass was to be looked at, the walks were for promenades, and the flower beds to be noticed. The wide-awake active part of the community naturally took to the open country.
In his report to the Hartford park commissioners Superintendent George A. Parker says:
Recreation is that part of leisure time, which is used by the individual or the community in nature’s own way; for development between the ages of birth and 14; for construction between 14 and 21; for formation between 21 and 28; and for maintenance and renewal of the elasticity of life afterwards, which monotonous work or business tends to destroy.
. . . If this definition is right, “Then recreation is a matter which
concerns all ages and conditions, and is not limited to children as it seems to be considered by many.”
He then calls attention to the relative superiority of country influences in the past in producing fully developed men and women, and predicts the time must come when the reverse is true, and states that when it is accomplished “the recreation problem of the cities will have been solved.” He then states the following eight “laws” governing recreation as related to cities.
1. If the opportunities for recreation are provided to meet the needs of the people, they will be used up to the full extent of the people’s need.
2. The variety and amount of recreation facilities needed is quite constant with each group of people living under similar conditions, and varies but little in groups of ten thousand.
3. The recreation desired by any condition or class of people will be
1 Mainly based on the reports for 1913.—Editor.
2 Of the Bureau of Plant Industry.
398


1915]
RECENT PARK REPORTS
399
supplementary and complimentary to their daily work and education, and while varying much as to groups, is quite constant within each group.
4. If play facilities are provided too abundantly or not sufficiently to meet the people’s needs, the group as a whole is weakened. There is a proportion or balance between their needs and the means of satisfying them that will give the greatest strength and the best results.
5. If any particular kind of recreation is provided in too great abundance, it will become stale and little used. If not enough, it will cause discord.
6. As a machine out of balance causes friction, unnecessary wear and cost to run, and in the end may destroy itself, so play facilities out of balance cause trouble, are costly, and the facilities provided are often destroyed. Generally, when there is discord or destruction in recreation or park work, it is because they are out of balance, and the cause and remedy lie with the superintendent rather than with those in attendance.
7. Every muscle, organ, function or attribute of the human being needs relaxation and recreation, and for each of these needs there are conditions or appliances to satisfy them. It is for the city to know and provide the opportunity.
8. In the country each home provides its own water supply, sanitary conditions and recreation. Whether good or bad the individual was responsible, but in the city the individual cannot provide those things separately. It is a community interest, and the community as a whole is responsible whether they be good or bad, and it is responsible for recreation the same as it is for water, sewerage, and the streets.
He expresses himself clearly as being in favor of “free play” and opposed to “directed play.’’ He considers the latter a contradiction of terms, and supports his stand. He shows, too, the influence for good of the newly established playgrounds in a congested district from the viewpoint of a business man overlooking backyards from his place of business, from that of the policeman, and from that of a mother.
The relation of the park department as custodian of the parks to the erection of tenement or apartment houses in a neighborhood, is pertinently discussed and is worthy of consideration by city legislators everywhere. The fact that such developments may materially increase the cost of city functions per capita is seldom considered. The differences of the possible differing needs of recreational facilities in various localities is also suggested.
In the report of the progress of park work in Spokane, Washington, there is a graphic picture of the unsatisfactory results in the administration of park work when put in the hands of paid elective officers, political expediency being paramount to efficiency and the public interest. In 1907, a city beautiful committee was instrumental in having established a park commission of ten men, each serving for ten years. As it is usually conceded by those who have had experience that it takes at least two or three years for a new park commissioner to come to a realization •of park requirements, especially in maintenance, the value of this arrange-


400
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
ment is apparent. These commissioners serve without pay and outline policies for a paid executive. In addition, the wise provision for a minimum park tax levy of one mill on the valuation, entirely under the control of the board, was adopted. The usefulness of many a good commission is nullified by dependence upon a city council for all funds for maintenance, as well as extension and improvement. It requires of commissioners, so placed, that they be good politicians in order to get the money as well as good park men in order to spend it wisely. A minimum park fund will enable a park commission to maintain the parks through a period of apathy or antagonism of the law-making body till the public have a chance to express their desires in the matter. In 1910, a commission form of government was established, but the park commission was wisely continued. Under the present commission, park acreage has been increased from 173.1 acres to 1,934 acres. The work accomplished and the method of doing are well brought out. The report of the landscape architects on a park system for the city makes interesting reading. The discussion of street trees, extra care on streets, art commissions, park areas, and the need for large parks in small cities are especially to be noted. The relation of 62 persons to an acre of park places the city stand well in the lead in park area per capita. The cost of maintenance per capita is 66 cents, and the cost per acre $41.68.
In the report of 1913 for Portland, Oregon, is a clear statement of two opposing policies of park development; the one on permanent lines only, with consequent frequent delays and lack of benefit to an impatient public; the other development for immediate use, often followed by excessive maintenance charges. The policy of immediate development of a portion of the park on permanent lines is suggested as the best policy.
The relation of park playgrounds to school playgrounds is discussed and a suggestion made that the grounds for the smaller children could more suitably be provided in connection with school houses while park departments could devote their energies to the larger grounds. More cooperation is urged between school boards and park departments.
A very strong plea is presented for town-planning well in advance of actual development. The report considers that a so-called parkway that is only a tree lined street is a parkway in name only, and for the purposes of a parkway is not worth spending money upon. An interesting definition of parks states:
That to many minds parks are merely land any size, any location, any or no development and with or without gardening, play features, drives, and walks. On the contrary let it be affirmed that park systems are justifiable to a community by serving in their natural aspect or by arrangements of natural vegetation and earth surface, as a safety valve to offset the artificialities of urban life, or in other words, as a health measure in conserving and restoring health.


1915]
RECENT PARK REPORTS
401
There was much parkway construction during the year, and additional facilities were provided in the various parks, including several comfort stations, and a new playground was established at Mt. Tabor. Three miles of the 1,000 miles of streets in the city were planted with street trees during the year. A recommendation that forty miles of streets be planted with trees every year was ably supported. The financial statement is concise and gives more of value than is often given in many pages of figures. A further analysis of them giving expenditures for different items in the maintenance would have greatly increased the value of this portion of the report.
St. Louis is making strides toward reclaiming her park system from being an ornamental appendage of the old type to a living, vital unit in the life of the people. Many new features making the parks more useful to the people have been added. One of the largest undertakings of the year was the opening and operating of a new bathing pool. The usual attenders at the old bath house came about five blocks, though some come five miles, though not working nearer, and to the Fairground pool some even came 15 miles. The cost of maintenance was .022 per person attending. The playground attendance was two and three tenths million at a per capita cost of upkeep of 1.2 cents.
Commissioner Dwight F. Davis considers it bad public policy to buy parks and school buildings and then use to capacity only part of the time. Since 1875, $675,000 from improvement bonds have been spent on parks; $2,750,000 are now being asked for this purpose. The practice has been instituted of gathering the flower beds together and substituting shrubs for the tender plants. Sheep are being used on the lawns in Forest park.
The playground report discusses the location of new playgrounds and gives as the three helps used in determining the location, density of population map, juvenile court record, and location of schools. As a demonstration of the way playgrounds influence neighborhood spirit, the incident was cited of how the people got together and held a lantern party under the municipal bridge,, the Sunday night after the announcement that the grounds were to be used as a playground. There had been no neighborhood spirit in evidence in that community before.
The yearly attendance at the different playgrounds varied from one person for every 10 square feet of ground to 130 persons for the same area. The average was four persons for every 10 square feet. There was a municipal Christmas tree in the heart of the city with appropriate dances and exercises. Co-operation and public spirit were shown by the nearby merchants and businessmen loaning dressing rooms and consenting to traffic diversion for the period of the celebration.
In Minneapolis, the land acquisitions for the rounding out of the park system have largely been acquired though more playgrounds and smalL


402
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
areas here and there are considered desirable for completing details. There are now one acre of parks for every 73 persons. One mill on the assessed valuation is the minimum to be devoted to park purposes. This allows a good maintenance of the 3,783 acres, and some for betterments, although these are few compared with the needs for completing the system as already designed. The cost of maintenance per acre is $30.48.
One of the most notable achievements of the year was the establishment of a garden in connection with the meeting of the Society of American Florists and Ornamental Horticulturists. It was a trade display of plants, but was such a success and met with such public favor that it is to be continued in a somewhat modified form. The interesting suggestion was made in connection with Loring park that it would be well to spend more for lighting and less for police.
The financial statements in this report are both illuminating and concise. The analysis of the expenditure for both maintenance and improvement is helpful to the student of such matters. It is to be commended that so many park departments are presenting their finances in this way in the recent reports. An interesting table of the cost of street tree planting is presented. The average cost of watering is 29 cents per tree; cost of trees, 88 cents; average total cost of tree, planting and year’s care $5.55. There are 301 miles of street trees in the city, of which more than two thirds have been planted by the city.
The new city entrance, known as the Gateway, is being developed as an impressive and useful improvement near the railroad depots. Bathing facilities are taxed to their utmost and enlarged facilities had to be provided for boat landing. Boat rentals returned a profit to the city. The refectories are operated by the park department and the question was discussed whether a refectory that did not pay a profit should not be discontinued, or the character of the service be changed to make it self-sustaining, with the conclusion for the latter proposition.
The Madison, Wisconsin, report of the Park and Pleasure Drive Association for 1914 represents a unique picture of public spirit and generosity on the part of a comparatively few individuals, though no credit is expressed in the report for any unusual merit. In many cities, the movement for better park facilities has been started by a voluntary organization making the study of conditions and possibilities through qualified experts, and then putting the conclusions before the public and asking them to act. At Madison, the association, sustained largely through public subscription, has opened and developed pleasure drives about the lakes near Madison. It has studied the recreation problem and has the administration of the park funds for improving and maintaining the different parks in Madison, councils appropriating the money and designating the association as the agency for administering the funds. One •of the interesting accomplishments was the completion of a driveway


1915]
RECENT PARK REPORTS
403
about Lake Menona by co-operating with the state highway department and getting it to open a road along the shore through some properties that the association could not acquire as it had no power to open any road, except by the unanimous consent of the property owners. The refreshment privilege was operated by the association in the parks and the net proceeds paid for eight concerts. The city council appropriated almost one and one-half mills of the tax rate for park purposes.
Detroit, seems to center its interests and service on Bell Isle park and the water privilege there. No comment is made on the large revenue from the boat houses and the great use of boating privileges it indicates, while quite a point is made that this large park with its thousands of visitors had its tennis courts increased to six. ' Only $197 were spent for playground apparatus. The city has 492 people to each acre of park and the maintenance per acre is $364.46. The number of people per acre of park is almost seven times as much as in Minneapolis; the maintenance over 10 times as much per acre. Considerable space is taken in the report with a discussion of additional bridge facilities for the present crowded park, while no suggestion is made of the possibilities of securing other parks to distribute the crowds and relieve the congestion and better serve the people as a whole. Lack of continuity of policy, owing to the possibility of a complete reversal with the advent of each new commissioner may be responsible for this state of affairs.
In Chicago, the West park system has added a new park of 160 acres, known as Warren woods, but has no money to develop it. In the past, assessments have been made to cover improvements on boundary roads and the portions of these funds remaining unexpended after the work was done, were returned to the property owners. A study of delinquency near the playgrounds in the more congested neighborhoods compared with similar neighborhoods without playgrounds has led to the conclusion that the lessening of delinquency within a half mile radius of the playground is enough to pay the interest on the park investment. Pages of valuable space are taken with the names of firms receiving warrants and the amounts, but no adequate presentation of the cost of the various services rendered the public. This is typical of the reports issued by many cities.
In the South park system, the principal attention has been given to maintenance, there being little improvement work in progress. The teaching of English is considered as a recreational feature of the playgrounds, as are also talks on civic matters. The thought is expressed that political lectures should be allowed, but not partisan ones. The new parks do not have concentrated apparatus frames, the elements being more widely scattered. Swings are included in the men’s gymnasia. In the road maintenance, light road oil has been found more satisfactory than the heavier oils.


404
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
At Racine, Wisconsin, a record of the attendance at the playgrounds was kept, which showed 1,613 came one-fourth mile, 705, one-half mile, 456, three-fourths mile, and 366, one mile. The work of park acquisition was started while other improvements were in progress, but it went right ahead. The importance of the need of acquiring boulevards for future development is emphasized. Suggestions are made of the importance of making a city plan. The city has provision of a one-mill tax for parks. The expenditures are presented in a classified table.
The Rockford (Illinois) park district reported the beginning of its own refectory service. It was conducted at a slight loss, but it was felt that it would be retrieved another year, and the service had given such satisfaction that it was warranted. Many of the plantings have been made with the direct object of attracting the birds.
The report of Houston, Texas, is a full report of the landscape designer on a park system for the city, together with other related details of a city plan and development suggestions. The city is evidently most fortunate in having a good deal of cheap land along the river near the heart of the City that can yet be acquired for public breathing spaces. Interesting tables on land values are included as well as studies on the ratios of white and negro population in succeeding decades, and the provisions necessary to accommodate the people as the city develops. For the administration of the park system a single executive, responsible only to a park board, was recommended.
In the report of the New York park commission, a high tribute was paid to the interest of Mayor Gaynor in the parks and their development, and credit given for a progressive improvement policy. Credit was also given his successor for continuing the policy. This by intimation shows the weakness of a system that makes it possible for a new man to entirely change the policy of a public service like parks every four years. A park, or a park system, cannot be built by fits and starts, but requires a continuous constructive policy. Sewers, water pipes, paving, and sub-ways, can be extended by spurts, and then partially neglected without ruinous results. Trees and shrubs need constant sympathetic treatment and four years of partial neglect may destroy 50 years of effort.
A marked contrast is given in this report of two methods of handling public buildings. Brooklyn is constructing its museums on a tract of land adjoining its park, but separated from it by a street that makes it impossible that the land should ever be an integral part of the park, while Manhattan has and is taking land from the people’s outdoors that should be their playground, instead of a museum. Pretentious plans have been prepared for the land along the Hudson river in front of Riverside drive, and considerable progress has been made toward its preliminary development. Among the features planned are a formal city entrance, a harbor, and landing for boats, an athletic field, and stadium that will


1915]
RECENT PARK REPORTS
405
be useful not only in connection with events in the stadium, but also for river reviews, and two covered landings for the loading of city refuse.
The report records much improvement in road surfacings, the renewal of shrubbery plantations, the addition of playgrounds and parks, and efforts at parkway extensions, one of the latter connecting the parks of the Boro of Queens with the eastern parkway. There has been long delay with this extension because of its passing through a cemetery. The report of the commissioner for the Boro of Queens presents a strong plea for municipal control of recreation. At the new Gaynor park on the shore at Hell Gate a provision for bathing has been planned in a bay inside the general line of the sea wall. This is doubly important at this point because of the swift current. The cost of golf maintenance in this same system is given as $3.26 per player.
The report of the Boston metropolitan park commission gives inspiration by reports of continued parkway extensions, at least part of which are designed to facilitate general traffic communication between the towns concerned as well as pleasure driving on the appropriate reservations. It is hard to realize the ultimate benefit of the continued efforts of such a commission especially when it operates through a number of separate political units. Reports from all the bath houses show inadequate facilities for present demands, and the houses arranged to care for the maximum of which they are capable.
The report of the commissioners of the state reservation at Niagara Falls shows that the terms of four of the five commissioners expired that year, an unfortunate situation for the good of the park. Much space is given to a report of the legislation for the control of Niagara showing well the unsatisfactoriness of a lack of permanent conservative policy in this connection.
In Fall River, Massachusetts, the state law requiring a playground for every 20,000 population is evidently being perfunctorily supported by the people. Apparently, there is little popular support or enthusiasm for the work being accomplished, though the officials are being educated in more than the letter of the law.


MUNICIPAL RECREATION—A REVIEW OF RECENT LITERATURE
BY ROWLAND HAYNES1 New York
THE Springfield recreation survey2 is one part of a general social survey of the city conducted by the Russell Sage Foundation. It is significant for two things. First, it shows the recreation needs in a city which is not crowded, and hence does not have those needs thrust upon the attention as a result of evident congestion. Second, it presents the facts in an interesting and convincing way. It gives more than dry statistics. It gives meanings and suggestions in a vivid form. By clippings from local papers showing adult crimes and juvenile delinquencies it shows evidence of costly break-downs in character which might have been prevented by wholesome recreation.
Studying the plan of the book as a whole we find that it is topical rather than quantitative, that it considers the needs suggested by a study of the facilities where recreation is furnished such as homes, schools, parks, streets, library, museum, clubs and commercial recreation places, rather than the amount of public recreation required by different groups such as grade school children, high school children, young working people and adults. This topical method is a strength rather than a weakness because it enables the authors to present, in the final chapter, a recreation program giving an outline of what should be done in the way of school playgrounds, park athletic fields, public school athletic league, social centers, municipal athletic league, boy scout local council and public celebrations committees. Since it does not attempt to measure the amount of recreation not now furnished, and hence needed, it does not suggest in the program the relative importance of the various steps and which should come first. The program outlines a policy of development for indoor and outdoor facilities, a policy for public administration, and a policy for private co-operative agencies, such as athletic leagues and an advisory committee on recreation. The report states that part of the administrative plan suggested is purely local because of local conditions. The policies on some of the private co-operative agencies are of more than local value and are helpfully supplemented by information in the appendix as to where further details may be obtained from other cities.
1 Field Secretary, Playground and Recreation Association of America.
2 Recreation in Springfield, Illinois. By Lee F. Hamner and Clarence Arthur Perry. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 25 cents.
406


1915]
MUNICIPAL RECREATION
407
To those interested in the technique of recreation surveys the statistical tables will be suggestive, especially tables 3 and 4 showing average number of times per week high school pupils attend motion picture shows, theatres, dances and home parties. These tables also show that parties are not often held in over half the homes of the high school young people, while over 60 per cent of those who attend dances do so at hotels and public halls, rather than in private houses.
Tables 1 and 2 show forms of recreation reported by elementary school children during their spring vacation. These tables indicate forms of recreation which left the most impression on these children, but do not show which occupy the most hours of their recreation life. Thus a boy might play baseball six times and yet this would appear only once in the tabulation, while a boy who played baseball once, went fishing once, and read a book once would affect the record three times, although he might not have had as many hours of recreation as the first boy. In short these two tables show the recreation repertoire of these children, but do not show how much time they were loafing or how much of their recreational life was taken by any particular form.
In table 5 on per capita play space in school yards, it would be helpful to know whether “Free space” means area of lots minus area of buildings, or whether walks, lawns and embankments shown in the pictures of school properties, were also subtracted to give usable free space since the distribution of play areas affects practical availability.
One of the very helpful features of the report is the pictures and sample plans. One of the pictures of a school yard, ample in area, but with the children all crowded on the walks because of the mud, is a powerful argument on the vital character of surfacing in the efficiency return of a play space.
To the Springfield authorities were submitted, with the report, plans for lay-out of each school yard. Two of these plans appear in the report. They are admirable in being put in birdseye form readily comprehensible to any one. One of the plans shown will raise a question with some students as to whether it does not call for an over use of apparatus. The plot left for play contains a little over an acre. The plan calls for 32 swings, three slides, four teeters, two giant strides, sand box, jumping pit, parallel bars, climbing and outdoor gymnasium outfit. The only games specially provided for are in basket-ball court, which will handle ten children and a tennis court which will handle four children at one time. There is not enough space left for any but ring games. Used to its limit it would handle about 175 children at one time of which over two thirds, would be engaged in individual play on apparatus and about one third in team games.
The Portland study3 was made with the help of sixty investigators who
3 Vaudeville and Motion Picture Shows—A Study of Theatres in Portland, Oregon. By William T. Foster. Portland: Reed College Record.


408
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
were students, teachers, business and professional men and social workers. It covers 51 moving picture houses and four vaudeville shows visited during a series of weeks in 1914. The study covers the attendance of school children—where the facts taken by the investigators were supplemented by replies from 2,647 school children representing all grades in five elementary grades—and the moral quality of the films and vaudeville acts.
The facts on attendance of elementary school children show frequency of attendance and age of children attending. It was found that 70 per cent of the grammar school children attended vaudeville shows sometimes, and 24 per cent once a week or oftener, and that 90 per cent attend motion picture shows sometimes and 68 per cent once a week or oftener. This part of the study was confined to a group of children over 91 per cent of whom were under fifteen years of age. This emphasizes the fact that the attendance on motion picture shows is a big item in the life of children. No figures of total attendance on the moving picture shows studied are given so it cannot be learned what per cent of the moving picture and vaudeville manager’s business comes from children.
The preferences, 3,533 in all, of these children for different kinds of motion pictures are tabulated, but do not permit of much quantitative information because the classifications are mixed between dramatic types, manufacturers and single titles, owing to misunderstanding by children of meaning of “kind—you like best” in the questionnaire. It is significant, however, that nearly a third call for pictures of action and adventure, that this type of picture is demanded by twice as many boys as girls, that nearly another third call for comedy and that this type is about equally demanded by boys and girls.
The estimates of the investigators as to the moral quality of the exhibitions are not tabulated to show per cent found good or bad, but extracts from the investigators’ reports are given grouped as to most favorable and most unfavorable. The study gives suggestions for regulation of both vaudeville and motion picture shows, pointing out the need of a national board of censorship for vaudeville acts something like that for moving pictures, and the further need of local boards to supplement and enforce the recommendations of the national board. The lack of anything in many of the shows which was good or even entertaining for children is used to point the need of special plays and programs for children, and censoring of vaudeville acts and films as good or bad for children and also as good or bad for adults.
A bulletin of the Milwaukee City Club deals with amusements and recreation enumerating the different recreation opportunities in private clubs, commercial resorts, philanthropic agencies and municipal recreation system found in Milwaukee, and tries to estimate what proportion of certain parts of the problem is being met. It calculates that only one


1915]
MUNICIPAL RECREATION
409
sixth of the boy problem is reached by agencies of all kinds, public and private; that 5 per cent of the dancing is in social centers and settlements, while the rest is in halls, of which over one third are classed as beer halls. It finds the public recreation system efficient so far as it goes, but asks that it be enabled to do more.
“A Public Recreation System for Newark” has been prepared by the city plan commission; but it “is not a 'recreation survey/ but a brief review, from the city planning standpoint, of the value of a comprehensive system of public recreation.” It first presents arguments to show the need of adequate public recreation work. “A high moral death rate is as disgraceful as a high physical death rate.” Lack of facilities results in idleness and over indulgence in passive recreation in moving picture shows and similar forms. Two wards are shown to be each as large as certain cities, but cramped within less than half a square mile, lacking in play facilities and surrounded by congested districts while the smaller cities with which they are compared cover an ample area, have parks and play areas, and are surrounded by the open country. The recreation work of each of three independent agencies in the city, the school board, playground commission and county park commission is sketched and the passage of legislation making possible the creation of a recreation commission to co-ordinate and extend all this work is recommended.
Mr. Edward’s book4 aims to present the recreation problem in the form of a reading text-book for the use of groups interested in studying various community problems. It also is of value to the individual reader who wishes to study the relation of municipal recreation systems to the problem of which a municipal system is one solution.
The book considers, first the problem of popular amusements, then proposed solutions, finally suggestions for community action. Under the problem, the extent, characteristics and moral influence of each of five types of amusements, “dramatic, social rendezvous, athletic, special places, and special events,” are presented in order.
The chief evils found in the amusement problem are professionalism, commercialism and immorality. Spectatoritis, or the danger of professionalism, lies in that growing torpor wherein “the spontaneity of playful activities, and the originality which creates them are being lulled to sleep by the habit of being amused” instead of “making one’s own fun.” The danger of commercialism lies in the domination of the money element which stands “for the exploitation of human life, not for its service.”
The proposed solutions are classified under restrictive and constructive public opinion. Restriction takes the form of agitation, governmental regulation, legal prosecution and increased legislation. Its application to the evils of each of the five types of amusement is briefly sketched. Constructive public opinion goes at the source of the evils while restric-
4 Popular Amusements. By R. H. Edwards. New York: Association Press, SI.


410
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
tive public opinion merely maintains external order and decency. The efforts of constructive public opinion are seen in the gospel of play, in drama leagues and societies, endowed and civic theatres, social settlements, churches, Christian associations, social centers, parks, playgrounds, public recreation systems and movements for the rational celebration of holidays.
This is the most complete manual covering the entire problem which has appeared. It does not profess originality in presenting any new facts on the problem. It does, however, show marked originality in its logical arrangement, in its teaching helps, its questions, its anticipatory and concluding summaries, bibliographies and in the practical aim to help to definite action. Each chapter is followed by an annotated bibliography and by suggestions for thought and discussion.
One of the phases of the leisure time problem fails of emphasis, namely the waste of millions of hours by children and young people who are loafing, loitering on the street through much of their leisure time. They are not subject to the evils of the dramatic type of amusements for they are not attending even a moving picture show, nor to the evils of the social rendezvous type, for they spend only part of their time in dance halls, pool rooms and hangouts. Since studies in cities of various sizes have shown from a half to three-quarters of the children out doors, out of school hours to be on the streets, and from one-third to two-thirds of them doing nothing, since the same waste is found also with young people beyond school age, the importance of this phase of the problem is apparent.
Public recreation is to be specially treated by Dr. Curtis in a later volume of the series of which this is the first, but this volume,5 although primarily on play in its place in educational theory and school administration, contains several suggestions on the municipal problem.
Dr. Curtis believes that the play of children is the chief play problem of cities, and that it is fundamentally a school problem. He does not believe that municipal playgrounds administered by other than school authorities can reach any considerable portion of the children for any large part of their play life. A school playground run on the Gary plan of serial use by a number of classes is his solution. He feels, however, that there should be more play leadership than at Gary, which system he says has introduced “play time into the curriculum, but not play,” because the lengthened play time at Gary is used after the style of the oldfashioned recess with the addition of physical trainers. He would co-ordinate school and park playgrounds by having the nearby parks used as playgrounds by the schools on the alternating Gray program, the leadership being under the teacher handling play in the school curriculum.
In the chapter on the school as a social center, adult uses of school
5 Education Through Play. By Henry S. Curtis. New York: The Macmillan Company, $1.50.


1915]
MUNICIPAL RECREATION
411
buildings for educational, recreational, and civic purposes are summarized. Hints on financial support are given in quotations from the work at Hartford, Conn., where refectories and checking privileges are made to return revenue for public recreation, and from the experience of the Brooklyn Institute in supporting six social centers on excess profits of moving picture shows run as part of their activities.
The purpose of the Forbush book6 is to help parents in developing home recreation. It touches the problem of municipal recreation only in its discussion of the limitations of public playgrounds in developing the initiative possible to children playing by themselves in their own back yards or vacant lots. He calls the public playground at its best “a makeshift or substitute for the private back yard.”
In this connection it should be remembered first that the public playground is a substitute, not for the private back yard, but for the street. Studies which have now been made in a number of cities show that from 50 per cent to 90 per cent of the children outdoors after school are not in their private yards or vacant lots, but are on the streets. Second, the public playground is a substitute in some neighborhoods for back yards which do not exist. In one neighborhood in one city it was found that the back yards and vacant lots if used to the limit could handle 216 of the 1,272 children in the district. The balance, over 80 per cent, had to play in the street or go out of the district or go indoors or not play at all, which last was what over half of them were doing. Third, the public playground tries, often very imperfectly, to give the tactful, suggestive, leadership which parents are not giving or cannot give to the play of their children. Many parents do not appreciate the importance of their own possible contribution to the play life of their children. Such parents Mr. Forbush’s book should help immensely by opening their eyes and giving them workable suggestions. But many fathers have to be away from home nine tenths of the play hours of their children and many mothers either work out or are overburdened with housework. Such parents will have to depend on the public playground or let their children run the streets, or, what is worse, loaf on the streets. Every thoughtful play leader would like to leave the entire play problem to the intelligent and time-talcing supervision of parents, but since that often cannot be done, the public playground looks like a permanent substitute for the many children who have not been fortunate in their selection of well-to-do parents.
The reader naturally looks for the treatment of recreation in the chapter on civic protection in recreation in Mrs. Bowen’s book.7 But in
6 Manual of Play. By William Byron Forbush. Philadelphia: Geo. W. Jacobs & Co., $1.50.
Safeguards for City Youth at Work and at Play. By Louise DeKoven Bowen. New York: The MacMillan Company, $1.50 net. See National Municipal Review,. vol. iv, p. 332.


412
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
addition to this chapter there are numerous illustrations under the sections on legal protection industry and protection against illegal discrimination. One of the most cruel things about the low wages and excessive hours in many industries is that they make nervous wrecks for lack of sufficient rest, which the long hours prevent, and for the lack of wholesome recreation, which the low wages do not permit. Again, Mrs. Bowen classifies the delinquent children of immigrants, first as those who go wrong to get a desired result, often money for amusement, and second, those who go wrong to get excitement. Both suffer because they are robbed of normal recreation.
“From the very beginning it was obvious that the majority of children fell into difficulties through their search for recreation.” The chapter on recreation sketches the dangers found by the Chicago juvenile protective league in the poor lighting, glaring posters, and amateur night features of theatres and moving picture shows. It also details their efforts in improving dance halls, pool rooms and excursion boats, by co-operation with the owners and prosecution of offenders. The steps of the fight against the gambling-habit-forming slot machines so largely patronized by children are also set down. The convincing feature about the book is the fact that it is founded on case work. With pitiless insistence story after story is given of individual cases of delinquency or misfortune or injustice until the suggestions for control and improvement are seen to be based on actual needs.
The paper on the management of public baths read by William H. Hale, superintendent of public baths in Brooklyn, before the American Association for Promotion of Hygiene and Public Baths, recommends land swimming pools in place of river bathing places in New York because they can be used the year round while the lined river pools, made necessary by board of health’s prohibition of river bathing, cost a large sum and can be used only in warm months-. Water filtration, precipitation with alum where necessary, and sterilization by measured drip of liquified chlorine is recommended. Sterilizing by ultraviolet rays is considered practical, but too expensive. The movement, for sanitary reasons, of nude bathing at all public pools, is endorsed.
On the administrative side the author insists on the right of employes of baths to one day of rest in seven. On construction of shower baths, marble partitions are shown to be costly because the stone disintegrates. Alberene, a slate-colored stone, for the same purpose is found durable, but absorbs grease and quickly becomes black. The waste of hot water is to be reduced either by attendants who allow so much hot water to each bather or by having baths used in relays with hot water turned off between shifts.


MUNICIPAL DANCE HALLS
BY FREDERICK REX
Chicago1
IN THE effort to provide places where young men and women may gather for purposes of social recreation under wholesome auspices, a considerable number of cities in the United States have established social centers in the public schools and park field houses. Here people may enjoy facilities for play, amusement or rest, such as social dancing, banquets, social entertainments, parties, and the like.
Properly conducted dance halls meet a public need and a number of cities have established municipal dance halls and open public dances. The object has been to provide for certain sections of the city, halls where opportunities for participation in wholesome recreation would be offered to all classes of people, young, middle-aged, and old.
The cities that have established municipal dance halls are emphasizing first, adequate supervision and chaperonage; second, public opportunities for dancing that cost less than the commercialized enterprises; third, sanitary, well-ventilated, and well-lighted halls; fourth, the sale of no liquor but the supply instead of cold drinking water and soft drinks; fifth, high grade music and the prohibition of objectionable dancing.
Since last autumn the park and recreation department of Boston has been conducting municipal dances in the city gymnasia. These dances are free, the cost of maintenance and operation being borne by the city. Dances have been given at the rate of one each week from 8 to 10:30 p.m. Owing to their success and popularity with the masses, plans are being made to conduct three or more weekly.
Chicago has a large number of public schools and park field houses which are used for social centers and are supported and directed by the school and park authorities. Social dances, arranged and conducted by clubs or groups in their immediate, or from distant, neighborhoods, are field witfi considerable frequency. Greater interest attaches to these dances than to any other form of social enjoyment. No admission fees are charged and in the park field houses various groups and persons are given the use of the halls in rotation for dances. No group or person is permitted to conduct a dance for profit or as a business enterprise.
These public dances conducted under the auspices of its public school and park boards are entirely dissimilar and should be distinguished from open public dances where girls may go unattended, which are open to any individual without qualification or classification except restric-
1 Municipal Reference Librarian.
413


414 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July
tion as to age and personal behavior, and which are a source of revenue to the municipality.
On March 9, 1914, Mayor Carter H. Harrison, of Chicago, sent a communication to the council urging the establishment of municipal dance halls by the municipality in which, under proper auspices and with proper chaperonage, young men and women could gather for purposes of recreation. He suggested that these municipal dance halls be established in the various sections of the city. The council, in pursuance of Mayor Harrison’s communication, readily gave the authority and necessary funds for the establishment of dance halls by the city. The sum of $5,000 was appropriated and halls were rented in each section of the city.
A large number of women’s clubs were invited to name representatives to act as chaperons at these dances and allowed to use their own discrimination and judgment as to proper and improper conduct and dancing. The first municipal dance was given in December under the supervision of the Department of Public Welfare in Dreamland Hall, located in the heart of Chicago’s great west side. The grand march was led by Mayor and Mrs. Harrison in the presence of seven thousand dancers and onlookers. The dance was pronounced an unqualified success.
During the past winter forty-three dances were given, with a total attendance of 17,000. The paid admissions ran as follows:
December....................................... $1,794.55
January........................................... 406.05
February......................................... 409.15
Total...........................................$2,609.75
During the administration of Mayor Hunt in Cincinnati a municipal dance hall was opened, under the supervision and direction of the woman’s civic commission. The first dance was held April 12, 1913. Dances are now given every Saturday night and on all holidays, in the north wing of the local music hall, the latter being a large brick building. The dimensions of the dance floor are 85 x 280 feet, or an area of 23,800 square feet. The cost of equipping the hall was between $300 and $400, not including the purchase of a piano. The hall is lighted by incandescent electricity and windows, and two large double exit doors afford additional means of ventilation. The hall has comfort stations and rest rooms.
A caterer serves refreshments, consisting of soft drinks and ice cream, in connection with the dance hall, allowing the city a percentage on the number of his sales, in return for the concession.
An orchestra of four pieces composed of piano, drum, and first and


1915]
MUNICIPAL DANCE HALLS
415
second violins, furnishes the music. An admission fee of fifteen cents per person is charged, which includes the use of the wardrobe room for checking wraps and other personal apparel. No return checks are given. The charge of admission has been placed at a minimum consistent with the expense of conducting the dance.
The dances are under the supervision of two paid supervisors, assisted by from six to eight volunteers. A policeman in regular uniform is stationed at the door and frequently an officer in plain clothes mingles among the dancers. The operating staff consists of a manager, cashier, ticket taker, six check boys and a maid.
The dance hall is open to the public every Saturday night from 8:00 to 11:30 o’clock and a children’s dance is given on Saturday afternoons during the hours from 2:00 to 5:00 o’clock. Minors are not admitted to the evening dances unless they are at least sixteen years of age. The dance hall is entirely self-supporting.
Twenty-two dances were given by the municipality during the year 1913 and the total revenue and expense from their operation was as
follows: . ,
Average per dance
Revenue............... $2,285.55 $103.88
Expense............... 2,226.80 101.21
The total number of persons attending the twenty-two dances was 14,153, or an average of 643 persons per dance.
The municipal dances have demonstrated that young people prefer going to a place adequately supervised, with clean and wholesome surroundings. They feel absolutely safe in attending and in many instances the parents accompany the boys and girls. Girls come, dance, and go home together. As a result of the establishment of the municipal dance hall, other dance halls in the city are exercising a stricter supervision. Recently a suburb of Cincinnati requested the authorities of the latter city to establish a municipal dance hall within its limits. This has been done, with similar satisfactory results.
The Juvenile Protective Association of Cincinnati in its report on a “recreation survey of Cincinnati” made December 1, 1913, summarized the dance hall situation thus:
Among the few places which offer opportunity for wholesome pleasure is the “popular supervised dance” conducted every Saturday evening in the north wing of music hall by the Woman’s Civic Commission. Although the admission charge is only fifteen cents, when at the other halls it is a quarter, the dance is self-supporting. A good band provides the music; members of the Commission supervise in person, and ice cream and soft drinks can be secured at one end of the hall. No return checks are given. This dance is patronized largely by people who never attended public dances before, and does not really compete with the bad commercial dance halls. Nevertheless, it is a splendid public experiment and meets a need in the community.


416
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
While the school board of Cleveland was debating the question of providing municipal dance halls in the school auditoriums throughout the city, objection being made that an admission fee could not be charged for functions in school buildings, Mayor Raker, inasmuch as no city ordinance was required, issued an executive order authorizing municipal dances in the park shelter houses.
The first municipal dance hall was inaugurated in August, 1912, in Edgewater Park, the latter having Lake Erie on one side and on the other a congested manufacturing and tenement district not far distant from immense ore docks. Mayor and Mrs. Baker led the grand march at the opening ceremony, followed by their children and municipal officials. The first dance was pronounced a tremendous success, 11,630 three-cent dance tickets being sold, making the receipts for the day 1348.90. The estimated maximum expenses for one week are $300. One ticket seller on the opening night sold 2,700 tickets in an hour. Another dance hall has since been opened at another park shelter house. These shelter houses were converted into dancing pavilions at a very low cost, merely requiring the putting in of maple flooring. The dimensions of the dancing floor at Edgewater Park are 83 x 34 feet and at Woodland Hills Park 76 x 33 feet. The parks being city property, no rental is required.
Park pavilions are brilliantly lighted by electricity. Open air ventilation is provided and revolving fans keep the temperature cool and pleasant. A comfort station has been constructed in the building at Edge-water Park and the comfort stations at Woodland Hills Park are convenient to the pavilion. Refreshments are sold by concessionaires at near-by stands and include soft drinks, ice cream, candy and the like. Drinking fountains are also conveniently located to these buildings. Music is furnished by an orchestra of six musicians, a balcony suitably arranged for the same, as well as a good piano, having been installed at each pavilion.
No general admission is charged, but tickets are sold at the rate of three cents per couple for each dance. A fee of three cents per person covers the checking of wraps, coats and hats, a room sufficiently large to take care of this feature without any confusion having been provided.
Control and supervision over the municipal dance halls is exercised by experienced employes of the park department, a manager, chaperon, ticket takers, policemen and other attendants being detailed at each pavilion. Minors under eighteen years of age, unless accompanied by their parents or responsible chaperons, are excluded after 9.00 p. m.
The receipts and expenses of the two pavilions, with the number of tickets sold and persons participating in the amusement during the years 1912 and 1913, were as follows:


1915]
MUNICIPAL DANCE HALLS
417
Total receipts.........
Total expenses.........
Net earnings...........
Tickets sold to couples Persons attending......
1912 1913
$7,394.31 $18,491.16
$5,160.02 $11,507.71
$2,234.29 $6,983.45
246,477 616,732
492,954 1,233,464
The pavilions have proved very successful, both from a social and financial standpoint. They have provided clean, wholesome recreation at a minimum cost and the moral tone of the halls is a great improvement over the ordinary public dance hall. Every possible safeguard has been provided for the proper protection of the patrons. Not only was the very best orchestra employed, but more policemen were secured for supervision of the dance hall and adjoining grounds than the city would have required of any private concern and each dance number was twice as long as the duration of a dance in the commercial dance halls, while the price per dance was but one-half that charged in the latter.
The object in view in establishing the municipal dance halls was to offer an opportunity for dancing under the best possible conditions at a mimimum cost. The young people patronize the dance halls for the reason that here they can spend their evenings at dancing amid wholesome surroundings for a much less sum than it would cost at the ordinary commercial dance hall.
Owing to the great success and the vast amount of good accomplished by the municipal dance halls, there is a strong demand for the erection and operation of such halls during the winter months. This demand has been given added emphasis in view of the closing by the city of thirty-two public dance halls, because the buildings or their surrounding conditions were such as to render them unfit for dance halls. These thirty-two halls eliminated from the dance hall roster were all of the same type, namely, cheap neighborhood, saloon halls. However, the city dance hall inspector of Cleveland, Robert 0. Bartholomew, unwilling to ignore the social value of the closed dance halls as neighborhood centers, points out the duty of the community in the premises in the following words:
In these buildings during the past, small beneficial lodges, neighborhood societies and social clubs would hold their dances on different evenings of the week. They were the neighborhood club houses in the sections of the city where they were located. Here was offered the only opportunity for general gatherings of a social nature which were generally followed by dancing. The entire family participated in these dances which would, but for the demoralizing surroundings, have provided the means by which the citizens living near them could have enjoyed the recreational and social life which is necessary to the wellbeing and proper development of every normal citizen. These halls have been dismantled, and there are now no club houses for many thousands of Cleveland’s citizens. We pass legislation prescribing conditions under which man may work to earn his daily bread; we have our model ordinances to regulate


418
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
in minute detail the construction of the buildings in which our work is done and we even regulate the construction of the homes in which we live together with all of the elements which enter into general living conditions of our daily life, but until the present ordinance was passed we had neglected to make it our concern as to where or how his hours of recreation are spent. Thus it is no wonder that many have realized large profits by commercializing man’s instinct for play. The present regulations have been more or less exterminative in nature. In the endeavor to eliminate the element of commercialism we are on the verge of restricting dancing to the favored few who possess sufficient means to provide for themselves places to dance. The present regulations have necessarily driven out of existence the majority of cheap saloon dance halls. While it has probably been greatly beneficial it has also brought about a problem which the municipal government can alone remedy. The social family life of those living in congested sections of the city has been almost exterminated with reference to dancing. The men now go to the corner saloon for a social evening. The wife possibly visits with a neighborly woman, but there is no place for the family to join in a good time except perhaps the moving picture show, where the period of enjoyment is of short duration and where there is no opportunity for such relaxation from daily cares as is provided in dancing. The average laboring man’s neighborhood club cannot afford to rent such a hall as is now offered for the purposes of holding a dance because it costs from $25 to $50 more than it used to cost to rent a cheap hall. There are a very great many citizens who are deprived of their just opportunities for social recreation. Private capital hesitates to establish such halls as it becomes for them an experiment with probable small profits for the investment. Neighborhood dance halls under municipal supervision should be established in several of the congested residence districts of the city. Through the wholesome influence there exerted many individuals would be conserved as positive units in society for helpfulness instead of being allowed to become negative quantities to be neutralized by belated educated or penal reformation.
During the winter of 1912-1913 the commissioner of supplies of Denver arranged for a series of four municipal dances in the city auditorium. An admission fee merely sufficient to defray expenses, of twenty-five cents per couple, was charged. The dances were supervised by Denver’s sole woman police officer, who held the position of inspector of amusements. According to this official the dances were a success financially and socially. However, with a change in the city administrative policy and the initiation of the commission form of government last year, municipal dances were discontinued and the city auditorium has again been rented to private parties for public dances. These latter, owing to inadequate supervision, have become discredited and the Woman’s Club of Denver has requested that they be stopped.
A municipal dance hall was established and operated by Milwaukee during the administration of Mayor Seidel. Young people were encouraged to attend up to the capacity of the hall and an admission fee of twenty-five cents per couple was charged. The police were instructed


1915] MUNICIPAL DANCE HALLS 419
to keep out objectionable characters and maintain a proper degree of decorum among those admitted.
These public dances were increasingly successful during their period of existence. However, the municipal election held in 1912 resulted in Mayor Seidel’s defeat and under the new administration the dance hall was closed. An attempt was made to have the city continue the venture, but without success.
Municipal dances in the public streets of Redlands, California, were tried last summer by the city, with considerable success. A block of city street was roped off for the purpose and the pavement thoroughly washed and sprinkled. These dances were very popular and the crowd attending was orderly. The music for the dances was furnished by the municipal band.
The board of supervisors of San Francisco in December, 1913, inaugurated a series of outdoor municipal dances. These dances were held on public streets paved with asphalt or bitumen. They are very popular, and owing to the mild winters, the streets set apart for the municipal dances are crowded to capacity. The city furnishes the municipal band and there is an adequate detail of police to maintain order. No admission fee is required from those taking part in the dances. Dancing begins at 8 o’clock in the evening and concludes at 11 o’clock.
The Seattle park board during the past summer held public dances in the field houses at the different playgrounds in connection with its social center work. An admission fee of twenty-five cents was charged and the dances paid for themselves. The municipal dances were subject to the same regulations as were applicable to private dance halls. The dances which have thus far been given have had a large attendance and have been decidedly popular.
There has been considerable agitation in the cities of Los Angeles, California, and Youngstown, Ohio, on the subject of establishing municipal dance halls, the plan in the latter city being to build the dance hall in one of the public parks and to charge a fee of three cents per dance.
From the experience of the cities enumerated above, it is shown that the municipal dance halls have been successful and in the words of Mayor Harrison: “By the establishment of social centers of this character, opportunity is offered to young men and women to indulge in innocent and healthful recreation under suitable auspices.”
4


UNEMPLOYMENT IN AMERICAN CITIES: THE RECORD FOR 1914-15
HE American city has had one dominant, heart-gripping problem
this winter—not economy, not administration, not politics, but a.
problem vitally human and primarily industrial. Has it been equal to the task and is it finished? What have we done about unemployment? To the average citizen, conscious for the first time of an unemployment, problem, the spring sunshine means that “it is all over,” the “bread-liner” has gone to farming, the skilled workman to building, and the immigrant to digging trenches. Only the unemployed themselves and the responsible employer know that this is one of the delusions of sunshine and green grass, and that when men can live without starving and freezing their hardships are not likely to intrude upon their neighbor’s happiness.
The question is, has anything been done in the crisis of this winter which will reduce the volume of unemployment, prevent its recurrence or extension and hasten its elimination from social ills.
The aspect which has been most prominent has been the extent of unemployment. An official canvass in Philadelphia showed 200,000 men unemployed; the house-to-house canvass of the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company of its policy-holders in New York, thrifty people ordinarily, gave the basis for an estimate of 357,000 men and women out of work in the entire city. This agrees with the 350,000 estimate made by the Brooklyn committee on unemployment. The labor organizations in New York City estimated that 472,102 were either out of work or on part time. In Chicago in January the municipal markets commission estimated 189,866 out of work. A Cleveland survey in December showed 61,000 unemployed; in the same month the city charities in Philadelphia estimated that Philadelphia’s unemployed numbered 175,000.
The most careful surveys showed that where there was one man unemployed in 1913-14 there were two unemployed this past winter, and that the increase was from 40 per cent to 50 per cent. Without exaggeration it was conceded by those familiar with conditions that one out of every five bread-winners was unemployed. This unemployment was
1 Vice-chairman of the Committee for Immigrants in America. See other articles by Miss Kellor in National Municipal Review: "Is Unemployment a Municipal Problem?” vol. iii, p. 366; "Unemployment in Our Cities,” vol. iv, p. 69.
BY FRANCES A. KELLOR New York
420


1915] UNEMPLOYMENT IN AMERICAN CITIES
421
concentrated in cities primarily, but the small towns and villages also felt the shock and found it necessary to organize relief measures.
In some respects unemployment differed quite radically from that of previous years. At one bound the problem was lifted from the realm of relief into that of industry. Many thousands of able men and women were involuntarily unemployed for the first time in their lives or in many years; the additions to the bread lines were young men with hard hands and clear eyes instead of old men with soft hands or blear-eyed “hoboes”; women joined the ranks of pleaders or became the supporters of the family. At the same time the demonstrations and riots which characterized last winter disappeared, as though some of the sorrow of the war had found its way into the industrial disaster in America.
Of the causes we have learned but little. “The war” is the most common answer; “the administration” is the second best guess; while legislation, monopoly of land, the wage system, tariff, immigration, and the usual popular explanations have not been wanting. It is noteworthy that though there have been many reports by official commissions and private committees, none has yet made a real contribution to the subject of causes. This is partly explained by the fact that the demand for relief has been so widespread and immediate that the formulation of reasons has had to wait; also because those responsible were reluctant to face their own conclusions.
What has been done by the American city to meet unemployment? Despite all appeals to the nation and to the states, it is emphatically clear that it is the city that grappled with the situation in the greatest hour of need.
The national administration met the appeal for a program of employment exchanges, public works and loans with the order that a census be taken to prove the case, but refused an appropriation of $10,000 to have it made. The division of information, utilizing the present idle immigration bureau facilities and staff and the post offices, after endless bickering and red tape, got under way a series of employment exchanges in time to take care of the farm hands needed in the spring. This federal experiment, hopeful as it is, can in no sense be regarded as a complete federal employment system. It combines the facilities of three existing departments and connects the sections of the country in a loose mechanism for distributing labor; but the machinery needed for a nation-wide distributing and employing system must be at once flexible and strong. The business of furnishing information concerning employment is a specialized task of great magnitude; whereas the main energies of the three governmental departments now attempting it are pledged to other services and their officers were selected with other qualifications in mind. A sudden renewal of immigration would strain the federal organization to the breaking point. The idea and the experiment constitute a land-


422
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
mark; but the success of a federal exchange system depends upon the granting of appropriations, the establishment of transportation and loan funds, the planning of national government work to cover dull seasons, and a system of distribution to the land. It is a good beginning, but there are as yet few laurels to rest upon.
The federal government made one more contribution to the winter’s work—this time in the direction of relief. Beginning in January, it opened Ellis Island to homeless men every night, and permitted the use of federal blankets, cots, and floors for housing 800 men daily. This was an inestimable boon to the unemployed of New York City, especially the unemployed immigrant who fears to approach relief agencies even when he knows where to find them.
State measures have not appreciably affected the situation. New York put into operation very reluctantly and grudgingly the free employment bureaus, authorized by the legislature of 1914, and now has four free bureaus operating. At this writing two bills are awaiting the Governor’s signature in Pennsylvania, one for the establishment of state employment bureaus, and the other for the regulation of private agencies. In the California and the New Jersey legislatures bills have been introduced providing for state employment bureaus. The most radical measure passed was “the right to work” bill in Idaho. It provides that any citizen of the United States who has been a resident of Idaho for six months, who does not possess property of more than $1,000 and who is unable to secure other employment must be provided with emergency employment by the commissioners of the county in which he lives. The work may be on the public highways, or of any other kind, and nobody is entitled to more than sixty days of such work in any one year. It is to be noted that the bill is mandatory. A number of other measures have been proposed and defeated. Massachusetts was one of the few states to act in a practical way. An appropriation ■ of $100,000 was made and work provided in various sections of the state, through the state forestry department. The total amount of state relief by legislation is entirely disproportionate to the situation.
The test of meeting a concrete situation has made two things clear. Unemployment is a national situation, involving distribution of an interstate nature and supplemental planning of work of a climatic nature, which is within the province of the federal government and is its immediate duty. It is natural, however, in the absence of vision on the part of the federal government and inability to deal with the situation on the part of the state governments that the cities should have carried the burden and that the average citizen should have shouldered the load for his government. Early last fall it was noticeable that not only the larger cities, but indeed, and perhaps chiefly, the smaller towns realized what the increasing shortage of work would mean during the winter. Inter-


1915] UNEMPLOYMENT IN AMERICAN CITIES
423
ested and persistent effort was made in many cases to hasten or create public work to meet the decrease in private employment. There was much discussion of bond issues, loans, and public works; but the cities and towns that actually had work started upon any considerable scale were, until the opening of spring, few indeed. It was impossible to appropriate or divert funds quickly for many reasons, chiefly lack of precedent and of courage. It was objected that beginning certain kinds of work in the winter would increase the cost of it; that the necessary formalities had not been duly considered; and there were determining differences of opinion between boards of aldermen, controllers and boards of estimate. There were also elaborate debates over whether it was the business of government or of philanthropy to relieve the situation. The traditional municipal emergency measures, such as rock piles and wood piles, hardly left an impression upon the situation. In a small western city, for instance, the officials under the stress of the critical unemployment there arranged to put a rock crusher into operation. It employed 25 men; 1,000 applied for work Upon it. Cincinnati, Philadelphia, Boston, Lynn, Providence, Niagara Falls, Pittsburgh, and a long list of other cities and towns made some appropriation with direct reference to work for the unemployed. Cincinnati and Philadelphia are among the few cities that made considerable appropriations for work,2 New York represented those cities that depended entirely on contributions from citizens.
At least forty cities and towns in the country, and very probably more, had unemployment committees or commissions. Almost half of these were official—“mayor’s committees”; a number of others had such close co-operative connection with the city council, the mayor, etc,, that although they were nominally citizens committees they had, to all practical purposes, an official influence. They represented chambers of commerce, churches, city departments, charities, clubs, philanthropic organizations of all kinds, and individual citizens.
Most of the committees attempted little beyond immediate relief. Those that began on the other'theory, as in New York City, finally saw that the present crisis and a long-time preventive program were not compatible. The New York committee began its emergency workshops about February 1. The thousands that flocked to them eager to work for 50 or 60 cents a day, and the thousands that had to be turned away because of lack of facilities, sufficiently attested the need of this artificial work as a measure of immediate relief. The New York committee did not by any means originate the emergency workshop; it had been adopted early in the winter by the vacation war relief work committee, the Red Cross in Buffalo and Albany, the emergency aid committee in Philadel-
2 Emergency Relief in Philadelphia, by W. Arthur Warner, National Municipal Review, vol. iv, p. 276.


424
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
phia, the Woman’s Club in Chicago—also in Kansas City, Cincinnati, and probably on a small scale in many places. The idea is not new; certain churches have used it for years. It is admirably adapted to unemployables, or, better, partially employables. For the employable, it is, by every implication, an emergency measure, to be used only in a crisis.
It is impossible to survey in detail the work of these city unemployment commissions of the past winter. They vary greatly. Some of them, it is to be feared, did not get beyond the conference stage, and by spring had accomplished very little for the unemployed, in whose interest they were formed. Even so, they probably did a good deal for their communities and action may later result more speedily because of their existence. Some of the committees have been remarkable for their continuous and intensive work from the day of their establishment. Those in Philadelphia, Cleveland and San Francisco illustrate this. In Philadelphia the emergency aid committee, an unofficial citizens’ body composed of women, through the home relief division consistently proved how powerful a stimulus and director a citizens’ committee may be. The points of greatest interest in the work of the Philadelphia committee were; first the districting of the city for relief work, an organization principle which would have greatly increased the effectiveness of unemployment committees elsewhere; and secondly, the direct co-operation with official authority in expending the two appropriations of $50,000 each which Philadelphia made as a direct appropriation for the relief of the unemployed.
In San Francisco the unemployment committee brought into existence by the Commonwealth Club raised a fund by public subscription to pay the unemployed men working in relays a wage of 20 cents an hour, and then constituted itself a clearing house employment bureau especially for all “clean up” work throughout the city. In Cleveland the mayor’s unemployment commission, in connection with a vehement “give a job” campaign raised a fund which was used to pay wages to the unemployed placed on city work and in park and playground improvement. In Spokane, through the unemployment cofnmission, work was secured for 1,000 men on city and county projects. In some cities and towns the commissions concentrated on attempts to find private work. The Seattle unemployment commission, for instance, furnished lists of responsible workmen, family men, to contractors and others. In short, efforts to create work came from very different angles in different cities. In Chicago, a working arrangement was made between the Associated Charities and the department of public works, in the interests of the unemployed. Salt Lake City, with a small appropriation to expend for wages for the unemployed dealt directly with an organization of the unemployed themselves which furnished the city with 25 men a day at $1.50 for eight hours, the city to furnish food. Kansas City, acting yet


1915] UNEMPLOYMENT IN AMERICAN CITIES
425
more directly, had what was practically a municipal sewing department for unemployed women. It is impossible to cover in detail the cities and towns that made appropriations with special reference to the unemployed, or that created some form of work for them, whether of a permanent or emergency nature. The following, however, seem fair conclusions to be drawn from the winter’s history of city action in providing work: the appropriations were too small to provide for employment on a large scale or on large projects; they could therefore not draw off a very great percentage of the unemployed in their communities; they were subject to many delays and technical difficulties, and were in most cases not available until late in the winter; finally, the providing of public work was more adequately done in those places in which an active committee was urging it.
The various committees and commissions throughout the country took very different views of their function. Before they had been in existence very long all of them recognized that they were emergency bodies, with the immediate business of furnishing relief. Some of them began on a different theory; and some of them have been throughout concerned with a permanent preventive program. Chicago’s committee, under the direction of Dr. Henderson, summed up its work in succinct recommendations to the legislature concerning reorganization of the state employment system and instituting a compulsory system of unemployment insurance. The Spokane committee has been made permanent. And it is proposed that the New York committee shall become so. It seems logical enough that any committee that has dealt with unemployment this winter on the basis of a social crisis needing charitable aid should have strong desires to forward such preventive measures as would make its activities unnecessary.
It is typical of the amateur way in which we deal with unemployment that we should rush into the establishment of employment bureaus. It became an epidemic at one time during the winter. Not only did fifty or more cities establish such bureaus, but the first thought of the individual and the charity was a new bureau. Even Wall Street fell into the error and created one for office workers, though practical relief was soon added. The business men and industry alone realized that bureaus make few jobs and quietly closed their employment departments and took down the “want ad” signs. The new bureaus were opened informally in mayor’s or controller's or city clerk’s offices; by women’s clubs, notably in Chicago; by business bodies, as in Detroit, Nashville and Salt Lake City; by churches singly, or by inter-church unions, as in New York and in Lynn, Mass.; by the associated charities, in a considerable number of cities and towns; by Odd Fellows and other lodge associations, notably in Pennsylvania; by evening schools which this winter were thronged with unemployed men, as in Brooklyn;


426
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
and by a number of other clubs and agencies. Aside from the few new permanent and official bureaus, the most interesting employment exchanges established this winter were those established by councils of all the social agencies of a community or by special unemployment committees representing them. Such bureaus showed a clearing house policy hitherto almost unknown in employment work in America. It is in one sense strange that the very year in which there has been least work should be also the year in which most has been done to provide for spreading information about work and distributing labor. Probably the worth of a municipal employment bureau has been well illustrated, and such cities as Providence, Pittsburgh, and Baltimore, are likely to adopt measures for official municipal exchanges.
The epidemic of employment agencies has carried its lesson. We now know that we need a few such bureaus, centralized in power and co-ordinated in methods, maintained by the government for all, and by each individual industry for itself and that the middleman representing neither employer nor employe is a meddler. We are fast moving toward system, neutrality and efficiency in marketing labor. There has been a great deal of debate and conference and interest which has furnished few jobs compared to the demand, but which has undoubtedly laid the ground work for better planning of city work, the continuation of public works in needed seasons, assumption of relief and industrial measures for the unemployed by the government and a gathering together of labor and business forces about the city as the directing center of activity. More than anything else, business has begun to deal with unemployment as a problem in administration and efficiency.3
There should be no inference that the unemployment relief work of last winter was an organization matter. As a matter of fact it was successful in the degree in which it became a social impulse. The country had more socialization in aim and understanding with reference to unemployment than it ever had before. Therein lies the real progress of the winter’s work. There is tremendous significance in the many general movements of the winter: in the “sacrifice day” in Pittsburgh and Philadelphia, where the desired $100,000 was very nearly attained; in the “donation day” in Buffalo, Niagara Falls and elsewhere; in the “newsboys day” in Chicago, in the interests of the “woman’s club employment bureau”; in the “bundle days” in New York, Chicago, Boston and well nigh half a hundred other towns and cities. The importance of
3 Hires Expert to End Unemployment. Philadelphia, Pa.—Through the appointment of Joseph H. Willits, of the Wharton School of Commerce and Finance, of the University of Pennsylvania, by the department of public works, the city is preparing to anticipate the state-wide move for public employment bureaus (expected to become a law at the present session of the legislature). This city is to see the establishment of a city employment bureau, which will act in co-operation with the municipal government.


1915] UNEMPLOYMENT IN AMERICAN CITIES
427
these movements, in addition to their substantial material results, lay-in bringing social agencies of all kinds and creeds into co-operative relation with each other and with business, city departments and citizens that have never before interested themselves in social welfare measures.
It is profitless to speak in detail of the hundreds of new bread lines and soup kitchens started this winter, of the emergency shelters devised. Relief organizations, hotel keepers, newspapers, churches, private citizens, labor unions, organizations of the unemployed themselves, conducted these in many places. There is only one thing to be said for them—they were necessary. There are few evidences that they have stimulated the further establishment of regular municipal lodging houses in cities and towns. Several California towns are agitating for municipal shelters other than city jails. But in this respect American cities still lag far behind European countries. There has been an effort in New York City this winter to make the municipal lodging house a real repair shop—not merely a one night shelter, but a place where an unemployed man may be really socially rehabitated. Effort is made to get men work, to return boys to their homes in other places, and to connect unemployables with relief organizations that can be of permanent assistance to them. This new principle makes a municipal lodging house a most valuable agent in dealing with unemployment. But only a few cities in the country have any municipal emergency shelter at all; most of them are a long way from thinking of such a shelter for other than vagrants.
No survey, however hasty, of last winter’s unemployment work should omit the efforts here and there to get the unemployed upon the land. The efforts have been incidental and scattered, but they show a more sensible and practical dealing with the “back to the land” theory than we have heretofore had. There has been less insistence that the land is the answer to the problem of all the unemployed whether they will or not, and whether they would make good farmers or not. The approach has been made in local, practical ways—in a renewed interest in farm bureaus for the placing of workmen and tenants, in Chicago’s plan to use portions of the sanitary district for farming by the unemployed under the supervision of the department of public welfare, the city to advance $1,000 for plows and seeds; in the vacant-lot-cultivation movement in New York, and in the plans of the child welfare league to provide vegetable gardening for the relief of unemployment. In short, although the movements toward getting the unemployed out upon the land as an answer to their problem have been sporadic and somewhat inconsequential, they have had definiteness and practicality; they have in the main been free from the ancient error that has characterized and defeated back to the land agitations during many years.
Notwithstanding the widespread conditions, practically no attempts have been made to provide any form of unemployment insurance other


428
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
than that carried by the various trades unions for their members. The Chicago unemployment commission makes compulsory unemployment Insurance one of its main recommendations to the legislature; and earlier In the winter the California commission of immigration and housing recommended the issuing of insurance to seasonal workers; but the subject of insurance has not really come within the legislative field this winter. This is probably due to the fact that during any industrial depression few legislative experiments can be made and insurance is generally recognized as a measure of prevention rather than as an expedient in a crisis.
The response of the American cities to their greatest problem this past winter is impressive and encouraging if one can lose sight temporarily of the enormous loss of resources in vitality, health, skill, happiness and hope. Unemployment has taken its place among the questions with which we shall deal with increasing sympathy and intelligence: it has been transferred from the province of charity to that of industrial organization. Where one citizen was enlisted as its foe; a hundred now stand ready. The preliminary educational work has been done, we have now but to organize the forces at work, seek the causes and institute remedies.


MUNICIPAL EMPLOYMENT BUREAUS IN THE UNITED STATES
BY MARGARET NASH1 Radcliffe College
THERE are in the United States at present three kinds of public employment bureaus, municipal, state, and a combination of both. They represent together one general movement, growing out of the same set of causes, having the same problems to face, possessed of the same faults, and differing only as to the governmental agencies under which they operate. Municipal bureaus can be best considered, therefore, not as isolated phenomena but as steps in a general endeavor to solve the problem of unemployment.
This movement began with the establishment of a state system in Ohio in 1890 and a municipal bureau at Seattle in 1893. The chief development has, however, taken place in the last fifteen years. There were, at the close of 1914, twenty municipal bureaus scattered through eight states, and nineteen state systems with fifty-seven offices. Of these last, five were organized under a combination of local and state governments.5
In addition to the offices now in existence, the states of Iowa and New York and the cities of Helena and San Francisco have had bureaus which have been given up. The reason for failure in the first two cases is to be found in the attempt to conduct the work by a correspondence system.3 The San Francisco office was opened during a period of business depression in anticipation of state assistance. When this failed to come, the office had to be closed although it had been successful. The state of New York had a bureau in New York City from 1896 to 1906. For lack of adequate funds and efficient management this degenerated into an
1 Miss Nash is a graduate of Smith College, and, since graduation, has spent some time abroad in the study of municipal affairs.
2 State systems are to be found in Ohio, Nebraska, Missouri, Illinois, Wisconsin, Connecticut, Kansas, West Virginia, Maryland, Massachusetts, Colorado, Minnesota, Michigan, Rhode Island, Oklahoma, Arizona, Kentucky and New York.
The municipal bureaus are those of Berkeley, Los Angeles, Sacramento, California; Great Tails, Livingston, Missoula, Butte, Bozeman, Montana; New York City, Schenectady, New York; Portland, Oregon; Fort Worth, Texas; Trenton, Newark, New Jersey; Seattle, Tacoma, Spokane, Everett, Aberdeen, Hoquiam, Washington; Kansas City, Missouri; Cambridge, Massachusetts.
Cleveland, Ohio, has a city-state system and the four bureaus of Wisconsin are organized on what is practically a city-state plan though the county also is represented in the government and bears part of the expense.
3 Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor, Bulletin, June, 1907, p. 611.
429


430
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
intelligence bureau for domestic servants, and was finally discontinued upon the advice of an investigating committee.4 In 1914, however, municipal bureaus were opened in New York City and in Schenectady; a new state law, carefully drafted on lines suggested by experience in this country and in Europe, was passed;5 and four state offices were established.
The movement here, as in Europe, has been largely due to a desire to combat the evils of private employment agencies, to deal more effectively with the unemployment problem, and to save money to those for whom it is most needful that money should be saved.6 The example of foreign countries has not been without influence, and in the corn belt the determining factor in the establishment of public bureaus has been the necessity of procuring a more satisfactory supply of harvest labor.7
There is little uniformity to be found in the administration of any of the public bureaus. The state systems are, many of them, organized under the state department of labor or bureau of labor statistics, but with regard to the municipal bureaus there seems to be no rule whatsoever; each city is a law unto itself. Thus in Seattle the office was originally under the management of the municipal labor department; later it was made part of the civil service department under the management of the secretary of the commission; the actual conduct of the men’s department is now in the hands of the assistant labor commissioner.8 The municipal bureau of New York City is an adjunct to the city department of licenses, and that of Kansas City is located at the city’s welfare department. The bureau of Newark is in the office of the city clerk, who manages it in addition to his other duties.9 In Cleveland, which has had since January, 1914, a city-state bureau, the superintendent is appointed by the state civil service commission, but must be approved by the mayor. He is both state superintendent and city commissioner. Expenses are divided between city and state. The Milwaukee bureau and the others in Wisconsin are also organized as city-state establishments; the most interesting feature of the Milwaukee administration is a managing com-
4 Ibid.
5 New York Labor Laws, 1914, in State of New York, Department of Labor Bulletin, pp. 53-56.
8 United States Bureau of Labor, Bulletin, no. 68, p. 5.
7 “Public Employment Offices,” by W. M. Leiserson, in Political Science Quarterly, xxix (March, 1914), p. 29.
8 Twentieth Annual Report of Public Employment Bureau, City of Seattle, Wash., 1913, p. 1.
8 The bureau at Livingston, .Montana, is managed by the chief of police, who finds that it is a great aid to him in ridding his town of vagrants. Those who will not work when a job is offered them are deported. The other municipal bureaus in Montana are carried on in much the same way.


1915]
MUNICIPAL EMPLOYMENT BUREAUS
431
mittee of employers and employees in equal number, together with representatives of the city and state.10
Although some of the larger bureaus are properly housed, the quarters of the majority are inadequate and usually inaccessible. Many of the smaller ones are tucked away in the upper floors of city halls or other public buildings. A few do not even have separate waiting-rooms for men and women or separate departments for skilled and unskilled labor. The municipal bureau of New York City with its five departments for men alone is quite unique. The number of employees in an office affords some indication of the volume and efficiency of the work; thus the Boston office, which is generally considered the best in the country, has a force of fourteen; New York has twelve, Milwaukee five, Cleveland four. Seattle, however, with the greatest volume of business, has until recently managed with two. This has meant a neglect of the records and statistics. Seattle’s success is due rather to the labor conditions of the Northwest than to its superior business methods. Sometimes the offices are maintained by a single individual in connection with other duties, as in Newark and in the cities of Montana. In most of the offices an attempt is made to keep records by a card-catalogue system. The usual questions asked on the registration cards are as to name, address, conjugal state and former employment. A record is kept of the number of applicants, positions offered, and positions filled. It is difficult, however, with the best of intentions to keep track of the number of positions filled, as neither employer nor employee is careful to send back the necessary information. In addition, some offices have failed to distinguish between applicants and applications. Even the superintendents will not vouch for the accuracy of their figures. No effort is made to distinguish on the records between temporary and permanent work. An attempt to do so would, of course, add greatly to the expense of the record-keeping, but it would enormously increase the value of the records for social study. As it is, they are at present practically worthless.
Superintendents often try to increase the number of their patrons by personal calls on employers and contractors, but where the office force is small, as is usually the case, it is not possible for them to find the time to carry out this policy effectively. Paid advertisement is seldom resorted to on account of expense. Consequently, it often happens that large employers of labor are entirely unaware of the existence of these bureaus. Where there has not been time to make a personal call on employers for the purpose of soliciting business, the telephone has been used with fair results, and there is unanimous testimony as to its value in following up •engagements and in reaching the better class of applicants.
So far apparently the municipal bureaus have felt no great need for
10 Industrial Commission of Wisconsin, Bulletin, May 20, 1913, p. 205.


432
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
interurban co-operation and, although most of the state systems provide for some paper scheme of co-operation, Wisconsin is the only state where it is an integral part of the system. The Western association of public employment bureaus, composed of offices in the grain-belt states, is at present the only successful example of any endeavor to bring about interstate co-operation. Its purpose is limited, however, to the organization of the harvest-labor supply within its boundaries. The establishment of a federal system of agencies should mean a new era as regards this most important phase of the work of public employment offices. A nationwide system of interrelated labor exchanges is now to be established and some sort of co-operation with all municipal and state bureaus will doubtless sooner or later be arranged under federal auspices.
In connection with the proper organization and administration of public employment bureaus, it may well be asked whether state or local management is more satisfactory. The state system should afford better facilities for team-play and should promote uniformity in business methods. On the other hand, unemployment is in large part a local problem and is perhaps, therefore, best dealt with by a local authority. The work of the municipal bureau, if it is to be efficient, should be based on some plan of common action. Such a scheme should be devised in this country, as has been in Germany, where all the municipal officers are joined into state systems. The Wisconsin plan in this country comes nearest to this scheme of combining the merits of both state and local control. It is interesting to note that the majority of bureaus opened this winter (1914-1915) have been municipal. This may be due to a conviction on the part of the public as to their superiority over the state system, or it may result from the fact that in an exceptionally hard winter the cities have hurried into these experiments along the line of least resistance.
The reports of the various bureaus show amazing differences in cost of management. This seems to be due in part to careless methods of bookkeeping. The Seattle office gives the cost per position in 1913 as 8.2 cents and the total cost of running the bureau as $2,732.62.11 It seems hardly possible that this figure represents the whole of the actual expense. Illinois pays out more than this in salaries alone for each of her eight offices. The figures given in the report of the Milwaukee office for 1913, the second year of its management by the industrial commission, can, however, be relied upon. The total expenses for 1913 are there given as $6,690.08, of which $4,129.29 was the amount paid by the state and $2,547.29 that expended by the city and county. The cost per position was 43 cents.13 The cost of each position filled obviously depends not
11 Twentieth Annual •Report of the Public Employment Bureau of the City of Seattle, Wash., 1913, p. 11.
12 Second Annual Report of the Citizens’ Committee of Unemployment and the Milwaukee Free Employment Office, year ending October 31, 1913, p. 12.


1915]
MUNICIPAL EMPLOYMENT BUREAUS
433:
on the economy of management but on the volume of business done, and this accounts for Seattle’s low figure, which, even if doubled or trebled to include all direct and indirect expenses, would still be the lowest of all.13
Two questions of policy in the management of bureaus have given trouble. One is the problem of supplying labor during strikes. Trade unions in some states have insisted that the bureaus shall do no business at all with employers whose men are on strike, and this rule was incorporated in the law which first established public employment bureaus in Illinois. But this statute had to be amended in order to comply with the decision of the Illinois supreme court, which declared such discriminatory provisions to be unconstitutional. The procedure which has found most favor both in this country and abroad is to let the bureau receive offers of positions from employers during strikes but to require that they call the attention of all applicants to the strike and its causes before sending them to work. It is thus left with the men to apply or not as they think fit, with the result that as a rule they do not apply.
The other general question of policy is as to what the bureau should do in the matter of ascertaining the applicant’s fitness and antecedents. In some bureaus a letter from the last employer is insisted upon as a reference. The applicant is also given the benefit of any ascertained facts about the employer that may prove of advantage to him in applying for a position. The Boston office, on the other hand, has adopted the German interpretation of an employment bureau’s function, that is, merely to bring the prospective employer and employee together. It tries to send suitable candidates, but gives no recommendation and is obviously in no position to vouch for their fitness.
In 1911 a committee appointed by the legislature of Massachusetts to investigate public employment bureaus in that state found, after carefully following up the history of five hundred different positions reported as having been filled in the Boston office, that only 36 per cent had been actually filled, and that only 12 per cent of the persons sent to work were able to hold their jobs for three months.14 This is an illustration not only of the unreliability of the records, but of the shiftless character of the applicants at a public bureau.15 Even if the figures in the annual reports of various bureaus are taken as a true indication of the business done, it is probable that in no city does the work compare in volume with that of the private agencies as a whole. The business of a few of the most active of the public offices compares, however, not unfavorably with that done by similar private concerns. Seattle reports in 1913 31,150 positions filled, Milwaukee 15,660, the state office in Boston
13 The Seattle office reports 31,150 positions filled in 1913 and Boston 20,971.
14 Massachusetts Commission to Investigate Employment Offices, Re-port, May, 1911,. pp. 74-76.
15 The Boston office takes exception to this statement, which it thinks unfair.


434
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
20,971. Cleveland, under its new management, fills on an average 2,400 positions per week; if it continues this average through the year, it will have a total almost as high as that of Seattle. Livingston, Montana, may be taken as an example of the work done by a smaller bureau; in 1913 it filled 1,070 positions, and in 1914 the number was 936.
It is everywhere admitted that the workers who patronize most of the public employment bureaus are below the average. The records show that rarely more than 20 per cent are skilled workers, and some bureaus handle no skilled labor at all. A considerable proportion of the applicants are “casuals”—too poor to pay the fee required by a private agency and not capable of holding a regular position or perhaps not desiring one. The municipal office in Portland, Oregon, deals almost wholly with applicants for temporary jobs. The fact that the bureaus are free accounts for the large number of inferior applicants; yet it is certain that an employment bureau is not the proper institution to deal with the great problem of the unemployable. We take it for granted that the handicapped, such as the crippled, infirm, or even the newly-arrived immigrant, ought to have separate provision. Is not the same thing true of the confessedly shiftless and indolent?
Since the public bureaus have in only a few cases so developed as to become serious rivals of the private agencies, they naturally have not been able to combat the abuses of the latter. Neither have they done anything appreciable, taking the country as a whole, toward solving the problem of unemployment. Their statistics have not been worth the trouble of studying, and their real achievements in the way of getting permanent jobs have been pitifully meager in comparison with those of private agencies. Only in the western grain states have the bureaus even approximately fulfilled the hopes of their promoters. Elsewhere the majority have been failures, more or less complete. The facts give a basis for no other possible conclusion.
The chief cause of failure to achieve real results in this as in so many other fields of city business has been the blighting influence of local politics. Superintendents have not been chosen for their fitness; most of them have had no preliminary training and no particular interest in their work. In more than one city the bureau seems to have been established with an eye to creating a well-paid job for a needy politician. It is no wonder that disregard of system and lack of enterprise have been the result. The offices doing the best work are those which have come under civil service regulations. In the second place, the funds granted for supporting the bureaus have been almost always inadequate. The offices themselves are dingy and cramped, the clerks too few or incompetent, and no systematic publicity possible. The laws or ordinances establishing and regulating the bureaus have been on the whole inelastic,


1915]
MUNICIPAL EMPLOYMENT BUREAUS
435
discouraging initiative on the part of those in charge. These criticisms apply to public employment bureaus in general, of whatever type. Municipal offices have shown themselves no more free from shortcomings than state bureaus; some of them indeed have been the worst offenders.
Fortunately, there are some exceptions to the general rule. The state bureau at Boston has long been looked upon as a model and has latterly not been without influence upon other bureaus. Its system of registration and record-keeping, in particular, has been widely copied; but its steadily increasing business is the best test of its efficiency. The gratifying results in Milwaukee, where since 1911 the bureau has been under the intelligent direction of an industrial commission, simply shows what may be expected when the prevailing faults have been remedied. Acting under a broad grant of powers the commission has brought about a co-operation of city and state authorities, thereby procuring adequate funds. It has enlisted the interest of employers and employees by giving them equal representation on an active advisory board, and has devised a careful scheme for securing positions and promotions.16 It is perhaps too soon to speak of the work of the New York municipal bureau, which has been in existence only since May, 1914. New York City has long debated the matter of public employment bureaus, and the fact that it has at last decided to establish a municipal bureau is significant. The lessons taught by the failure of the first state bureau have not been forgotten. A generous appropriation has made possible the equipment of an office which has no superior in the country. The city has secured a manager who has already established his reputation as the superintendent of a bureau in another state. Boston, Milwaukee, New York, and Cleveland, however, stand almost alone to-day among municipal bureaus in the attempt to apply modern efficiency tests to the management of public employment bureaus.
â–  Many controversies have been waged in the past as to the need and advisability of public employment bureaus, but the public mind to-day seems to have accepted them as a legitimate governmental activity. The question which must be decided now is as to the best plan of organization and the most efficient methods of procedure. The Massachusetts industrial commission, reporting in 1911, came to the conclusion that private bureaus were meeting the whole problem well enough, and that the record of public bureaus in the United States was not sufficiently encouraging to warrant the assumption that they could ever occupy the field. But public opinion to-day does not agree with the doctrine that private bureaus do well enough. It has been established beyond dispute that the majority of private agencies in this country and in Europe are given in some degree to serious abuses. Abuses are, indeed, almost inevitable
16 Bulletin of the Industrial Commission of Wisconsin, May 20, 1913.
5


436
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
in any system of securing employment run wholly for profit. But apart from this the private agencies do not and cannot co-operate on any broad scale without defeating their own ends. If the labor market is ever to be properly organized and unemployment reduced to the lowest possible margin, the result cannot be achieved by isolated and spasmodic effort. Some plan of interstate or interurban co-operation is necessary to bring about any such result. Such co-operation is only possible in a public system.


ARE WOMEN A FORCE FOR GOOD GOVERNMENT ?
An Analysis of the Returns in the Recent Municipal Election
in Chicago1
BY EDITH ABBOTT2 Chicago
WHAT effect did the women’s vote actually have on the recent municipal election in Chicago? Were any candidates nominated or elected who would not have been nominated and elected without the women’s votes? If the women did not actually change the result of the election, did they vote more largely than men for the best candidates?
In attempting to answer these questions, which have been so frequently asked in so many parts of the country since the election, it is not necessary to indulge in speculation. The women of Illinois have only limited suffrage, and special “women’s ballots” are provided for their use and these ballots are counted separately from the men’s. How the women voted is, therefore, all a matter of official record, and it is only necessary to study the returns in order to determine the facts.
A study of the influence of the women’s vote upon the mayoralty election must necessarily begin with the choice of candidates at the primary election, for the choice of good or bad candidates is, of course, the fact of first importance. The two leading candidates for the Republican nomination were William Hale Thompson, since elected and inaugurated mayor, and Chief Justice Harry Olson, of the Chicago municipal court,—the fusion candidate agreed upon by the Progressives, led by Professor Charles E. Merriam, who has been for many years the leader of the good-government forces in Chicago, and by the better element in the Republican party. As to which was the better candidate there could be no possible question. The significance, therefore, of the figures given in the following tables cannot be overestimated.
This table shows that the women gave a decisive plurality of more than 7,700 votes to the better candidate while the men gave a still larger pul-rality to the less desirable candidate. Fifty-five per cent of the women voted for Judge Olson, but the men’s plurality for Mr. Thompson was large enough to out-weigh the women’s vote. If the men had stayed
1 See article entitled “Do Women Vote,” by Ellis Meredith, National Municipal Review, vol. iii, p. 663.
2 Associate Director of the Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy.
437


438
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
away from the polls on the day of the primary and left to the women the business of choosing a candidate, the fate of Chicago would have been different.
NUMBER AND PER CENT OF VOTES CAST BY MEN AND WOMEN FOR CANDIDATES IN THE REPUBLICAN PRIMARY
Number Per Cent
Men Women Men Women
Thompson 61,506 25,827 53.0 42.7
Olson 51,255 33,570 44.2 55.6
Hey 3,264 1,019 2.8 1.7
Total 116,025 60,416 100.0 100.0
Women’s plurality for Olson...................................... 7,743
Men’s plurality for Thompson.....................................10,251
Women’s plurality for Olson...................................... 7,743
Men’s plurality for Thompson.....................................10,251
In the contest between Mayor Harrison and Mr. Sweitzer for the Democratic nomination, there was no such distinct line of cleavage between the good and the bad elements. Both were “machine” candidates, although the mayor’s machine was considered less undesirable than Mr. Sweitzer’s. It is not therefore especially significant that both the men and the women of the Democratic party, as the following table shows, gave Mr. Sweitzer a large plurality; but if it is true that Mayor Harrison was a less undesirable candidate, then the fact that a larger per cent of the women than of the men voted for Harrison is, of course, significant. In so far as there was a choice the preponderance of the women’s vote went to the right side.
NUMBER AND PER CENT OF VOTES CAST BY MEN AND WOMEN FOR CANDIDATES IN THE DEMOCRATIC PRIMARY
Number ' Per Cent
Men Women Men Women
Sweitzer 125,587 67,860 1,112 57,662 64.5 61.2
Harrison 36^203 341 34.9 38.4
Wilson .6 .4

Total 194,559 94,206 100.0 100.0

Women’s plurality for Sweitzer Men’s plurality for Sweitzer. . .
21,459
57,727


1915] ARE WOMEN A FORCE FOR GOOD GOVERNMENT 439
The contrast between the situation on the day of the primary and the day of election was very striking. When the primary was held, there was a chance to nominate a reform candidate for mayor, and the women made the choice in favor of Judge Olson and good government. The men chose differently, and on election day the choice was between an undesirable Democrat and an equally undesirable—or slightly less undesirable —Republican. Men and women alike had to do the best they could with the hopeless situation created by the men voters. If the men had stayed at home on the day of the primaries, it will be remembered, the men and women would have had a choice between Judge Olson and Mr. Sweitzer. Since there was no “good” candidate to vote for, the best that could be done either by the men or the women was to vote for the least undesirable candidate. The following table shows the result, already sufficiently familiar, of that election.
NUMBER AND PER CENT OF VOTES CAST BY MEN AND WOMEN FOR CANDIDATES IN THE MAYORALTY ELECTION
Number Per Cent
Men Women Men Women
Sweitzer 161,179 89,882 37.5 36.2
Thompson 249,713 148,825 58.2 59.8
Stedman 16,420 8,032 3.8 3.2
Hill 2,007 1,967 .5 .8
Total 429,319 248,706 100.0 100.0
These election returns have been quoted in all parts of the country as evidence of the fact that the women were merely as one writer has put it “convenient copy-cats of male opinion” because they helped the men to elect Mr. Thompson instead of electing a more undesirable candidate, Mr. Sweitzer. The women are accused of not voting independently. Would independence have been a virtue if it had elected Mr. Sweitzer? If by “independence” is meant not voting with the men, then the women voted independently in the primary when independence was a virtue, but on election day they did the best they could for Chicago by voting with the great majority of the men for Mr. Thompson.
The question of the effect of the women’s vote upon the election of aider-men is a matter of very great importance; but as each of the 35 wards in Chicago elects its own alderman, the analysis of the votes of these 35 separate local communities is a rather complicated undertaking. It is possible, however, to determine (1) whether in any wards the women’s


440
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
vote actually changed the election in favor of a better or a worse candidate; and (2) in how many wards a larger or smaller percentage of women than of men voted for the candidates recommended by the non-partisan Municipal Voters’ League.3 It should be explained that there is almost universal agreement in Chicago that the “good” candidates are those recommended by the league. In a few wards there may be two candidates of almost equal ability and integrity, and in such cases of course there can be no clear line drawn between “good” and “bad” candidates. Such cases, however, are so rare that they may be disregarded, and the league recommendations may be taken as determining which are the best candidates.
It has not seemed worth while to undertake a detailed analysis of the aldermanic primary vote since the league published only a partial report on the candidates, and in the absence of any accepted statement as to who the best candidates were, it is, of course, impossible to determine how far the women’s vote was influential in nominating the “best” men.
It is significant, however, that the day after the primary, the president of the league in a statement published in the newspapers declared that the result of the aldermanic primary had been a cause of congratulation and that “the women played an important part in many of the ward contests and the returns would indicate that they are entitled to credit for the nomination of Buck in the 33d ward.” The statement also noted specifically that the nomination of “men like McCormick of the 6th and Buck of the 33d are a welcome addition”4 to the aldermanic lists. Before leaving the subject of the primary, it should be noted that the Chicago Tribune under the headline “Women’s Work Tells” made the following statement regarding the victory of Alexander A. McCormick in the Sixth Ward: “The women’s vote played a big part in the McCormick victory. Scores of residence meetings have been held in his behalf and dozens of women workers were present at the polls all day long after having put in two or three weeks of consistent work in house to house canvasses.” (■Chicago Tribune, Wednesday, February 24, p. 5.)
The official returns of the republican primary vote in the 6th ward show that although the men as well as the women gave Mr. McCormick a plurality, 61 per cent of the women and only 46 per cent of the men voted for him. Moreover, the women were largely responsible for the fact that Mr. McCormick filed his petition for nomination. The Republican machine had agreed on a very respectable, but inexperienced young lawyer for the place, and there was a good deal of ill-feeling during the campaign,
5I am indebted to a class in statistics at the Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy, and in particular to two members of the class, Miss M. Cushing and Miss H. F. Ryan, for the tedious work of computing these percentages.
4 Chicago Tribune, Wednesday, February 24, p. 2, statement by Frederick Bruce Johnstone, president, Municipal Voters’ League.


1915] ARE WOMEN A FORCE FOR GOOD GOVERNMENT 441
in which the friends of Mr. McCormick were repeatedly charged with “bad faith” since it was said that the “place had been promised” to the other candidate. The women voters took a remarkably independent view of the matter. No man, they said, and no group of men had any right to “ promise” the aldermanie nomination to any man. The people of the ward were entitled to the services of the best man available and the fact that “months ago” some man or some group of men had “promised the place” was not entitled to have any weight. The result was, as the president of the league said, that the women were largely responsible for Mr. McCormick’s nomination. The vote was as follows :
REPUBLICAN VOTE IN THE PRIMARY, SIXTH WARD
Men Women
Friend 2,808 523 1,394 243
Keck
Kerr 105 31
Singley 28 8
McCormick 2,962 2,646

Per cent of women voting for McCormick..........61.2
Per cent of men voting for McCormick............ 46.0
Per cent of women voting for McCormick..........61.2
Per cent of men voting for McCormick............ 46.0
It may be noted, too, that while the men’s votes alone would have nominated McCormick by a small plurality (154 votes) yet the women’s work in the ward was largely responsible for winning this plurality.
In the 33d ward, the president of the league was right in his statement that the women were probably entitled to the credit for the nomination of Buck. The official returns of the contest there between Buck and Hazen are as follows:
REPUBLICAN VOTE IN THE PRIMARY, THIRTY-THIRD WARD
Men Women Total
Hazen 3,468 3,113 1,420 1,846 4,888 4,959
Buck

Men’s plurality for Hazen........................................... 355
Women’s plurality for Buck.......................................... 426
Men’s plurality for Hazen........................................... 355
Women’s plurality for Buck.......................................... 426
Proceeding to an analysis of the results of the aldermanie election, it appears from the official returns that the women’s vote actually changed the result in two wards. In the 18th ward, one of the densely populated West Side wards, concerning which we had many prophecies of the dangers of the so-called ignorant vote, the women’s vote elected Carl


442
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
J. Murray, whereas the men’s vote would have elected the notorious “Barney” Grogan. The following extract from the report of the Municipal Voters’ League on this candidate indicates the value of the work of the women voters in bringing about his defeat.
Bernard J. (“Barney”) Grogan—Democrat: . . . has been
saloonkeeper for thirteen years; recent police report stated his saloon was a “hangout for safeblowers, pickpockets, gunmen, prostitutes and gamblers”; he figures regularly as a bondsman at Desplaines street station; a friend of “ Mike the Pike”; in civil service investigation of police higher-ups in 1911 (resulting in discharge of Inspector Dorman and others) a divekeeper testified that he went with Grogan to the back room of the latter’s saloon and there paid Grogan $400 for police protection. Grogan is a disgrace to the city and the 18th ward.
The only other ward in which the women’s votes actually changed the result of the election was the 22d, and here again, although there was no such disgraceful candidate as “Barney” Grogan to be defeated, the women elected the Democratic candidate recommended by the Municipal Voters’ League, instead of the Republican candidate, who did not receive the endorsement of the league but who would have been elected if the men had been voting alone.
In two wards, and two wards only, then, was the election actually changed by the women and in both of these wards the women’s vote resulted in the election of candidates whose election had been asked for by the non-partisan league, and in one case, a particularly disgraceful man was kept out of the council solely because of the women’s vote. Two facts should be taken into consideration with regard to the number of wards in which the women’s vote turned the election: (1) that the men voters are more numerous than the women, and it takes therefore a large percentage of the women’s votes to change the result; and (2) that the independence of the women’s vote in the aldermanic election of 1914 had demonstrated to politicians of all parties the importance of nominating better candidates, and as a result there were fewer “gray wolves” to be defeated this year.
Another, and perhaps more important, test of the independence and intelligence of the women’s vote is whether or not a larger percentage of the women than of the men voted for the candidates recommended by the Municipal Voters’ League.
The following summary shows (1) the number of wards in which the league candidates received a larger percentage of the women’s vote than of the men’s vote, (2) the number of wards in which the league candidates received a larger percentage of the men’s vote, and (3) the wards in which the percentages were the same or divided.
The percentages and the official returns on which they were computed are all published at the close of this article.


1915] ARE WOMEN A FORCE FOR GOOD GOVERNMENT 443
1. In 24 out of the 35 wards, the percentage of women voting for the league candidates was higher than the percentage of men voting for these candidates. These were the 1st, 2d, 3d (two candidates elected), 4th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 12th, 14th, 16th, 18th, 21st, 22d, 23d, 24th, 26th, 28th, 29th, 31st, 32d, 33d, and 35th.
2. In eight wards the percentage of men voting for the league candidates was higher than the per cent of women voting for these candidates. These were the 5th, 11th, 13th, 17th, 19th, 20th, 27th, and 34th.
3. In two wards the percentages of men and women voting for the league candidates were the same. These were the 25th (two candidates elected) and the 30th.
In one ward (the 15th) where two candidates were to be elected, the percentage of women voting for the Municipal Voters’ League candidate for the longer term was larger than the per cent of men, but the per cent of men voting for the short term league candidate was higher than the per cent of women. In this latter case the recommended candidate elected by the men was a Socialist, and the women seem in general to have been more reluctant than the men to vote for Socialist candidates.
In addition to the election of a mayor and thirty-eight aldermen, twelve “public policy” questions came before the voters of Chicago. Seven of these involved bond issues and received a plurality of the men’s and of the women’s votes. On the first three questions, which involved the issue of bonds for (1) a contagious diseases hospital, (2) a dormitory for the John Worthy school for delinquent boys, and (3) a house of shelter for women, the per cent of women voting “yes” was slightly larger than the per cent of men—in no case however was there a difference as great as 5 per cent. The per cent of women and men voting for the fourth proposition—bonds for garbage reduction works—was the same-. On the last three propositions, (5) bathing-beaches, (6) fire and (7) police department bonds, the per cent of men voting “yes” was slightly higher than the per cent of women (the excess in the case of bathing-beaches was only 1 per cent). Of the other public policy questions, four related to the annexation of outlying villages, and in all these cases a slightly larger percentage of men than of women voted “yes”; the other question submitted, that of the “double platoon” system in the fire department, was defeated both by the men and by the women, but with a larger per cent of the women than of the men voting “no.” On the whole there was general satisfaction with the outcome of the public policy vote, and the women were in line with approved, and as it appears, general public sentiment in voting for the measures, the only fact of significance being that a slightly higher percentage of women voted “yes” on city bonds for humanitarian purposes.
In conclusion, then, it seems fair to say that the recent municipal election has shown that the women’s vote has been a source of strength to the


444
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July-
good government forces. At the risk of repetition, however, it may once more be emphasized that the most signal evidence of the fact that the women voters are a force for good government was afforded by the Republican primary vote in which a majority of the women, and unfortunately for Chicago, a minority of the men, voted for Chief Justice Olson, the candidate of the “reform” forces. On the day of the election it was too late either for the women or the men to save a situation in which the two great parties offered two undesirable candidates to the voters. The women as well as the men took the wise course of voting for the least undesirable of these candidates, but it should not be forgotten that the women’s vote alone would have meant a choice between Chief Justice Olson and Mr. Sweitzer for mayor. It was the men’s vote that created a situation in which the voters had to choose between Mr. Sweitzer and Mr. Thompson.
So far as the aldermanic election is concerned, the returns show that two aldermanic candidates, one of them of the worst “gray wolf” type, were defeated by the women’s vote and that in twenty-five different wards, in all sections of the city and among all classes of people, rich and poor, immigrant and American, from the university wards on the south side to some of the most congested wards on the west side, a larger proportion of the women than of the men voted without regard to party affiliations for the candidates recommended by the Municipal Voters’ League. The officers of the league said, in publishing their final report on candidates, “To the women voters of Chicago a special appeal is made. They should not forget that last year, but for their vote, six good aider-men would have been defeated.” The election returns show that this appeal was not in vain. To the “six good aldermen” whom the women saved from defeat last year four others have been added, two at the primary and two at the election this year. These ten aldermen are the women’s direct contribution to the City Council of Chicago.
OFFICIAL RETURNS ALDERMANIC ELECTION, CHICAGO, APRIL 6, 1915, WITH THE PERCENTAGES OF MEN AND WOMEN IN EACH WARD VOTING FOR THE CANDIDATES RECOMMENDED BY THE MUNICIPAL VOTERS LEAGUE.
Wards Men Women Total
i. Mitchel, p 51 22 73
Kenna, d 6,761 1,833 8,594
Troupe, r 2,814 1,096 3,910
Phillips, s. (Af. V. L.) 413 161 574
Total 10,039 3,112 13,151
Voting for M. V . L. candidate: men 4 per cent; women 5 per cent.
H. Gary, p. (Af. V. L.). . . 2,254 1,443 3,697
Bussell, d 4,180 2,313 6,893
DePriest, r 6,700 3,899 10,599
Bloch,s 296 137 433
Total. 13.430 7,792 21,622
Voting for M. \. L. candidate: men 17 per cent; women 19 per cent.
hi. Nash, d 5,709 3,766 9,475
Jj’uU term. Werner, r. (Af. T*. L.). . 7,526 5,318 12,844
Howe, a 247 147 394
Total 13,482 9,231 22,713
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 56 per cent; women 58 per cent.


1915] ARE WOMEN A FORCE FOR GOOD GOVERNMENT 445
Wards
III. Keim, d........................
Short term. Stern, r. (M. V. L.)..............
Shelton, .......................
Total.......................
Voting for M. V. L. candidate:
IV. Hickey, d. (M.V.L.)............
Lambine.........................
Bour, a......................... —
Total.........................
Voting for M. V. L. candidate;
V. Martin, d..........................
Kramp , r. (M. V. L.).............
Wellman, s........................
Lantry, p.........................
Total.........................
Voting for M. V. L. candidate:
VI.
Hanly, d................
McCormick, r. (M. V. L.) Defaut, 5...............
Total.........................
Voting for M. V. L candidate:
VII. Lindsay, d.......................
Merriam, r. (M. V. L.)............
Hoeldtke, s.......................
Total...................._....
N oting for M. V. L. candidate:
VIII. Emerson, d.......................
Tyden, r. (M.V.L.)................
Housiager, s......................
Lekbert, p........................
Men Women Total
4,447 2,916 7,363
8,352 5,841 14,193
296 162 458
13,095 8,919 22,014
• cent; women 66 per cent.
4,901 2,695 7,596
2,810 1,301 4,111
167 51 218
7,878 4,047 11,925
’ cent; women 67 per cent.
5,274 2,880 8,154
4,098 2,053 6,151
204 64 268
10 6 25
9,595 5,003 14,598
cent; women 41 per cent.
3,782 2,230 6,012
10,885 7,618 18,503
286 191 477
14,953 10,039 24,992
cent; women 76 per cent.
5,751 3,648 9,399
10,351 7,787 18,138
327 200 527
16,429 11,635 28,064
• cent; women 67 per cent.
4,052 2,145 6,197
5,745 3,831 9,576
397 159 556
1 1
Total...................................... 10,194 6,136 16,330
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 56 per cent; women 62 per cent.
IX. Cook, d.......................................... 3,202
Vanderbilt, r. (M.V. L.)......................... 6,524
Johnson, ........................................... 910
1,743 4,945
4,308 10,832
357 1,267
Total...................................... 10,636 6,408 17,044
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 61 per cent; women 67 per cent.
X. Smidl, p..............
Klaus, d. (M. V. L.)
Panama, r............
Pntl, s.............
103 90 193
3,314 1,615 4,939
2,133 883 3,016
427 170 597
XI.
XII.
XIII.
XIV.
Total...........................
Voting for M. V. L. candidate:
Cullerton, d........................
Lohman, r. (M. V. L.)...............
Matteoni, ..........................
Total....................%......
Voting for M. V. L. candidate:
Kerner, d...........................
Fink1 r. (M. V. L.).................
Beranek, s..........................
T otal...................<......
Voting for M. V. L. candidate:
Ahern, d............................
Anderson, r. (M, V. L.).............
Will, s.............................
Total...........................
Voting for M. V. L. candidate:
Kells, d.............................
Lawley, r. (M. V. L.)...............
Harris, s.. . ......................
-------, prog.......................
-------, prohi......................
T otal..........................
Voting for M. V, L. candidate:
............. 5,977 2,758 8,735
men 54 per cent; women 59 per cent.
............. 4,340 2,262 6,602
............. 2,478 1,215 3,693
......... 272 76 ' 348
............ 7,090 3,553 10,643
men 35 per cent; women 34 per cent.
............. 5,504 3,045 8,549
............. 3,438 1,755 5,193
.............. 554 244 798
............. 9,496 5,044 14,540
men 58 per cent; women 60 per cent.
............. 7,123 5,271 12,394
............ 7,801 5,142 12,943
............... 409 151 560
........... 15,333 10,564 25,897
men 51 per cent; women 49 per cent.
........... 4,471 2,492 6,963
............ 6,640 3,934 10,574
.............. 374 180 554
......... 3 3
........ 3 3
.......... 11,491 6,606 18,097
men 58 per cent; women 60 per cent.


446 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July
Wards
XV.
Full.
Backer, prog........
Klane, d. (Af. V. L.)
Utpatel, r..........
Sissman, s..........
Men Women Total
49 13 62
4,449 2,128 6,577
5,217 2,534 7,751
2,448 957 3,405-
Total..................................... 12,163 5,632 17,795
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 37 per cent; women 38 per cent.
Short, Kaindl, d...................
Anderson, r............
Rodriguez, s. (M. V. L.)
3,891 1,800 5,691
4,085 2,062 6,147
4,400 1,865 6,265
Total..................................... 12,376 5,727
Voting for M.V.L. candidate: men 36 per cent; women 33 per cent.
18,103
XVI. Turiefka, d. {M.V.L.)............................... 4,738 2,223
Schulenberg, r....................................... 1,875 760
Peltz, s............................................... 178 80
6,961
2,635
258
Total..................................... 6,791 3,063 9,854
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 70 per cent; women 73 per cent.
XVII. Kielczynski, d........
Silts, r. (M. V. L.) Blaeka, s......
2,313 1,026 3,339
2,621 952 3,573
118 61 169
Total..................................... 5,052 2,029 7,081
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 52 per cent; women 47 per cent.
XVIII. Brennan, prog................................... 62 9
Grogan, d.................................... 6,548 2,572
Murray, r. (M.V.L.).......................... 6,388 3,044
Smith, s..................................... 565 187
71
9,120
9,432
752
Total..................................... 13,563 5,812 19,375
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 47 per cent; women 52 per cent.
XIX. Powers, d......................................... 3,666 1,664
Levison, r. (M.V.L.).............................. 1,948 774
Schneid, s........................................... 224 84
5,330
2,722
308
Total..................................... 5,838 2,522 8,360
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 33 per cent; women 31 per cent.
XX. Fehr, prog...............
Franz, d..............
Miller, r. (M. V. L.)
22 2 24
2,164 1,051 3,215
2,253 1,029 3,282
Total..................................... 4,439 2,082 6,521
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 51 per cent; women 49 per cent.
XXI. Geiger, d. (M.V.L.)......................... 6,655 3,142 9,797
Funke, r..................................... 4,775 2,039 6,814
Nitschke, s.................................... 428 123 551
Total....................................... 11,858 5,304 17,162-
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 56 per cent; women 59 per cent.
XXII. Ellison, d. (M. V. L.)
Dochtermann, r........
Lafin, s.............
Hestenes, prohi.......
3,068 1,507 4,575
3,243 1,169 4,412
928 256 1,184
19 26 45
Total....................................... 7,258 2,958 10,216-
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 42 per cent; women 51 per cent.
XXIII. Klein, prog.............
Harrington, d.........
Wallace, r. (M. V. L.) Ericson, b............
94 27 121
4,241 2,159 6,400
8,605 5,706 14,311
445 271 816
Total........................................ 13,385 8,163 21,648-
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 64 per cent; women 70 per cent.
XXIV. Becker, d..............
Gnadt, r. (M. V. L.)
Grant, s............
Peterson, ind.......
Krumholz, ind.......
4,237 2,026 6,263
5,528 2,809 8,337
605 187 792
1 1 2
1 1
Total...................................... 10,372 5,023 15,395
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 53 per cent; women 56 per cent.


1915] ARE WOMEN A FORCE FOR GOOD GOVERNMENT 447
Wards Men Women Total
XXV. Kuhn., d 4,152 2,897 7,049
Pull. Capitain, r. (M. V, L.). 13,978 9,828 23,806
Meisinger, s 464 324 788
T otal 18,594 13,049 31,643
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 75 per cent; women 75 per cent.
Short. Walker, p 543 389 932
Quinn, d 4,173 2,912 7,085
Link, r. (M. V. L.) . . .• 13,324 9,214 22,538
Pause, s 416 284 700
Total 18,456 12,799 31,255
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 72 per cent; women 72 per cent.
XXVI. Oberg, d 5,483 2,668 8,151
Lippe, r. (M. V. L.). . . . 10,060 6,403 16,463
Racine, 9 627 279 906
Hunsche, p 86 77 163
Total 16,256 9,427 25,683
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 62 per cent; women 68 per cent.
XXVII. McGrane, d 3,776 1,811 5,587
Rioch, r 5,180 3,290 8,470
Kennedy, s. (M. V.L.). 8,798 4,055 12,853
Total 17,754 9,156 26,910
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 50 per cent; women 44 per cent.
XXVIII. Sharvy, d 3,700 1,856 5,556
Littler, r. (M. V. L.). . . 7,177 4,093 11,270
Hackenberger, 3 744 281 1,025
Total 11,621 6,230 17,851
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 62 per cent; women 66 per cent.
XXIX. Kilens, d 4,996 2,450 7,446
Hrubec, r. (M. V. L.)... 6,125 3,226 9,351
Taft, s 696 305 1,001
Total 11,817 5,981 17,798
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 52 per cent; women 54 per cent.
XXX. Lynch, d 5,366 2,937 8,303
Muse, r. (M. V. L.) 3,852 2,103 5,955
Callahan, 9 , 206 63 269
Total 9,424 5,103 14,527
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 41 per cent; women 41 per cent.
XXXI. Carr, d 4,644 3,148 7,792
Keans, r. (M. V. £.)... 8,628 5,880 14,508
Henning, s 555 248 803
Total 13,827 9,276 23,103
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 62 per cent; women 63 per cent.
XXXII. Wasson, d 5,335 3,298 8,633
Fisher, r. (M. V. L.). . . 13,424 9,604 23,028
Ball, s 483 268 751
Total 19,242 13,170 32,412
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 70 per cent; women 73 per cent.
XXXIII. Harnley, prog 29 19 48
Stevenson, d 3,843 1,998 5,841
Buck, r. (M. V.L.) 6,714 4,349 11,063
1,036 360 1,396 9,573
Hazen, ind 6,123 3,450
Total 17,745 10,176 27,921
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 38 per cent; women 43 per cent.
XXXIV. Held, d 6,389 3,480 9,869
Blaha, r. (M. V.L.) 7,932 4,123 12,055
Skala, s 876 366 1,242
Johnson, prob 87 53 140
Total 15,284 8,022 23,306
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 52 per cent; women 51 per cent.
XXXV. Clark, d. (M. V.L.) 8,073 5,235 13,308
Janke, r 8,191 5,198 13,389
Huggins, s 897 369 1,266
Total 17,161 10,802 27,963
Voting for M. V. L. candidate: men 47 per cent; women 49 per cent.


SHORT ARTICLES
CHICAGO’S SENSATIONAL TAX CASES
BY VICTOR S. YARROS1 Chicago
THE indictment of Julius Rosenwald last winter by a Cook County grand jury on the charge of willful violation of the revenue or taxation laws of Illinois was like the “shot heard round the world.” The more the indictment was locally explained and defended by the state’s attorney, Mr. Hoyne, who had procured it, and by the assistants in his office, the less the general public understood it, for the explanations were mutually inconsistent and contradictory. The Chicago press, without exception, deplored and denounced the indictment, and this embittered the state’s attorney and caused him to accuse the press of anarchical opinions and methods.
Soon after Cook County returned the “tax-dodging indictment” against one of Chicago’s best citizens—against a philanthropist and civic reformer of national fame—another remarkable Chicago “’tax case” challenged general attention. Charles R. Crane, another of Chicago’s distinguished, wealthy and public-spirited citizens, another captain of industry and man of broad sympathies and varied interests of the most elevated kind, announced his removal from that city and from the state of Illinois. He gave the state’s taxation and revenue system as the sole cause of his action. It was explained on his behalf that he did not wish to evade even the literal and technical requirements of the revenue law, but that, on the other hand, he did not care to expose himself to confiscatory taxation. Hence his determination to select a domicile in a state that was governed by sounder and fairer revenue laws. Through some mistake Massachusetts was named as the state Mr. Crane had decided to make his permanent home; as a matter of fact, Illinois and Massachusetts are in identically the same backward and discreditable category with reference to taxation, and Mr. Crane would not better his position were he to settle in Massachusetts now. Tax reform legislation has been under discussion in that commonwealth, and is sadly needed, but no action had yet been taken that held out the promise of early relief when Mr. Crane’s decision was announced. Since.then the Massachusetts legislature has voted to submit to the people an amendment to the revenue article of the state constitution.
1 Of Hull House, Chicago.
448


1915]
CHICAGO’S SENSATIONAL TAX CASES
449
What is the situation in Illinois as regards revenue and taxation—the situation that gives us Chicagoans in one season the indictment of one highly desirable and useful citizen and the virtual expulsion of another?
The answer need not be long or elaborate. Illinois still clings to the so-called “general property tax.” Her constitution, adopted in 1870, and not materially amended since except for the benefit of Chicago’s local courts and a certain degree of home rule—the antiquated constitution imposes this general and proportional system of taxation. All forms of property, real and personal, tangible and intangible, must be taxed at the same rate, and on the same basis. As an inevitable result, here as elsewhere, personal property of the intangible kind largely escapes taxation. The men who knowingly and voluntarily choose to schedule their intangible personalty—their stocks, bonds, debentures, mortgages, bank deposits, etc.—pay the tax contemplated by the organic law. It hardly needs saying that the name of these is not legion. Few will pay voluntarily a confiscatory tax, and under the general property tax the owner of a safe and conservative bond, yielding him $40 a year, or 4 per cent, pays about half of that amount to the tax collector. In other words, so far as such securities are concerned, Illinois levies on them an income tax of 50 and even 60 per cent! The savings bank depositor who gets 3 per cent interest—this being the prevailing Chicago rate—pays, when “caught,” an income tax on his savings of over 70 per cent!
To repeat, then, very few citizens in the state return, or ever did return, correct and complete tax schedules. But widows and orphans, trust estates, and the like, pay the full confiscatory tax because they cannot possibly evade their legal obligation. This, it is pointed out, works intolerable injustice to those who can least support the burden of so heavy and ruthless a tax system.
It is estimated that hundreds of millions of dollars’ worth of intangible personalty escape taxation altogether, and that realty and tangible personalty suffer seriously in consequence of this futile attempt to enforce the unenforceable and to achieve the impossible in taxation.
The Crane episode, in view of what has been said, requires no elucidation beyond the statement that as long as Mr. Crane’s intangible personalty consisted chiefly of certificates of stock in the Crane Company, that personalty was exempt from taxation under the Illinois revenue system. The law exempts stock in domestic corporations of a manufacturing and mercantile character; it does this, first because the state wishes to promote industry and trade, as well as incorporation under her rather than other or “foreign” laws, and, secondly, because it is plain to the most benighted lawmaker that to tax stock after taxing the corporation is to levy double taxation. The stockholder is of course a partner in the concern; he gets no dividends if there are no profits. Now, Mr. Crane retired from active business some time ago and resigned the presidency


450
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
of the company. He exchanged his stock certificates for mortgage bonds, and, presto! the identical property became subject to confiscatory taxation. Bonds of domestic concerns are not tax exempt. Hence the same person and the same property may be taxed or relieved of taxation one year and accorded diametrically opposite treatment the next year. Mr. Crane could not see why the mere exchange of stock for bonds should render him liable to a 40 or 50 per cent tax on the income of his securities.
The case of Mr. Rosenwald is more complicated. Mr. Rosenwald has not retired from business and does not wish to leave the state. It is not necessary to add that neither does he wish to violate or disobey the law, or to join the hosts of tax-dodgers. He wishes to pay a just tax. What has been his policy, his method? This question requires a reference to the “sanctions” of our revenue laws. It is the failure to inquire into the sanctions and penalties of the law that is responsible for the prevailing confusion and for the loose talk of persistent, defiant and stubborn tax-dodging on the part of men like Mr. Rosenwald.
The revised and “modernized” revenue law, passed about a decade ago, prescribes no fine or imprisonment in the case of the person who neglects or declines to file a complete and sworn schedule of his property. This law does not make it a criminal or indictable offence to fail to file a schedule accompanied by an affidavit under oath; it merely provides that where such failure has occurred, the assessors shall “estimate” the value of the citizen’s property—taking such means of arriving at a sound estimate as may be available—ancl add thereto 50 per cent of the estimated total by way of penalty—the whole to be taxed at the legal rate. Now, tens of thousands of Illinoisans and Chicagoans, apprehending confiscation of their income from securities, ffail to file sworn schedules and let the assessors estimate the full values of their respective possessions in personalty. Where the estimates or guesses are too extravagant, the citizens appeal to the reviewing board and obtain reductions. The reviewing board has been lenient and reasonable in granting such reductions, simply and merely because it has felt, as others have, that the present revenue law is antiquated and unenforceable. Mr. Rosenwald thus has acted as tens of thousands of his feUow-citizens, rich or relatively poor, have acted—that is, he has permitted the assessors to put their own valuation on his personalty and add the penalty of 50 per cent. This has become the established practice. Bad and utterly unscientific as such a method is from every point of view, in practice it has been found tolerable, for confiscation of income has at any rate been averted.
Unfortunately, the present state’s attorney, Mr. Hoyne, adopted the position that the new revenue law, which repealed many of the provisions of the old one, did not repeal its “sanctions” or penal clauses. These, he claims, remained in full force and are in force now, so that in addition to the 50 per cent addition to the guessed-at assessors’ total of


1915]
CHICAGO’S SENSATIONAL TAX CASES
451
a person’s personalty, he may be subjected to the penalties of the old act—a fine of $200 and imprisonment in the county jail. Proceeding on this theory, the state’s attorney sought last winter the indictment of a number of individuals and corporations for tax-dodging and actually secured a few indictments against “shining marks.” On the very grand jury that returned the indictments there were men who had themselves committed the alleged offence for which they were calling others to account. Perhaps they thought it was their painful duty to return the indictments demanded by the state’s attorney. It was suggested in one of the most conservative of the Chicago newspapers that they deserved “a leather medal” for their exhibition of civic virtue and courage—-as well as for their disregard of fact and common sense.
If Mr. Hoyne is right in the position he has taken as to the concurrent operation of the two revenue laws with respect to their penal clauses, the situation is a serious one. He has the power to procure other indictments and to brand many excellent men and women as lawbreakers and willful tax-dodgers. Perhaps he can even obtain some convictions from trial juries, though this is doubtful. Convictions might hasten the revision of the revenue laws, say some of the supporters of the Hoyne crusade. But the revenue law cannot be revised in any essential so long as the present constitutional provision for a general property tax stands intact. And our legislature has until this year evinced little disposition to move toward a revision of the organic law. We can amend but one article at a time; and as there are several factions and several proposed constitutional amendments, the wrangling and mutual “reprisals” among these factions have heretofore blocked the way to revision, in any direction, while the liquor interests and the ultra-conservative elements of the state have persistently and successfully opposed the calling of a state convention to frame a new constitution responsive to changed needs and conditions.
It is possible, however, that the higher courts may overrule the state’s attorney and decide that the sanctions of the revenue law of 1872 are not in force. The lower courts have had occasion to pass on the question and have disagreed. The county court has upheld the contention of Mr. Hoyne, while a judge of the circuit court has sustained the position taken by Mr. Rosenwald’s attorney—that the penal clauses of the old act are dead—and has quashed the indictment against Mr. Rosenwald. Of course, the case of Mr. Rosenwald cannot be appealed, and he has no further or immediate occasion for worry. But in the other case an appeal has been taken and will in due time reach the supreme court of Illinois. The Appelate Court of Cook County has sustained the Circuit Court’s view—the anti-Hoyne construction.
The agitation and demand for revenue reform are not new in Illinois. The legislature has just reluctantly and grudgingly responded to public


452
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
sentiment, and the public sentiment is indubitably here. A very large vote was cast some years ago at a so-called “moral referendum” in favor of a proposal to submit to the electorate a constitutional amendment to the revenue article of the constitution. That moral referendum did not obligate the legislature to act, but it gave it ample evidence of the trend of public opinion regarding taxation. Further, a competent and able committee created by the legislature to study the revenue problem strongly recommended, as similar committees have in other states, the repeal of the general property tax and the adoption of an article enabling the legislature to classify property for purposes of taxation and to levy different rates in accordance with the nature and yield of the property subject to taxation.
There is every reason to believe that a proper law, embodying modern scientific ideas of taxation, would receive overwhelming approval in Illinois. Farmers’ associations, labor bodies, manufacturers and merchants, the press—these and other agencies have gradually been converted to the idea of classification of property, of different rates of taxation to correspond with the use and yield of the property, and of the abolition, as far as possible, of double taxation. In short, the intolerable evils and the flagrant inequalities of the general property tax are now sufficiently realized. The difficulty is that tax or revenue reform is not yet in sight, and that for several years, at the best, we shall be forced to suffer and fumble and muddle under the present system. The legislature has at last, to the surprise and delight of many, voted to submit, in the fall of next year, a constitutional amendment enabling the legislature to classify -personal property (and that alone) for taxation purposes. That amendment, not being sufficiently general, is attacked by some reformers, and it may be rejected. The legislature should have proposed a broader resolution, one authorizing the classification of all property. As it is, we have a new controversy on our hands, as well as a needless risk and danger of failure. Already it is called “the tax dodgers’ amendment.” At any time, for political or personal reasons, an unintelligent or rash and impetuous state’s attorney may start a tax-enforcement “crusade” and attempt to mislead the public, to undo the educational work that, has been done by earnest and thoughtful men in recent years. And even if locally the effect of such foolish and futile campaigns is nil, and the motives of the crusaders are perfectly well understood, outside of the state citizens unfairly branded as tax-dodgers and violators of the revenue laws are virtually without remedy.
It is felt in Chicago that a clear and unbiased presentation of the “Crane and Rosenwald tax cases” cannot fail to aid the cause of true tax reform throughout the United States. For demagogues and ignorant men clothed with brief authority will never cease arguing that the general property tax can be enforced if legislatures will but prescribe scorpions.


1915]
OHIO MUNICIPALITIES
453
where whips have proved ineffectual, if more drastic and more “courageous” methods of compelling the listing of intangible personalty will but be sanctioned.
Moreover, a comprehension of these sensational cases may lead here or there a grand jury of independence and intellectual vigor to refuse to return morally unwarranted indictments and to make a vigorous presentment setting forth the absolute and inevitable failure of the general property tax and urging the people to wipe it out of existence. This, of course, is what the Cook County grand jury should have done in view of the notorious and indisputable facts and genesis of our tax situation.
THE FINANCIAL CONDITION OF OHIO MUNICIPALITIES1
BY KARL F. GEISER Oberlin, Ohio
THE growth of cities and the reorganization of city governments throughout the United States, and the general extension of municipal activities, have forced the question of taxation to a position of first importance among all problems of government. In whatever form state constitutions, state laws and local conditions may force the problem upon the public, the common note running through all, everywhere, is a demand for greater local revenues. These revenues have increased during the last decade with the increase of population and the demand is still far from satisfied. The rising cost of municipal government in 146 cities of the United States, having a population of more than 30,000, was estimated by the census bureau, and showed that while the population of these cities increased during a period of eleven years, ending with 1912, 34.6 per cent, the per capita cost of government increased 45.7 per cent, and the total cost increased 96.1 per cent. Moreover, this estimate showed that the average cost of government per capita was larger for cities having a population of over 500,000 than for those having a population from 30,000 to 50,000, the cost in the former being $37.14 per capita, while in the latter it was $22.17.
These tendencies and conditions, with local variations, are also reflected in Ohio. The 82 municipalities in the state now contain more
1 This article by Professor Karl F. Geiser of Oberlin College, is a supplement to an article upon “Municipal Revenues in Ohio,” in the April number, by Professor S. G. Lowrie, and should be read in connection with that article. The present article is based upon the “Report of the Committee for an Investigation of Finances of Municipalities” now published in “Bulletin of the Ohio Legislature Reference Department,” Columbus, February 3, 1915.—Editor.


454
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
than one-half of the population. In the ten largest cities the increase from 1900 to 1910 varies from 11.6 per cent in Cincinnati to 76.2 per cent in Youngstown, the average increase being 35.8 per cent. The total urban growth of the state during the last census decade was 33.4 per cent, while the rural population decreased 2.7 per cent. Since the increased cost of government is often explained by the character of the population, the following table for Ohio is of special significance:
Urban
Rural
State at large
Native white of native parentage, Per cent 51.0
Native white of foreign or mixed parentage, 28.0
Foreign born white, 17.9
Negro, 3.1
Native white of native parentage, 79.6
Native white of foreign or mixed parentage, 13.2
Foreign bom white, 5.7
Negro, 1.4
Native white of native parentage, 63.6
Native white of foreign or mixed parentage, 21.5
Foreign born white, 12.5
Negro, 2.3
The relation between foreign and native population in rural and urban communities, shown in this table, will be more significant, if we call attention to the fact that the present general assembly of the state is dominated by rural representatives who control legislation, and who fail to appreciate the peculiar problems arising from a mixed municipal population. Statistics might also be cited to show that, while general laws might meet the conditions of rural communities, the character of the population in different cities varies greatly. Of the foreign born male population of Cincinnati, of voting age, only 7,983 are unnaturalized, while Cleveland has 48,047 unnaturalized male foreigners of voting age, and 59,127 persons of ten years of age and over, who are unable to speak English. Yet the percentage of illiterates in Cleveland is only 4.6 per cent, while illiteracy in Youngstown, with a population of 80,000 is estimated as high as 9 per cent. These facts suggest varying needs for different cities in the work of assimilation, sanitation, education, charities and social welfare. They also suggest that great care should be taken in the drafting of all laws affecting uniformly all the municipalities of the state.
Now, while the Ohio Constitutional amendments of 1912 did provide for just these varying conditions and needs in the home rule clause, the Smith “One Per Cent Law” 2 in effect destroyed the local freedom necessary to meet the problems, which the constitution forced upon the municipalities, by placing a ten mill limit upon the rate of taxation, with a maximum of fifteen mills by a vote of the people. This was the chief
s Yol. iii, p. 254.


1915]
THE VINDICATION OF A. LEO. WEIL
455
cause of the present municipal embarrassment. Following the Smith law, which went into effect June 2, 1911, a series of enactments were put in force, which curtailed the revenue, and added to the cost of local government. A program of humanitarian and reform legislation was enacted, including laws relating to blind relief, mothers’ pensions, workmen’s compensation, special municipal courts, civil service commissions, an eight-hour day for public work, a revised method for the assessment of property for taxation and increasing election expenses through enlarging the field of the initiative and referendum. In a word, municipalities were forced by state legislation into wider activities upon a more limited budget.
The financial embarrassment has been further increased by a recent ruling of the attorney general based upon a decision of the supreme court holding the present budget commission law unconstitutional. The present law provides that the county budget commission, which also provides for the city budget, be composed of the county auditor, the mayor of the largest city and the city solicitor in counties where the city property exceeds that of the rural; and in counties where the rural property exceeds that of the city, the president of the school board is to take place of the city solicitor. The constitutional provision upon which the decision is based provides that the budget commissioners shall be elective county officers. In accordance with this ruling the legislature, which has just adjourned, passed an emergency act providing for a reorganization of the budget commission. It is now composed of the county auditor, the county treasurer, and the county prosecuting attorney. Thus another step has been taken to defeat the home rule principle; and since the legislature has adjourned without giving relief, this situation will continue for two years unless, in the meantime, an extra session is called, which is not at all probable.
THE VINDICATION OF A. LEO. WEIL1
MUNICIPAL reformers and followers of civic movements were startled in January last by the press dispatches that A. Leo. Weil, the widely-known president of the Voters’ League of Pittsburgh, and a member of the council of the National Municipal League, had been arrested in West Virginia “for an attempt to bribe the public service commissioners ” of that state. Friends of Mr. Weil all over the United States, believing that the attack upon him must be in retaliation for some fight he was making against corruption, showered upon him letters and telegrams, expressing their confidence. A few days later Mr.
1This article has been prepared at the request of the editor of the National Municipal Review by one who has had access to the testimony and court records and to the various articles published on the subject. C. R. W.


456
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
Weil charged in court that his arrest was the result of a “frame-up” inspired by the governor of West Virginia to intimidate him and prevent him from proving that the governor dominated and controlled by illegal means the public service commission.
The public have anxiously awaited the story, which has now been brought out in court, completely vindicating Mr. Weil and corroborating his statement of the case. It has also once again shown him in the r61e of indomitable antagonism to corruption in public office, hitting hard regardless of the personal risks.
It seems that Mr. Weil, as general counsel for a natural gas company engaged in business in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia, appeared at a rate hearing before the public service commission of West Virginia. With his wonted fearlessness he placed upon the record objections to the commission further proceeding with the hearing, because as he alleged the commissioners had been disqualified to sit as judges in the case, as they were dominated and controlled, and their findings in the case had been dictated in advance, by the chief magistrate, who had this power of coercion by reason of the fact that the commissioners were vacation appointments, not yet confirmed by the senate, and their names, or any of them, could be withdrawn at any time without explanation.
Having failed in efforts to drive Mr. Weil out of the case, and enraged at his exposure, Governor Hatfield, of the Hatfield family of feud fame, had Mr. Weil arrested while he was en route by train to Parkersburg, to attend a session of the federal district court, to urge the appointment of a master to take testimony in an equity suit brought in that court, to establish the facts in relation to these charges. Mr. Weil was arrested at midnight a few miles from Parkersburg, and in the custody of three officers like a desperate criminal, in spite of protest and offers to give bail, and a writ of habeas corpus issued by the federal judge; he was rushed through to Charleston and placed under excessive bail to appear a few days later for hearing before a justice of the peace. The night of the arrest, long before Mr. Weil reached Charleston, the news was given out to the press, that “A. Leo. Weil has been arrested for attempting to bribe the public service commissioners' of West Virginia. ” It was no doubt expected that this publication would put a quietus upon the further efforts of Mr. Weil in the equity case. While the charge was thus labeled “attempted bribery, ” and so published, no such charge was ever made, as will presently appear. For the moment, however, the publicity was what was desired, and a less aggressive or less courageous fighter would have been completely cowed, but not so with Mr. Weil. He gave bail, got back to Parkersburg, and had the master appointed, the court having held over the case until Mr. Weil could return. On the application of Mr. Weil, and his statement in open court of what he proposed to prove, the master was given full power to inquire into the charges of coercion and domina-


1915]
THE VINDICATION OF A. LEO. WEIL
457
tion of the commissioners by the governor, and a hearing fixed for an early date.
On the day before the date fixed for the hearing before the justice of the peace, on the charge against Mr. Weil, a special grand jury was empaneled, so as to secure an indictment, and thus prevent the facts from being brought out at the hearing. When the indictments were found, however, notwithstanding the publicity given to the charges of attempted bribery, the public was amazed to learn that no charge of bribery at all was involved, but, instead, it was only claimed (and even this Mr. Weil has proven was untrue), that through several intermediaries a promise to two of the public service commissioners was made that if these commissioners were called as witnesses in the cases then pending in the United States courts, and, as such witnesses, told the truth about the governor’s interference, and, because they told the truth, they were dismissed from office by the governor, and thus lost their positions and their salaries, in that event the company which Mr. Weil represented would get them positions at the same salaries. It was not even contended that these commissioners were asked to tell anything but the truth. There was not even a .contention that these commissioners, as witnesses, were asked to do or tell anything more than the law required them to do or tell.
Under an extraordinary rule of the Charleston criminal court during the time a defendant is being tried upon a serious charge, he is locked up in jail, regardless of the amount of bail he could give, or of any other consideration. This was one of the prospects held over the head of Mr. Weil, who accordingly applied to the state court having power of review of the criminal court, for a writ of prohibition, to prohibit the criminal court from proceeding with the trial under the indictment, upon the grounds that the indictments charged no crime, even if the allegations therein made were true; and that, in any event, the alleged attempt to interfere with a witness in the United States courts was triable exclusively in the United States courts, the state courts having no jurisdiction.
Meanwhile, the hearing was proceeded with before the master in the equity suit, and evidence was introduced from the mouths of some of the most prominent officials, lawyers and citizens of West Virginia, tellihg of statement after statement by the commissioners themselves, declaring in the most positive and emphatic terms that the governor absolutely controlled the commission, had directed the proceedings against the gas company, and had dictated what the decision should be even before the hearing was started, and that the commission was wholly dominated by the governor and obeyed his orders. Among other witnesses was an ex-governor, the chief clerk in the auditor’s office, the reading clerk in the house of representatives, and numbers of prominent lawyers in the state, as well as other witnesses of the highest standing. There was also introduced a letter from one of the commissioners to the other commission-


458
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
ers; a letter from the governor to the commission; an executive order to the commission' directing procedure; and other documentary evidence. The proof of coercion and control of the commission by the governor was overwhelming.
On the hearing of the application for the writ of prohibition, the court awarded the writ, thus prohibiting and enjoining the criminal court from further proceeding, the judge saying:
I hold that the indictment does not charge that the defendant attempted to produce false testimony, or bribe a witness to swear falsely. I therefore think that the indictment is not good.
On the third question as to whether this defendant has committed an offence against the state law by attempting, as charged in the indictment, to procure evidence in the case pending in the federal court, I hold that the federal court has jurisdiction over that matter entirely, and that the intermediate court of this county has not. I therefore sustain the writ.
I do not find it a violation of the law for a man to offer a reward for the securing of the honest truth in any case in a court of justice, whether a man be litigant or lawyer. The truth can really hurt or wrong nobody.
From this decision the state has taken an appeal to the West Virginia supreme court of appeals, and that appeal will he heard some time this fall. Meantime the testimony before the master is proceeding, Mr. Weil has been upon the stand and has produced a number of witnesses, as well as documentary evidence, which would seem to show that the criminal proceedings against him were inspired by the governor to intimidate him and prevent him from making proof of the charge of coercion and domination of the commission by the governor. This evidence also shows that Mr. Weil did not authorize any one to make any promise of any kind to any of the commissioners, even a promise of reward for telling the truth; that while he had employed for his company a detective to rig up a dictaphone so as to get statements of two of the commissioners about the governor’s coercion, this same detective, while apparently acting for Mr. Weil’s clients, was in the pay of the governor, and it was the detective who authorized these offers to the commissioners, and not Mr. Weil, and turned over to the governor the evidence he was apparently getting for Mr. Weil’s clients even Mr. Weil’s letters to the detective agency. The man who made the offers to the commissioners testified that he had obtained his authority from the detective alone; that Mr. Weil had never given him any authority to make any promise whatever, but, on the contrary, when asked for such authority in the presence of three prominent lawyers, flatly refused, and stated that he would tolerate nothing of the kind. Mr. Weil testified to the same effect, denied that he had given any such authority to the detective, and was corroborated in this by his stenographer, who was present and took down in shorthand the instructions to the detective. The hearing has not been completed before the master, and Mr. Weil has stated in


1915]
THE VINDICATION OF A. LEO. WEIL
459
court that he has other witnesses yet to be examined, some of whom will give even more sensational testimony of the governor’s interference with the commission, and of his use of their decisions for his own political purposes.
The bar of West Virginia regard the indictment as a desperate experiment in criminal law, with no precedent for such a prosecution. It is certain that if the authorities had not been stimulated to such pernicious activity by the charges of wrong-doing that had been made by Mr. Weil against the governor, no such desperate move to invoke the whole power of the criminal procedure of the state, along new and untried roads, would have been attempted.
The arrest of Mr. Weil at midnight, just within a few miles of Parkersburg, where he was to remain for some time; the hurrying of him under arrest to Charleston in charge of three officers; the demanding of excessive bail; the proceedings to avoid the hearing; the insidiousness of the charge sent out through the press the night of the arrest, that Mr. Weil had been “arrested for an attempt to bribe the public service commissioners,” when this was not the charge; a letter from the governor to the presiding judge at Parkersburg who had under advisement the appointment of the master, which was published; interviews from time to time given out by the governor, and speeches made even since the decision on the writ of prohibition, in which the governor, notwithstanding the decision of the courts of his own state, reiterates the charge of bribery; all tend to sustain the charge of Mr. Weil that the governor is back of the whole proceeding, and that it was initiated to intimidate him and drive him from his pursuit of the governor in the equity case.
It is sad to contemplate how easily the telegraphic service of the newspapers of this country can be prostituted, while the service is innocent of wrong, for the purpose of destroying a man’s reputation and good character. In this instance, again and again, both in the original news item and in the report of subsequent proceedings, the news agencies have headed the report with the statement: “A. Leo. Weil, who was arrested for an attempt to bribe the public service commissioners of West Virginia,” while in fact there was no such charge made, and the publication of the real charge would have shown, even if true, that there was no moral turpitude charged in the complaint, much less any criminality. A man not so. well known as Mr. Weil, nor whose reputation was so well established, might have been ruined in the good opinion of the world by these publications. It is humiliating to any man, especially to a man like Mr. Weil, who has made a reputation throughout this country as an implacable enemy of all sorts of graft, to have continued these false impressions of the nature of the charges that were made against him—false impressions created by these misleading statements of the press, however innocently made or continued. There should be some way for the Associated Press and like agencies to correct the doing of such grievous wrong.


460
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
COMPULSORY VOTING
BY W. T. DONALDSON1
Columbus, Ohio
WITH the growing frequency with which the direct referendum is made use of, not only in states where the initiative and referendum have become parts of the regular legislative machinery, but even in those states where referendums are ordered by the legislatures, much uneasiness is felt over the fact that each year a very large part of our enfranchised citizenship refrains from voting. Careful estimates seem to indicate that not less than 30 per cent and in many cases a much larger part of our electors do not vote. This makes possible the adoption of measures of far-reaching importance by minorities of our electorate. Whether a referendum measure is voted up or down, the losing side is dissatisfied and dislikes to accept as final the verdict of the voting minority. As a result there is coming from many different quarters a demand for a compulsory voting law to force majority rule.
About twenty-five years ago there was a considerable agitation for a compulsory voting law. The chief advocates of this scheme were David B. Hill, then governor of New York, and Edward M. Shepard, a prominent Democratic politician and lawyer. Both were practical politicians, thoroughly conversant with conditions as they existed. Their ostensible reasons for urging the adoption of the compulsory vote were:
(a) To impress upon voters a sense of duty and responsibility to the state;
(b) To.take away one important shield for bribery;
(c) To put politics on a higher plane;
(d) To obtain for the state the benefit of the intelligent thought, judgment and conscience of the stay-at-home voter.
The framers of the Kansas City charter decided to try the experiment. A compulsory voting provision was inserted enforceable by a poll tax from which those who voted were exempt. This led to a supreme court test and in the famous decision of Kansas City vs. Whipple2 the whole scheme received a set back that has deterred others from trying it. The argument of the court was that a man’s legal rights are two—subject and sovereign, -that voting is a sovereign right and cannot be enforced by law. This rather specious argument has been the principal one advanced up to the present, aside from the practical difficulty of enforcement. That a proposition is unconstitutional or difficult of enforcement does not suffice to keep it from our statute books permanently, if the majority of
'Deputy State Budget Commissioner. See Mr. Donaldson’s article on “Absent Voting,” National Municipal Review, vol. iii, p. 733.
2 136 Mo. 481.


1915]
COMPULSORY VOTING
461
the people are convinced that it is sound in principle and correct in policy. A way is soon made for it by constitutional amendment. Unless compulsory voting shall be opposed on other grounds than those laid down in Kansas City v. Whipple, it is sure to come.
As to the cogency of the arguments for the compulsory vote, serious questions have arisen and a brief discussion of the arguments already mentioned will be undertaken. Probably a strictly enforced law compelling every elector to vote would tend to impress upon him the fact that he is an integral part of our citizenship and' directly responsible for the way in which the state is run. It is indeed true that there is too much of a tendency on the part of the elector to think, “I am only one of a million voters. What does my vote amount to?” But granting that such an idea is erroneous, does it follow that compelling him to go and vote or pretend to vote would convince him of his responsibility? Might it not rather gall him into a disgust with everything political?
The idea probably uppermost in the minds of the exponents of the compulsory vote a generation ago was to avoid the necessity and expense of resorting to what was termed “thinly veiled bribery” in hiring men and teams to work, and in the rural communities to transport voters to the polls. This scheme in practice would result in shifting the cost of getting out the vote from the politicians to the public for the state would have to bear the cost of getting out the vote. It is not necessary to discuss this evil with the idea that compulsory voting is a remedy, for our modern corrupt practice acts are attacking it successfully along other lines.
To put politics upon a higher plane, to attract into public life the best brains and conscience of our people are commendable motives. Politics a generation ago were largely questions of personnel and patronage. The electors could generally be counted on to vote their party ticket if they voted at all. Principles were not emphasized. The spectacular caught the attention and got votes. Red fire, grotesque parades, bands, and fireworks were the working tools of campaign managers. During the last two decades these conditions have greatly improved. The independent voters are becoming more numerous each year. Campaigns have become more educational. More emphasis is placed upon facts and arguments. Bulletins, excerpts from speeches and documents appealing to the judgment and interest of the voter, are the chief agencies of the vote getters. It is difficult to see how compulsory voting would tend to put politics on a higher plane.
The last argument was the one most emphasized. Political conditions, especially in our cities, were bad. What more natural than to suppose that good people did not vote and thieves and rogues made up the majority that carried the elections and plundered the public? Although no extensive investigation was made as to the character of the stay-at-home voters it is highly probable that at a time when nearly every city and


462
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
county were in the hands of organized political plunderers money was not lacking to induce all venal voters to cast their ballots. But political conditions have changed in the last few years. Searching inquiry into the questions of the size and source of campaign funds and the methods of spending them and the purpose for which they are spent has made possible increasingly effective laws preventing the buying of votes. Probably, too, the increased size of the electorate to be appealed to would render it unprofitable to buy votes and a cheaper plan would have to be adopted even if the corrupt practice laws had not rendered such methods unsafe. The newer methods of appealing to the voter, not by a two-dollar bill but by mailing to him several pamphlets couched in striking language and re-enforced by imposing figures, very likely have operated to change the character of the stay-at-home voters. The ignorant and vicious voter is not interested in new schemes of taxation, direct legislation devices and municipal reform. Eliminating the two-dollar bill tends to eliminate him.
These theories are borne out by facts taken in a recent survey of several precincts in Columbus and Cincinnati in which the character of the nonvoting elector in the November 1913 election was the chief subject of study. A wealthy residence, a well-to-do, but not wealthy residence, and a colored slum district were surveyed, in both Cincinnati and Columbus. In the latter city a white slum precinct was surveyed also. The election in 1913 was one that would seem to appeal to all the classes that could be reached at any election. Columbus had barely recovered from the effects of the disastrous flood of the preceding spring. An eight and a half million dollar bond issue for flood protection was to be referred to the people along with several other city measures. The state measures to be voted on were an initiated measure to prohibit shipment of liquor into dry territory backed by the anti-saloon league, a proposition for the exemption of bonds of the state and political subdivisions from taxation, one making women eligible to appointment to boards of management of state institutions admitting women, one an initiated constitutional amendment for a small legislature, and a referred amendment for a short ballot. Besides these important and widely advertised measures, the city officials were to be elected and the usual vigorous local campaign ensued.
In Cincinnati,in addition to the state-wide measures already referred to, a particularly bitter and vigorous campaign was carried on by the opposing parties for the control of the city government. Mayor Hunt, representing the progressive element, was nominated; opposed to him were the many forces who were dissatisfied with him personally and those who were not in sympathy with the radical changes he proposed, together with the old crowd who had backed the old Geo. B. Cox regime. Under these conditions there ivere not lacking factors that appeal to both the ignorant and intelligent, the venal and incorruptible, and the non-


1915]
COMPULSORY VOTING
463
voting part of the electorate were probably fairly representative of the usual stay-at-home voters.
Tables follow, showing the total number of voters interviewed, the number and per cent of those who did not register and the number and per cent of those who neither registered nor voted:
COLUMBUS1
Character of Total No. Did Not Register Did Not Vote
Precinct of Voters Number Per cent Number Per cent
Wealthy
Residence2 214 27 12.6 41 19.1
Well-to-do
Residence3 227 44 19.4 51 22.47
White Slum
Section4 187 45 24 66 35.2
Colored Slum
Section6 228 73 32 103 45
Character of Total No. CINCINNATI6 Did Not Register Did Not Vote
Precinct of Voters Number Per cent Number Per cent
Wealthy
Residence 2267 9 4 29 12
Well-to-do 318 16 5 30 9.6
Poor—Largely Colored8 169 26 15.4 36 21
1 Data obtained from house to house canvass through the co-operation of Professor Coker of the Department of Political Science of Ohio State University.
2 One of the finest residence districts in the city.
3 Good residence district, not wealthy.
4 “Red light” district—population mostly white.
6 One of the worst districts in the city; population predominatingly colored but also contains many foreigners.
6 Data obtained from house to house canvass of precincts under direction of Prof. C. O. Gardner of the University of Cincinnati.
7 Twelve voters not typical of the precinct were not counted.
8 Data from this precinct not complete.
Voters not typical of their respective precincts were eliminated. In Columbus the better precincts showed 12.6 per cent and 19.4 per cent, respectively, of the voters did not register; from the slum precincts they numbered 24 per cent and 32 per cent, respectively. The better precincts indicate that 19 per cent and 22 per cent, respectively, did not vote while the slum precincts showed 35 per cent and 45 per cent, respectively, of non-voters. The white slum precinct was on the West Side in the flood district and it is probable that the percentages of non-voters for this precinct were less than normal. Eliminating those who were absent


464 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July
from the precinct either at registration time or on election day the table for Columbus is as follows:
Character of Precinct
Wealthy Residence Well-to-do Residence White Slum Colored Slum
Total Number of Voters 191 204 169 219
Did Not Vote Number Per cent
18 9.4
28 13.7
48 28.4
94 42.9
Eliminating further all who had good excuses like sickness and inability to fulfill residence requirements the table is as follows:
Character of Precinct Total Number Did Not Vote
of Voters Number Per cent
Wealthy Residence 183 10 5.46
Well-to-do Residence 194 18 9.28
White Slum 158 • 37 23.4
Colored Slum 202 77 33.1
In Cincinnati less emphasis was placed on the number who did not register or vote, the chief object being a study of the character of the non-voters. It is probable that many who neither registered nor voted were not found. From those interviewed, however, the percentage who did not register in the slum district was more than three times as great as in the better precincts, while the percentage of those who did not vote was about twice as great.
From such data absolute f$cts as to the relative number of decent and vicious voters that a compulsory voting law would affect cannot be deduced. Without a doubt there are many more respectable than slum precincts and a smaller percentage of voters affected from each of the larger number of the better precincts might more than overbalance in total numbers the larger percentage from the less desirable precincts. One fact which stands out clearly contrary to the guesses of those who have advocated compulsory voting is that the habit of not voting is much more pronounced among the undesirable electors than among the desirable, and that the wisdom of any attempt to improve the character of our electorate by a law compelling the universal exercise of the suffrage is extremely doubtful. That the character might be improved by other means seems evident. A law permitting voters necessarily absent from their precincts either during the time for registration or on election day to register or vote, either before they leave the precinct or by mail, would enable many thousand of railroad employes, traveling salesmen, students, teachers and other intelligent electors to vote. It is estimated that such a law in Kansas has resulted in enfranchising 5,000 per year.
Besides an absent voting law, another reform that would give the state the benefit of the judgment of many thousands more of the electors, would be brought about by a revision of our archaic and senseless provisions concerning residence requirements. There is no reason why a


1915]
THE DEDICATION OF A CITY CLUB
465
voter moving into Ohio from Indiana or Kentucky should be compelled to live in Ohio a year before voting for presidential electors. His status with respect to the president of the United States has not changed. Neither does his status change with respect to state-wide measures or candidates in moving from one county to another, or with regard to affairs pertaining to the whole city in changing precincts. These propositions seem axiomatic, but it is argued that these injustices are incident to a proper safeguard against the harm that might result if temporary residents with no local interest and little local information were given a voice in our governments. That floaters might not be imported to affect any particular election, a short residence requirement is necessary. If we except this class is there any danger of our governments being debauched by short residence electors? Would it not be probable that a man moving from Indiana into Ohio would have the welfare of the state of Ohio—his future home—at heart as much as a longer resident? If he were not well informed on state or local measures would he not be likely either to inform himself or not vote on them? If we admit the worst and assume that he would vote by guess, would he be any more of a menace than thousands of others? In a few districts where large aggregations of voters are located temporarily and have no permanent interest, to allow them to vote on local measures might not be desirable, but might not such situations be met by an absent voting law?3
THE DEDICATION OF A CITY CLUB1
VERY properly the Boston City Club is proud of its achievement in building up a membership of 5,500 members in eight years. It is without question the largest “get together” club in the country and the dedication of its new club house is an event of more than
3 An effort was made at the legislative session just closed to pass an absent voting law, but only that pact which permits students to vote in the precinct where they are living temporarily passed.
xThe editor had considerable difficulty in securing an article on the dedication of the Boston City Club. Finally one was submitted which, if printed, would have taken perhaps 25 pages of the magazine. While he appreciated the significance of the event he did not feel, in view of the pressure upon his pages, justified in devoting quite so much space, so he prepared the article which appears from this more extended manuscript. He happened to express his embarrassment and difficulty to a Boston correspondent, who replied as follows:
“Possibly the real difficulty is that it is rather hard for the average man to surround a matter of fact proposition with a great deal of imagination. Kipling might write a. poem about the city club which would be effective. To most of us, however, the club appears ordinarily as simply an improved sort of hotel where you give all your tips in one bunch at Christmas instead of spreading them along through the year, and have a drawing card in free lectures or concerts on Thursdays evenings. The organization is not even original enough to dispense with the income from liquor and cigars. Yet I have no doubt it is useful to the city. Its enthusiastic admirers, however, seem to me to magnifv that usefulness unduly.”


466
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
ordinary or passing importance. So successful has the club been in carrying out its objects and purposes that one governor of Massachusetts called it a “civic university.”
The new home of the club was occupied February 15 and formally dedicated on March 11 of this year, the ground having been broken on July 24, 1913, and the cornerstone laid on October 9 of the same year, with Professor William H. Taft, a member of the club, as the chief figure. The dedication was eventful in its simplicity and significance, the entire building of fourteen floors being filled with interested members, over 3,000 being present. The exercises were so planned as to give a history and a vision of the future, and to show the value of a nonpartisan, non-sectarian city club in a community.
In his opening address President Frederick P. Fish touched upon what is perhaps the keynote of the success of the club, declaring it to be truly democratic to the core in that “each and every man is equal to each and every other man in the club and knows it, while at the same time there is that co-operation between the various members which enables great results to be attained by developing on the part of each member that capacity to help in the club work which seems greatest in him.” From the beginning the success of the Club has been based on the fact of co-operation and that good men and true were found to do the work and when found were cordially and loyally supported by the whole membership. President Fish further declared that the club proposed to promote good fellowship, to make life easier for its members to play the part of students and thinkers and investigators in all respects which pertain to the members and the interests of the community. “We propose to be an illustration,” he said, “of what can be accomplished in this day and generation when men come together, when they sink all differences and work for the sake of the common good.”
If any one man is entitled to a large measure of credit for the conception and organization of the club it is Edward A. Filene, who was one of the principal speakers at the dedication. James J. Storrow, who was also one of the founders, referred to the early days when the membership of the Club was but a “scanty lot.” Mr. Storrow, however, referring to the large part Mr. Filene had played in the building up of the club said: “The club is a civic institute which benefits our city. It is true our furniture in time may fade. Perhaps even some of these plates and glasses by the aid of which we have just sumptuously fed may become broken. What is it that we must never permit to fade, but which we hope five years, ten years, and one hundred years from now will be as bright and untarnished as the day the club was founded? It is the two ideals, or what seem to me at least two of our stock of ideals, for which the club stands. First, friendship—not the pretended variety of friendship, but the genuine, sympathetic friendship among our members, broad as


1915]
THE DEDICATION OF A CITY CLUB
467
this great cosmopolitan city of ours. Second, tolerance—but that does not seem to me exactly the word. Tolerance means merely taking another man’s ideas on sufferance. Open-mindedness is perhaps a better expression. We are five thousand strong. We have among our members the man who hitches his wagon to a star. He has just been talking to you (referring to Mr. Filene). We have also among our members the man who hitches his wagon to his grandfather. We have also the man who hitches his wagon to a dollar. The star-gazer conceives the ideal, the dollar man tells us the material cost, the ancestor worshiper tells us what his grandfather would have thought or done about it. It is well to have all these viewpoints before we act. Even some of our grandfathers were pretty shrewd old men. Our second ideal is to prove that within the walls of this clubhouse we can sit down and discuss our varying ideas and opinions in friendly fashion and with mutual respect and good will. It is in this particular respect that the city club of Boston is so successful, simply because it has brought together in friendliness and comradeship men of the most diverse views and upbringing to discuss questions of common views and aims. In this way it has promoted a solidarity which in time must prove of the very greatest value to the city.”
Governor Walsh in his address voiced the widespread sentiment that there had been a surfeit of partisan politics and congratulated the organization because it means a better understanding between man and man, because it means that in Massachusetts in the future, when men like those assembled meet together to discuss questions without asking “Is it Democratic,” or “Is it Republican,” or “Is it Progressive,” but will consider the question solely, “Is it for the welfare of Boston and of Massachusetts.”
The total cost of the building was $541,650 or $5,400 more than the estimate. The Club was organized in 1904 with 500 charter members, and has grown with remarkable rapidity until the present membership is 5,200, with a waiting list of 2,000. The officers of the Club are: Frederick P. Fish, president; James W. Rollins, first vice-president; W. T. A. Fitzpatrick, second vice-president; Morgan A. Cooley, treasurer; James E. Downey, secretary; and Addison L. Winship, civic secretary, to whose leadership a large share of the credit for the work of the club and the building must be ascribed.


468
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[July
THE USE OF MUNICIPAL OWNERSHIP TO ABOLISH TRANS-MISSISSIPPI FREIGHT AND PASSENGER TOLLS
BY ROGER N. BALDWIN1 St. Louis
THE last act in St. Louis’ greatest municipal drama, the free bridge fight, was concluded this spring with the sale of $2,750,000 of municipal bonds for the completion of the bridge,—which has hung unfinished over the Mississippi for three years. Since 1906 the construction of this bridge has been the leading issue in St. Louis politics. Around it the entire progress of the city has shaped itself, for it has been the chief local issue in the country-wide struggle between monopoly and the people. Around it a half dozen hot campaigns have been waged. Scandal, bribery, corruption and intrigue have marked the years of struggle.
The fight was really concluded at the special election last November, held by order of initiative petition, at which the bonds to complete the bridge were voted seven to one. Three times previously these bonds had been defeated at the polls and the incompleted bridge had stood across the river without an eastern approach for three lpng years, ridiculed by press at home and abroad as “the longest bridge in the world—the bridge without an end.”
The fight is of interest outside St. Louis, not only because it has been the basic issue of local politics for the past ten years, but because it involves a really significant use of municipal ownership to curb a complicated and extensive railroad monopoly. The hope of those who in 1906 started the project is justified by recent developments which have shown to be futile appeals to the interstate commerce commission and to the United States supreme court. Only the free bridge remains between the people of St. Louis and the discriminatory tolls across the Mississippi, known as the “bridge arbitrary” or “differential.”
The evil which the free bridge aims to remove is complicated and unusual. Briefly the situation is this: All the railroads entering St. Louis, 45 in number, are combined in an association known as the Terminal Railroad Association, whose expenses are paid jointly by the railroads, according to the service rendered each. This service consists in the use of common passenger and freight terminals, switching, and the up-keep of yards, tracks, bridges and the union station. This association controls every means of ingress into St. Louis across the Mississippi, including not only the two railroad bridges at St. Louis, but the only other bridge across the Mississippi for many miles; namely, at Alton, 40 miles north.
1 Secretary, Civic League of St. Louis.


1915]
THE USE OF MUNICIPAL OWNERSHIP
469
One of the two bridges at St. Louis was built originally for the special purpose of affording an independent entrance into St. Louis, but it was bought out by the terminal long ago. A senatorial investigation has recently been started into the legality of this transfer with a view to annulling the federal grant.
Ever since the terminal was organized it has charged different rates for freight and passengers to East St. Louis on the eastern bank of the river in Illinois, and to St. Louis on the western. It has charged tolls for every vehicle and foot-passenger crossing the river. East St. Louis has been built up largely on the favorable freight rates which St. Louis did not enjoy, although the two cities compose one industrial district. The discrimination in rates on freight originating more than 100 miles from St. Louis was abolished in recent years but has remained on freight orginating within that zone, which includes practically all the coal used in the St. Louis district, mined nearby in Illinois.
Years ago St. Louis shippers rebelled against this discrimination without success. The revolt grew among the people. The press was insistent. In 1905 it took definite form in a proposal to issue $3,500,000 in bonds to construct a municipally-owned bridge across the river to be free to any railroad which chose to use it, and to afford free passage for vehicles and foot passengers. It was the belief of the promoters that some of the railroads would break away from the terminal association and seize an opportunity to use an independent entrance into the city. The campaign was brought quickly to a successful conclusion, the bonds being voted in 1906 by over ten to one. At this time certain engineers predicted that the bridge could not be built for $3,500,000, and that $6,000,000 would be nearer the correct figure, including the eastern and western railroad approaches. That prediction proved to be true, for after the piers were built and the span thrown across the river, the money was exhausted. The bridge stood useless without approaches.
It was evident new bonds had to be issued. Then began campaigns to secure the approval of the voters. Under the law a two-thirds favorable vote was required. The attempt to secure the bonds was at once blocked by a new issue, raised by the most earnest friends of the bridge, that the terminal controlled the land on the Illinois side chosen for the approach, and that it could exact tolls for crossing its property and tracks just as effectively as it has collected tolls for crossing the river. The tolls might be in the form of switching charges, but they would be tolls nevertheless. Although the city was given the right of eminent domain by congress to condemn land in Illinois, it was charged that the approach selected by the city was “bottled” by the terminal on all sides.
The issue was further complicated by the city’s granting to a new inter-urban traction company, represented by a former notorious political boss, a fifty-year franchise over the uncompleted bridge into St. Louis,


Full Text

PAGE 1

NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW 1915 Editor CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF Associate Editors JOHN A. FALRLIE ADELAIDE R. HASSE HERMAN G. JAMES HOWARD L. MCBAIN VOLUME IV PUBLISHED FOR TEB NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE BY THE RUMFORD PRESS CONCORD, l?. E. 1915

PAGE 2

NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW VOL. IV, No. 3 JULY, 1915 TOTAL No. 15 HOW THE COMMISSION-MANAGER PLAN IS GETTING ALONG BY RICHARD S. CHILDS New York T IS getting along rather nicely, thank you! Of course, it is a very young thing, dating only from January, 1913, when Sumter, S. C., first put it into effect. In this brief two years and a half, however, the commission-manager plan has been taken up by 25 cities and towns,2 and five states3 now have optional laws permitting their cities to adopt the plan by a simple formality. None of the commission-governed cities, except Amarillo, have changed over to the new plan yet; but some of them are planning to do so. This represents very substantial material progress, and this scheme of municipal government now has an assured standing before any charter revision commission. In fact progress has been so rapid that critics might be moved to scoff at the willingness of our cities to experiment with new things, since there has really not been time for the new plan to 1 Secretary, National Short Ballot Organization, and chairman of the National Municipal League’s committee on the commission form of government. See report of this committee, NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. jii, p. 44, also article on “The Commission Manager Plan,” by Henry M. Waite, vol. iv, p. 40. 2City Pop. Date in Operation City Manager Salary Sumter, S. C.. . . . . . . 8,109 Jan. 1913 Vacant $3,600 I Hickory, N. C.. . . . . . 3,706 May 1913 S. C. Cornwall 2,000 Morganton, N. C. , . . 2,712 May 1913 R. pi. Pipkin 1,200 Springfield, 0. . . . . . . . 46,921 Jan. 1914 C. E. Ashburner 6,OOo Dayton, Ohio.. . . . ., 116,577 Jan. 1914 H. M. Waite 12,500 Phoenix, Ariz.. . . . . . . 11,134 Jan. 1914 R. A. Craig 5,000 37 1

PAGE 3

372 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July demonstrate whether it is good or bad. I suspect that the spread of the plan represents a new courage on the part of business men who formerly have left municipal charters exclusively to the lawyers; but who now find that familiar principles of business orgaqization may after all deserve a respectful reception in the mysterious counsels of a charter revision committee. The literature of the plan consists mainly of the report of the NationaI Municipal League’s Committee, a close analysis of the plan from the standpoint of political science; two pamphlets by the National Short Ballot Organization, one a popular exposition to he distributed in local campaigns for the adoption of the plan and the other a technical summary of the charters for the use of charter commissions; and the new book in the National Municipal League’s series by H. A. Toulmin, Jr., entitled “The City Manager, a New Profession.” This last is a little shy on perspective and a little fond in its appreciation, but, like its peer, Hamilton’s “Dethronement of the City BOSS” which played a useful part in the early days of the commission movement, it comes promptly, puts in orderly array all the material thus far available, and makes good reading for laymen. City Pop. Date in Operation City Manager Salary La Grande, Ore. .... 4,843 Jan. 1914 F. J. Lafky 2,400 Amarillo, Tex.. ...... 9,957 Jan. 1914 M. H. Hardin 2,400 Cadillac, Mich. 8,375 Jan. 1914 Ossian A. Carr 3,000 Manistee, Mich.. l2,3kl April 1914 Chas. E. Ruger 2,OOo Montrose, Col.. .... 3,252 Jan. 1914 P. W. Pinlcerton 1,800 ...... .... Taylor, Tex.. ....... 5,314 April 1914 Vacant Denton, Tex.. ...... 4,732 May 1914 W. L. Foreman Collinsville, Okla. ... 1,324 Sept. 1914 Claude Thorpe Lakeland, Fla.. ..... 3,719 May 1914 D. F. McLeod 2,100 Big Rapids, Mich.. .. 4,519 1914 W. J. Fairburn 1,500 Sherman, Tex.. ..... 12,412 Apr. 1915 Karl M. Mitchell Tyler, Tex.. ........ 10,400 Apr. 1915 Newburgh, N. Y.. ... 27,805 Jan. 1916 Jackson, Mich.. ..... 31,433 Jan. 1915 Gaylord C. Cummin Bakersfield, Cal.. .... 12,727 Apr. 1915 WallaceM. Morgan 3,000 Sandusky, 0.. ....... 19,989 Jan. 1916 Ashtabula, 0.. ...... 18,266 Niagara Falls, N. Y. . 30,445 Jan. 1916 Wheeling, W. Va.. ... 41,641 Jan. 1917 In addition there are officers called managers in the following towns, which cities do not have commission-manager charters or lack some of the fundamental features of the plan: Staunton and Fredericksburg, Va., Norwood, Mass., Inglewood and San Diego, Cal., Glencoe and River Forest, Ill., Grove City and Titusville, Pa., Morris, Minn., Clttrinda and Iowa Falls, Ia., Clark, S. D., Beaufort, S. C., Tucson, Ariz., and Roswell, N. Mex., Terrell, Tex., Grand Haven, Mich., Alhambra, Cal. In Canada, Port Arthur, Ontario, and Maissonneuve, P. Q. 3 Mmsachusstts, New York, Virginia, Ohio and Iowa.

PAGE 4

19151 THE CQMMISSION-MANAGER PLAN 373 Thus far there is no visible tendency on the part of charter makers to depart from the basic principles of the original Lockport proposal. The main difference of opinion seems to be in the question of what appointments shall be made by the commission direct in addition to the selection of the manager. The coming model charter of the National Municipal League arranges to have the commission appoint the civil service commission and the auditor, in addition to the manager who is to make all other appointments. The Dayton charter adds the city clerk to the commission’s appointments. The Springfield charter has the commission appoint the manager, city solicitor, city auditor, city treasurer, purchasing agent, sinking fund commissioner and civil service commission, which obviously is going much too far. In various other cities the assessors, municipal judges, the board of education, are, not improperly, appointed by the commission instead of by the city manager. Several cities have gone still further and have put the police department, for instance, beyond the manager’s authority, until the city manager has become merely the city engineer or superintendent of public works, and accordingly I have excluded them from the list of commission-manager cities altogether, inasmuch as in such cities the manager cannot manage. Dayton is unorthodox in its civil service provisions and has a freak clause subjecting the manager to popular recall, thereby giving him two masters to serve, the people and the commissioner^.^ Except in this matter the Springfield charter may be regarded as standard. The most advanced charters are those of La Grande, Manistee, Cadillac and Taylor, which include the important provision of the preferential ballot. The position of city manager, of course, is the central feature of the plan and the ultimate theory of the scheme contemplates that he should be an expert in municipal administration, selected without reference to local politics, and even imported from out of town. In launching this plan of government we all feared that it might be many years before any American town would consent to having its best paid office go to any but home talent, and until this provincialism could be broken down, the professional city manager, giving his life to the science of municipal administration and advancing from the managership of sinall cities to larger ones at increases in salary, would be impossible, Happily, however, this provincialism, while it gives the local politicians a talking point, has proven to be largely a bugaboo. The first thing Sumter did was to advertise for applications for the office of city manager, and it hired one of the men who responded to the proclamation. Dayton began by offering the job to Goethals at. Panama. Jackson was advertisp, 266. 4See article of L D. Upson in April issue of the NATIONAL hlUNICIPAL REVIEW,

PAGE 5

3 74 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July ing recently by way of a paragraph handed to the Associated Press. Hickory put a little paid advertisement in the Engineering News. Still more astonishing, practically every city has chosen the manager from out of town. Even Phoenix, where the charter requires the city manager to be a local resident at the time of his selection, chose an itinerant engineer who was temporarily living there while engaged in a government project. Indeed, it often happens that none apply. In at least one case where a wellqualified local man was available, the fact seemed to be against him. Citizens as a rule accept the idea of an imported manager as a part of the spirit of the plan and criticism ceases on that point after the adoption of the charter. The transferability of managers from city to city also is already an established fact. Springfield hired the former city manager of Staunton, Va. Jackson offered its managership in turn to the managers of Dayton, of Springfield and of Big Rapids, and secured the latter at an advance in salary. Sherman, Tex., has hired the manager of River Forest, Ill., after an unsuccessful attempt to secure a man who had attracted commendation as mayor of Paris, Tex. The profession of city manager is thus securely established already. The Amel-icun City publishes monthly a very respectable little classified list of advertisements of would-be city managers. The National Municipal League and the Short Ballot Organization both maintain an informal roster of prospective city managers and the University of Texas announces the formation of an embryo employment bureau for them. Three universities, California, Michigan and Texas have already projected courses for training city managers and the young men who are training in the various bureaus of municipal research have their eyes eagerly fixed on those positions. In December 1914 the city managers had their first annual convention at Springfield and formed the City Managers Associati~n.~ Only eight of the seventeen managers were present, and so it was not very much of a convention, but rather a “round table.” The proceedings have been published in fulI. The papers that they read to each other were not very technical, with the exception of one on municipal accounting, which was submitted by an outsider. It was clear that they took their new profession very seriously and were proud of being pioneers in it. There was genuine interchange of views, and humorous comparing of their troubles in “herding” their commissioners. A significant touch is given by the appearance of paid advertisements in the published proceedings, advertisements of asphalt, motor trucks, steam rollers, chemical engines and sweepers. City managers, who are likely to spend their whole life .in Usually very few local men are considered, Ossian A. Car, Cadillac, Michigan, is the secratary.

PAGE 6

19151 THE COMMISSION-MANAGER PLAN 375 municipal administration, are more worth the attention of a purveyor of municipal supplies than the transient old-style mayors, and when the City Managers Association grows to a good size, it is likely to have from this source all the money it can use and the association accordingly is capable of becoming of immense moment in municipal administrative progress in America. The question of where trained city managers could be found has been answered in most cases by the selection of an engineer, with more or less experience in municipal work. In small cities this saves the separate salary of a city engineer. This seems to be the natural solution because in small cities there is not enough general administrative work to keep a man busy unless he is to take intimate personal charge of public works. Civil engineers, as a rule, have knocked about the world a good deal and have been forced to learn how to get along with people, while at the same time they are trained in precision and method. The profession comes as near to filling the bill as any, although, of course, the training is not broad enough to be entirely satisfactory and something better must eventually be found. Even Waite of Dayton, for instance, who is the ablest of all the managers and able to earn his $12,500 a year elsewhere than in his new profession, is by no means at home on matters outside of engineering and freely admits that he would have been much at sea many times but for the assistance of the local bureau of municipal research. The value of this new style chief executive is expected to lie in the longer experience of the manager, as compared with the transitory chief executive of the older plan, but of course the plan has not yet been in operation long enough for this advantage to develop and there are still many cities with old style mayors who have had longer experience in municipal administration than any of the city managers. I think I can see, however, a more earnest desire on the part of the managers to educate themselves. Certainly they all feel a greater incentive and fondly hope that they are in the work of city-managing for life with a long’and expanding career ahead of them. I should like to be able to prove also by tangible evidence that the indefiniteness of the manager’s tenure and the inability of the rank and file of the city administration to look forward to any definite time when the present manager and his disturbing ideas will disappear has resulted in giving to the manager better control over the civil service than an ordinary mayor can secure. Every new executive in private business or in public life runs up against a “System,” an instinctive resistance on the part of his subordinates to new policies, and in municipal administration the I‘ System” is frequently much stronger than the transient executive.

PAGE 7

376 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW Perhaps the washing of the streets of Dayton fits my case. For a long time it had been desired to wash the streets with water, but it required the co-operation of the fire department, the water department and the public works department,-and the streets were not washed. The new manager was able to set the thing going at once. Undoubtedly the city managers work harder than the aveiage mayor and get closer to the details. In Manistee, for example, the old government had authorized $80,000 on a new trunk sewer; the existing sewer was 27 years old and was reported in very bad condition. The new city manager spent $1200 to clean out the old sewer and after the removal of several tons of sand and refuse it was found to be in perfect conditionand the new one is not to be built. A less spectacular case is the incident of the shovels in Sumter. Some shovels were needed for street work and when the requisition for the purchase came in to the city manager he refused it and sent for some idle shovels from the water department. The easiest way to measure up the relative efficiency of the commission manager plan as compared with the old government is by financial comparison. In Dayton the total operating expense in 1914 was $1,067,062, an increase of $77,709 over the year before, but the new regime gave $140,000 worth of new services, or an improvement in efficiency of about 6 per cent in the first year, without taking into consideration the fact that the old administration used a considerable part of a flood prevention bond issue of $800,000 for ordinary operating expenses and thus made an ostensibly remarkable showing. In Springfield the operating expenses were reduced from $450,000 in 1913.to $400,000 in 1914, the first year under the new plan. A floating debt of $100,000 was wiped out in fourteen months. Meanwhile the town was getting more service than before. The area cleaned by the street cleaning department was increased by 25 per cent. Garbage collection, formerly provided for only a small portion of the city, was extended to every house. The valuation of increased services is not available, but leaving them out of the calculation,’ the new regime is apparently about 11 per cent better than the old. In La Grande, the city manager found the city bankrupt, its warrants so greatly depreciated in value that the banks were refusing to take them at any price. Outstanding warrants had reached $110,000, slightly more than a whole year’s budget. In the first year, $35,000 was cleared off and another $35,000 disappeared during the first four months of 1915. The new regime saved $20,000 of this and at the same time greatly increased the city’s service, including the restoration of ten miles of paved street, which were in deplorable condition, as well as making unnecessary the $80,000 bond issue previously mentioned for the new sewer. Apparently, therefore, the new government in Manistee is 20 per cent better. In Manistee, the 1913 budget was $104,000.

PAGE 8

19151 THE COMMISSION-MANAGER PLAN 3 77 In Taylor, Tex., the annu.al income was $49,000 and in the first year under the new plan, with the aid of less than $2,000 new tax revenue, the city manager wiped out a floating debt of $9,600, a 15 per cent better showing. Cadillac cut $6,000-13 per cent-out of the $47,000 of annual running expenses while improving the municipal service. Little Hickory, N. C., with running expenses of $32,000, cut out $4,400 -14 per cent-in the first year of the new plan, squeezed in several thousand dollars worth of extra service and kept up the pace in the second year. Another little one, Morris, Minn., spent $28,300 in the first year of the new plan which was $3,800 more than the year before, but the manager shows an increase of $6,000 in permanent improvements and $2,500 more cash on hand-a 15 per cent advance. Montrose, Col., reports that the old accounts were so meaningless as to make comparison impossible, but the manager starting ‘with smaller appropriations saved in the first year enough to reduce the tax levy 18 per cent. In Montrose the appropriation for 1913 was $43,810 and for 1914 $40,130. But the city did considerably more work with the latter sum and had $13,000 more cash on hand at the end of the year than at the beginning. All the cities seem to have such stories to tell of increasing service without correspondingly increased expense, of floating debts being wiped out, of disbursements kept within appropriations, of municipal accounts that tell the true story, of thrift in little matters. All the managers seem to be keen to produce annuhl reports that will be creditable to the new way of doing things. Highly typical of the new spirit is the failure to fill the office of director of public safety at Dayton and Springfield. It was a charter position, but not altogether necessary inasmuch as the fire and police departments are already well unified and require little overhead co-ordination. How long would such an exempt position with its good salary have remained vacant under the old r6gime? One of the unsettled points has been how to prevent the commission from interfering unduly with the .manager. The commissioners are not always business men and do not always know how to delegate authority and keep their hands off. In Port Arthur, Ontario, which has had a commission-manager plan for six years, the commission, which is a large one, is incessantly interfering with the manager and fussing over details which ought to be delegated. The commissioners constantly went over the head of the first manager and dealt directly with subordinates, so that the city manager was often merely a helpless spectator. In Phoenix the commissioners attempted to dictate In Sumter it was the same way.

PAGE 9

378 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July appointments to the city manager and to make him retain inefficient employes for political reasons. The manager refused and was removed after a disagreement which had the whole town by the ears, and another man of presumably more complaisant temper was secured in his place. This, curiously enough, was under the one charter which attempted to set up defenses for the city manager, who could only be removed for cause after a public hearing. (This made the removal of the manager a question for the courts and for a time Phoenix had two city managers, each claiming exclusive authority. The Phoenix charter, quite properly, has been amended so that there can never again be a question of the ability of the commission to discharge a city manager.) The city managers are a little inclined to talk impatiently about the need for a protected tenure, but if the commission is to be held responsible ultimately for every detail of the city management, the power to interfere must be left to it. Undoubtedly city managers will always be more or less impatient with the amateurs in the commission, who will ask the impossible, worry the manager with petty criticism and harry him with ridiculous theories. Nevertheless this clash of the expert with the amateur is just what we want. If the expert cannot convert a commission which has had enough confidence in him to hire him, it is probable that he would have difficulty also with the people whom that commission represents, and until he can win over that commission he ought not to be allowed to go ahead. The commissions of Dayton, Springfield, and certain other cities where the majority of members are business men, seem to be giving their city managers little trouble. Manager Hardin in Amarillo says: “I am the connecting link between the commission and the employes. The commission has never attempted to get out and instruct any of the employes, and the night I qualified I told the commission, ‘now if you want anything done, come to the manager’; I told the employes ‘if you want to know anything or want to get in touch with the commission, do it through me.’ It will cost any man his job to go around me and try to put anything over with the commission.” In the long run, this solution, informal though it is, is probably better than any charter restriction. When the commission consists, as it often does, of only five men in a fairly large city, there is a certain inadequacy on the representative side of the government. The Dayton commissioners have been pained to discover that they have been stepping on the toes of numerous people without knowing it. Large sections of the people find not a single man on the commission who is of their own type. Upson of Dayton and Waite, the city manager, are impressed with the problem and suggest proportional representation to insure a proper diversity in the commission.

PAGE 10

19151 THE COMMISSION-MANAGER PLAN Meanwhile much could be done by creating advisory boards attached to the several departments. All the best engineering talent that may happen to reside in the town could thus be called in to study’and report independently to the manager and commission on the projects of the public works department. The local physicians could be hitched up to the health department and on other boards could be put citizens who manifest some interest, or who have some special ability or experience to contribute. Such boards, acquiring familiarity with departmental problems, could become highly serviceable. If the city manager determined upon a good, but unpopular, policy, there would be a dozen members of the advisory board prepared to explain it and justify it to fellow townsmen. If the policy was wrong, the unwillingness of the advisory board to concur would perhaps deter the manager and the commission from embarking upon it. The advisory board’s objections might warn the manager when he was unknowingly rubbing the people the wrong way. A hundred men and women on such a group of advisory boards, having no actual power and hence not being self-seekers, can be developed by considerate treatment into a co-operative force of great value and comfort to the officials without clogging the simple machinery of the responsible government. In a large city advisory boards could be provided with paid secretaries and in any case their opportunities for inquiring should be unrestricted, their equipment for investigation should be ample, their reports should be public records. The dissatisfaction expressed in Dayton by the attempt to amend the charter out of all semblance to the true cornmission-manager type is merely a phenomenon familiar in politics everywhere and akin to the fact that the mid-term congressional election usually runs against the administration. Cadillac experienced a similar reaction in the attempt to recall the commission after six months. Numberless commissiongoverned cities have seen the new plan subjected to bitter attacks during the first years, usually at the hands of those whose political power waned with the coming of the new era. In Dayton there is extra danger in the fact that the business men at the beginning had things too wholly their own way and elected a handpicked business ticket. Now business men comprise but a trifling percentage of the population and live a good deal in a little social world of their own, and a good many currents of opinion can flow that business men know nothing of. The business men supposed they had catered adequately to the rest of the people when they thoughtfully put a labor representative on their ticket, but apparently that was not enough. Any politician in Dayton could, for instance, have warned them that the fixing of the city manager’s salary at the unfamiliarly high figure of $12,500 would be politically risky. It seems likely that in November Dayton

PAGE 11

380 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July will defeat the attempt to spoil the charter and will put a politician or two on the commission.. In general, the cities that elect former mayors and councilmen to their new commissions may be making haste more slowly and more surely. Other phases of the opposition to the commission-manager plan seem trifling. The idea of a chief executive from out of town seems to please more people than it disturbs. They dub it “one-man government’’ sometimes, but even that seems to fascinate and I have heard it seriously urged that the manager be made independent and relieved from interference by the commission. Some socialists have unofficially opposed it with the same blind hatred which they are apt to vent on anything that originates elsewhere. Perhaps it was due in part to the incaution of these same sapient business men in Dayton who naively sent out publicity to the effect that the commission-manager plan was “the creation of Mr. Patterson, a multi-millionaire manufacturer.” Socialists made similar attacks, officially, on the commission plan, whose originator in Des Moines they discovered to be a man of some means and therefore presumably an agent of capitalism intent on subverting democracy. They tamed down and withdrew from their position after a whiIe and they are not making the same mistake again on the commission-manager plan. In Dayton they opposed the charter and are now being used by the politicians who are stirring up all the discontent they can. In Sandusky, Ohio, however, it was largely the socialists who put the charter through. Their own national information department, tackling the problem of municipal government constructively, arrived by inevitable logic at the commission-manager principle. Their convention could not quite swallow it, but the plan will gain a few more friends and become orthodox except that the non-partisan ballot, wonderfully helpful to them though it is, will doubtless remain taboo. Our own Mr. Foulke has shaken his finger in solemn warning of the danger that elections may revolve around the question of retaining or replacing the city manager. This would, of course, be quite out of the spirit of the plan, but it will undoubtedly occur from time to time just as it occurs in school board elections when the superintendent becomes an issue. The proper antidote is a becoming modesty on the part of the city manager. In all dealings with the public the commissioners should do the talking, the explaining and the glorifying. If the commissioners hire a fine manager and thereby get fine results, theirs is the glory; the manager is only their agent and private adviser. The commissioners ought to be the ones to go around making speeches; the manager ought to be on happy terms with the reporters, but, like the president, never be personally quoted in their despatches. His opinions ought to shy under his hat except when he is in consultation with the commission. He should

PAGE 12

19151 THE COMMISSION MANAGER-PLAN 38 1 never appear in open conflict with the commission and if he does differ with them, others must make the fight. In other words, he must at all cost keep out of politics. That means crawling into a hole out of the limelight and resolutely staying there, and thus unobtrusively continuing manager through successive administrations no matter how various may be the commissions that come and go over his silent head. Manager Ashburner of Springfield, with political experience as manager of Staunton, Va., has kept pretty quiet and has now bought a home in Springfield. Manager Chappell of Big Rapids and Jackgon does not even burst into print .when the inexperienced Jackson commissioners displace him in impatience with the cautiousness of his innovations. But manager Waite of Dayton became a national figure-and an issue for next November’s election! The Dayton pamphlet covering the first half year of the new rule was the “Report of the City Manager to the Commission’’ with an introductory letter by the city manager and the names of the commiBsioners nowhere to be seen. The second pamphlet six months later was the “Report of the City Commission,” signed by the commissioners, beginning ‘(One year ago we took up the reins of government” and no mention of the city manager anywhere! Apparently practice supports ’the theory! With the commission plan in small towns a commission of three was better than one of five because their work was mainly individual and executive. With the commission-manager plan there is no advantage in making the commission so very small. The short ballot principle is well enough observed with five, or an even larger board can be provided if the terms expire in rotation. The complaint comes from Sumter that the difficulty with the commission of three is the tendency to meet by telephone or settle a policy on the sidewalk. not be handled in that elusive way. A meeting of the commission should be a formal occasion at a set time so that the public can look in and interject comment if it wants to. A little larger commission is likely to meet with more ceremony and overhaul each proposition more noisily. Sherman, Texas, varies the plan in a way that will be worth copying when larger commissions begin to come into vogue, as they should and will. Sherman elects sixteen commissioners with rotating tenures and the charter provides for an executive committee of three within the commission, chosen by it and holding office at its pleasure, to handle details and to work in special intimacy with the manager. The cities to watch just now are Dayton, where the plan is under attack, Phoenix, where the commission has fired a manager because he was above being a patronage-broker, and Niagara Falls, where the managership is viewed by some as a prize plum for some local politician. Public business should.

PAGE 13

382 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July My final note is most significant of all. It concerns a letter received a while ago from a California school boy. He admits that he has not stood any too high in his studies, but he has decided that he could do great good to thousands of people as the manager of some city (of course a small one at first) and can I please tell him what and where to read and study as a preparation? Forsooth! Municipal administration in America an iridescent dream for youths!

PAGE 14

RECENT CITY PLAN REPORTS BY CHARLES MULFORD ROBINSON Rochester, N. Y. I XACTLY a year ago1 the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW published its second annual review of American city plan reports. In the E twelve months that have since elapsed, more than thirty additional reports have appeared. While the total probably represents the ‘largest number ever issued in a one-year period, so attesting the virility of the city planning movement, there is this strikingly significant fact to be observed in running over the titles of the long list. Of the thirty and more reports, only three make the slightest suggestion of covering all the phases of a city plan. And one of these modestly uses the word “studies”; in the text of another, the author-who happens not to be an American-hastens to explain that his report is, after all, only preliminary-in fact, that qualifying word appears on the inside title page, so that very likely it was not his fault that it did not also have place on the cover; and the third is plainly labeled, on the outside, “preliminary report.” All the others profess to deal with no more than one aspect or phase of city planning. That a very healthy and desirable situation is thus revealed must be obvious to every one who knows how wide reaching the scope of real city planning is. Most of all, it will be evident to the city planners themselves. The discovery will give to them courage and hope, for nothing is more disheartening than for a struggling, more or less tired, finite brain to be asked to do infinite things. The piece worker, whose lot is so often pitied, has at least the satisfaction of knowing that he can do the whole of his job and do it perfectly, a satisfaction which heretofore has been denied to the American city planner. Moreover, this increase of modesty, or shall we say of common sense, is likely to bring to the movement new and more powerful friends; and the work itself will gain in proficiency and thoroughness. While this development is the outstanding feature in the published city plan reports of the last twelve or fifteen months, two other tendencies which were noted a year ago have persisted, and in so doing have acquired added significance. These are the substitution of thoughtful, studious discussion for showy pictures and the appearance of reports by commissions that are integral parts of municipal administrations. These characteristics may now, probably, be considered as fixtures of present day city planning in the United States. 1 See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. iii, p. 539. 353

PAGE 15

384 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW I July With publications so many and varied, it is no easy matter to know where to begin a review. Perhaps the three general reports offer the best starting point, for then we shall be free to take up the discussion of distinct phases of the subject. I1 These general reports deal with Albany, Calgary and Bridgeport. In their handsome presentation, their many beautiful photographs and plans, they well represent that older, and certainly attractive, type of report which, though so prominent among the publications of a year ago, seems now to be passing. Yet it may be that the decrease in their number is due to the sudden contraction and conservatism which followed the breaking out of the war, rather than to a tendency which will be permanent. For the general city plan report has, it should be noted, commendable qualities besides its mere attractiveness. To create a community ideal, to put a vision into the minds of money-making citizens, to visualize the community concept-all that was well worth the doing, and without its doing municipal progress would not have gone as far as it has. If the city efficient, and even the city beautiful, seem more likely to be attained as a result of concentrated scientific studies, and of technical reports which can be presented in a matter-of-fact fashion, it is something to have created the wish for their attainment. Perhaps, indeed, that is an equally essential part .of the long operation of securing them. So the reports for Albany and Calgary, and appreciably, though to less extent, that for Bridgeport, are yet studies typical of a kind which has its own particular value, and for which the need may never entirely pass. There could hardly be a coupling of cities, with approximately equal populations, which are more unlike. Albany, crowded on steep hillsides, stands for age, for the traditional conservatism of the Dutch, for hereditary wealth. Calgary, far scattered, stands flamboyantly for youth and enthusiasm; for riches lately taken from the earth. Bridgeport spells industrialism in its modern urban aspect. It is significant therefore that such diverse cities have coincidently secured city plan studies, and have paid relatively large sums for them. “Studies for Albany” represents the collaborative work of Arnold W. Brunner, architect, and Charles Downing Lay, landscape architect. The larger part, however, seems to be the contribution of Mr. Brunner, the whole work bearing a strongly architectural impress, which in plan and presentation is marked by that elegance of manner so characteristic of Mr. Brunner’s city planning. There is in the text, withal, much of good sense and of restraint, and a welcome absence of foreign photographs. The preface to the Albany report clearly states that “a city is a living “Studies for Albany.” Arnold W. Brunner, architect; Charles Downing Lay, landscape architect. 1914.

PAGE 16

19151 RECENT CITY PLAN REPORTS 385 organization and must grow and develop naturally, and the basic principle of city planning is to consider the plan merely as a program for its future development.” The author calls attention to Albany’s “pronounced individuality” and voices the wise decision that “it would seem a calamity to attempt to formalize the city of Albany.” The studies comprise a score of short discussions of definite problems. Each of these is fully illustrated, and is accompanied by plans and perspectives of prospective effects. The method involves some sacrifice of the sense of cohesiveness and co-ordination, but it is concise and clear; and presumably it left Mr. Lay free to handle the subjects which naturally fell within the scope of his scrutiny. The thousands of travelers who, in entering Albany by rail or river, note the transformation now taking place at the foot of State Street under the direction of Messrs. Brunner and Lay, will feel a special interest in this report. Past, Present and Future, is a sumptuous volume by Thomas H. Mawson and Sons, of England. It contains many colored plates as well as many photographs, is bound in stiff covers, and may be had only by purchase (at $2.00) from the Calgary city planning commission. Of the admirable discussion in the text and the scientific analysis, the fine pictures give little hint. On reading, one finds that the mind mainly responsible for it is not only, as so obviously, an artist’s. The inside title, “Calgary: A Preliminary Scheme for Controlling the Economic Growth of the City,” paves the way for a table of contents which contains such main headings as traffic disposal, policing and fire control; trade and commerce; the civic life; the environs; financial and legaldiscussions which the delightful illustrations would not have suggested. So also do these words which, taken from an address by Mr. Mawson, have been printed on a front page by themselves: City planning is not the attempt to pull down your city and rebuild it at ruinous expense. It is merely deciding what you would like to have done when you get the chance, so that when the chance does come, little by little you may make the city plan conform to your ideals. But the introduction opens with the words, “The problem of the planning of a modern city is one which must appeal with overwhelming power to the imagination.” It is, then, in no cold-blooded way that the expert has taken up his work. There is an interesting survey of physical, social and commercial conditions, and the discussion of what to do for Calgary and how to do it is based on the accepted principles of the science of modern city building. If one sought an idea of what city planning undertakes to do and were restricted to the scrutiny of a single report, he could do no better perhaps than study that for Calgary. Thomas H. Mawson and Sons, city planning experts, London. “The City of Calgary: 3 Calgary: A Preliminary Scheme for Controlling the Economic Growth of the City.

PAGE 17

386 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW The I‘ Preliminary Report to the City Plan Commission of Bridgeport, Conn.” is by John N01en.~ It is published, the commission states, “for the purpose of calling out discussion, criticism, comment and public opinion generally.” Its proposals as a whole have been, as yet, neither approved nor disapproved by the commission. Thus the volume, which is presented in much cheaper form than are the reports for Albany and Calgary, lacks the air of completeness and finality which they possess. It is simply a compilation of data, diagrammatic and statistical; and even the text, which is very brief, does not lose the preliminary, or tentative, quality. “When the plans and preliminary report have had careful consideration,’’ says Dr. Nolen in concluding his summary, “it will be possible to take the suggestions and criticisms, and with more confidence undertake the preparation of the final plans and recommendations.” He adds also this important suggestion: “If results are to be obtained in city planning, it is also necessary for the commission to have in its employ some one who is constantly ‘on the job.’ City planning for a growing city like Bridgeport is a permanent, endless process. It is not merely a matter of getting from some one a report and some plans, with a list of recommendations. If a city is alive and growing, the city planning never gets done. Therefore it is necessary to have some one familiar with the matter, free to follow it up constantly.” The Bridgeport report is interesting especially, then, to the outsider, as a survey, for its bringing together of the material from which a real city plan may eventually be evolved. It is entertaining, further, to know that Dr. Nolen himself has said of the study that it is the “briefest city plan report ever made. . . , One can read the report in 36 minutes.’’ I11 In a class by itself, but more nearly akin to the general reports than to those which discuss single specific phases of city planning, is a pamphlet entitled, “Notes for a Study in City Planning in Champaign-Urbana, by the 1913 and 1914 Classes in Civic Design at the University of Illinois.”j The professor in charge of the course explains, in a foreword, that “to give concreteness and practicability to their work,” he had required his students in the two classes to make a study of civic conditions in the twin cities in which the university is located. To each student, moreover, a special subject was assigned for investigation and report, and these theses, subsequently discussed in class room, form the chapters of the little book. To make, therefore, an authoritative city plan for Champaign and Urbana was notsthe prime purpose of the study. Rather, the object was 4 Preliminary Report to the City Plan Commission, Bridgeport, Conn., with supplementary material, by John Nolen, city planner. January, 1915. 6 Notes for a Study in City Planning in Champaign-Urbana, by the 1913 and 1914 Classes in Civic Design at the University of Illinois. 1915.

PAGE 18

19151 RECENT CITY PLAN REPORTS 387 the reaction upon the students themselves, in the quickening of their social consciousness and the broadening of their civic outlook.” But so admirable were the theses, and so fully did they embody “general principles of procedure which relate to civic problems everywhere,” that the head of the department ordered their printing and circulation at university expense. “The report as a whole,” says the Municipal Journal, “indicates that the students have been taught to notice carefully those things which have to do with the well being and favorable appearance of a city, and that they have imbibed a realization of the importance of details.” This pamphlet, illustrated with photographs and containing a map and some diagrams, represents something new and interesting among general city plan reports. Further evidence of the practical nature of the city planning training which now is being given to college students is offered, significantly, by the pamphlet on “Akron Pavements, which has lately come from the office of the dean of the college of engineering in Akron’s municipal university. The city council requested the university to investigate the condition, cost and durability of Akron’s pavements. The report advocates city planning, noting that a first step in the planning of a pavement, as of any other structure, is the determination, as far as possible, of its future use, a determination which city planning based on traffic counts will go far toward settling. It expresses also the desire of the university to be of such further assistance, through both students and faculty, as it may. In leaving general reports, to take up those which, like the Akron study of pavements, discuss single phases only of the city plan, it becomes possible to arrange the latter publications in groups, according to subject considered. We have, for example, three which map out park systems, a half-dozen which consider problems of transportation, others which take up the housing question, city planning legislation, etc. It is significant that; reports of this character, which a year ago could be dismissed with a few words, form so large a part of this year’s publications. The tendency toward specialization. then observed, has made rapid progress. IV Valuable general data have been tabulated in the appendices. Of the reports on park systems, two really date back a long time, though they have only just come from the press. These are the reports by Olmsted Brothers for Spokane, Washington, and for Dayton, Ohio. The Spokane park plan,’ now presented in a report by the park commission covering the period from 1891 to 1913, was actually completed in April of 1908. The report is more than a mere parli plan. Made under 6 Akron Pavements: A Report of an Investigation made by the Municipal University of Akron. 1914. 7 Report of the Board of Park Commissioners, Spokane, Washington, 1891-1913. 2

PAGE 19

388 3 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July the personal supervision of John C. Olmsted and J. Frederick Dawson, its long text is a better city plan report than some of the publications to, which in the past that overworked name has been given. Besides discussing the treatment of existing parks, and recommending new parks, playfields, and boulevards and parkways, there is a long section devoted to consideration of the revision of the city plan. Here such matters as rapid transit, steam railroads, the size of lots, the restriction of building height and location, and an art commission are treated with illuminating and suggestive comment. If, in conformity with its title, the Spokane park report is not to be considered a general city plan study, it is only because the emphasis placed by it on the subject of parks is, viewing the problem as a whole, disproportionate. The report on a park system for Dayton,s published at the end of 1914, is dated, even on the outside cover, three and a half years earlier; but it is the sort of report which will not grow old, at least outside of Dayton, for the comment on local features is thickly interspersed with the wise enunciation of general principles of which the application is not limited by time or place. For this report, also, John C. Olinsted is believed to be largely responsible, though it is issued, as is the practice, under t,he firm name. The third report outlining a park system is that for Little Rock, Arkansas, by John N01en.~ It is not a long report, and aside from some cross sections showing suggested treatments for streets and avenues, there are on!y three plans and one (a city) map. But it is presented in a form unusually attractive, and its discussion is definite and practical. It is arranged under the headings: A., City squares, civic center and capitol grounds; B., School grounds and athletic fields; C., Main avenue system; D., Encircling parks and boulevards; E., Reservations. In an introductory word, Dr. Nolen makes these interesting comments: “In the reservation of parks it should be clearly understood that the primal end is neither to beautify, nor to add a luxury. . . . Park reservation serves a distinctly practical purpose, providing always an element of permanence to a neighborhood, which serves to fix the real estate values in the region. . . . In our rapidly growing American cities, it is vitally necessary to recognize certain laws on which wholesome development depends, precisely as we recognize laws on which the physical development of the individual depends. . . . A certain ratio should be maintained between the population of a city and the area reserved for open spaces. As the city develops, it is a short-sighted policy that fails to maintain the ratio-a policy which leads eventually to low property valuation, to slum conditions and to ill-favored succeeding generations.” Olmsted Brothers, landscape architects, Brookline, Mass. April 12, 1911. Report on a Park System for Little Rock, Arkansas. John Nolen, landscape architect. Cambridee. Mass. * Report on Proposed Park System for the City of Dayton, Ohio.

PAGE 20

19151 RECENT CITY PLAN REPORTS 3 89 v It was noted, in preparing the review of a year ago, that the later reports were showing a strong interest in the problems of transportation, as these are developed on both highway and railroad. The current reports express this interest with a growing emphasis. One of the most elaborately issued and most suggestive of all the reports of the year has proved to be that of Secretary Hooker of the Chicago City Club, on “Through Routes for Chicago’s Steam Railroads”.10 Its purpose is to discover the best means for attaining popular and comfortable travel for Chicago and suburbs,” and with this intention it presents two propositions: “The first is that Chicago’s urgent need for better means of fast and comfortable local travel should be largely met by its steam lines; the second is that these should, to that end, be organized on the through route plan.” The points made are that the steam lines are mostly elevated already, as respects street interference; that they represent the highest speed in travel; fan out thickly over the city; and, having their own rights-of-way, minimize public suffering from the noise, dust and danger incident to fast travel that uses street lines, whether on, above, or below the surface. Finally, it is shown that even in Chicago there is a wide margin of unused capacity on the steam railroads. All these points are set forth with arguments, supported by numerous photographs, cartoons, and striking diagrams, possessing far more than local application. The city planning bearing of the project is sufficiently indicated in the author’s contention that a system of through-routing for local traveI on the steam lines would, if properly designed and executed, yield more accommodation in rapid transit for the same outlay than could be secured by any ither means. But he explains that in concrete terms the promise is, 1, more home life for the people, taking them out to cheap land where they can have better houses with more space around them; 2, better health for the people; and, 3, these gains at the minimum of expense. The popular manner in which all this is set forth, its original character, and the wealth of pertinent data which accompany it, combine to make this book one of the best presented, and one of the most instructive and valuable, of the year’s city planning reports. In marked contrast to this presentation is the report on Chicago railway terminals by John F. WaIiacell--tl technical report by an expert engineer to the city council, though its technicality appears rather in the form of its publication than in its writing. With the main business district of the city now fearfully congested, with the railroads so 10 Through Routes for Chicago’s Steam Railroads, by George Ellsworth Hooker. 11 Report of Mr. John F. Wallace to the Committee on Railway Terminals of the City 1914. Council of Chicago. See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. iii, p. 59s. October 20, 1913.

PAGE 21

,390 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July hemming it in that it cannot spread while they remain in their present locations, with the necessity imminent for new and larger terminals, and with projects pending already for some of these, the railroad problem in Chicago has become a very inviting subject of study and of vigorous discussion. Mr. Wallace has little to say on the theme which Mr. Hooker so earnestly presented. He thinks the goal beset with practical difficulties, but believes it one to be kept in view and gradually worked toward. His interest is, as doubtless requested, in the problems immediately pressing, and while these are local questions only it is interesting to note, as of possibly general application, his emphatic objection to a suggestion for a single union station for passenger business, or to a continuous group of such stations which, adjoining, would be practically one, as has been proposed on Twelfth street. “From a practical railroad point of view,” he says, “a single union station would increase congestion, be more unsatisfactory and inconvenient to passengers, and more expensive to the railroad companies, without enough compensating features to justify its use.” At the same time that Mr. Wallace was making his report, a report on the like subject was under preparation by Bion J. Arnold, for a citizens’ terminal plan committee,12 paid for by private subscription. It is much the more extended and exhaustive study, the text alone making a volume of 223 printed pages, to which there are to be added folded-in maps and a statistical appendix. That such a report could be turned out in sixty days is one of the most remarkable features of it. Mr. Arnold received his formal authorization on September 19, 1913; Mr. Wallace’s report was delivered on October 18, and Mr. Arnold’s on November 18. Mr. Wallace had already co-operated, however, by making available the data which he had collected. These data, which are not included in Nlr. Wallace’s own published report, with these which Mr. Arnold adds as the result of his studies, are most interesting and valuable and, naturally, constitute the bulk of the book. The chapters include discussions of such questions as: influences affecting terminal problems, the city plan, growth and future development, analysis of terminal plans presented, powers of the municipality, all of them subjects of importance to city planners. The committee which retained Mr. Arnold states, in a foreword, that it was “not committed in favor of, or against, any of the various terminal plans”; that its sole object was that the “problem shall be thoroughly, broadly and constructively investigated, with a view to reaching the best general solution.” Mr. Arnold’s recommendations look to a straightening of the south branch of the Chicago river; the placing, within a definite l2 Report on the Re-Arrangement and Development of the Steam Railroad Terminals of the City of Chicago. Submitted to the Citizens’ Terminal Plan Committee of Chicago. By Bion J. Arnold, consulting engineer. November 18, 1913.

PAGE 22

19151 RECENT CITY PLAN REPORTS 39 I time, of the tracks of most of the steam railroad companies in covered subways beneath the street level in the area bounded by Twelfth, Halsted and Lake streets and the lakefront; the concentration of long distance passenger traffic into the fewest possible number of terminals; and an “interchangeability of suburban service between roals operating in different parts of the city.” With regard to street traffic problems, a division of the Boston Chamber of Commerce has brought out a very interesting report on the conditions in the business center of Boston, with various proposals looking to the relief of the c0ngestion.~3 From the broad standpoint of general city planning, it is significant, first, that the traffic conditions have gradually become so serious, imposing upon business so great a handicap to its efficient operation, that the chamber is willing to expend much valuable time in the study of the problem, and no small amount of money in prosecuting the study and publishing its findings, illustrated with diagrams, photographs, etc. ; and, second, that the study has been undertaken by the chamber’s younger men. Their report opens with a brief historical survey which is full of interest to the city planner. The investigators, having sketched the growth of the city, say: “Once the whole business district was fully occupied, there was only one possible way for it to expand. It was bounded on the west by the Common, on the northwest by two hills, and on the north and east by the river and the harbor respectively. Geographically, it could spread to the south and southwest, but all traffic from the western section to the business districts breaks against the Common, flows around it, and tumbles into the whirlpool beyond. There is no broad attractive street to carry the stream to the south and southwest of the present crowded district. Hence, retailers have been afraid to move. They want to be in the whirlpool, not in slack water. Had such a street as described been constructed when the Back Bay was filled in, the present situation might have been very different.” No better argument to show the value of city planning could be asked for than is offered by this entirely unprejudiced report. Remedies now proposed are discussed under the headings of better traffic methods and changes in street construction and arrangement, the committee feeling that “to consider means by which the present business district of Boston can be extended in area,” which they recognize as the one permanent remedy, “would be to transcend the natural scope of this report.” They urge, however, “that the proper committee of the chamber vigorously take up this matter.” Of the several reports having to do with street traffic, the most elaborate, however, is that made for Philadelphia by the transit commissioner, A Study Made under the Direction of the Governing Board of the Under Forty Division, Boston Chamber of Commerce. 1914. 13 Street Traffic in the City of Boston.

PAGE 23

NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW A. Merritt Taylor, and his staff.’* This has been published in two large volumes, of which the second is entirely given up to maps and diagrams. These are colored, drawn on such a scale that they have to be folded in, and are seventy in number. This gives an idea of the elaborateness both of the study and of its presentation-qualities which put it in the front rank among all the reports of a city planning nature that have yet been published in America. The text is divided into twelve sections which include recommended routes, general design, estimates of cost, of timesaving, of traffic, of income, of effect on assessed values; statistics in regard to population and housing, in regard to rapid transit in all the larger American cities, and to rates of fare. In addition to this monumental report, the department of city transit in Philadelphia has issued, in modest pamphlet form, its annual report.I5 As the first report of a department organized only on July 1, 1913, there is given some account of the office organization and of the history of its creation. The department’s birth was one of the results of the city’s great transit study, to secure the carrying out of recommendations which the transit commissioner had made. There seems a likelihood that this begins a series of annual reports that will be most interesting to future students. Yet another Philadelphia report, that also deals with the transportation end of the subject, is one issued by the department of public works. It discusses the abolition of grade crossings in South Philadelphia and the consequent development there of opportunities for commercial and industrial progress.I6 This, too, is issued in pamphlet form. The redemption of South Philadelphia by the correction of the railroad situation, and then the re-platting of streets, has been before the public more or less for 25 years. The report, with its many construciive suggestions and its program of a policy, now agreed upon, represents therefore a matured judgment and well ripened plan that is of great local interest. VI Last year’s review hazarded the guess, based on various indications, that housing was one of the subjects most likely to be emphasized in American city planning reports of the near future. In the publications of the last twelve months the subject receives important attention. From the Minneapolis civic and commerce association, which is responsible for city planning in Minneapolis, comes a profusely illustrated 14 Report of Transit Commissioner, City of Philadelphia, July, 1913. l5 Annual Report of the Department of City Transit of the City of Philadelphia for the Year ending December 31, 1913. l6 South Philadelphia. The Abolishment of Grade Crossings and the Creation of Opportunities for Commercial and Industrial Development. Department of Public Works. Philadelphia, 1913.

PAGE 24

19151 RECENT CITY PLAN REPORTS 393 pamphlet on the housing problem.“ The excuse for the pamphlet is stated in these words, taken from the preface: “It is vastly more important to every business man that Minneapolis be prepared to comfortably house and care for a population of 1,000,000 twenty-five years hence than that the industries to support a population be secured.” The housing problem, it is pointed out, is “the universal result of unguided city growth. . . . Neither Minneapolis nor any other city in America has yet learned the art of growing.” The investigation, of which the report is the product, occupied several months and revealed that Minneapolis had the usual housing evils. The final section is devoted to a plea for city planning. “The primary question,’’ say the business men who write the report, I‘ is not, ‘What can the tenant afford?’ it is, ‘What can Minneapolis afford?’ ” A report which comes from another committee of the same association considers the limitation of heights of buiIdings.l* It compares the needs of Minneapolis and the practice of Minneapolis with that of other cities, presen‘ting much valuable data; and in a series of appendices, illustrated by charts, it considers the requirements for adequate light and air. A proposed ordinance is submitted which would prohibit structures exceeding “a greater height than 12 times the width of the street, with a maximum height of 140 feet to the top of the parapet,” except under certain condi tions-as, for example, for towers. The projection of cornices is also regulated. While this report does not compare in exhaustiveness of data with the remarkable study published last year by the Heights of Buildings Commission of New York, it yet constitutes a very definite and practical statement which is easily grasped. The New York report,1g a volume of 300 pages of text, exclusive of many pages of illustrations, maps, etc., will remain of course in a class by itself. Nothing can ever again be written on the regulation of building heights without going to the report of the New York commission, as to the standard reservoir of data. Of somewhat similar exhaustiveness, but on another subject, are the discussion and collated material in the first annual report of the Massachusetts homestead commission.20 This takes up the subject of housing, and of city and town planning from a housing standpoint, considering 1’ The Housing Problem in Minneapolis. A Preliminary Investigation made for the Committee on Housing of the Minneapolis Civic and Commerce Association. September, 1914. 1.9 Minneapolis Civic and Commerce Association. Report of Municipal Committee on Limitation of Heights of Buildings. 19 Report of the Heights of Buildings Commission to the Committee on the Height, Size and Arrangement of Buildings of the Board of Estimate and Apportionment of the City of New York. December 23, 1913. 20 The Commonwealth of Massachusetts. First Annual Report of The Homestead Commission. 1914.

PAGE 25

394 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July such subjects as the organization of housing companies, the exemption of homes from taxation, state aid, etc. The practice of some thirty or more countries, in Europe, Asia, South America, Australia and Africa is described. In fact, as one goes over the published reports of the last year, on various phases of city planning, one cannot but be impressed by the amount of research which has been going forward, and with the thoroughness of study which is now made possible. VII From the homestead commission there has also come, more recently, a valuable report on that method of paying for improvements which is known as the assessment for betterments, in which land damages and the levying of special assessments, having been combined in one proceeding, are determined by a commission appointed by the court.21 Familiar as this procedure is in states west of New England, it is novel there. Another Massachusetts report on legal procedure in the execution of city planning projects has appeared in pamphlet form in a statement prepared by Flavel Shurtleff on (( City Planning in Relation to the Street System in the Boston Metropolitan District.” 22 The committee on city planning of the Boston Chamber of Commerce, in transmitting the statement, urges the granting of larger powers to Massachusetts town planning boards, the provision of suitable appropriations for them, the acquisition when possible of the fee in new streets rather than the easement., and the appointment of a state commission to revise the assessment laws. VIII A group of reports having to do with the more artistic side of city building--and the relative smallness of this group is striking witness to how far modern city planning has traveled from the “city beautiful” slogan of its earlier days-includes, as most important, a brochure on “A Center of Arts and Letters,” issued by the Detroit city plan and improvement commi~sion.2~ This contains, with map and brief statement, the plans prepared by E. H. Bennett of Chicago and Frank Miles Day of Philadelphia for the utilization in Detroit of certain lands, already mostly in public ownership, as a site for a library, an art museum and minor buildings. 21Report to the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts relative to Taking Land for Public Purposes. February, 1915. House No. 1851. Report on City Planning in Relation to the Street System in the Boston Metropolitan District, issued under the direction of the Committee on City Planning of the Boston Chamber of Commerce, 1914. 23 Detroit City Plan and Improvement Commission. A Center of Arts and Letters. November, 1913.

PAGE 26

19151 RECENT CITY PLAN REPORTS 39 5 From the same commission there comes a very brief “Statement of Progress,” with illustrations, on the splendid memorial fountain which, with the James Scott bequest, is to be placed at the apex of Belle Isle.24 A report (the second) of the commission on beautifying the city of Norfolk, Virginia, is almost wholly devoted to the subject of street trees.25 At the end, however, it contains an interesting and impressive “resum6 of the plans of the commission when it began its work in 1909,” and a statement of what, in co-operation with others, the commission has accomplished. In this group of publications there should also be placed the annual reports that have been issued by municipal art commissions, as those particularly of Pittsburgh 26 and of New York 27-the first named because it covers the activities of the commission since its creation, a period of three and a haIf years; and the second because it is New York’s. Both reports are fully illustrated and attractively presented. The Pittsburgh commission is interesting, moreover, in itself because, unlike any other municipal art commission, it is not entirely composed of local men. Value is added to the record it presents by the inclusion of the report of E. H. Bennett on the development of Pittsburgh’s IL Point.” IX The reference to reports of municipal art commissions brings up a group of publications in which regularly organized divisions of the city government make record of their city planning activities. The appearance of reports of this kind was noted a year ago as something new; and their recurrence now, though the increase in their numbers is not large, has been spoken of as one of the significant features of the year’s output. No doubt in annual reports of mayors and of departments of engineering and public works these records appear with considerable frequency, and t,he importance of their inclusion in such places should not be overlooked. But it means a little more to see them brought out by themselves.28 From Springfield, Massachusetts, comes the first annual report of the city planning comrni~sion.~~ This covers a period of about fourteen months, ending December 1, 1914, during which time there have been *( City Plan and Improvement Commission. James Scott Memorial Fountain. Statement of Progress. 26Second Report of the Commission on Beautifying the City of Norfolk, Virginia. January, 1912-July, 1913. ** An Account of the Work of the Art Commission of the City of Pittsburgh, from its Creation in 1911 to January 1, 1915. 27 Annual Report of The Art Commission of the City of New York. For the year 1913. New York, 1914. 28 See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. ii, p. 494. 2g First Annual Report of the City Planning Commission to the City Council. Detroit, November, 1914. City of SpringEeld, Mass. 1914.

PAGE 27

396 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July “ forty-one regular meetings of the commission,” besides (‘numerous conferences with departments and commissions, members thereof, and individuals.” Two matters referred to the commission by the city council receive attention in the report. These are a contemplated removal of trolley poies from a portion of Main street, and the so-called (‘ East Springfield project”-the platting of certain thoroughfares in a new subdivision. The larger portion of the report, however, is devoted to a compilation of useful data with regard to the city and to an impressive analysis of the subjects which, in the commission’s estimation, should be included in a city planning study of Springfield. The annual report of the Hartford commission on the city plan makes its regular ap~earance,~~ and the annual report of the Bureau of Surveys of Philaclelphia31 is, as usual, divided between questions of a strictly city planning nature-as the extension and improvement of the street system -and questions having to do with the construction of sewers. From Newark, New Jersey, there has come an interesting little publication, put out by the board of education, for the school children’s study of Newark.3a Its brief and simple text, aided by illustrations, makes it possible for Newark’s children to appreciate what city planning is to mean for their city, an appreciation that may do much for the future Newark. Messrs. Goodrich and Ford, the experts retained by the city plan commission of Jersey City, issue a report supplementary to that which was mentioned here a year This takes the form of a memorandum of matters to be investigated or points to be studied, its interest to nonresidents of Jersey City being in the breadth of its range of subjects, and the thoroughness of study which it indicates. Finally, the annual report of the city parks association of Philadelphia should have a Reports from such sources have not been included heretofore in this review, but this is because none other is in quite the same city planning class as those of the Philadelphia association. For a quarter century this organization has kept consistently in view the desirability of securing a comprehensive, scientifically worked-out plan for Philadelphia. Every report has made contribution to that end, the series forming a valuable addition to both the propagandist and practical 3O Sixth Annual Report of the Commission on th_e City Plan to the Mayor and Court of Common Council, City of Hartford, Connecticut. 31 Annual Report of the Bureau of Surveys of the City of Philadelphia for the year ending December 31, 1913. Leaflet No. 23. Issued by the Board of Education for the Study of Newark in the Schools of Newark, New Jersey. 33 Addenda Memoranda to Report of Suggested Plan of Procedure for City Plan Commission, City of Jersey City, New Jersey, by E. P. Goodrich, Geo. B. Ford. May 1, 1913. 1914. Year ending March 31, 1913. Issued by the City of Philadelphia. City Planning-1914. 34 Twenty-Sixth Annual Report of the City Parks Association of Philadelphia.

PAGE 28

19151 RECENT CITY PLAN REPORTS 397 literature of city planning. As to the results, these are evident in the prominence which is Philadelphia’s in a tabulation of the publications of the last year. X With war ruining the cities of Europe, to which we so long have looked for instruction, and with many months of financial depression in this country, during which the cities had difficulty in selling bonds, it is noteworthy that our city planning movement has continually progressed. Various citiesas Sacramento on the Pacific coast, Topeka in the far southwest, Minneapolis and Grand Forks in the northwest, and New York in the east, are known to have had studies made, to which publication is yet to be given, or to have such studies now under way. The University of Pennsylvania is conducting the first American summer school in town planning; the cities of California have lately organized a state city-planning conference; annual conferences are now held regularly in Massachusetts and New York; and the National Conference grows every year in numbers and in importance. Each year, too, the literature is increasingly practical, and more thorough study precedes the reports. The record of the next year is not likely to be less. APRIL 15, 1915.

PAGE 29

RECENT PARK REPORTS’ BY F. L. MULFORD~ Washington, D. C. N ORDER to get a basis from which to judge the value of work done or not done by the different park departments, as recorded in their various reports, it may be well to crystallize some of the purposes and needs for a park, so that the relation that should exist between a municipality, its citizens, and its parks, may be kept in mind. An old idea of the use of parks is as a place of recreation or re-creation. In the days of small cities and much open country, this meant usually a place of pleasing geometrical design, ornamented by trees, shrubs, and tender plants, where one might sit quietly on stiff benches along the walks and on some occasions hear music discoursed from the ornate steeple of a band stand. The grass was to be looked at, the walks were for promenades, and the flower beds to be noticed. The wide-awake active part of the community naturally took to the open country. In his report to the Harfforcl park commissioners Superintendent George A. Parker says: Recreation is that part of leisure time, which is used by the individual or the community in nature’s own way; for development between the ages of birth and 14; for construction between 14 and 21; for formation between 21 and 28; and for maintenance and renewal of the elasticity of life afterwards, which monotonous work or business tends to destroy. . . . If this definition is right, “Then recreation is a matter which concerns all ages and conditions, and is not limited to children as it seems to be considered by many.” I He then calls attention to the relative superiority of country influences in the past in producing fully developed men and women, and predicts the time must come when the reverse is true, and states that when it is accomplished “the recreation problem of the cities will have been solved.” He then states the following eight “laws” governing recreation as related to cities. 1. If the opportunities for recreation are provided to meet the needs of the people, they will be used up to the full extent of the people’s need. 2. The variety and amount of recreation facilities needed is quite constant with each group of people living under similar conditions, and varies but little in groups of ten thousand. 3. The recreation desired by any condition or class of people will be Mainly based on the reports for 1913.-E~IToR. *Of the Bureau of Plnnt Industry. 398

PAGE 30

19151 RECENT PARK REPORTS 399 supplementary and complimentary to their daily work and education, and while varying much as to groups, is quite constant within each group. 4. If play facilities are provided too abundantly or not sufficiently to meet the people’s needs, the group as a whole is weakened. There is a proportion or balance between their needs and the nieans of satisfying them that will give the greatest strength and the best results. 5. If any particular kind of recreation is provided in too great abundance, it will become stale and little used. If not enough, it will cause discord. 6. As a machine out of balance causes friction, unnecessary wear and cost to run, and in the end may destroy itself, so play facilities out of balance cause trouble, are costly, and the facilities provided are often destroyed. Generally, when there is discord or destruction in recreation or park work, it is because they are out of balance, and the cause and remedy lie with the superintendent rather than with those in attendance. 7. Every muscle, organ, function or attribute of the human being needs relaxation and recreation, and for each of these needs there are conditions or appliances to satisfy them. It is for the city to know and provide the opportunity. 8. In the country each home provides its own water supply, sanitary conditions and recreation. Whether good or bad the individual was responsible, but in the city the individual cannot provide those things separately. It is a community interest, and the community as a whole is responsible whether they be good or bad, and it is responsible for recreation the same as it is for water, sewerage, and the streets. He expresses himself clearly as being in favor of “free play” and opposed to “directed play.” He considers the latter a contradiction of terms, and supports his stand. He shows, too, the influence for good of the newly established playgrounds in a congested district from the viewpoint of a business man overlooking backyards from his place of business, from that of the policeman, and from that of a mother. The relation of the park department as custodian of the parks to the erection of tenement or apartment houses in a neighborhood, is pertinently discussed and is worthy of consideration by city legislators everywhere. The fact that such developments may materially increase the cost of city functions per capita is seldom considered. The differences of the possible differing needs of recreational facilities in various localities is also suggested. In the report of the progress of park work in Spokane, Washington, there is a graphic picture of the unsatisfactory results in the administration of park work when put in the hands of paid elective officers, political expediency being paramount to efficiency and the public interest. In 1907, a city beautiful committee was instrumental in having established a park commission of ten men, each serving for ten years. As it is usually conceded by those who have had experience that it takes at lea& two or three years for a new park commissioner to come to a realization .of park requirements, especially in maintenance, the value of this arrange

PAGE 31

400 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW ment is apparent. These commissioners serve without pay and outline policies for a paid executive. In addition, the wise provision for a minimum park tax levy of one mill on the valuation, entirely under the control of the board, was adopted. The usefulness of many a good commission is nullified by dependence upon a city council for all funds for maintenance, as well as extension and improvement. It requires of commis-. sioners, so placed, that they be good politicians in order to get the money as well as good park men in order to spend it wisely. A minimum park fund will enable a park commission to maintain the parks through a period of apathy or antagonism of the law-making’ body till the public have a chance to express their desires in the matter. In 1910, a commission form of government was established, but the park commission was wisely continued. Under the present commission, park acreage has been increased from 173.1 acres to 1,934 acres. The work accomplished and the method of doing are well brought out. The report of the landscape architects on a park system for the city makes interesting reading. The discussion of street trees, extra care on streets, art commissions, park areas, and the need for large parks in small cities are especially to be noted. The relation of 62 persons to an acre of park places the city stand well in the lead in park area per capita. The cost of maintenance per capita is 66 cents, and the cost per acre 841.68. In the report of 1913 for Portland, Oreyon, is a clear statement of two opposing policies of park development; the one on permanent lines only, with consequent frequent delays and lack of benefit to an impatient public; the other development for immediate use, often followed by excessive maintenance charges. The policy of immediate development of a portion of the park on permanent lines is suggested as the best policy. The relation of park playgrounds to school playgrounds is discussed and a suggestion made that the grounds for the smaller children could more suitably be provided in connection with school houses while park departments coulcl devote their energies to the larger grounds. More cooperation is urged between school boards and park departments. A very strong plea is presented for town-planning well in advance of actual development. The report considers that a so-called parkway that is only a tree lined street is a parkway in name only, and for the purposes of a parkway is not worth spending money upon. An interesting definition of parks states: That to many minds parks are merely land any size, any location, any or no development and with or without gardening, play features, drives, and walks. On the contrary let it be affirmed that park systems are justifiable to a community by serving in their natural aspect or by arrangements of natural vegetation and earth surface, as a safety valve to offset the artificialities of urban life, or in other words, as a health measure in conserving and restoring health.

PAGE 32

19151 RECENT PARK REPORTS 401 There was much parkway construction during the year, and additional facilities were provided in the various parks, including several comfort stations, and a new playground was established at Mt. Tabor. Three miles of the 1,000 miles of streets in the city were planted with street trees during the year. A recommendation that forty miles of streets be planted with trees every year was ably supported. The financial statement is concise and gives more of value than is often given in many pages of figures. A further analysis of them giving expenditures for different items in the maintenance would have greatly increased the value of this portion of the report. St. Louis is making strides toward reclaiming her park system from being an ornamental appendage of the old type to a living, vital unit in the life of the people. Many new features maliing the parks more useful to the people have been added. One of the largest undertakings of the year was the opening and operating of a new bathing pool. The usual attenders at the old bath house came about five blocks, though some come five miles, though not working nearer, and to the Fairground pool some even came 15 miles. The cost of maintenance was .022 per person attending. The playground attendance was two and three tenths million at a per capita cost of upkeep of 1.2 cents. Cominissioner Dwight F. Davis considers it bad public policy to buy parks and school buildings and then use to capacity only part of the timeSince 1875, $675,000 from improvement bonds have been spent on parks; $2,750,000 are now being asked for this purpose. The practice has been instituted of gathering the flower beds together and substituting shrubs for the tender plants. Sheep are being used on the lawns in Forest park. The playground report discusses the location of new playgrounds and gives as the three helps used in determining the Iocation, density of population map, juvenile court record, and location of schools. As a demonstration of the way playgrounds influence neighborhood spirit, the incident was cited of how the people got together and held a lantern party under the municipal bridge,the Sunday night after the announcement that the grounds were to be used as a playground. There had been no neighborhood spirit in evidence in that community before. The yearly attendance at the different playgrounds varied from one person for every 10 square feet of ground to 130 persons for the same area. The average was four persons for every 10 square feet. There was a municipal Christmas tree in the heart of the city with appropriate dances and exercises. Co-operation and public spirit were shown by the nearby merchants and businessmen loaning dressing rooms and consenting to traffic diversion for the period of the celebration. In Minneapolis, the land acquisitions for the rounding out of the park system have largely been acquired though more playgrounds and small

PAGE 33

402 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW areas here and there are considered desirable for completing details. There are now one acre of parks for every 73 persons. One mill on the assessed valuation is the minimum to be devoted to park purposes. 'I his allows a good maintenance of the 3,783 acres, and some for betterments, although these are few compared with the needs for completing the system as already designed. The cost of maintenance per acre is $30.48. One of the most notable achievements of the year was the establishment of a garden in connection with the meeting of the Society of American Florists and Ornamental Horticulturists. It was a trade display of plants, but was such a success and met with such public favor that it is to be continued in a somewhat modified form. The interesting suggestion was made in connection with Loring park that it would be well to spend more for lighting and less for police. The financial statements in this report are both illuminating and concise. The analysis of the expenditure for both maintenance and improvement is helpful to the student of such matters. It is to be commended that so many park departments are presenting their finances in this way in the recent reports. An interesting table of the cost of street tree planting is presented. The average cost of watering is 29 cents per tree; cost of trees, 88 cents; average total cost of tree, planting and year's care $5.55. There are 301 miles of street trees in the city, of which more than two thirds have been planted by the city. The new city entrance, known as the Gateway, is being developed as an impressive and useful improvement near the railroad depots. Bathing facilities are taxed to their utmost and enlarged facilities had to be provided for boat landing. Boat rentals returned a profit to the city. The refectories are operated by the park department and the question was discussed whether a refectory that did not pay a profit should not be discontinued, or the character of the service be changed to make it self-sustaining, with the conclusion for the latter proposition. The Madison, Wisconsin, report of the Park and Pleasure Drive Association for 1914 represents a unique picturepf public spirit and generosity ,on the part of A comparatively few individuals, though no credit is expressed in the report for any unusual merit. In many cities, the movement for better park facilities has been started by a voluntary organization making the study of conditions and possibilities through qualified experts, and then putting the conclusions before the public and asking them to act. At Madison, the association, sustained largely through public subscription, has opened and developed pleasure drives about the lakes near Madison. It has studied the recreation problem and has the administration of the park funds for improving and maintaining the different parks in Madison, councils appropriating the money and designating the association as the agency for administering the funds. One of the interesting accomplishments was the completion of a driveway

PAGE 34

19151 RECENT PARK REPORTS 403 about Lake Menona by co-operating with the state highway department and getting it to open a road along the shore through some properties that the association could not acquire as it had no power to open any road, except by the unanimous consent of the property owners. The refreshment privilege was operated by the association in the parlrs and the net proceeds paid for eight concerts. The city council appropriated almost one and one-half mills of the tax rate for park purposes. Detroit, seems to center its interests and service on Bell Isle park and the water privilege there. No comment is made on the large revenue from the boat houses and the great use of boating privileges it indicates, while quite a point is made that this large park with its thousands of visitors had its tennis courts increased to six. Only $197 were spent for playground apparatus. The city has 492 people to each acre of park and the maintenance per acre is $364.46. The number of people per acre of park is almost seven times as much as in Minneapolis; the maintenance over 10 times as much per acre. Considerable space is taken in the report with a discussion of additional bridge facilities for the present crowded park, while no suggestion is made of the possibilities of securing other parks to distribute the crowds and relieve the congestion and better serve the people as a whole. Lack of continuity of policy, owing to the possibility of a complete reversal with the advent of each new commissioner may be responsible for this state of affairs. In Chicago, the West park system has added a new park of 160 acres, known as Warren woods, but has no money to develop it. In the past, assessments have been made to cover improvements on boundary roads and the portions of these funds remaining unexpended after the work was done, were returned to the property owners. A study of delinquency near the playgrounds in the more congested neighborhoods compared with similar neighborhoods without playgrounds has led to the conclusion that the lessening of delinquency within a half mile radius of the playground is enough to pay the interest on the park investment. Pages of valuable space are taken with the names of firms receiving warrants and the amounts, but no adequate presentation of the cost of the various services rendered the public. This is typical of the reports issued by many cities. In the South park system, the principal attention has been given to maintenance, there being little improvement work in progress. The teaching of English is considered as a recreational feature of the playgrounds, as are also talks on civic matters. The thought is expressed that political lectures should be allowed, but not partisan ones. The new parks do not have concentrated apparatus frames, the elements being more widely scattered. In the road maintenance, light road oil has been found more satisf:zctory than the heavier oils. Swings are included in the men’s gymnasia.

PAGE 35

404 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July At Racir.e, Wisconsin, a record of the attendance at the playgrounds was kept, which showed 1,613 came one-fourth mile, 705, one-half mile, 456, three-fourths mile, and 366, one mile. The work of park acquisition was started while other improvements were in progress, but it went right ahead. The importance of the need of acquiring boulevards for future development is emphasized. Suggestions are made of the importance of making a city plan. The city has provision of a one-mill tax for parks. The expenditures are presented in a classified table. The Rockjord (Iblinois) park district reported the beginning of its own refectory service. It was conducted at a slight loss, but it was felt that it would be retrieved another year, and the service had given such satisfaction that it was warranted. Many of the plantings have been made with the direct object of attracting the birds. The report of Houston, Texas, is a full report of the landscape designer on a park system for the city, together with other related details of a city plan and development suggestions. The city is evidently most fortunate in having a good deal of cheap land along the river near the heart of the City that can yet be acquired for public breathing spaces. Interesting tables on land values are included as well as studies on the ratios of white and negro population in succeeding decades, and the provisions necessary to accommodate the people as the city develops. For the administration of the park system a single executive, responsible only to a park board, was recommended. In the report of the New York park commission, a high tribute was paid to the interest of Mayor Gaynor in the parks and their development, and credit given for a progressive improvement policy. Credit was also given his successor for continuing the policy. This by intimation shows the weakness of a system that makes it possible for a new man to entirely change the policy of a public service like parks every four years. A park, or a park system, cannot be built by fits and starts, but requires a continuous constructive policy. Sewers, water pipes, paving, and sub-ways, can be extended by spurts, and then partially neglected without ruinous results. Trees and shrubs need constant sympathetic treatment and four years of partial neglect may destroy 50 years of effort. A marked contrast is given in this report of two methods of handling public buildings. Brooklyn is constructing its museums on a tract of land adjoining its park, but separated from it by a street that makes it impossible that the land should ever be an integral part of the park, while Manhattan has and is taking land from the people’s outdoors that should be their playground, instead of a museum. Pretentious plans have been prepared for the land along the Hudson river in front of Riverside drive, and considerable progress has been made toward its preliminary development. Among the features planned are a formal city entrance, a harbor, and landing for boats, an athletic field, and stadium that will

PAGE 36

19151 RECENT PARK REPORTS 405 be useful not only in connection with events in the stadium, but also for river reviews, and two covered landings for the loading of city refuse. The report records much improvement in road surfacings, the renewal of shrubbery plantations, the addition of playgrounds and parks, and efforts at parkway extensions, one of the latter connecting the parks of the Boro of Queens with the eastern parkway. There has been long delay with this extension because of its passing through a cemetery. The report of the commissioner for the Boro of Queens presents a strong plea for municipal control of recreation. At the new Gaynor park on the shore at Hell Gate a provision for bathing has been planned in a bay inside the general line of the sea wall. This is doubly important at this point because of the swift current. The cost of golf maintenance in this same system is given as $3.26 per player. The report of the Boston metropolitan park commission gives inspiration by reports of continued parkway extensions, at least part of which are designed to facilitate general trafic communication between the towns concerned as well as pleasure driving on the appropriate reservations. It is hard to realize the ultimate benefit of the continued efforts of such a commission especially when it operates through a number of separate political units. Reports from all the bath houses show inadequate facilities for present demands, and the houses arranged to care for the maximum of which they are capable. The report of the commissioners of the state reservation at Niagara Falls shows that the terms of four of the five commissioners expired that year, an unfortunate situation for the good of the park. Much space is given to a report of the legislation for the control of Niagara showing well the unsatisfactoriness of a lack of permanent conservative policy in this connection. In Fall River, Massachusetts, the state law requiring a playground for every 20,000 population is evidently being perfunctorily supported by the people. Apparently, there is little popular support or enthusiasm for the work being accomplished, though the officials are being educated in more than the letter of the law.

PAGE 37

MUNICIPAL RECREATION-A REVIEW OF RECENT LITERATURE BY ROWLAND HAYNES New York HE Springfield recreation survey2 is one part of a general social survey of the city conducted by the Russell Sage Foundation, It is significant for two things. First, it shows the recreation needs in a city which is not crowded, and hence does not have those needs thrust upon the attention as a result of evident congestion, Second, it presents the facts in an interesting and convincing way. It gives more than dry statistics. It gives meanings and suggestions in a vivid form. By clippings from local papers showing adult crimes and juvenile delinquencies it shows evidence of costly break-downs in character which might have been prevented by wholesome recreation. Studying the plan of the book as a whole we find that it is topical rather than quantitative, that it considers the needs suggested by a study of the facilities where recreation is furnished such as homes, schools, parla, streets, library, museum, clubs and commercial recreation places, rather than the amount of public recreation required by different groups such as grade school children, high school children, young working people and adults. This topical method is a strength rather than a weakness because it enables the authors to present, in the final chapter, a recreation program giving an outline of what should be done in the way of school playgrounds, park athletic fields, public school athletic league, social centers, municipal athletic league, boy scout local council and public celebrations committees. Since it does not attempt to measure the amount of recreation not now furnished, and hence needed, it does not suggest in the program the relative importance of the various steps and which should come first. The program outlines a policy of development for indoor and outdoor facilities, a policy for public administration, and a policy for private co-operative agencies, such as athletic leagues and an advisory committee on recreation. The report states that part of the administrative plan suggested is purely local because of local conditions, The policies on some of the private co-operative agencies are of more than local value and are helpfully supplemented by information in the appendix as to where further details may be obtained from other cities. T 1 Field Secretary, Playground and Recreation Association of America. 2 Recreation in Springfield, Illinois. By Lee F. Hamner and Clarence Arthur Perry. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 25 cents. 406

PAGE 38

19151 MUNICIPAL RECREATION 407 To those interested in the technique of recreation surveys the statistical tables will be suggestive, especially tables 3 and 4 showing average number of times per week high school pupils attend motion picture shows, theatres, dances and home parties. These tables also show that parties are not often held in over half the homes of the high school young people, while over 60 per cent of those who attend dances do so at hotels and public halls, rather than in private houses. Tables 1 and 2 show forms of recreation reported by elementary school children during their spring vacation. These tables indicate forms of recreation which left the most impression on these children, but do not show which occupy the most hours of their recreation life. Thus a boy might play baseball six times and yet this would appear only once in the tabulation, while a boy who played baseball once, went fishing once, and read a book once would affect the record three times, although he might not have had as many hours of recreation as the first boy. In short these two tables show the recreation repertoire of these children, but do not show how much time they were loafing or how much of their recreational life was taken by any particular form. In table 5 on per capita play space in school yards, it would be helpful to know whether “Free space” means area of lots minus area of buildings, or whether walks, lawns and embankments shown in the pictures of school properties, were also subtracted to give usable free space since the distribution of play areas affects practical availability. One of the very helpful features of the report is the pictures and sample plans. One of the pictures of a school yard, ample in area, but with the children a11 crowded on the walks because of the mud, is a powerful argument on the vital character of surfacing in the efficiency return of a play space. To the Springfield authorities were submitted, with the report, plans for lay-out of each school yard. Two of these plans appear in the report. They are admirable in being put in bizdseye forin readily comprehensible to any one. One of the plans shown will raise a question with some students as to whether it does not call for an over use of apparatus. The plot left for play contains a little over an acre. The plan calls for 32 swings, three slides, four teeters, two giant strides, sand box, jumping pit, parallel bars, climbing and outdoor gymnasium outfit. The only games specially provided for are in basket-ball court, which will handle ten children and a tennis court which will handle four children at one time. There is not enough space left for any but ring games. Used to its limit it would handle about 175 children at one time of which over two thirds would be engaged in individual play on apparatus and about one third in team games. The Portland study3 was made with the help of sixty investigators who 3 Vaudeville and Motion Picture Shows-A Study of Theatres in PortIand, Oregon. By William T. Foster. Portland: Reed College Record.

PAGE 39

408 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July were students, teachers, business and professional men and social workers. It covers 51 moving picture houses and four vaudeville shows visited during a series of weeks in 1914. The study covers the attendance of school children-where the facts taken by the investigators were supplemented by replies from 2,647 school children representing all grades in five elementary grades-and the moral quality of the films and vaudeville acts. The facts on attendance of elementary school children show frequency of attendance and age of children attending. It was found that 70 per cent of the grammar school children attended vaudeville shows sometimes, and 24 per cent once a week or oftener, and that 90 per cent attend motion picture shows sometimes and 68 per cent once a week or oftener. This part of the study was confined to a group of children over 91 per cent of whom were under ateen years of age. This emphasizes the fact that the attendance on motion picture shows is a big item in the life of children. No figures of total attendance on the moving picture shows studied are given so it cannot be learned what per cent of the moving picture and vaudeville manager’s business comes from children. The preferences, 3,533 in all, of these children for different kinds of motion pictures are tabulated, but do not permit of much quantitative information because the classifications are mixed between dramatic types, manufacturers and single titles, owing to misunderstanding by children of meaning of “kind-you like best” in the questionnaire. It is significant, however, that nearly a third call for pictures of action and adventure, that this type of picture is demanded by twice as many boys as girls, that nearly another third call for comedy and that this type is about equally demanded by boys and girls. The estimates of the investigators as to the moral quality of the exhibitions are not tabulated to show per cent found good or bad, but extracts from the investigators’ reports are given grouped as to most favorable and most unfavorable. The study gives suggestions for regulation of both vaudeville and motion picture shows, pointing out the need of a national board of censorship for vaudeville acts something like that for moving pictures, and the further need of local boards to supplement and enforce the recommendations of the national board. The lack of anything in many of the shows which was good or even entertaining for children is used to point the need of special plays and programs for children, and censoring of vaudeville acts and films as good or bad for children and also as good or bad for adults. A bulletin of the Milwaukee City Club deals with amusements and recreation enumerating the different recreation opportunities in private clubs, commercia,l resorts, philanthropic agencies and municipal recreation system found in Milwaukee, and tries to estimate what proportion of certain parts of the problem is being met. It calculates that only one

PAGE 40

19151 MUNICIPAL RECREATION 409 sixth of the boy problem is reached by agencies of all lunds, public and private; that 5 per cent of the dancing is in social centers and settlements, while the rest is in halls, of which over one third are classed as beer halls. It finds the public recreation system efficient so far as it goes, but asks that it be enabled to do more. “A Public Recreation System for Newark’’ has been prepared by the city plan commission; but it “is not a ‘recreation survey,’ but a brief review, from the city planning standpoint, of the value of a comprehensive system of public recreation.” It first presents arguments to show the need of adequate public recreation work. “A high moral death rate is as disgraceful as a high physical death rate.” Lack of facilities results in idleness and over indulgence in passive recreation in moving picture shows and similar forms. Two wards are shown to be each as large as certain cities, but cramped within less than half a square mile, lacking in play facilities and surrounded by congested districts while the smaller cities with which they are compared cover an ample area, have parks and play areas, and are surrounded by the open country. The recreation work of each.of three independent agencies in the city, the school board, playground commission and county park commission is sketched and the passage of legislation making possible the creation of a recreation commission to co-ordinate and extend all this work is recommended. Mr. Edward’s book4 aims to present the recreation problem in the form of a reading text-book for the use of groups interested in studying various community problems. It also is of value to the individual reader who wishes to study the relation of municipal recreation systems to the problem of which a municipal system is one solution. The book considers, first the problem of popular amusements, then proposed solutions, finally suggestions for community action. Under the problem, the extent, characteristics and moral infhence of each of five types of amusements, “dramatic, social rendezvous, athletic, special places, and special events,” are presented in order. The chief evils found in the amusement problem are professionalism, commercialism and immorality. Spectatoritis, or the danger of professionalism, lies in that growing torpor wherein “the spontaneity of playful activities, and the originality which creates them are being lulled to sleep by the habit of being amused” instead of “making one’s own fun.” The danger of commercialism lies in the domination of the money element which stands “for the exploitation of human life, not for its service.’’ The proposed solutions are classified under restrictive and constructive public opinion. Restriction takes the form of agitation, governmental regulation, legal prosecution and increased legislation. Its application to the evils of each of the five types of amusement is briefly sketched. Constructive public opinion goes at the source of the evils while restric4 Popular Amusements. By R. H. Edwards. New York: Association Press, $1.

PAGE 41

410 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July tive public opinion merely maintains external order and decency. The efforts of constructive public opinion are seen in the gospel of play, in drama leagues and societies, endowed and civic theatres, social settlements, churches, Christian associations, social centers, parks, playgrounds, public recreation systeins and movements for the rational celebration of holidays. This is the most complete manual covrring the entire problem which has appeared. It does not profess originality in presenting any new facts on the problem. It does, however, show marked originality in its logical arrangement, in its teaching helps, its questions, its anticipatory and concluding summaries, bibliographies and in the practical aim to help to definite action. Each chapter is followed by an annotated bibliography and by suggestions for thought and discussion. One of the phases of the leisure time problem fails of emphasis, namely the waste of millions of hours by children and young people who are loafing, loitering on the street through much of their leisure time. They are not subject to the evils of the dramatic type of amusements for they are not attending even a moving picture show, nor to the evils of the social rendezvous type, for they spend only part of their time in dance halls, pool rooms and hangouts. Since studies in cities of various sizes have shown from a half to three-quarters of the children out doors, out of school hours to be on the streets, and from one-third to two-thirds of them doing nothiig, since the same waste is found also with young people beyondschool age, the importance of this phase of the problemis apparent. Public recreation is to be specially treated by Dr. Curtis in a later volume of the series of which this is the first, but this vol~me,~ although primarily on play in its place in educational theory and school administration, contains several suggestions on the municipal problem. Dr. Curtis believes that the play of children is the chief play problem of cities, and that it is fundamentally a school problem. He does not believe that municipal playgrounds adnlinistered by other than school authorities can reach any considerable portion of the children for any large part of their play life. A school playground run on the Gary plan of serial use by a number of classes is his solution. He feels, however, that there should be more play leadership than at Gary, which system he says has introduced play time into the curriculum, but not play,” because the lengthened play time at Gary is used after the style of the oldfashioned recess with the addition of physical trainers. He would co-ordinate school and park playgrounds by having the nearby parks used as playgrounds by the schools on the alternating Gray program, the leadership being under the teacher handling play in the school curriculum. In the chapter on the school as a social center, adult uses of school 5Education Through Play. By Henry S. Curtis. New Yo&: The Macmillan Company, $1.50.

PAGE 42

19151 MUNICIPAL RECREATION 411 buildings for educational, recreational, and civic purposes are summarized. Hints on financial support are given in quotations from the work at Hartford, Conn., where refectories and checking privileges are made to return revenue for public recreation, and from the experience of the Brooklyn Institute in supporting six social centers on excess profits of moving picture shows run as part of their activities. The purpose of the Forbush book6 is to help parents in developing home recreation. It touches the problem of municipal recreation only in its discussion of the limitations of public playgrounds in developing the initiative possible to children playing by themselves in their own back yards or vacant lots. He calls the public playground at its best “a makeshift or substitute for the private back yard.” In this connection it should be remembered first that the public playground is a substitute, not for the private back yard, but for the street. Studies which have now been made in a number of cities show that from 50 per cent to 90 per cent of the children outdoors after school are not in their private yards or vacant lots, but are on the streets. Second, the public playground is a substitute in some neighborhoods for back yards which do not exist. In one neighborhood in one city it was found that the back yards and vacant lots if used to the limit could handle 216 of the 1,272 children in the district. The balance, over 80 per cent, had to play in the street or go out of the district or go indoors or not play at all, which last was what over half of them were doing. Third, the public playground tries, often very imperfectly, to give the tactful, suggestive, leadership which parents are not giving or cannot give to the play of their children. Many parents do not appreciate the importance of their own possible contribution to the play life of their children. Such parents Mr. Forbush’s book should help immensely by opening their eyes and giving them workable suggestions. But many fathers have to be away from home nine tenths of the play hours of their children and many mothers either work out or are overburdened with housework. Such parents will have to depend on the public playground or let their children run the streets, or, what is worse, loaf on the streets. Every thoughtful play leader would like to leave the entire play problem to the intelligent and time-taking supervision of parents, but since that often cannot be done, the public playground looks like a permanent substitute for the many children who have not been fortunate in their selection of well-to-do parents. The reader naturally looks for the treatment of recreation in the chapter on civic protection in recreation in Mrs. Bowen’s book.‘ But in Philadelphia: Geo. W. Jacobs & co., $1.50. By Louise DeKoveii Bowen. New York: The MacMillan Company, $1.50 net. See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. iv, p. 332. “anual of Play. 7Safeguards for City Youth at Work and at Play. By William Byron Forbush.

PAGE 43

412 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July addition to this chapter there are numerous illustrations under the sections on legal protection industry and protection against illegal discrimination. One of the most cruel things about the low wages and excessive hours in many industries is that they make nervous wrecks for lack of sufficient rest, which the long hours prevent, and for the lack of wholesome recreation, which the low wages do not permit. Again, Mrs. Bowen classifies the delinquent children of immigrants, first as those who go wrong to get a desired result, often money for amusement, and second, those who go wrong to get excitement. Both suffer because they are robbed of normal recreation. (‘From the very beginning it was obvious that the majority of children fell into difficulties through their search for recreation.” The chapter on recreation sketches the dangers found by the Chicago juvenile protective league in the poor lighting, glaring posters, and amateur night features of theatres and moving picture shows. It also details their efforts in improving dance halls, pool rooms and excursion boats, by co-operation with the owners and prosecution of offenders. The steps of the fight against the gambling-habit-forming slot machines so largely patronized by children are also set down. The convincing feature about the book is the fact that it is founded on case work. With pitiless insistence story after story is given of individual cases of delinquency or misfortune or injustice until the suggestions for control and improvement are seen to be based on actual needs. The paper on the management of public baths read by William H. Hale, superintendent of public baths in Brooklyn, before the American Association for Promotion of Hygiene and Public Baths, recommends land swimming pools in place of river bathing places in New York because they can be used the year round while the lined river pools, made necessary by board of health’s prohibition of river bathing, cost a large sum and can be used only in warm months. Water filtration, precipitation with alum where necessary, and sterilization by measured drip of liquified chlorine is recommended. Sterilizing by ultraviolet rays is considered practical, but too expensive. The movement, for sanitary reasons, of nude bathing at all public pools, is endorsed. On the administrative side the author insists on the right of employes of baths to one day of rest in seven. On construction of shower baths, marble partitions are shown to be costly because the stone disintegrates. Alberene, a slate-colored stone, for the same purpose is found durable, but absorbs grease and quickly becomes black. The waste of hot water is to be reduced either by attendants who allow so much hot water to each bather or by having baths used in relays with hot water turned off .between shifts.

PAGE 44

MUNICIPAL DANCE HALLS BY FREDERICK REX Chicago 1 N THE effort to provide places where young men and women may gather for purposes of social recreation under wholesome auspices, a considerable number of cities in the United States have established social centers in the public schools and park field houses. Here people may enjoy facilities for play, amusement or rest, such as social dancing, banquets, social entertainments, parties, and the like. Properly conducted dance halls meet a public need and a number of cities have established municipaI dance hails and open public dances. The object has been to provide for certain sections of the city, halls where opportunities for participation in wholesome recreation would be offered to all classes of people, young, middle-aged, and old. The cities that have established municipal dance halls are emphasizing first, adequate supervision and chaperonage ; second, public opportunities for dancing that cost less than the commercialized enterprises; third, sanitary, well-ventilated, and well-lighted halls; fourth, the sale of no liquor but the supply instead of cold drinking water and soft drinks; fifth, high grade music and the prohibition of objectionable dancing. Since last autumn the park and recreation department of Boston has been conducting municipal dances in the city gymnasia. These dances are free, the cost of maintenance and operation being borne by the city. Dances have been given at the rate of one each week from 8 to 10:30 p.m. Owing to their success and popularity with the masses, plans are being made to conduct three or more weekly. Chicago has a large number of public schools and park field houses which are wed for social centers and are supported and directed by the school and park authorities. Social dances, arranged and conducted by clubs or groups in their immediate, or from distant, neighborhoods, are held with considerable frequency. Greater interest attaches to these dances than to any other form of social enjoyment. No admission fees are charged and in the park field houses various groups and persons are given the use of the halls in rotation for dances. No group or person is permitted to conduct a dance for profit or as a business enterprise. These public dances conducted under the auspices of its public school and park boards are entirely dissimilar and should be distinguished from open public dances where girls may go unattended, which are open to any individual without qualification or classification except restric413 I 1 Municipal Reference Librarian.

PAGE 45

414 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July tion as to age sqd personal behavior, and which are a source of revenue to the municipality . On March 9, 1914, Mayor Carter H. Harrison, of Chicago, sent a communication to the council urging the establishment of municipal dance halls by the municipality in which, under proper auspices and with proper chaperonage, young men and women could gather for purposes of recreation, He suggested that these municipal dance halls be established in the various sections of the city. The council, in pursuance of Mayor Harrison’s communication, readily gave the authority and necessary funds for the establishment of dance halls by the city. The sum of $5,000 was appropriated and halls were rented in each section of the city. A large number of women’s clubs were invited to name representatives to act as chaperons at these dances and allowed to use their own discrimination and ,judgment as to proper and improper conduct and dancing. The first municipal dance was given in December under the supervision of the Department of Public Welfare in Dreamland Hall, located in the heart of Chicago’s great west side. The grand march was led by Mayor and Mrs. Harrison in the presence of seven thousand dancers and onlookers. The dance was pronounced an unqualified success. During the past winter forty-three dances were given, with a totaI attendance of 17,000. The paid admissions ran as follows: December. ..................................... $1,794.55 January ....................................... 406.05 February ...................................... 409.15 Total. ...................................... $2,609.75 During the administration of Mayor Hunt in Cincinnati a municipal dance hall was opened, under the supervision and direction of the woman’s civic commission. The first dance was held April 12, 1913. Dances are now given every Saturday night and on all holidays, in the north wing of the local music hall, the latter being a large brick building. The dimensions of t,he dance floor are 85 x 280 feet, or an area of 23,800 square feet. The cost of equipping the hall was between $300 and $400, not including the purchase of a piano. The hall is lighted by incandescent electricity and windows, and two large double exit doors afford additional means of ventilation. The hall has comfort stations and rest rooms. ,4 caterer serves refreshments, consisting of soft drinks and ice cream, in connection with the dance hall, allowing the city a percentage on the number of his sales, in return for the concession. An orchestra of four pieces composed of piano, drum, and first and

PAGE 46

19151 MUNICIPAL DANCE HALLS 415 second violins, furnishes the music. An admission fee of fifteen cents per person is charged, which includes the use of the wardrobe room for checking wraps and other personal apparel. No return checks are given. The charge of admission has been placed at a minimum consistent with the expense of conducting the dance. The dances are under the supervision of two paid supervisors, assisted by from six to eight volunteers. A policeman in regular uniform is stationed at the door and frequently an officer in plain clothes mingles among the dancers. The operating staff consists of a manager, cashier, ticket taker, six check boys and a maid. The dance hall is open to the public every Saturday night from 8:OO to 11:30 o’clock and a children’s dance is given on Saturday afternoons during the hours from 2:OO to 5:OO o’clock. Minors are not admitted to the evening dances unless they are at least sixteen years of age. The dance hall is entirely self-supporting. Twenty-two dances were given by the municipality during the year 1913 and the total revenue and expense from their operation was as follows : Average per dance Revenue. $2,285.55 $103.88 ............ Expense ............. 2,226.80 101.21 The total number of persons attending the twenty-two dances was 14,153, or an average of 643 persons per dance. The municipal dances have demonstrated that young people prefer going to a place adequately supervised, with clean and wholesome surroundings. They feel absolutely safe in attending and in many instances the parents accompany the boys and girls. Girls come, dance, and go home together. AS a result of the establishment of the municipal dance hall, other dance halls in the city are exercising a stricter supervision. Recently a suburb of Cincinnati requested the authorities .of the latter city to establish a municipal dance hall within its limits. This has been done, with similar satisfactory results. The Juvenile Protective Association of Cincinnati in its report on a “recreation survey of Cincinnati” made December 1, 1913, summarized the dance hall situation thus: Among the few places which offer opportunity for wholesome pleasure is the popular supervised dance” conducted every Saturday evening in the north wing of music hall by the Woman’s Civic Commission. Although the admission charge is only fifteen cents, when at the other halls it is a quarter, the dance is self-supporting. A good band provides the music; members of the Commission supervise in person, and ice cream and soft drinks can be secured at one end of the hall. No return checks are given. This dance is patronized largely by people who never attended public dances before, and does not really compete with the bad commercial dance halls. Nevertheless, it is a splendid public experiment and meets a need in the community.

PAGE 47

416 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July While the school board of Cleveland was debating the question of providing municipal dance halls in the school auditoriums throughout the city, objection being made that an admission fee could not be charged for funciions in school buildings, Mayor Raker, inasmuch as no city ordiliance was required, issued an executive order authorizing municipal dances in the park shelter houses. The first municipal dance ball was inaugurated in August, 1912, in Edgewater Park, the latter having Lake Erie on one side and on the other a congested manufacturing and tenement district not far distant from immense ore docks. Mayor and Mrs. Baker led the grand march at the opening ceremony, followed by their children and municipal officials. The first dance was pronounced a tremendous success, 11,630 three-cent dance tickets being sold, making the receipts for the day $348.90. The estimated maximum expenses for one week are $300. One ticket seller on the opening night sold 2,700 tickets in an hour. Another dance hall has since been opened at another park shelter house. These shelter houses were converted into dancing pavilions at a very low cost, merely requiring the putting in of maple flooring. The dimensions of the dancing floor at Edgewater Park are 83 x 34 feet and at Woodland Hills Park 76 x 33 feet. The parks being city property, no rental is required. Park pavilions are brilliantly lighted by electricity. Open air ventilation is provided and revolving fans keep the temperature cool and pleasant. A comfort station has been constructed in the building at Edgewater Park and the comfort stations at Woodland Hills Park are convenient to the pavilion. Refreshments are sold by concessionaires at near-by stands and include soft drinks, ice cream, candy and the like. Drinking fountains are also conveniently located to these buildings. Music is furnished by an orchestra of six musicians, a balcony suitably arranged for the same, as well as a good piano, having been installed at each pavilion. No general admission is charged, but tickets are sold at the rate of three cents per couple for each dance. A fee of three cents per person covers the checking of wraps, coats and hats, a room sufficiently large to take care of this feature without any confusion having been provided. Control and supervision over the municipal dance halls is exercised by experienced employes of the park department, B manager, chaperon, ticket takers, policemen and other attendants being detailed at each payilion. Minors under eighteen years of age, unless accompanied by their parents or responsible chaperons, are excluded after 9.00 p. m. The receipts and expenses of the two pavilions, with the number of tickets sold and persons participating in the amusement during the years 1912 and 1913, were as follows:

PAGE 48

19151 MUNICIPAL DANCE HALLS 417 1912 1913 Total receipts. ................. $7,394.31 $18,491.16 Total expenses. ................ $5,160.02 $11,507.71 Net earnings. .................. $2,234.29 $6,983.45 Tickets sold to couples. ......... 246,477 616,732 Persons attending. .............. 492,954 1,233,464 The pavilions have proved very successful, both from a social and financial standpoint. They have provided clean, wholesome recreation at a minimum cost and the moral tone of the halls is a great improvement over the ordinary public dance hall. Every possible safeguard has been provided for the proper protection of the patrons. Not only was the very best orchestra employed, but more policemen were secured for supervision of the dance hall and adjoining grounds than the city would have required of any private concern and each dance number was twice as long as the duration of a dance in the commercial dance halls, while the price per dance was but one-half that charged in the latter. The object in view in establishing the municipal dance halls wm to offer an opportunity for dancing under the best possible conditions at a mimimum cost. The young people patronize the dance halls for the reason that here they can spend their evenings at dancing amid wholesome surroundings for a much less sum than it would cost at the ordinary commercial dance hall. Owing to the great success and the vast amount of good accomplished by the municipal dance halls, there is a strong demand for the erection and operation of such halls during the winter months. This demand has been given added emphasis in viAw of the closing by the city of thirtytwo public dance halls, because the buildings or their surrounding conditions were such as to render them unfit for dance halls. These thirtytwo halls eliminated from the dance hall roster were all of the same type, namely, cheap neighborhood, saloon halls. However, the city dance hall inspector of Cleveland, Robert 0. Bartholomew, unwilling to ignore the social value of the closed dance halls as neighborhood centers, points out the duty of the community in the premises'in the following words: In these buildings during the past, small beneficial lodges, neighborhood societies and social clubs would hold their dances on different evenings of the week. They were the neighborhood club houses in the sections of the city where they were located. Here was offered the only opportunity for general gatherings of a social nature which were generally followed by dancing. The entire family participated in these dances which would, but for the demoralizing surroundings, have provided the means by which the citizens living near them could have enjoyed the recreational and social life which is necessary to the wellbeing and proper development of every normal citizen. These halls have been dismantled, and there are now no club houses for many thousands of Cleveland's citizens. We pass legislation prescribing conditions under which man may work to earn his daily bread; we have our model ordinances to regulate

PAGE 49

418 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW I July in minute detail the construction of the buildings in which our work is done and we even regulate the construction of the homes in which we live together with all of the elements which enter into general living conditions of our daily life, but until the present ordinance was passed we had neglected to make it our concern as to where or how his hours of recreation are spent. Thus it is no wonder that many have realized large profits by commercializing man’s instinct for play. The present regulations have been more or less exterminative in nature. In the endeavor to eliminate the element of commercialism we are on the verge of restricting dancing to the favored few who possess sufficient means to provide for themselves places to dance. The present regulations have necessarily driven out of existence the majority of cheap saloon dance halls. While it has probably been greatly beneficial it has also brought about a problem which the municipal government can alone remedy. The social family life of those living in congested sections of the city has been almost exterminated with reference to dancing. The men now go to the corner saloon for a social evening. The wife possibly visits with a neighborly woman, but there is no place for the family to join in a good time except perhaps the moving picture show, where the period of enjoyment is of short duration and where there is no opportunity for such relaxation from daily cares as is provided in dancing. The average laboring man’s neighborhood club cannot afford to rent such a hall as is now offered for the purposes of holding a dance because it costs from $25 to 9650 more than it used to cost to rent a cheap hall. There are a very great many citizens who are deprived of their just opportunities for social recreation. Private capital hesitates to establish such halls as it becomes for them an experiment with probable small profits for the investment. Neighborhood dance halls under municipal supervision should be established in several of the congested residence districts of the city. Through the wholesome influence there exerted many individuals would be conserved as positive units in society for helpfulness instead of being allowed to become negative quantities to be neutralized by belated educated or penal reformation. During the winter of 1912-1913 the commissioner of supplies of Denver arranged for a series of four municipal dances in the city auditorium. An admission fee merely sufficient to defray expenses, of twenty-five cents per couple, was charged. The dances were supervised by Denver’s sole woman police officer, who held the position of inspector of amusements. According to this official the dances were a success financially and socially. However, with a change in the city administrative policy and the initiation of the commission farm of government last year, municipal dances were discontinued and the city auditorium has again been rented to private parties for public dances. These latter, owing to inadequate supervision, have become discredited and the Woman’s Club of Denver has requested that they be stopped. A municipal dance hall was established and operated by Milwaukee during the administration of Mayor Seidel. Young people were encouraged to attend up to the capacity of the hall and an admission fee of twenty-five cents per couple was charged. The police were instructed

PAGE 50

19151 MUNICIPAL DANCE HALLS 4 19 to keep out objectionable characters and maintain a proper degree of decorum among those admitted. These public dances were increasingly successful during their period of existence. However, the municipal election held in 1912 resulted in Mayor Seidel’s defeat and under the new administration the dance hall was closed. An attempt was made to have the city continue the venture, but without success. Municipal dances in the public streets of Redlands, California, were tried last summer by the city, with considerable success. A block of city street was roped off for the purpose and the pavement thoroughly washed and sprinkled. These dances were very popular and the crowd attending was orderly. The music for the dances was furnished by the municipal band. The board of supervisors of San Francisco in December, 1913, inaugurated a series of outdoor municipal dances. These dances were held on public streets paved with asphalt or bitumen. They are very popular, and owing to the mild winters, the streets set apart for the municipal dances are crowded to capacity. The city furnishes the municipal band and there is an adequate detail of police to maintain order. No admission fee is required from those taking part in the dances. Dancing begins at 8 o’clock in the evening and concludes at 11 o’clock. The Seattle park board during the past summer held public dances in the field houses at the different playgrounds in connection with its social center work. An admission fee of twenty-five cents was charged and the dances paid for themselves. The municipal dances were subject to the same regulations as were applicable to private dance halls. The dances which have thus far been given have had a large attendance and have been decidedly popular. There has been considerable agitation in the cities of Los Angeles, California, and Youngstown, Ohio, on the subject of establishing municipal dance halls, the plan in the latter city being to build the dance hall in one of the public parks and to charge a fee of three cents per dance. From the experience of the cities enumerated above, it is shown that the municipal dance halls have been successful and in the words of Mayor Harrison: “By the establishment of social centers of this character, opportunity is offered to young men and women to indulge in innocent and healthful recreation under suitable auspices.”

PAGE 51

UNEMPLOYMENT IN AMERICAN CITIES: THE RECORD FOR 1914-15 BY FRANCES A. ICELLOR’ New York HE American city has had one dominant, heart-gripping problem this winter-not economy, not administration, not politics, but a T problem vitally human and primarily industrial. Has it been equal to the task and is it finished? What have we done about unemployment? To the average citizen, canscious for the first time of an unemployment. problem, the spring sunshine means that “it is all over,” the “breadliner” has gone to farming, the skilled workman to building, and the immigrant to digging trenches. Only the unemployed themselves and the responsible employer know that this is one of the delusions of sunshine ancl green grass, and that when men can live without starving and freezing their hardships are not likely to intrude upon their neighbor’s happiness. The question is, has anything been done in the crisis of this winter which will reduce the volume of unemployment, prevent its recurrence or extension and hasten its elimination from social ills. The aspect which has been most prominent has been the extent of unemployment. An official canvass in Philadelphia showed 200,000 men unemployed; the house-to-house canvass of the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company of its policy-holders in New York, thrifty people ordinarily, gave the basis for an estimate of 357,000 men and women out of work in the entire city. This agrees with the 350,000 estimate made by the Brooklyn committee on unemployment. The labor organizations in New York City estimated that 472,102 were either out of work or on part time. In Chicago in January the municipal markets commission estimated 189,866 out of work. A Cleveland survey in December showed 61,000 unemployed; in the same month the city charities in Philadelphia estimated that Philadelphia’s unemployed numbered 175,000. The most careful surveys showed that where there was one man unemployed in 1913-14 there were two unemployed this past winter,and that the increase was from 40 per cent to 50 per cent. Without exaggeration it was conceded by those familiar with conditions that one out of every five bread-winners was unemployed. This unemployment was 1 Vice-chairman of the Committee for Immigrants in America. See other articles by Miss Kellor in NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW: “Is Unemployment a Municipal Problem?” vol. iii, p. 366; “Unemployment in Our Cities,” vol. iv, p. 69. 420

PAGE 52

19151 UNEMPLOYMENT IN AMERICAN CITIES 42 1 concentrated in cities primarily, but the small towns and villages also felt the shock and found it necessary to organize relief measures. In some respects unemployment differed quite radically from that of previous years. At one bound the problem was lifted from the realm of relief into that of industry. Many thousands of able men and women were involuntarily unemployed for the first time in their lives or in many years; the additions to the bread lines were young men with hard hands and clear eyes instead of old men with soft hands or blear-eyed ‘(hoboes”; women joined the ranks of pleaders or became the supporters of the family. At the same time the demonstrations and riots which characterized last winter disappeared, as though some of the sorrow of the war had found its way into the industrial disaster in America. Of the causes we have learned but little. “The war” is the most common answer; “t9he administration” is the second best guess; while legislation, monopoly of land, the wage system, tariff , immigration, and the usual popular explanations have not been wanting. It is noteworthy that though there have been many reports by official commissions and private committees, none has yet made a real contribution to the subject of causes. This is partly explained by the fact that the demand for. relief has been so widespread and immediate that the formulation of reasons has had to wait; also because those responsible were reluctant to face their own conclusions. What has been done bg the American city to meet unemployment? Despite all appeals to the nation and to the states, it is emphatically clear that it is the city that grappled with the situation in the greatest hour of need. The national administration met the appeal for a program of employment exchanges, public works and loans with the order that a census be taken to prove the case, but refused an appropriation of $10,000 to have it made. The division of information, utilizing the present idle immigration bureau facilities and staff and the post offices, after endless bickering and red tape, got under way a series of employment exchanges in time to take care of the farm hands needed in the spring. This federal experiment, hopeful as it is, can in no sense be regarded as a complete federal employment system. It combines the facilities of three existing departments and connects the sections of the country in a loose mechanism for distributing labor; but the machinery needed for a nation-wide distributing and employing system must be at once flexible and strong. The business of furnishing information concerning employment is a specialized task of great magnitude; whereas the main energies of the three governmental departments now attempting it are pledged to other services and their officers were selected with other qualifications in mind. A sudden renewal of immigration would strain the federal organization to the breaking point. The idea and the experiment constitute a land

PAGE 53

422 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July mark; but the success of a federal exchange system depends upon the granting of appropriations, the establishment of transportation and loan funds, the planning of national government work to cover dull seasons, and a system of distribution to the land. If, is a good beginning, but there are as yet few laurels to rest upon. The federal government made one more contribution to the winter’s work-this time in the direction of relief. Beginning in January, it opened Ellis Island to homeless men every night, and permitted the use of federal blankets, cots, and floors for housing 800 men daily. This was an inestimable boon to the unemployed of New York City, especially the unemployed immigrant who fears to approach relief agencies even when he knows where to find them. New York put into operation very reluctantly and grudgingly the free employment bureaus, authorized by the legislature of 1914, and now has four free bureaus operating. At this writing two bills are awaiting the Governor’s signature in Pennsylvania, one for the establishment of state employment bureaus, and the other for the regulation of private agencies. In the California and the New Jersey legislatures bills have been introduced providing for state employment bureaus, The most radical measure passed was “bhe right to work” bill in Idaho. It provides that any citizen of the United States who has been a resident of Idaho for six months, who does not possess property of more than $1,000 and who is unable to secure other employment must be provided with emergency employment by the commissioners of the county in which he lives. The work may be on the public highways, or of any other kind, and nobody is entitled to more than sixty days of such work in any one year. It is to be noted that the bill is mandatory. A number of other measures have been proposed and defeated. Massachusetts was one of the few states to act in a practical way. An appropriation,of $100,000 was made and work provided in various sections of the state, through the state forestry department. The total amount of state relief by legislation is entirely disproportionate to the situation. The test of meeting a concrete situation has made two things clear. Unemployment is a national situation, involving distribution of an interstate nature and supplemental planning of work of a climatic nature, which is within the province of the federal government and is its immediate duty. It is natural, however, in the absence of vision on the part of the federal government and inability to deal with the situation on the part of the state governments that the cities should have carried the burden and that the average citizen should have shouldered the load for his government. Early last fall it was noticeable that not only the larger cities, but indeed, and perhaps chiefly, the smaller towns realized what the increasing shortage of work would mean during the winter. InterState measures have not appreciably affected the situation.

PAGE 54

19151 UNEMPLOYMENT IN AMERICAN CITIES ested and persistent effort was made in many cases to hasten or create public work to meet the decrease in private employment. There was much discussion of bond issues, loans, and public works; but the cities and towns that actually had work started upon any considerable scale were, until the opening of spring, few indeed. It was impossible to appropriate or divert funds quickly for many reasons, chiefly lack of precedent and of courage. It was objected that beginning certain kinds of work in the winter would increase the cost of it; that the necessary formalities had not been duly considered; and there were determining differences of opinion between boards of aldermen, controllers and boards of estimate. There were also elaborate debates over whether it was the business of government or of philanthropy to relieve the situation. The traditional municipal emergency measures, such as rock piles and wood piles, hardly left an impression upon the situation. In a small western city, for instance, the officials under the stress of the critical unemployment there arranged to put a rock crusher into operation. It employed 25 men; 1,000 applied for work hpon it. Cincinnati, Philadelphia, Boston, Lynn, Providence, Niagara Falls, Pittsburgh, and a long list of other cities and towns made some appropriation with direct reference to work for the unemployed. Cincinnati and Philadelphia are among the few cities that made considerable appropriabions for work,2 New York represented those cities that depended entirely on contributions from citizens. At least forty cities and towns in the country, and very probably more, had unemployment committees or commissions. Almost half of these were official--LLmayor’s committees”; a number of others had such close co-operative connection with the city council, the mayor, etc., that although they were nominally citizens committees they had, to all practical purposes, an official influence. They represented chambers of commerce, churches, city departments, charities, clubs, philanthropic organizations of all kinds, and individual citizens. Most of the committees attempted little beyond immediate relief. Those that began on the other ‘theory, as in New York City, finally saw that the present crisis and a long-time preventive program were not compatible. The New York committee began its emergency workshops about February 1. The thousands that flocked to them eager to work for 50 or 60 cents a day, and the thousands that had to be turned away because of lack of facilities, sufficiently attested the need of this artificial work as a measure of immediate relief. The New York committee did not by any means originate the emergency workshop; it had been adopted early in the winter by the vacation war relief work committee, the Red Cross in Buffalo and Albany, the emergency aid committee in Philadel2 Emergency Relief in Philadelphia, by W. Arthur Warner, XATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. iv, p. 276.

PAGE 55

424 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July phia, the Woman’s Club in Chicago-also in Kansas City, Cincinnati, and probably on a small scale in many places. The idea is not new; certain churches have used it for years. It is admirably adapted to unemployables, or, better, partially employables. For the employable, it is, by every implication, an emergency measure, to be used only in a crisis. It is impossible to survey in detail the work of these city unemployment commissions of the past winter. Some of them, it is to be feared, did not get beyond the conference stage, and by spring had accomplished very little for the unemployed, in whose interest they were formed. Even so, they probably did a good deal for their communities and action may later result more speedily because of their existence. Some of the committees have been remarkable for their continuous and intensive work from the day of their establishment. Those in Philadelphia, Cleveland and San Francisco illustrate this. In Philadelphia the emergency aid committee, an unofficial citizens’ body composed of women, through the home relief division consistently proved how powerful a stimulus and director a citizens’ committee may be. The points of greatest interest in the work of the Philadelphia committee were; first the districting of the city for relief work, an organization principle which would have greatly increased the effectivenesb of unemployment committees elsewhere; aid secondly, the direct co-operation with official authority in expending the two appropriations of $50,000 each which Philadelphia made as a direct appropriation for the relief of the unemployed. In San Francisco the unemployment committee brought into existence by the Commonwealth Club raised a fund by public subscription to pay the unemployed nien working in relays a wage of 20 cents an hour, and then constituted itself a clearing house employment bureau especially for all “ clean up” work throughout the city. In Cleveland the mayor’s unemployment commission, in connection with a vehement “give a job” campaign raised a fund which was used to pay wages to the unemployed placed on city work and in park and playground improvement. In Spokane, through the unemployment cotnmission, work was secured for 1,000 men on city and county projects. In some cities and towns the commissions concentrated on attempts to find private work. The Seattle unemployment commission, for instance, furnished lists of responsible’workmen, family men, to contractors and others. In short, efforts to create work came from very different angles in different cities. In Chicago, a working arrangement was made between the Associated Charities and the department of public works, in the interests of the unemployed. Salt Lake City, with a small appropriation to expend for wages for the unemployed dealt directly with an organization of the unemployed themselves which furnished the city with 25 men a day at $1.50 for eight hours, the city to furnish food. Kansas City, acting yet They vary greatly.

PAGE 56

19151 UNEMPLOYMENT IN AMERICAN CITIES 42 5 more directly, had what was practically a municipal sewing department for unemployed women. It is impossible to cover in detail the cities and towns that made appropriations with special reference to the unemployed, or that created some form of work for them, whether of a permanent or emergency nature. The following, however, seem fair conclusions to be drawn from the winter’s history of city action in providing work: the appropriations were too small to provide for employment on a large scale or on large projects; they could therefore not draw off a very great percentage of the unemployed in their communities; they were subject to many deIays and technical difficulties, and were in most cases not available until late in the winter; finally, the providing of public work was more adequately done in those places in which an active committee was urging it. The various committees and commissions throughout the country took very different views of their function. Before they had been in existence very long all of them recognized that they were emergency bodies, with the immediate business of furnishing relief. Some of them began on a different theory; and some of them have been throughout concerned with a permanent preventive program. Chicago!s committee, under the direction of Dr. Henderson, summed up its work in succinct recommendations to the legislature concerning reorganization of the state employment system and instituting a compulsory system of unemployment insurance. The Spokane committee has been made permanent. And it is proposed that the New York committee shall become so. It seems logical enough that any committee that has dealt with unemployment this winter on the basis of a social crisis needing charitable aid should have strong desires to forward such preventive measures as would make its activities unnecessary. It is typical of the amateur way in which we deal with unemployment that we should rush into the establishment of employment bureaus. It became an epidemic at one time during the winter. Not only did fifty or more cities establish such bureaus, but the first thought of the individual and the charity was a new bureau. Even Wall Street fell into the error and created one for office workers, though practical relief was soon added. The business men and industry alone realized that bureaus make few jobs and quietly closed their employment departments and took down the “want ad” signs. The new bureaus were opened informally in mayor’s or controller’s or city clerk’s offices; by women’s clubs, notably in Chicago; by business bodies, as in Detroit, Nashville and Salt Lake City; by churches singly, or by inter-church unions, as in New York and in Lynn, Mass.; by the associated charities, in a considerable number of cities and towns; by Odd FelIows and other lodge associations, notably in Pennsylvania; by evening schools which this winter were thronged with unemployed men, as in Brooklyn;

PAGE 57

426 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July and by a number of other clubs and agencies. Aside from the few new permanent and official bureaus, the most interesting employment exchanges established this winter were those established by councils of all the social agencies of a community or by special unemployment committees representing them. Such bureaus showed a clearing house policy hitherto almost unknown in employment work in America. It is in one sense strange that the very year in which there has been least work should be also the year in which most has been done to provide for spreading information about work and distributing labor. Probably the worth of a municipal employment bureau has been well illustrated, and such cities as Providence, Pittsburgh, and Baltimore, are likely to adopt measures for official municipal exchanges. We now know that we need a few such bureaus, centralized in power and co-ordinated in methods, maintained by the government for all, and by each individual industry for itself and that the middleman representing neither employer nor employe is a meddler. We are fast moving toward system, neutrality and efficiency in marketing labor. There has been a great deal of debate and conference and interest which has furnished few jobs compared to the demand, but which has undoubtedly Iaid the ground work for better planning of city work, the continuation of public works in needed seasons, assumption of relief and industrial measures for the unemployed by the government and a gathering together of labor and business forces about the city as the directing center of activity. More than anything else, business has begun to deal with unemployment as a problem in administration and effi~iency.~ There should be no inference that the unemployment relief work of last winter was an organization matter. As a matter of fact it was successful in the degree in which it became a social impulse. The country had more socialization in aim and understanding with reference to unemployment than it ever had before. Therein lies the real progress of the winter’s work. There is tremendous significance in the many general movements of the winter: in the “sacrifice day” in Pittsburgh and Philadelphia, where the desired $100,000 was very nearly attained; in the “donation day” in Buffalo, Niagara Falls and elsewhere; in the “newsboys clay” in Chicago, in the interests of the “woman’s club employment bureau”; in the “bundle days” in New York, Chicago, Boston and well nigh half a hundred other towns and cities. The importance of HIRES EXPERT TO END UNEMPLOYMENT. Philadelphia, Pa.-Through the appointment of Joseph H. Willits, of the Wharton School of Commerce and Finance, of the University of Pennsylvania, by the department of public works, the city is preparing to anticipate the state-wide move for public employment bureaus (expected to become a law at the present session of the legislature). This city is to see the establishment of a city employment bureau, which will act in co-operntion with the municipal government. The epidemic of employment agencies has carried its lesson.

PAGE 58

19151 UNEMPLOYMENT IN AMERICAN CITIES 427 these movements, in addition to their substantial material results, Iay in bringing social agencies of all kinds and creeds into co-operative relation with each other and with business, city departments and citizens that have never before interested themselves in social welfare measures. It is profitless to speak in detail of the hundreds of new bread lines and soup kitchens started this winter, of the emergency shelters devised. Relief organizations, hotel keepers, newspapers, churches, private citizens, labor unions, organizations of the unemployed themselves, conducted these in many places. There is only one thing to be said for them-they were necessary. There are few evidences that they have stimulated the further establishment of regular municipal lodging houses in cities and towns. Several California towns are agitating for municipal shelters other than city jails. But in this respect American cities still lag far behind European countries. There has been an effort in New York City this winter to make the municipal lodging house a real repair shop-not merely a one night shelter, but a place where an unemployed man may be really socially rehabitated. Effort is made to get men work, to return boys to their homes in other places, and to connect unemployables with relief organizations that can be of permanent assistance to them. This new principle makes a municipal lodging house a most valuable agent in dealing with unemployment. But only a few cities in the country have any municipal emergency shelter at all; most of them are a long way from thinking of such a shelter for other than vagrants. No survey, however hasty, of last winter’s unemployment work should omit the efforts here and there to get the unemployed upon the landThe efforts have been incidental and scattered, but they show a more sensible and practical dealing with the “back to the land” theory than we have heretofore had. There has been less insistence that the land is the answer to the problem of all the unemployed wh’ether they will or not, and whether they would make good farmers or not. The approach has been made in local, practical ways-in a renewed interest in farm bureaus for the placing of workmen and tenants, in Chicago’s plan to use portions of the sanitary district for farming by the unemployed under the supervision of the department of public welfare, the city to advance $1,000 for plows and seeds; in the vacant-lot-cultivation movement in New York, and in the plans of the child welfare league to provide vegetable gardening for the relief of unemployment. In short, although the movements toward getting the unempIoyed out upon the land as an answer to their problem have been sporadic and somewhat inconsequential, they have had definiteness and practicality; they have in the main been free from the ancient error that has characterized and defeated back to the land agitations during many years. Notwithstanding the widespread conditions, practically no attempts have been made to provide any form of unemployment insurance other

PAGE 59

438 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July than that carried by the various trades unions for their members. The IChicago unemployment commission makes compulsory unemployment insurance one of its main recommendations to the legislature; and earlier in the winter the California commission of immigration and housing recommended the issuing of insurance to seasonal workers; but the subject of insurance has not really come within the legislative field this winter. This is probably due to the fact that during any industrial depression few legislative experiments can be made and insurance is generally recognized as a measure of prevention rather than as an expedient in a crisis. The response of the American cities to their greatest problem this past winter is impressive and encouraging if one can lose sight temporarily of the enormous loss of resources in vitality, health, skill, happiness and hope. Unemployment has taken its place among the questions with which we shall deal with increasing sympathy and intelligence: it has been transferred from the province of charity to that of industrial organization. Where one citizen was enlisted as its foe; a hundred now stand ready. The preliminary educational work has been done, we have now but to organize the forces at work, seek the causes and institute remedies.

PAGE 60

MUNICIPAL EMPLOYMENT BUREAUS IN THE UNITED STATES BY MARGARET NASHL RadcEiffe College T" ERE are in the United States at present three kinds of public employment bureaus, municipal, state, and a combination of both. They represent together one general movement, growing out of the same set of causes, having the same problems to face, possessed of the same faults, and differing only as to the governmental agencies under which they operate. Municipal bureaus can be best considered, therefore, not as isolated phenomena but as steps in a general endeavor to solve the problem of unemployment. This movement began with the establishment of a state system in Ohio in 1890 and a municipal bureau at Seattle in 1893. The chief development'has, however, taken place in the last fifteen years. There were, at the close of 1914, twenty municipal bureaus scattered through eight states, and nineteen state systems with fifty-seven offices. Of these last, five were organized under a combination of local and state governments.2 In addition to the offices now in existence, the states of Iowa and New York and the cities of Helena and San Francisco have had bureaus which have been given up. The reason for failure in the first two cases is to be found in the attempt to conduct the work by a correspondence ~ystem.~ The San Francisco office was opened during a period of business depression in anticipation of state assistance. When this failed to come, the office had to be closed although it had been successful. The state of New York had a bureau in New York City from 1896 to 1906. For lack of adequate funds and efficient management this degenerated into an 1 Miss Nash is a graduate of Smith College, and, since graduation, has spent some time abroad in the study of municipal affairs. 2State systems are to be found in Ohio, Nebraska, Missouri, Illinois, Wisconsin, Connecticut, Kansas, West Virginia, Maryland, Massachusetts, Colorado, Minnesota, Michigan, Rhode Island, Oklahoma, Arizona, Kentucky and New York. The municipal bureaus are those of Berkeley, Los Angeles, Sacramento, California; Great Falls, Livingston, Missoula, Butte, Bozeman, Montana; New York City, Schenectady, Xew York; Portland, Oregon; Fort Worth, Texas; Trenton, Newark, New Jersey; Seattle, Tacoma, Spokane, Everett, Aberdeen, Hoquiam, Washington; Kansas City, Missouri; Cambridge, Massachusetts. Cleveland, Ohio, has a city-state system and the four bureaus of Wisconsin are organized on what is practically a city-state plan though the county also is represented in the government and bears part of the expense. Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor, Bulletin, June, 1907, p. 611. 429

PAGE 61

430 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July intelligence bureau for domestic servants, and was finally discontinued upon the advice of an investigating committee.4 In 1914, however, municipal bureaus were opened in New York City and in Schenectady; a new state law, carefully drafted on lines suggested by experience in this country and in Europe, was pa~sed;~ and four state offices were established. The movement here, as in Europe, has been largely due to a desire to combat the evils of private employment agencies, to deal more effectively with the unemployment problem, and to save money to those for whom it is most needful that money should be saved.6 The example of foreign countries has not been without influence, and in the corn belt the determining factor in the establishment of public bureaus has been the necessity of procuring a more satisfactory supply of harvest labor.? There is little uniformity to be found in the administration of any of the public bureaus. The state systems are, many of them, organized under the state department of labor or bureau of labor statistics, but with regard to the municipal bureaus there seems to be no rule whatsoever; each city is a law unto itself. Thus in Seattle the office was originally under the management of the municipal labor department; later it was made part of the civil service department under the management of the secretary of the commission; the actual conduct of the men’s department is now in the hands of the assistant labor commissioner.8 The municipal bureau of New York City is an adjunct to the city department of licenses, and that of I.snsas City is located at the city’s welfare department. The bureau of Newark is in the ofice of the city clerk, who manages it in addition to his other duties.9 In Cleveland, which has had since January, 1914, a city-state bureau, the superintendent is appointed by the state civil service commission, but must be approved by the mayor. He is both state superintendent and city commissioner. Expenses are divided between city and state. The Milwaukee bureau and the other3 in Wisconsin are also organized as city-state establishments; the most interesting feature of the Milwaukee administration is a managing com4 Ibid. &New York Labor Laws, 1914, in State of New York, Department of Labor Bulletin, pp. 53-56. United States Bureau of Labor, Bulletin, no. 68, p. 5. ’ “Public Employment Offices,” by W. M. Leiserson, in Political Science &uarterZ.y, xxix (March, 1914), p. 29. 8 Twentieth AnnuuZ Report of Public Employment Bureau, City of Seattle, Wash., 1913, p. 1. DThe bureau at Livingston, Montana, is managed by the chief of police, who finds that it is a great aid to him in ridding his town of vagrants. Those who will not work when a job is offered them are deported. The other municipal bureaus in Montana are carried on in much the same may.

PAGE 62

19151 MUNICIPAL EMPLOYMENT BUREAUS 43 1 mittee of employers and employees in equal number, together with representatives of the city and state.l0 Although some of the larger bureaus are properly housed, the quarters of the majority are inadequate and usually inaccessible. Many of the smaller ones are tucked away in the upper floors of city halls or other public buildings. A few do not even have separate waiting-rooms for men and women or separate departments for skilled and unskilled labor. The municipal bureau of New York City with its five departments for men alone is quite unique. The number of employees in an office affords some indication of the volume and efficiency of the work; thus the Boston office, which is generally considered the best in the country, has a force of fourteen; New York has twelve, Milwaukee five, Cleveland four. Seattle, however, with the greatest volume of business, has until recently managed with two. This has meant a neglect of the records and statistics. Seattle's success is due rather to the labor conditions of the Northwest than to its superior business methods. Sometimes the offices are maintained by a single individual in connection with other duties, as in Newark and in the cities of Montana. In most of the offices an attempt is made to keep records by a card-catalogue system. The usual questions asked on the registration cards are as to name, address, conjugal state and former employment. A record is kept of the number of applicants, positions offered, and positions filled. It is difficult, however, with the best of intentions to keep track of the number of positions filled, as neither employer nor employee is careful to send back the necessary information. In addition, some offices have failed to distinguish between applicants and applications. Even the superintendents will not vouch for the accuracy of their figures. No effort is made to distinguish on the records between temporary and permanent work. An attempt to do so would, of course, add greatly to the expense of the record-keeping, but it would enormously increase the value of the records for social study. As it is, they are at present practically worthless. Superintendents often try to increase the number of their patrons by personal calls on employers and contractors, but where the office force is small, as is usually the case, it is not possible for them to find the time to carry out this policy effectively. Paid advertisement is seldom resorted to on account of expense. Consequently, it often happens that large employers of labor are entirely unaware of the existence of these bureaus. Where there has not been time to make a personal call on employers for the purpose of soliciting business, the telephone has been used with fair results, and there is unanimous testimony as to its value in following up engagements and in reaching the better class of applicants. So far apparently the municipal bureaus have felt no great need for lo Industrial Commission of Wisconsin, Bulletin, May 20, 1913, p. 205.

PAGE 63

NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW interurban co-operation and, although most of the state systems provide for some paper scheme of co-operation, Wisconsin is the only state where it is an integral part of the system. The Western association of public employment bureaus, composed of offices in the grain-belt states, is at present the only successful example of any endeavor to bring about interstate co-operation. Its purpose is limited, however, to the organization of the harvest-labor supply within its boundaries. The establishment of a federal system of agencies should mean a new era as regards this most important phase of the work of public employment offices. A nationwide system of interrelated labor exchanges is now to be established and some sort of co-operation with all municipal and state bureaus will doubtless sooner or later be arranged under federal auspices. In connection with the proper organization and administration of public employment bureaus, it may well be asked whether state or local management is more satisfactory. The state system should afford better facilities for team-play and should promote uniformity in business methods. On the other hand, unemployment is in large part a local problem and is perhaps, therefore, best dealt with by a local authority. The work of the municipal bureau, if it is to be efficient, should be based on some plan of common action. Such a scheme should be devised in this country, as has been in Germany, where all the municipal officers are joined into state systems. The Wisconsin plan in this country collies nearest to this scheme of combining the merits of both state and local control. It is interesting to note that the majority of bureaus opened this winter (1914-1915) have been municipal. This may be due to a conviction on the part of the public as to their superiority over the state system, or it may result from the fact that in an exceptionally hard winter the cities have hurried into these experiments along the line of least resistance. The reports of the various bureaus show amazing differences in cost of management. This seems to be clue in part to careless methods of bookkeeping. The Seattle office gives the cost per position in 1913 as 8.2 cents and the total cost of running the bureau as $2,732.62." It seems hardly possible that this figure represents the whole of the actual expense. Illinois pays out more than this in salaries alone for each of her eight offices. The figures given in the report of the Milwaukee office for 1913, the second year of its management by the industrial commission, can, however, be relied upon. The total expenses for 1913 are there given as $6,690.08, of which $4,129.29 was the amount paid by the state and $2,547.29 that expended by the city and county. The cost per position was 43 cents.12 The cost of each position filled obviously depends not l1 Twentieth AnnuaZ.Report of the Public Employment Bureau of the City of Seattle, l2 Second Annual Report of the Citizens' Committee of Unemployment and the MilWash., 1913, p. 11. waukee Free Employment Office, year ending October 31, 1913, p. 12.

PAGE 64

19151 MUNICIPAL EMPLOYMENT BUREAUS 43 3 on the economy of management but on the volume of business done, and this accounts for Seattle’s low figure, which, even if doubled or trebled to include all direct and indirect expenses, would still be the lowest of all.*3 Two questions of policy in the management of bureaus have given trouble. One is the problem of supplying labor during strikes. Trade unions in some states have insisted that the bureaus shall do no business at all with employers whose men are on strike, and this rule was incorporated in the law which first established public employment bureaus in Illinois. But this statute had to be amended in order to comply with the decision of the Illinois supreme court, which declared such discriminatory provisions to be unconstitutional. The procedure which has found most favor both in this country and abroad is to let the bureau receive offers of positions from employers during strikes but to require that they call the attention of all applicants to the strike and its causes before sending them to work. It is thus left with the men to apply or not as they think fit, with the result that as a rule they do not apply. The other general question of policy is as to what the bureau should do in the matter of ascertaining the applicant’s fitness and antecedents. In some bureaus a letter from the last employer is insisted upon as a reference. The applicant is also given the benefit of any ascertained facts about the employer t,hat may prove of advantage to him in applying for a position. The Boston office, on the other hand, has adopted the German interpretation of an eniployment bureau’s function, that is, merely to bring the prospective employer and employee together. It tries to send suitable candidates, but gives no recommendation and is obviously in no position to vouch for their fitness. In 1911 a committee appointed by the legislature of Massachusetts to investigate public employment bureaus in that state found, after carefully following up the history of five hundred different positions reported as having been filled in the Boston office, that only 36 per cent had been actually filled, and that only 12 per cent of the persons sent to work were able to hold their jobs for three months.14 This is an illustration not only of the unreliability of the records, but of the shiftless character of the applicants at a public bureau.15 Even if the figures in the annual reports of various bureaus are taken as a true indication of the business done, it is probable that in no city does the work compare in volume with that of the private agencies as a whole. The business of a few of the most active of the public offices compares, however, not unfavorably with that done by similar private concerns. Seattle reports in 1913 31,150 positions filled, Milwaukee 15,660, the state office in Boston 13 The Seattle office reports 31,150 positions filled in 1913 and Boston 20,971. 14 Massachusetts Commission to Investigate Employment Offices, Report, May, 1911, 15 The Boston office takes exception to this statement, which it thinks unfair. pp. 74-76.

PAGE 65

434 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July 20,971. Cleveland, under its new management, fills on an average 2,400 positions per week; if it continues this average through the year, it Will have a total almost as high as that of Seattle. Livingston, Montana, may be taken as an example of the work done by a smaller bureau; in 1913 it filled 1,070 positions, and in 1914 the number was 936. It is everywhere admitted that the workers who patronize most of the public employment bureaus are below the average. The records show that rarely more than 20 per cent are skilled workers, and some bureaus handle no skilled labor at all. A considerable proportion of the applicants are “casuals”-too poor to pay the fee required by a private agency and not capable of holding a regular position or perhaps not desiring one. The municipal office in Portland, Oregon, deals almost wholly with applicants for temporary jobs. The fact that the bureaus are free accounts for the large number of inferior applicants; yet it is certain that anemployment bureau is not the proper institution to deal with the great problem of the unemployable. We take it for granted that the handicapped, such as the crippled, infirm, or even the newly-arrived immigrant, ought to have separate provision. Is not the same thing true of the confessedly shiftless and indolent? Since the public bureaus have in only a few cases so developed as to become serious rivals of the private agencies, they naturally have not been able to combat the abuses of the latter. Neither have they done anything appreciable, taking the country as a whole, toward solving the problem of unemployment. Their statistics have not been worth the trouble of studying, and their real achievements in the way of getting permanent jobs have been pitifully meager in comparison with those of private agencies. Only in the western grain states have the bureaus even approximately fulfilled the hopes of their promoters. Elsewhere the majority have been failures, more or less complete. The facts give a basis for no other possible conclusion. The chief cause of failure to achieve real results in this as in so many other fields of city business has beeii the blighting influence of local politics. Superintendents have not been chosen for their fitness; most of them have had no preliminary training and no particular interest in their work. In more than one city the bureau seems to have been established with an eye to creating a well-paid job for a needy politician. It is. no wonder that disregard of system and lack of enterprise have been the result. The offices doing the best work are those which have come under civil service regulations. In the second place, the funds granted for supporting the bureaus have been almost always inadequate. The offices themselves are dingy and cramped, the clerks too few or incompetent, and no systematic publicity possible. The laws or ordinances ‘establishing and regulating the bureaus have been on the whole inelastic,

PAGE 66

19151 MUNICIPAL EMPLOYMENT BUREAUS 435 discouraging initiative on the part of those in charge. These criticisms apply to public employment bureaus in general, of whatever type. niLunicipa1 offices have shown themselves no more free from shortcomings than state bureaus; some of them indeed have been the worst offenders. The state bureau at Boston has long been looked upon as a model and has latterly not been without influence upon other bureaus. Its system of registration and record-keeping, in particular, has been widely copied; but its steadily increasing business is the best test of its efficiency. The gratifying results in Milwaukee, where since 1911 the bureau has been under the intelligent direction of an industrial commission, simply shows what may be expected when the prevailing faults have been remedied. Acting under a broad grant of powers the commission has brought about a co-operation of city and state authorities, thereby procuring adequate funds. It has enlisted the interest of employers and employees by giving them equal representation on an active advisory board, and pas devised a careful scheme for securing positions and promotions.16 It is perhaps too soon to speak of the work of the New York municipal bureau, which has been in existence only since May, 1914. New York City has long debated the matter of public employment bureaus, and the fact that it has at last decided to establish a municipal bureau is significant. The lessons taught by the failure of the first state bureau have not been forgotten. A generous appropriation has made possible the equipment of an office which has no superior in the country. The city has secured a manager who has already established his reputation as the superintendent of a bureau in another state. Boston, Milwaukee, New York, and Cleveland, however, stand almost alone to-day among municipal bureaus in the attempt to apply modern efficiency tests to the management of public employment bureaus. . Many controversies have been waged in the past as to the need and advisability of public employment bureaus, but the public mind to-day seems to have accepted them as a legitimate governmental activity. The question which must be decided now is as to the best plan of organization and the most efficient methods of procedure. The Massachusetts industrial commission, reporting in 1911, came to the conclusion that private bureaus were meeting the whole problem well enough, and that the record of public bureaus in the United States was not sufficiently encouraging to warrant the assumption that they could ever occupy the field. But public opinion to-day does not agree with the doctrine that private bureaus do well enough. It has been established beyond dispute that the majority of private agencies in this country and in Europe are given in some degree to serious abuses. Abuses are, indeed, almost inevitable Fortunately, there are some exceptions to the general rule. 16 Bulletin of the Industrial Commission of Wisconsin, May 20, 1913. 5

PAGE 67

436 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July in any system of securing employment run wholly for profit. But apart from this the private agencies do not and cannot co-operate on any broad scale without defeating their own ends. If the labor market is ever to be properly organized and unemployment reduced to the lowest possible margin, the result cannot be achieved by isolated and spasmodic effort. Some plan of interstate or interurban co-operation is necessary to bring about any such result. Such co-operation is only possible in a public system.

PAGE 68

ARE WOMEN A FORCE FOR GOOD GOVERNMENT ? AN ANALYSIS OF THE RETURNS IN THE EECENT MUNICIPAL ELECTION IN CHICAGO’ BY EDITH ABBOTT~ Chicago HAT effect did the women’s vote actually have on the recent Were any candidates nomiW nated or elected who would not have been nominated and elected without the women’s votes? If the women did not actually change the result of the election, did they vote more largely than men for the best candidates? In attempting to answer these questions, which have been so frequently asked in so many parts of the country since the election, it is not necessary to indulge in speculation. The women of Illinois have only limited suffrage, and special “women’s ballots” are provided for their use and these ballots are counted separately from the men’s. How the women voted is, therefore, all a matter of official record, and it is only necessary to study the returns in order to determine the facts. A study of the influence of the women’s vote upon the mayoralty election must necessarily begin with the choice of candidates at the primary election, for the choice of good or bad candidates is, of course, the fact of first importance. The two leading candidates for the Republican nomination were William Hale Thompson, since elected and inaugurated mayor, and Chief Justice Harry Olson, of the Chicago municipal court,-the fusion candidate agreed upon by the Progressives, led by Professor Charles E. Merriam, who has been for many years the leader of the goodgovernment forces in Chicago, and by the better element in the Republican party. As to which was the better candidate there could be no possible question. The significance, therefore, of the figures given in the following tables cannot be overestimated. This table shows that the women gave a decisive plurality of more than 7,700 votes to the better candidate while the men gave a still larger pulrality to the less desirable candidate. Fifty-five per cent of the women voted for Judge Olson, but the men’s plurality for Mr. Thompson was large enough to out-weigh the women’s vote. If the men had stayed 1 See article entitled “DO Women Vote,” by Ellis Meredith, NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. iii, p. 663. 2 Associate Director of the Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy. municipal election in Chicago? 437

PAGE 69

438 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [duly away from the polls on the day of the primary and left to the women the business of choosing a candidate, the fate of Chicago would have been different. NUMBER AND PER CENT OF VOTES CAST BY MEN AND WOMES FOR CANDIDATES IN’ THE REPUBLICAN PRIMARY I I Number Per Cent Thompson. ....................... .I 61,506 Olson.. ............................ 51,255 Hey.. ............................ ./ 3,264 1 Men I Women 1 Men ~ Women 25,827 33,570 1,019 I Sweitzer ........................... Harrison.. ......................... Wilson.. ........................... 125,587 57,662 67,860 36,203 1,112 34 1 53.0 1 42.7 44.2 I 55.6 2.8 1 1.i I I I I I I Total.. .................... ......I 116,025 1 60,416 1 100.0 I 100.0 Women’s plurality for Olson. ............................ 7,743 Men’s plurality for Thompson. ........................... 10,251 In the contest between Mayor Harrison and Mr. Sweitzer for the ‘Democratic nomination, there was no such distinct line of cleavage between the good and the bad elements. Both were “machine” candidates, although the mayor’s machine was considered less undesirable than Mr. Sweitzer’s. It is not therefore especially significant that both the men and the women of the Democratic party, as the following table shows, gave Mr. Sweitzer a large plurality; but if it is true that Mayor Harrison was a less undesirable candidate, then the fact that a larger per cent of the women than of the men voted for Harrison is, of course, significant. In sofar as there was a choice the preponderance of the women’s vote went to the right side. NUMBER AND PER CENT OF VOTES CAST BY MEN AND WOMEN FOR CANDIDATES IN THE DEMOCRATIC PRIMARY Number Per Cent I Men 1 Women 61.2 64 34.9 1 38.4 .6 j .4 ~ ~~~ Total.. ........................ ..I 191,559 ~ 94,206 I 100.0 1 100.0 Women’s plurality for Sweitzer .......................... .21,4.59 Men’s plurality for Sweitzer ............................. 57,727

PAGE 70

19151 ARE WOMEN A FORCE FOR GOOD GOVERNMENT 439 The contrast between the situation on the day of the primary and the day of election was very striking. When the primary was held, there was a chance to nominate a reform candidate for mayor, and the women made the choice in favor of Judge Olson and good government. The men chose differently, and on election day the choice was between an undesirable Democrat and an equally undesirable-or slightly less undesirable -Republican. Men and women alike had to do the best they could with the hopeless situation created by the men voters. If the men had stayed at home on the day of the primaries, it will be remembered, the men and women would have had a choice between Judge Olson and Mr. Sweitzer. Since there was no “good” candidate to vote for, the best that could be done either by the men or the women was to vote for the least undesirable candidate. The following table shows the result, already sufficiently familiar, of that election. XVMBER AND PER CENT OF VOTES CAST BY MEN AND WOMEN FOR CANDIDATES IN THE MAYORALTY ELECTION Number Men 1 Women 161,179 89,882 249,713 148,825 16,420 8,032 2,007 1,967 Sweitzer ........................... Thompson.. ......... ;. ............ Stedman ........................... Hi11 ............................... Per Cent Men 1 Women 37.5 36.2 58.2 59.8 3.8 3.2 .5 .8 Total ............................ 429,319 I 248,706 1 100.0 1 100.0 These election returns have been quoted in all parts of the country as evidence of the fact that the women were merely as one writer has put it ‘I convenient copy-cats of male opinion” because they helped the men to elect Mr. Thompson instead of electing a more undesirable candidate, Mr. Sweitzer. The women are accused of not voting independently. Would independence have been a virtue if it had eIected Mr. Sweitzer? If by “independence” is meant not voting with the men, then the women voted independentIy in the primary when independence was a virtue, but on election day they did the best they could for Chicago by voting with the great majority of the men for Mr. Thompson. The question of the effect of the women’s vote upon the election of aldermen is a matter of very great importance; but as each of the 35 wards in Chicago elects its own alderman, the analysis of the votes of these 35 separate local communities is a rather complicated undertaking. It is possible, however, to determine (1) whether in any wards the women’s

PAGE 71

440 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July vote actually changed the election in favor of a better or a worse candidate; and (2) in how many wards a larger or smaller percentage of women than of men voted for the candidates recommended by the non-partisan Municipal Voters’ League.s It should be explained that there is almost universal agreement in Chicago that the “good candidates are those recommended by the league. In a few wards there may be two candidates of almost equal ability and integrity, and in such cases of course there can be no clear line drawn between ((good” and ‘(bad” candidates. Such cases, however, are so rare that they may be disregarded, and the league recommendations may be taken as determining which are the best candidates. It has not seemed worth while to undertake a detailed analysis of the aldermanic primary vote since the league published only a partial report on the candidates, and in the absence of any accepted statement as to who the best candidates were, it is, of course, impossible to determine how far the women’s vote was influential in nominating the ‘(best” men. It is significant, however, that the day after the primary, the president of the league in a statement published in the newspapers declared that the result of the aldermanic primary had been a cause of congratulation and that “the women played an important part in many of the ward contests and the returns would indicate that they are entitled to credit for the nomination of Buck in the 33d ward.” The statement also noted specifically that the nomination of “men like McCormick of the 6th and Buck of the 33d are a welcome addition to the aldermanic lists. Before leaving the subject of the primary, it should be noted that the Chicago Tribune under the headline (( Women’s Work Tells ” made the following statement regarding the victory of Alexander A. McCormick in the Sixth Ward: “The women’s vote played a big part in the McCormick victory. Scores of residence meetings have been held in his behalf and dozens of women workers were present at the polls all day long after having put in two or three weeks of consistent work in house to house canvasses.” (Chicago Tribune, Wednesday, February 24, p. 5.) The official returns of the republican primary vote in the 6th ward show that although the men as well as the women gave Mr. McCormick a plurality, 61 per cent of the women. and only 46 per cent of the men voted for him. Moreover, the women were largely responsible for the fact that Mr. McCormick filed his petition for nomination. The Republican machine had agreed on a very respectable, but inexperienced young lawyer for the place, and there was a good deal of ill-feeling during the campaign, 31 am indebted to a class in statistics at the Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy, and in particular to two members of the class, Miss &I. Cushing and Miss H. F. Ryan, for the tedious work of computing these percentages. ‘Chicago Tribune, Wednesday, February 24, p. 2, statement by Frederick Bruce Johnstone, president, hIuiiicipal Voters’ League.

PAGE 72

19151 ARE WOMEN A FORCE FOR GOOD GOVERNMENT 441 in which the friends of Mr. McCormick were repeatedly charged with “bad faith’’ since it was said that the “place had been promised” to the other candidate. The women voters took a remarkably independent view of the matter. Noman, they said, and no group of men had any right to “promise” the aldermanic nomination to any man. The people of the ward were entitled to the services of the best man available and the fact that “months ago ’’ some man or some group of men had “promised the place” was not entitled to have any weight. The result was, as the president of the league said, that the women were largely responsible for Mr. McCormick’s nomination. The vote was as follows: REPUBLICAN VOTE IN THE PRIMARY, SIXTH WARD Women I Men I Friend ..................................... Keck ...................................... Kerr ....................................... Singley .................................... McCormick ................................ 2,808 1,394 523 243 105 31 28 8 2,962 2,646 It may be noted, too, that while the men’s votes alone would have nominated McCormick by a small plurality (154 votes) yet the women’s work in the ward wm largely responsible for winning this plurality. In the 33d ward, the president of the league was right in his statement that the women were probably entitled to the credit for the nomination of Buck. The official returns of the contest there between Buck and Hazen are as follows: REPUBLICAN VOTE IN THE PRIMARY, THIRTY-THIRD WARD -1 Men 1 Women 1 Total Haaen. .......................... Buck. ........................... 3,468 1 1,420 4,888 3,113 1 1,846 4,959 ~ Men’s plurality for Hasen. ................................ 355 Women’s plurality for Buck. ............................... 426 Proceeding to an analysis of the results of the aldermanic election, it appears from the official returns that the women’s vote actually changed the result in two wards. IR the 18th ward, one of the densely populated West Side wards, concerning which we had many prophecies of ihe dangers of the so-called ignorant vote, the women’s vote elected Carl

PAGE 73

442 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July J. Murray, whereas the men’s vote would have elected the notorious “Barney” Grogan. The following extract from the report of the Municipal Voters’ League on this candidate indicates the value of the work of the women voters in bringing about his defeat. Bernard J. (“Barney”) Grogan-Democrat: . . . has been saloonkeeper for thirteen years; recent police report stated his saloon was a ‘(hangout for safeblowers, pickpockets, gunmen, prostitutes and gainblers ”; he figures regularly as a bondsman at Desplaines street station; a friend of “Mike the Pike”; in civil service investigation of police higherups in 1911 (resulting in discharge of Inspector Dorman and others) a divekeeper testified that he went with Grogan to the back room of the latter’s saloon and there paid Grogan $400 for police protection. Grogan is a disgrace to the city and the 18th ward. The only other ward in which the women’s votes actually changed the result of the election was the 22d, and here again, although there was no such disgraceful candidate as I‘ Barney” Grogan to be defeated, the women elected the Democratic candidate recommended by the Municipal Voters’ League, instead of the Republican candidate, who did not receive the endorsement of the league but who would have been elected if the men had been voting alone. In two wards, and two wards only, then, was the election actually changed by the women and in both of these wards the women’s vote resulted in the election of candidates whose election had been asked for by the non-partisan league, and in one case, a particularly disgraceful man was kept out of the council solely because of the women’s vote. Two facts should be taken into consideration with regard to the number of wards in which the women’s vote turned the election: (1) that the men voters are more numerous than the women, and it takes therefore a large percentage of the women’s votes to change the result; and (2) that the independence of the women’s vote in the aldermanic election of 1914 had demonstrated to politicians of all parties the importance of nominating better candidates, and as a result there were fewer “gray wolves” to be defeated this year. Another, and perhaps more important, test of the independence and intelligence of the women’s vote is whether or not a larger percentage of the women than of the men voted for the candidates recommended by the Municipal Voters’ League. The following summary shows (1) the number of wards in which the league candidates received a larger percentage of the women’s vote than of the men’s vote, (2) the number of wards in which the league candidates received a larger percentage of the men’s vote, and (3) the wards in which the percentages were the same or divided. The percentages and the official returns on which they were computed are all published at the close of this article.

PAGE 74

19151 ARE WOMEN A FORCE FOR GOOD GOVERNMENT 443 1. In 24 out of the 35 wards, the percentage of women voting for the league candidates was higher than the percentage of men voting for these candidates. These were the lst, 2d, 3d (two candidates elected), 4th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, loth, 12th, 14th, 16th, 18th, 21s4 22d, 23d, 24th, 26th, 28th, 29th, 31st, 32d, 33d, and 35th. 2. In eight wards the percentage of men voting for the league candidates was higher than the per cent of women voting for these candidates. These were the 5th, llth, 13th, 17th, 19th, 20th, 27th, and 34th. 3. In two wards the percentages of men and women voting for the league candidates were the same. These were the 25t’h (two candidates elected) and the 30th. In one ward (the 15th) where two candidates were to be elected, the percentage of women voting for the Municipal Voters’ League candidate for the longer term was larger than the per cent of men, but the per cent of men voting for the short term league candidate was higher than the per cent of women. In this latter case the recommended candidate elected by the men was a Socialist, and the women seem in general to have been more reluctant than the men to vote for Socialist candidates. In addition to the election of a mayor and thirty-eight aldermen, twelve “public policy” questions came before the voters of Chicago. Seven of these involved bond issues and received a plurality of the men’s and of the women’s votes. On the first three questions, which involved the issue of bonds for (1) a contagious diseases hospital, (2) a dormitory for the John Worthy school for delinquent boys, and (3) a house of shelter for women, the per cent of women voting “yes” was slightly larger than the per cent of men-in no case however was there a difference as great as 5 per cent. The per cent of women and men voting for the fourth proposition-bonds for garbage reduction works-was the same: On the last three propositions, (5) bathing-beaches, (6) fire and (7) police department bonds, the per cent of men voting “yes” was slightly higher than the per cent of women (the excess in the case of bathing-beaches was only 1 per cent). Of the other public policy questions, four related to the annexation of outlying villages, and in all these cases a slightly Iarger percentage of men than of women voted “yes”; the other question submitted, that of the “double platoon” system in the fire department, was defeated both by the men and by the women, but with a larger per cent of the women than of the men voting “no.” On the whole there was general satisfaction with the outcome of the public policy vote, and the women were in line with approved, and as it appears, general public sentiment in voting for the measures, the only fact of significance being that a slightly higher percentage of women voted tryes’’ on city bonds for humanitarian purposes. In conclusion, then, it seems fair to say that the recent municipal election has shown that the women’s vote has been a source of strength to the

PAGE 75

444 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July good government forces. At the risk of repetition, however, it may once more be emphasized that the most signal evidence of the fact that the women voters are a force for good government was afforded by the Republican primary vote in which a majority of the women, and unfortunately for Chicago, a minority of the men, voted for Chief Justice Olson, the candidate of the “reform” forces. On the day of the election it was too late either for the women or the men to save a situation in which the two great parties offered two undesirable candidates to the voters. The women as well as the men took the wise course of voting for the least undesirable of these candidates, but it should not be forgotten that the women’s vote alone would have meant a choice between Chief Justice Olson and Mr. Sweitzer for mayor. It was the men’s vote that created a situation in which the voters had to choose between Mr. Sweitzer and Mr. Thompson. So far as the aldermanic election is concerned, the returns show that two aldermanic candidates, one of them of the worst “gray wolf” type, were defeated by the women’s vote and that in twenty-five different wards, in all sections of the city and among all classes of people, rich and poor, immigrant and American, from the university wards on the south side to some of the most congested wards on the west side, a larger proportion of the women than of the men voted without regard to party affiliations for the candidates recommended by the Municipal Voters’ League. The officers of the league said, in publishing their final report on candidates, “To the women voters of Chicago a special appeal is made. They should not forget that last year, but for their vote, six good aldermen would have been defeated.” The election returns show that this appeal was not in vain. To the “six good aldermen” whom the women saved from defeat last year four others have been added, two at the primary and two at the election this year. These ten aldermen are the women’s direct contribution to the City Council of Chicago. QFFICIAL RETURNS ALDERUANIC ELECTION CHICAGO APRIL 6 1915 WITH THE PERCENTAGES OF MEN AND WOMEN 1t-i EACH WARD VOTI~G F’OR THE CANDIDATES RECOMMENDED BY THE MUNICIPAL VOTERS LEAGUE. Wards Men Women Totat I. Mitchel,~.. ................................ 51 22 73 Xenna,d ................................... 6,761 1,833 8,594 Troupe, r.. ................................. 2,814 1,096 3,910 Phillips, 8. (M. V. L.) ...................... 413 161 574 Total.. ............................... 10.039 3,112 13,151 Voting for &I. V. L. candidate: men 4 per cent; women 5 per cent. 11. Gary. p. (M. V. L.). ........................ 2.254 1,443 3,697 Russell, d.. ................................ 4,180 2.313 6,893 DePrieat, r.. ............................... 6,700 3,899 10,599 B1och.s .................................... 296 137 433 Total.. ............................... 13,430 7,792 21,622 Voting for 31. T. L. cnndidnte: men 17 per cent; women 19 per cent. 111. Naah,d .................................... 5.709 Full term. Wmner, r. (M. T-. L.). ....................... 7,526 Howe, 8.. .................................. 247 3.786 9,475 5,318 12,844 147 394 __ Total.. ................................ 13,482 9,231 22,713 Voting for 41. V. L. candidnte: men 56 per cent; women 58 per cent.

PAGE 76

19151 ARE WOMEN A FORCE FOR GOOD GOVERNMENT 445 Wards Men Women 111 . Iieim d .................................... 4.447 2.916 Short term . Stern: r . (At . V . L.). ........................ 8. 352 5. 841 .................................. 162 Sbelton. s 296 Total, . , ............................... 13.095 8.919 Voting for M . V . L . candidate: men 64 per cent; women 66 per cent . IV . v . \'I . VI I . VIII . IS . S . XI . XI1 . XI11 . XIT. Hickey. d . (.\f . V . L.). ....................... 2. 695 Lambine ................................... 2. 810 1. 301 Bour. s ..................................... 167 51 ............................. 7. 878 4 047 r M . V . L . candidate: men 62 per cent; women 67 per .ent . Martin. d .................................. 5. 274 2. 880 Kramp .r . (X . V. L.), ..................... 4. 098 2.053 Wellman. s ....... .... ........ 204 64 .................. ........ 6 Lantry. p 10 Total ... . , ...................... 9. 595 5.003 men 43 per cent; women 41 per cent . Hanly. d .. , ................................ 3. 782 2. 230 McCormiek. r . (M . V . L.) ............... 10.885 7. 618 .. ........... ............... 191 Defaut. s ., , 286 Total ........................... 14.953 10. 039 men 73 per cent; women 76 per cent . 4. 901 Voting f . L . candidate: Voting for M . V . L candidate: Lindsay. d .................................. 5. 75f 3. 648 Mentam. r . (M . V . L.). .................... 10. 351 7. 787 ................................. 200 Hoeldtke. s 327 Total. ................................ 16. 429 11. 635 men 63 per cent; women 67 per cent . Voting for M . V . L . candidate: Emerson. d ................................. 4. 052 2. 145 Tyden. r . (.If . V . L.). ...................... 5. 745 3. 831 Housinger. s 397 159 Total .................................. 10. 194 6.136 men 56 per cent; women 62 per cent . ................................ Lekbert. p .................................. 1 Voting for M . V . L . candidate: Cook. d .................................... 3, 202 Va'anderbiN, r . (114 . V . L.). ................... 8, 524 Johneon. s .................................. 910 1. 743 4. 308 357 . . Total .................................. 10. 636 6. 408 Voting for M . V . L . candidate: men 61 per cent; women 67 per cent . Smidl. p 90 .................................... 103 Klaus, d . (M . V . L.). ...................... 3, 314 1, 615 883 Panama, F ................................. 2, 133 Pntl, s ..................................... 170 427 . . Total ................................. 5.977 2. 758 Voting for M . V . L . candidate: men 54 per cent; women 59 per cent . Cullerton . d ................................ 4. 340 Lohman. r . (&f . V . L.). ..................... 2.478 Matte0ni.s ................................. 272 . . Total .................................. 7. 090 3. 553 men 35 per cent; women 34 per cent . Voting for M . V . L . candidate: Kerner. d .................................. 5. 504 3.045 Fink' r . (.lf . V . L.). ....................... 3. 438 1. 755 Beraneli. s .................................. 554 244 . . Total .................................. 9.496 5.044 men 58 per cent; women 60 per cent . Voting for M . V . L . candidate: Ahern. d ................................... 7. 123 Snderson . r . 7. 801 Will. 8 ..................................... 409 (M . V . L.). ................... 5. 271 5. I42 151 . . Total .................................. 15, 333 10.564 men 51 per cent; women 49 per cent . Voting for M . V . L . Candidate: Kelle. d .................................... 4.471 2. 492 Lawley. r . (M . V . L.), ..................... 6. 640 3. 934 rams,^.. ................................. 374 180 -, p rog ................................ 3 ., prohi .. , , . , , . , ...................... . 3 Total .. , ............................... 11. 491 6, 606 men 58 per cent; women 60 per cent . . Voting for M . V . L . candidate: Total 7. 363 14. 193 458 22, 014 7, 596 4, 111 218 11, 925 8, 154 6, 151 268 25 14, 598 6.012 18, 503 477 24, 992 9, 309 18.138 527 ~ 28. 064 6. 197 9. 576 556 1 16, 330 4, 945 10. 832 1. 267 17, 044 193 4. 939 3.016 597 8, 735 6, 602 3, 693 348 10, 643 8, 549 5, 193 798 14, 540 12, 394 12, 943 560 25, 897 6, 963 10.574 554 3 3 18. 097

PAGE 77

446 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW hlen Women 13 2. 128 Utpatel. r .................................. 5. 217 2. 534 Sissman . s .................................. 2. 448 957 Wade XV . Backer. prog ................................ 49 Full . Rlane. d . (M . V . L.). ...................... 4. 449 . . Total 5, 632 .................................. 12, 163 men 37 per cent; women 38 per cent . Voting for M . V . L . candidate: Short . Kaindl . d ................................... 3. 891 1. 800 Anderson. r., ............................... 4. 085 2. 062 .................... 1. 865 Rodripuez. s . (M . V . L.). 4.400 5. 727 Total .................................. 12. 37 6 Voting for M.V.L. candidate: men 36 per cent; women 33 per cent . 2. 223 Schulenberg. r .............................. 1. 875 760 80 3. 063 men 70 per cent; women 73 per cent . XVI . Turiejka. d . (M . V . L.). .................... 4, 738 Peltz. s .................................... 178 Total .................................. 6. 791 Voting for M . V . L . candidate: ............................... 1. 026 Sib . 7 . (k . V . L.). ......................... 2. 621 952 Blaska, s ................................... 51 118 XVII . Kielczynski d 2. 313 __ ~ ................................. 2. 029 Total. 5.052 men 52 per cent; women 47 per cent . Voting for M . V . L . candidate: .............................. 9 XVIII . Brennan. prog 62 Grogan. d .................................. 6. 548 2.572 Murray, r . (M . V . L.). ..................... 6. 388 3. 044 Smith, s 187 .................................... 565 Total .................................. 13. 563 5. 812 men 47 per cent: women 52 per cent . XIX . Powers, d .................................. 3, 666 1. 664 774 .................................. 84 Schneid. s 224 __ Voting for M . V . L . candidate: L8uison.r. (M . V . L.). ..................... 1. 948 Total .................................. 5. 838 2. 522 men 33 per cent; women 31 per cent . Voting for M . V . L . candidate: .................................. 2 XX . Fehr. prog 22 Franz, d ................................... 2. 164 1. 051 . . . ...................... 1, 029 Miller. r (M V L.), 2. 253 men 51 per cent; women 49 per cent . Total .................................. 4, 438 2. 082 Voting for M . V . L . candidate: XXI . Geiger. d . (M . V . L.). ...................... 6. 655 3. 142 Nitschke. 8 ................................. 428 123 Funke. r ................................... 4. 775 2.039 Total .................................. 11. 858 5. 304 men 56 per cent; women 59 per cent . Voting for M . V . L . candidate: XXII . Ellison. d . (M . V . L.). . 1 ... 1. 507 Lafin. s .................... 256 ............................. 26 Hestenes. prohi 19 2. 058 Total .................................. 7. 258 men 42 per cent; women 51 per cent . XXIII . Klein. prog ........................ 27 Wallace, 7 . 5. 706 Ericson. B ......................... 27 1 ...................... 13. 385 8. 163 I. . candidate: men 64 per cent; women 70 per cent . XXIV . Becker. d ................... .......... ?. 237 2. 026 Gnadt. r . (M . Y . L.). ...... .......... 5. 528 2. 809 Grant. s .................................... 605 187 Dochtermann. r ............. 1. 169 Voting for BI . V . L . candidate: Harrington. d ...................... 2, 159 (M . V . L.). ............ _I_ Peterson. ind 1 1 Krumholz, ind ............................... 1 ............................... Total .................................. 10. 372 5.023 men 53 per cent; women 56 per cent . Voting for M . V . L . candidate: Total 62 6. 577 7.751 3. 405 . 17.795. 18. 103 G. 961 2. 635 358 9, 854 3. 339 3. 573 169 7. 081 71 9. 120 9. 432 752 19. 375 . 8, 360 24 3.215 3.282 . 6, 521 9. 797 6. 814 551 17, 162' 45 10. 210 _I_ 121 6.400 14. 311 816 . 31, 648 6. 263 8. 337 792 2 1 . 15, 395

PAGE 78

19151 ARE WOMEN A FORCE FOR GOOD GOVERNMENT 447 Wards Bull . XSV . Short . XXYI . XXVII . XXVIII . XSIX . XXX . XXXI . XXXII . XXXIII . XXXIV . XXXV . Men Women .................................... 2. 897 Iluhn. d 4. 152 9. 828 Capitain. r . (M . V . L.). .................... 13. 978 324 Meisineer . s ................................ 464 . . _ . ................................. a. 049 Total 18, 594 Voting for M . V . L . candidate: men 75 per cent: women 75 per cent . 389 2. 912 9. 214 284 12. 799 men 72 per cent; women 72 per cent . WaUcer. p .................................. 513 Quinn. d., ................................. 4.173 Link. r . (M . V . L.). ............... f ....... 13.324 Pause. 8 416 Total .................................. 18. 456 .................................... Voting for M . V . L . candidate: Oberg. d ................................... 5. 483 Lipps. r . (M . V . L.). ...................... 10, 060 Racine . 8 ................................... 627 2.668 6. PO3 279 Hunsche, p ................................. 86 77 . Total 9, 427 men 62 per cent: women 68 per cent . ............................... 1, 811 .................................... 3. 290 Rioch. r 5.180 4. 055 ................................. 9. 156 TotaI 17. 754 men 50 per cent: women 44 per cent . .................................. 16, 256 1LlcGrane . d 3. 776 Kennedg. 8 . (M . V . L.). .................... 8.798 Voting for M . V . L . candidate: Voting for M . V . L . candidate: 1. 856 4.093 Hackenberger. s 281 Sharvy. d .................................. 3. 700 Littler. r . (M . V . L.), ...................... 7. 177 ............................. 744 Total .................................. 11. 621 6. 230 Voting for M . V . L . candidate: men 62 per cent; women 66 per cent . Xilens. d ................................... 2. 450 4.996 Hrubec. r . (M . V . L.). ..................... 6. 125 3. 226 ..................................... 305 Taft. s 696 .................................. 5. 981 Total 11. 817 Voting for M . V . L . candidate: men 52 per cent; women 54 per cent . 2. 937 2. 103 63 Lynch. d ................................... 5. 366 Buse. T . (M . v . L.). ....................... 3.852 ................................. Callahan. a 206 Total. .................................. 9. 424 5. 103 men 41 per cent; women 41 per cent . 3. 148 ..................... 5. 880 248 Total ,. ................................. 13. 827 9.276 Voting for M . V . L . candidate: men 62 per cent; women 63 per cent . 3.298 Voting for M . V . L . candidate: Cam . d .................................... 4.644 Henning. s 555 Kearna. r . (M . V . L.), 8. 628 .................................. Wasson. d .................................. 5. 335 Fisher. r . (M . V . L.). ...................... 13. 424 Ball. 8 483 "2 ..................................... Total .................................. 19. 242 13. 170 Voting for M . V . L . candidate: men 70 per cent; women 73 per cent . 19 Harnley. prog .................. 1.998 Stevenson. d ................... Buck. r . (M . V . L.). .......... 4. 349 Johnson. 8 .................................. 1. 036 360 ................................. 3. 450 Hazep. ind 6. 123 Total .................................. 17. 745 10. 176 Voting for M . V . L . candidate: men 38 per cent: women 43 per cent . Blaha. r . (M . V . L.). ...................... 7. 932 4.123 .................................... 366 53 ......... ................... 8. 022 Total 15. 284 men 52 per cent; women 51 per cent . 5.235 8. 073 Jade. r .................................... 8. 191 5. 198 Huggins. s .................................. 369 897 Held. d .................................... 6. 389 3. 480 Sksla . 8 876 Johnson . prob ............................... 87 candidate: Clark. d . (M . V . L.). ...... .-. ............... Total 7. 049 23. 806 788 31, 643 932 7, 085 22. 538 700 31, 255 8, 151 16, 463 906 163 25, 683 5.587 8.470 12.853 26. 910 5. 556 11. 270 I. 025 17. 851 7.446 9. 351 1. 001 17. 798 8. 303 5. 955 269 14. 527 7. 792 14. 508 803 23. 103 8. 633 23.028 751 32. 412 48 5. 841 11. 063 1. 396 9.573 27, 921 9. 869 12. 055 1. 242 140 23. 306 13, 308 13, 389 1. 266 Total. ........................ Voting for M . V . L . csndidate: ......... 17.161 10. 802 27.963 men 47 per oant: women 49 per csnt .

PAGE 79

SHORT ARTICLES CHICAGO’S SENSATIONAL TAX CASES BY VICTOR S. YARROS’ Chicago T” E indictment of Julius Rosenwald last winter by a Cook County grand jury on the charge of willful violation of the revenue or taxation laws of Illinois was like the “shot heard round the world.” The more the indictment was locally explained and defended by the state’s attorney, Mr. Hoyne, who had procured it, and by the assistants in his office, the less the general public understood it, for the explanations were mutually inconsistent and contradictory. The Chicago press, without exception, deplored and denounced the indictment, and this embittered the state’s attorney and caused hiin to accuse the press of anarchical opinions and methods. Soon after Cook County returned the “tax-dodging indictment ” against one of Chicago’s best citizens-against a philanthropist and civic reformer of national fame-another remarkable Chicago tax case” challenged general attention. Charles R. Crane, another of Chicago’s distinguished, wealthy and public-spirited citizens, another captain of industry and man of broad sympathies and varied interests of the most elevated kind, announced his removal from that city and from the state of Illinois. He gave the state’s taxation and revenue system as the sole cause of his action. It was explained on his behalf that he did not wish to evade even the literal and technical requirements of the revenue law, but that, on the other hand, he did not care to expose himself to confiscatory taxation. Hence his determination to select a domicile in a state that was governed by sounder and fairer revenue laws. Through some mistake Massachusetts was named as the state Mr. Crane had decided to make his permanent home; as a matter of fact, Illinois and Massachusetts are in identically the same backward and discreditable category with reference to taxation, and Mr. Crane would not better his position were he to settle in Massachusetts now. Tax reform legislation has been under discussion in that commonwealth, and is sadly needed, but no action had yet been taken that held out the promise of early relief when Mr. Crane’s decision was announced. Since then the Massachusetts legislature has voted to submit to the people an amendment to the revenue article of the state constitution. 1 Of Hull House, Chicago. 448

PAGE 80

19151 CHICAGO’S SENSATIONAL TAX CASES 449 What is the situation in Illinois as regards revenue and taxation-the situation that gives us Chicagoans in one season the indictment of one highly desirable and useful citizen and the virtual expulsion of another? Illinois still clings to the so-called “ general property tax.’’ Her constitution, adopted in 1870, and not materially amended since except for the benefit of Chicago’s local courts and a certain degree of home rule-the antiquated constitution imposes this general and proportional system of taxation. All forms of property, real and personal, tangible and intangible, must be taxed at the same rate, and on the same basis. As an inevitable result, here a5 elsewhere, personal property of the intangible kind largely escapes taxation. The men who knowingly and voluntarily choose to schedule their intangible personalty-their stocks, bonds, debentures, mortgages, bank deposits, etc.-pay the tax contemplated by the organic law. It hardly needs saying that the name of these is not legion. Few will pay voluntarily a confiscatory tax, and under the general property tax the owner of a safe and conservative bond, yielding him $40 a year, or 4 per cent, pays about half of that amount to the tax collector. In other words, so far as such securities are concerned, IlIinois levies on them an income tax of 50 and even 60 per cent! The savings bank depositor who gets 3 per cent interest-this being the prevailing Chicago rate-pays, when ‘‘caught,11 an income tax on his savings of over 70 per cent! To repeat, then, very few citizens in the state return, or ever did return, correct and complete tax schedules. But widows and orphans, trust estates, and the like, pay the full confiscatory tax because they cannot possibly evade their legal obligation. This, it is pointed out, works intolerable injustice to those who can least support the burden of so heavy and ruthless a tax system. It is estimated that hundreds of millions of dollars’ worth of intangible personalty escape taxation altogether, and that realty and tangible personalty suffer seriously in consequence of this futile attempt to enforce the unenforceable and to achieve the impossible in taxation. The Crane episode, in view of what has been said, requires no eIucidation beyond the statement that as long as Mr. Crane’s intangible personalty consisted chiefly of certificates of stock in the Crane Company, that personalty was exempt from taxation under the Illinois revenue system. The law exempts stock in domestic corporations of a manufacturing and mercantile character; it does this, first because the state wishes to promote industry and trade, as well as incorporation under her rather than other or “foreign” laws, and, secondly, because it is plain to the most benighted lawmaker that to tax stock after taxing the corporation is to levy double taxation. The stockholder is of course a partner in the concern; he gets no dividends if there are no profits. Now, Mr. Crane retired from active business some time ago and resigned the presidency The answer need not be long or elaborate.

PAGE 81

NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW of the company. He exchanged his stock certificates for mortgage bonds, and, presto! the identical property became subject to confiscatory taxation. Bonds of domestic concerns are not tax exempt. Hence the same person and the same property may be taxed or relieved of taxation one year and accorded diametrically opposite treatment the next year. Mr. Crane could not see why the mere exchange of stock for bonds should render him liable to a 40 or 50 per cent tax on the income of his securities. Mr. Rosenwald has not retired from business and does not wish to leave the state, It is not necessary to add that neither does he wish to violate or disobey the law, or to join the hosts of tax-dodgers. What has been his policy, his method? This question requires a reference to the “sanctions” of our revenue laws. It is the failure to inquire into the sanctions and penalties of the law that is responsible for the prevailing confusion and for the loose talk of persistent, defiant and stubborn taxdodging on the part of men like Mr. Rosenwald. The revised and “modernized” revenue law, passed about a decade ago, prescribes no fine or imprisonment in the case of the person who neglects or declines to file a complete and sworn schedule of his property. This law does not make it a criminal or indictable offence to fail to file a schedule accompanied by an affidavit under oath: it merely provides that where such failure has occurred, the assessors shall “estimate” the value of the citizen’s property-taking such means of arriving at a sound estimate as may be available-and add thereto 50 per cent of the estimated total by way of penalty-the whole to be taxed at the legal rate. Now, tens of thousands of Illinoisans and Chicagoans, apprehending confiscation of their income from securities, fail to file sworn schedules and let the assessors estimate the full values of their respective possessions in personalty. Where the estimates or guesses are too extravagant, the citizens appeal to the reviewing board and obtain reductions. The reviewing board has been lenient and reasonable in granting such reductions, simply and merely because it has felt, as others have, that the present revenue law is antiquated and unenforceable. Mr. Rosenwald thus has acted as tens of thousands of his fellow-citizens, rich or relatively poor, have acted-that is, he has permitted the assessors to put their own valuation on his personalty and add the penalty of 50 per cent. This has become the established practice. Bad and utterly unscientific as such a method is from every point of view, in practice it has been found tolerable, for confiscation of income has at any rate been averted. Unfortunately, the present state’s attorney, Mr. Hoyne, adopted the position that the new revenue law, which repealed many of the provisions of the old one, did not repeal its “sanctions” or penal clauses. These, he claims, remained in full force and are in force now, so that in addition to the 50 per cent addition to the guessed-at assessors’ total of The case of Mr. Rosenwald is more complicated. He wishes to pay a just tax.

PAGE 82

19151 CHICAGO’S SENSATIONAL TAX CASES 451 a person’s personalty, he may be subjected to the penalties of the old act-a fine of $200 and imprisonment in the county jail. Proceeding on this theory, the state’s attorney sought last winter the indictment of a number of individuals and corporations for tax-dodging and actually secured a few indictments against “shining marks.” On the very grand jury that returned the indictments there were men who had themselves committed the alleged offence for which they were calling others to account. Perhaps they thought it was their painful duty to return the indictments demanded by the state’s attorney. It was suggested in one of the most conservative of the Chicago newspapers that they deserved “a leather medal” for their exhibition of civic virtue and courage-as well as for their disregard of fact and common sense. If Mr. Hoyne is right in the position he has taken as to the concurrent operation of the two revenue laws with respect to their penal clauses, the situation is a serious one. He has the power to procure other indictments and to brand many excellent men and women as lawbreakers and willful tax-dodgers. Perhaps he can even obtain some convictions from trial juries, though this is doubtful. Convictions might hasten the revision of the revenue laws, say some of the supporters of the Hoyne crusade. But the revenue law cannot be revised in any essential so long as the present constitutional provision for a general property tax stands intact. And our legislature has until this year evinced little disposition to move toward a revision of the organic law. We can amend but one article at a time; and as there are several factions and several proposed constitutional amendments, the wrangling and mutuaI “reprisals” among these factions have heretofore blocked the way to revision, in any direction, while the liquor interests and the ultra-conservative elements of the state have persistently and successfully opposed the calling of a state convention to frame a new constitution responsive to changed needs and conditions. It is possible, however, that the higher courts may overrule the state’s attorney and decide that the sanctions of the revenue law of 1572 are not in force. The lower courts have had occasion to pass on the question and have disagreed. The county court has upheld the contention of Mr. Hoyne, while a judge of the circuit court has sustained the position taken by Mr. Rosenwald’s attorney-that the penal clauses of the old act are dead-and has quashed the indictment against Mr. Rosenwald. Of course, the case of Mr. Rosenwald cannot be appealed, and he has no further or immediate occasion for worry. But in the other case an appeal has been taken and will in due time reach the supreme court of Illinois. The Appelate Court of Cook County has sustained the Circuit Court’s view-the anti-Hoyne construction. The agitation and demand for revenue reform are not new in Illinois. The legislature has just reluctantly and grudgingly responded to public

PAGE 83

45 2 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW sentiment, and the public sentiment is indubitably here. A very large vote was cast some years ago at a so-called “moral referendum” in favor of a proposal to submit to the electorate a constitutional amendment to the revenue article of the constitution. That moral referendum did not obligate the legislature to act,, but it gave it ample evidence of the trend of public opinion regarding taxation. Further, a competent and able committee created by the legislature to study the revenue problem strongly recommended, as similar committees have in other states, the repeal of the general property tax and the adoption of an article enabling the legislature to classify property for purposes of taxation and to levy different rates in accordance with the nature and yield of the property subject to taxation. There is every reason to believe that a proper law, embodying modern scientific ideas of taxation, would receive overwhelming approval in Illinois. Farmers’ associations, labor bodies, manufacturers and merchants, the press-these and other agencies have gradually been converted to the idea of classification of property, of different rates of taxation to correspond with the use and yield of the property, and of the abolition, as far as possible, of double taxation. In short, the intolerable evils and the flagrant inequalities of the general property tax are now sufficiently realized. The difficulty is that tax or revenue reform is not yet in sight, and that for several years, at the best, we shall be forced to suffer and fumble and muddle under the present system. The legislature has at last, to the surprise and delight of many, voted to submit, in the fall of next year, a constitutional amendment enabling the legislature to classify Tersonal property (and that alone) for taxation purposes. That amendment, not being sufficiently general, is attacked by some reformers, and it may be rejected. The legislature should have proposed a broader resolution, one authorizing the classification of all property, As it is, we have a new controversy on our hands, as well as a needless risk and danger of failure. Already it is called “the tax dodgers’ amendment.” At any time, for political or personal reasons, an unintelligent or rash and impetuous state’s attorney may start a tax-enforcement “crusade” and attempt to mislead the public, to undo the educational work that has been done by earnest and thoughtful men in recent years. And even if locally the effect of such foolish and futile campaigns is nil, and the motives of the crusaders are perfectly well understood, outside of the state citizcns unfairly branded as tax-dodgers and violators of the revenue laws are virtually without remedy. It is felt in Chicago that a clear and unbiased presentation of the (‘Crane and Rosenwald tax cases” cannot fail to aid the cause of true tax reform throughout the United States. For demagogues and ignorant men clothed with brief authority will never cease arguing that the general property tax can be enforced if legislatures will but prescribe scorpions

PAGE 84

19151 OHIO MUNICIPALITIES 453 where whips have proved ineffectual, if more drastic and more ‘I courageous” methods of compelling the listing of intangible personalty will but be sanctioned. Moreover, a comprehension of these sensational caw may lead here or there a grand jury of independence and intellectual vigor to refuse to return morally unwarranted indictments and to make a vigorous presentment setting forth the absolute and inevitable failure of the general property tax and urging the people to wipe it out of existence. This, of course, is what the Cook County grand jury should have done in view of the notorious and indisputable facts and genesis of our tax situation. THE FINANCIAL CONDITION OF OHIO MUNICIPALITIES 1 BY KARL F. GEISER ObeTh, Ohio T” E growth of cities and the reorganization of city governments throughout the United States, and the general extension of municipal activities, have forced the question of taxation to a position of first importance among all problems of government. In whatever form state constitutions, state laws and local conditions may force the problem upon the public, the common note running through all, everywhere, is a demand for greater local revenues. These revenues have increased during the last decade with the increase of population and the demand is still far from satisfied. The rising cost of municipal government in 146 cities of the United States, having a population of more than 30,000, was estimated by the census bureau, and showed that while the population of these cities increased during a period of eleven yesrs, ending with 1912, 34.6 per cent, the per capita cost of government increased 45.7 per cent, and the total cost increased 96.1 per cent. Moreover, this estimate showed that the average cost of government per capita was larger for cities having a population of over 500,000 than for those having a population from 30,000 to 50,000, the cost in the former being $37.14 per capita, while in the latter it was $22.17. These tendencies and conditions, with local variations, are also reflected in Ohio. The 82 municipalities in the state now contain more 1 This article by Professor Karl F. Geiser of Oberlin College, is a supplement to an article upon “Municipal Revenues in Ohio,” in the April number, by Professor S. G. Lowrie, and should be read in connection with that article. The present article is based upon the “Report of the Committee for an Investigation of Finances of Municipalities” now published in “Bulletin of the Ohio Legislature Reference Department,” Columbus, February 3, 1915.-EDITo~.

PAGE 85

454 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July Urban ‘ ‘ State at large ‘ ‘ Native white of native parentage, 51.0 Xative white of foreign or mixed parentage] 28.0 Foreign born white, 17.9 ~ Negro, 3.1 Native white of native parentage] 79.6 Native white of foreign or mixed parentage, 13.2 , Negro, 1.4 Native white of native parentage] 63.6 Native white of foreign or mixed parentage, 21.5 Foreign born white, 12.5 , Negro1 2.3 Foreign born white, 5.7 454 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July than one-half of the population. In the ten largest cities the increase from 1900 to 1910 varies from 11.6 per cent in Cincinnati to 76.2 per cent in Youngstown, the average increase being 35.8 per cent. The total urban growth of t,he state during the last census decade WLS 33.4 per cent, while the rural population decreased 2.7 per cent. Since the increased cost of government is often explained by the character of the population, the foliowing table for Ohio is of special Bignificance: The relation between foreign and native population in rural and urban communities, shown in this table, will be more significant, if we call attention to the fact that the present general assembly of the state is dominated by rural representatives who control legislation, and who fail to appreciate the peculiar problems arising from a mixed municipal population. Statistics might also be cited to show that, while general laws might meet the conditions of rural communities, the character of the population in different cities varies greatly. Of the foreign born male population of Cincinnati, of voting age, only 7,983 are unnaturalized, while Cleveland has 48,047 unnaturalized male foreigners of voting age, and 59,127 persons of ten years of age and over, who are unable to speak English. Yet the percentage of illiterates in Cleveland is only 4.6 per cent, while illiteracy in Youngstown, with a population of 80,000 is estimated as high as 9 per cent. These facts suggest varying needs for different cities in the work of assimilation, sanitation, education, charities and social welfare. They also suggest that great care should be taken in the drafting of all laws affecting uniformly all the municipalities of the state. NOW, while the Ohio Constitutional amendments of 1912 did provide for just these varying conditions and needs in the home rule clause, the Smith “One Per Cent Lam” in effect destroyed the local freedom necessary to meet the problems, which the constitution forced upon the municipalities, by placing a ten inill limit upon the rate of taxation, with a maximum of fifteen mills by a vote of the people. This was the chief *Val. iii, p. 254.

PAGE 86

19151 THE VINDICATION OF A. LEO. WEIL 455 cause of the present municipal embarrassment. Following the Smith law, which went into effect June 2, 1911, a series of enactments were put in force, which curtailed the revenue, and added to the cost of local government. A program of humanitarian and reform legislation was enacted, including laws relating to blind relief , mothers’ pensions, workmen’s compensation, special municipal courts, civil service commissions, an eight-hour day for public work, a revised method for the assessment of property for taxation and increasing election expenses through enlarging the field of the initiative and referendum. In a word, municipalities were forced by state legislation into wider activities upon a more limited budget. The financial embarrassment has been further increased by a recent ruling of the attorney general based upon a decision of the supreme court holding the present budget commission law unconstitutional. The pres.ent law provides that the county budget commission, which also provides for the city budget, be composed of the county auditor, the mayor of the largest city and the city solicitor in counties where the city property exceeds that of the rural; and in counties where the rural property exceeds that of the city, the president of the school board is to take place of the city solicitor. The constitutional provision upon which the decision is based provides that the budget coinmissioners shall be elective county officers. In accordance with this ruling the legislature, which has just adjourned, passed an emergency act providing for a reorganization of the budget commission. It is now composed of the county auditor, the county treasurer, and the county prosecuting attorney. Thus another step has been taken to defeat the home rule principle; and since the legislature has adjourned without giving relief, this situation will continue for two years unless, in the meantime, an extra session is called, which is not at all probable. THE VINDICATION OF A. LEO. WEIL’ M UNICIPAL reformers and followers of civic movements were startled in January last by the press dispatches that A. Leo. Weil, the widely-known president of the Voters’ League of Pittsburgh, and a member of the council of the National Municipal League, had been arrested in West Virginia (‘for an attempt to bribe the public service commissioners” of that state. Friends of Mr. Weil all over the United States, believing that the attack upon him must be in retaliation for some fight he was making against corruption, showered upon him letters and telegrams, expressing their confidence. -4 few days later Mr. ‘This article has been prepared at the request of the editor of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW by one who has had access to the testimony and court records and to the various articles published on the subject. C. R. W.

PAGE 87

456 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July Weil charged in court that his arrest was the result of a “frame-up” inspired by the governor of West Virginia to intimidate him and prevent him from proving that the governor dominated and controlled by illegal means the public service commission. The Eublic have anxiously awaited the story, which has now been brought out in court, completely vindicating Mr. Weil and corroborating his statement of the case. It has also once again shown him in the r61e of indomitable antagonism to corruption in public oflice, hitting hard regardless of the personal risks. It seems that Mr. Weil, as general counsel for a natural gas company engaged in business in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia, appeared at a rate hearing before the public service commission of West Virginia. With his wonted fearlessness he placed upon the record objections to the commission further proceeding with the hearing, because as he alleged the commissioners had been disqualified to sit as judges in the case, as they were dominated and controlled, and their findings in the case hnd been dictated in advance, by the chief magistrate, who had this power of coercion by reason of the fact that the commissioners were vacation appointments, not yet confirmed by the senate, and their names, or any of them, could be withdrawn at any time without explanation. Having failed in efforts to drive Mr. Weil out of the case, and enraged at his esposure, Governor Hatfield, of the Hatfield family of feud fame, had Mr. Weil arrested while he was en route by train to Parliersburg, to attend a session of the federal district court, to urge the appointment of a master to take testimony in an equity suit brought in that court, to establish the facts in relation to these charges. Mr. \Veil was arrested at midnight a fen. miles from Parkersburg, and in the custody of three officers like a desperate criminal, in spite of protest and offers to give bail, and a writ of habeas corpus issued by the federal judge; he was rushed through to Charleston and placed under excessive bail to appear a few days later for hearing before a justice of the peace. The night of the arrest, long before Mr. Weil reached Charleston, the news was given out to the press, that “A. Leo. Weil has been arrested for attempting to bribe the public service commissioners of West Virginia. ” It was no doubt expected that this publication would put a quietus upon the further efforts of Mr. Weil in the equity case. While the charge was thus labeled “attempted bribery,” and so published, no such charge was ever made, as will presently appear. For the moment, however, the publicity was what was desired, and a less aggressive or less courageous fighter would have been completely cowed, but not so with Mr. Weil. He gave bail, got back to Parkersburg, and had the master appointed, the court having held over the case.unti1 Mr. Weil could return. On the application of Mr. Weil, and his statement in open court of what he proposed to prove, the master was given full power to inquire into the charges of coercion and domina

PAGE 88

19151 THE VINDICATION OF A. LEO. WEIL 457 tion of the commissioners by the governor, and a hearing fixed for an early date. On the day before the date fixed for the hearing before the justice of the peace, on the charge against Mr. Weil, a special grand jury was empaneled, so as to secure an indictment, and thus prevent the facts from being brought out at the hearing. When the indictments were found, however, notwithstanding the publicity given to the charges of attempted bribery, the public was amazed to learn that no charge of bribery at all was involved, but, instead, it was only claimed (and even this Mr. Weil has proven was untrue), that through several intermediaries a promise to two of the public service commissioners was made that if these commissioners were called as witnesses in the cases then pending in the United States courts, and, as such witnesses, told the truth about the governor’s interference, and, because they told the truth, they were dismissed from office by the governor, and thus lost their positions and their salaries, in that event the company which Mr. Weil represented would get them positions at the same salaries. It was not even contended that these commissioners mere asked to tell anything but the truth. There was not even a contention that these commissioners, as witnesses, were asked to do or tell anything more than the law required them to do or tell. Under an extraordinary rule of the Charleston criminal court during the time a defendant is being tried upon a serious charge, he is locked up in jail, regardless of the amount of bail he could give, or of any other consideration. This was one of the prospects held over the head of Mr. ’CVeil, who accordingly applied to the state court having power of review of the criminal court, for a writ of prohibition, to prohibit the criminal court from proceeding with the trial under the indictment, upon the grounds that the indictments charged no crime, even if the allegations therein made were true; and that, in any event, the alleged attempt to interfere with a witness in the United States courts mas triable exclusively in the United States courts, the state courts having no jurisdiction. Meanwhile, the hearing was proceeded with before the master in the equity suit, and evidence was introduced from the mouths of some of the most prominent officials, lawyers and citizens of West Virginia, tellihg of statement after statement by the commissioners themselves, declaring in the most positive and emphatic terms that the governor absolutely con trolled the commission, had directed the proceedings against the gas company, and had dictated what the decision should be even before the hearing was started, and that the commission was wholly dominated by the governor and obeyed his orders. Among other witnesses was an ex-governor, the chief clerk in the auditor’s office, the reading clerk in the house of representatives, and numbers of prominent lawyers in the state, as well as other witnesses of the highest standing. There was also introduced a Ietter from one of the commissioners to the other commission

PAGE 89

458 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July ers; a letter from the governor to the commission; an executive order to the commission‘ directing procedure; and other documentary evidence. The proof of coercion and control of the commission by the governor was overwhelming. On the hearing of the application for the writ of prohibition, the court awarded the writ, thus prohibiting and enjoining the criminal court from further proceeding, the judge saying: I hold that the indictment does not charge that the defendant attempted to produce false testimony, or bribe a witness to swear falsely. I therefore think that the indictment is not good. On the third question is to whether this derendant has committed an offence against the state law by attempting, as charged in the indictment, to procure evidence in the case pending in the federal court, I hold that the federal court has jurisdiction over that matter entirely, and that the intermediate court of this county has not. I therefore sustain the writ. I do not find it a violation of the law for a man to offer a reward for the securing of the honest truth in any case in a court of justice, whether a man be litigant or lawyer. The truth can really hurt or wrong nobody. From this decision the state has taken an appeal to the West Virginia supreme court of appeals, and that appeal will he heard some time this fall. Meantime the testimony before the master is proceeding. Mr. Weil has been upon the stand and has produced a number of witnesses, as well as documentary evidence, which would seem to show that the criminal proceedings against him were inspired by the governor to intimidate him and prevent him from making proof of the charge of coercion and domination of the commission by the governor. This evidence also shows that Mr. Weil did not authorize any one to make any promise of any kind to any of the commissioners, even a promise of reward for telling the truth; that while he had employed for his company a detective to rig up a dictaphone so as to get statements of two of the commissioners about the governor’s coercion, this same detective, while apparently acting for Mr. Weil’s clients, was in the pay of the governor, and it was the detective who authorized these offers to the commissioners, and not Mr. Weil, and turned over to the governor the evidence he was apparently getting for Mr. Weil’s clients even Mr. Weil’s letters to the detective agency. The man who made the offers to the commissioners testified that he had obtained his authority from the detective alone; that Mr. Weil had never given him any authority to make anypromise whatever, but, on the contrary, when asked for such authority in the presence of three prominent lawyers, flatly refused, and stated. that he would tolerate nothing of the kind. Mr. Weil testified to the same effect, denied that he had given any such authority to the detective, and was corroborated in this by his stenographer, who was present and took down in shorthand the instructions to the detective. The hearing has not been completed before the master, and Mr. Weil has stated in

PAGE 90

19153 THE VINDICATION OF A. LEO. WEIL 45 9 court that he has other witnesses yet to be examined, some of whom will give even more sensational testimony of the governor’s interference with the commission, and of his use of their decisions for his own political purposes. The bar of West Virginia regard the indictment as a desperate experiment in criminal law, with no precedent for such a prosecution. It is certain that if the a.ut.horities had not been stimulated to such pernicious activity by the charges of wrong-doing that had been made by Mr. Weil against the governor, no such desperate move to invoke the whole power of the criminal procedure of the state, along new and untried roads, would have been attempted. The arrest of Mr. Weil at midnight, just within a few miles of Parkersburg, where he was to remain for some time; the hurrying of him under arrest to Charleston in charge of three officers; the demanding of excessive ba,il; the proceedings to avoid the hearing; the insidiousness of the charge sent out through the press the night of the arrest, that Mr. Weil had been “arrested for an attempt to bribe the public service commissioners,” when this was not the charge; a letter from the governor to the presiding judge at Parkersburg who had under advisement the appointment of the master, which was published; interviews from time to time given out by the governor, and speeches made even since the decision on the writ of prohibition, in which the governor, notwithstanding the decision of t2he courts of his own state, reiterates the charge of bribery; all tend to sustain the charge of Mr. Weil that tthe governor is back of the whole proceeding, and that it was initiated to intimidate him and drive him from his pursuit of the governor in the equity case. It is sad to contemplate how easily the telegraphic service of the newspapers of this country can be prostituted, while the service is innocent of wrong, for the purpose of destroying a man’s reputation and good character. In this instance, again and again, both in the original news item and in the report of subsequent proceedings, the news agencies have headed the report with the statement: “A. Leo. Weil, who was arrested for an attempt to bribe the public service commissioners of West Virginia,” while in fact there was no such charge made, and the publication of the real charge would have shown, even if true, that there was no moral turpitude charged in the complaint, much less any criminality. A man not so well known as Mr. Weil, nor whose reputation was so yell established, might have been ruined in the good opinion of the world by these publications. It is humiliating to any man, especially to a man like Mr. Weil, who has made a reputation throughout this country as an implacable enemy of all sorts of graft, to have continued these false impressions of the nature of the charges that were made against him-false impressions created by these misleading statements of the press, however innocently made or continued. There should be some way for the Associated Press and like agencies to correct the doing of such grievous wrong.

PAGE 91

460 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW I July COMPULSORY VOTING BY w. T. DONALDSON‘ CoEu?,zBus, Ohio ITH the growing frequency with which the direct referendum is made use of, not only in states where the initiative and referendum have become parts of the regular legislative machinery, but even in those states where referendums are ordered by the legislatures, much uneasiness is felt over the fact that each year a very large part of our enfranchised citizenship refrains from voting. Careful estimates seem to indicate that not less than 30 per cent and in many cases a much larger part of our electors do not vote. This makes possible the adoption of measures of far-reaching importance by minorities of our electorate. Whether a referendum measure is voted up or down, the losing side is dissatisfied and dislikes to accept as final the verdict of the voting minority. As a result there is coming from many different quarters a demand for a compulsory voting law to force majority rule. About twenty-five years ago there was a considerable agitation for a compulsory voting law. The chief advocates of this scheme were David B. Hill, then governor of New York, and Edward M. Shepard, a prominent Democratic politician and lawyer. Both were practical politicians, thoroughly conversant with conditions as they existed. Their ostensible reasons for urging the adoption of the compulsory vote were: (a) To impress upon voters a sense of duty and responsibility to the state; (b) To take away one important shield for bribery; (c) To put politics on a higher plane; (d) To obtain for the state the benefit of the intelligent thought, judgment and conscience of the stay-at-home voter. The framers of the Kansas City charter decided to try the experiment. A compulsory voting provision was inserted enforceable by a poll tax from which those who voted were exempt. This led to a supreme court test and in the famous decision of Kansas City vs. ?Vhipple2 the whole scheme received a set back that has deterred others from trying it. The argument of the court was that a man’s legal rights are two-subject and sovereign, .that voting is a sovereign right and cannot be enforced by law. This rather specious argument has been the principal one advanced up to the present, aside from the practical difficultyof enforcement. That a proposition is unconstitutional or difficult of enforcement does not suffice to keep it from our statute books permanently, if the majority of ‘Deputy State Budget Commissioner. See Mr. Donnldson’s article on “Absent Voting,” NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. iii, p. 733. * 136 hIo. 481.

PAGE 92

19151 COMPULSORY VOTING 461 the people are convinced that it is sound in principle and correct in policy. A way is soon made for it by constitutional amendment. Unless compulsory voting shall be opposed on other grounds than those laid down in Kansas City v. Whipple, it is sure to come. As to the cogency of the arguments for the compulsory vote, serious questions have arisen and a brief discussion of the arguments already mentioned will be undertaken. Probably a strictly enforced law compelling every elector to vote would tend to impress upon him the fact that he is an integral part of our citizenship and.directly responsible for the way in which the state is run. It is indeed true that there is too much of a tendency on the part of the elector to think, “I am only one of a million voters. But granting that such an idea is erroneous, does it follow that compelling him to go and vote or pretend to vote would convince him of his responsibility? Might it not rather gall him into a disgust with everyt.hing political? The idea probably uppermost in the minds of the exponents of the compulsory vote a generation ago was to avoid the necessity and expense of resorting to what was termed “thinly veiled bribery” in hiring men and teams to work, and in the rural coniinuiiities to transport voters to the polls. This scheme in practice would result in shifting the cost of getting out the vote from the politicians to the public for the state would have to bear the cost of getting out the vote. It is not necessary to discuss this evil with the idea that compulsory voting is a remedy, for our modern corrupt practice acts are attacking it successfully along other lines. To put politics upon a higher plane, to attract into public life the best brains and conscience of our people are commendable motives. Politics a generation ago were largely questions of personnel and patronage. ,The electors could generally be counted on to vote their party ticket if they voted at all. Principles were not emphasized. The spectacular caught the attention and got votes. Red fire, grotesque parades, bands, and fireworks were the working tools of campaign managers. During the last two decades these conditions have greatly improved. The independent voters are becoming more numerous each year. Campaigns have become more educational. More emphasis is placed upon facts and arguments. Bulletins, excerpts from speeches and documents appealing to the judgment and interest of the voter, are the chief agencies of the vote getters. It is difficult to see how coinpulsory voting would tend to put politics on a higher plane. Political conditions, especially in our cities, were bad. What more natural than to suppose that good people did not vote and thieves and rogues made up the majority that carried the elections and plundered the public? Although no extensive investigation was made as to the character of the stay-at-home voters it is highly probable that at a time when nearly every city and What does my vote amount to?” The last argument was the one most emphasized.

PAGE 93

462 NATIOXAL hfUNICIPAL REVIEW [July county were in the hands of organized political plunderers money was not lacking to induce all venal voters to cast their ballots. But political conditions have changed in the last few years. Searching inquiry into the questions of the size and source of campaign funds and the methods of spending them and the purpose for which they are spent has made possible increasingly effective laws preventing the buying of votes. Probably, too, the increased size of the electorate to be appealed to would render it unprofitable to buy votes and a cheaper plan would have to be adopted even if the corrupt practice laws had not rendered such methods unsafe. The newer methods of appealing to the voter, not by a twodollar bill but by mailing to him several pamphlets couched in striking language and re-enforced by imposing figures, very likely have operated to change the character of the stay-at-home voters. The ignorant and vicious voter is not interested in new schemes of taxation, direct legislation devices and municipal reform. Eliminating the two-dollar bill tends to eliminate him. These theories are borne out by facts taken in a recent survey of several precincts in Columbus and Cincinnati in which the character of the nonvoting elector in the November 1913 election was the chief subject of study. A wealthy residence, a well-to-do, but not wealthy residence, and a colored slum district were surveyed, in both Cincinnati and Columbus. In the latter city a white slum precinct was surveyed also. The election in 1913 was one that would seem to appeal to all the classes that could be reached at any election. Columbus had barely recovered from the effects of the disastrous flood of the preceding spring. An eight and a half million dollar bond issue for flood protection was to be referred to the people along with several other city measures. The state measures to be voted on were an initiated measure to prohibit shipment of liquor into dry territory backed by the anti-saloon league, a proposition for the exemption of bonds of the state and political subdivisions from taxation, one malting women eligible to appointment to boards of management of state institutions admitting women, one an initiated constitutional amendment for a small legislature, and a referred amendment for a short ballot. Besides these important and widely advertised measures, the city officials were to be elected and the usual vigorous local campaign ensued. In Cincinnati, in addition to the state-wide measures already referred to, a particularly bitter and vigorous campaign was carried on by the opposing parties for the control of the city government. Mayor Hunt, representing the progressive element, was nominated ; opposed to him were the many forces who were dissatisfied with him personally and those who were not in sympathy vith the radical changes he proposed, together with the old crowd who had backed the old Geo. B. Cox regime. Under these conditions there were not lacking factors that appeal to both the ignorant and intelligent, the venal and incorruptible, and the non

PAGE 94

19151 COMPULSORY VOTING 463 voting part of the electorate were probably fairly representative of the usual stay-at-home voters. Tables follow, showing the total number of voters interviewed, the number and per cent of those who did not register and the number and per cent of those who neither registered nor voted: COLUMBUS’ CHARACTER OF TOTAL No. DID NOT REGISTER PRECINCT OF VOTERS NUMBER PER CENT Wealthy Well-to-do White Slum Colored Slum Residence 214 27 12.6 Residence 3 227 44 19.4 Section4 187 45 24 Sections 228 73 32 CINCINNATI6 CHARACTER OF TOTAL No. Dm NOT REGISTER ISUMBER PER CENT PRECINCT OF VOTERS Wealthy Residence 226 9 4 Well-to-do 318 16 5 Poor-Largely Coloreds 169 26 15.4 DID NOT VOTE NUMBER PER CENT 41 19.1 51 22.47 66 35.2 103 45 DID NOT VOTE NUMBER PER CENT 29 12 30 9.6 36 21 1 Data obtained from house to house canvass through the co-operation of Professor 2 One of the finest residence districts in the city. 3 Good residence district, not wealthy. 4 “Red light” district-population mostly diite. 6 One of the worst districts in the city; population predominatingly colored but also contains many foreigners. 6 Data obtained from house to house canvass of precincts under direction of Prof. C. 0. Gardner of the University of Cincinnati. 7 Twelve voters not typical of the precinct were not counted. 8 Data from this precinct not complete. Coker of the Department of Political Science of Ohio State University. Voters not typical of their respective precincts were eliminated. In Columbus the better precincts showed 12.6 per cent and 19.4 per cent, respectively, of the voters did not register; from the slum precincts they numbered 24 per cent and 32 per cent, respectively. The better precincts indicate that 19 per cent and 22 per cent, respectively, did not vote while the slum precincts showed 35 per cent and 45 per cent, respectively, of non-voters. The white slum precinct was on the West Side in the flood district and it is probable that the percentages of non-voters for this precinct were less than normal. Eliminating those who were absent

PAGE 95

NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW from the precinct either at registration time or on election day the table for Columbus is as follows: CBARACTER OF PRECINCT TOTAL NUMBER DID NOT VOTE OF VOTERS NUZIBER PER CENT Wealthy Residence 191 18 9.4 Well-to-do Residence 204 2s 13.7 White Slum 169 4s 28.4 Colored Slum 219 94 42.9 Eliminating further all who had good excuses like sickness and inability to fulfill residence requirements the table is as follows: CHARACTER OF PRECINCT TOTAL NUMBER DID NOT VOTE Wealthy Residence 183 10 5.46 Well-to-do Residence 194 18 9.2s White Slum 158 ' 37 23.4 Colored Slum 202 77 35.1 OF VOTERS NUMBER PER CENT In Cincinnati less emphasis was placed on the number who did not register or vote, the chief object being a study of the character of the non-voters. It is probable that many who neither registered nor voted were not found. Froin thos3 interviewed, however, the percentage who did not register in the slum district was more than three times as great as in the better precincts, while the percentage of those who did not vote was about twice as great. From such data absolute facts as to the relative number of decent and vicious voters that 5~ compulsory voting law would affect cannot be deduced. Without a doubt there are many more respectable than slum precincts and a smaller percentage of voteis affected from each of the larger number of the better precincts might more than overbalance in total numbers the larger percentage from the less desirable precincts. One fact which stands out clearly contrary to the guesses of those who have advocated compuisory voting is that the habit of not voting is much more pronounced among the undesirable electors than among the desirable, and that the wisdom of any attempt to improve the character of our electorate by a law compelling the universal exercise of the suffrage is extremely doubtful. That the character might be improved by other means seems evident. A law permitting voters necessarily absent from their precincts either during the time for registration or on election day to register or vote, either before they leave the precinct or by mail, would enable inany thousand of railroad employes, traveling salesmen, students, teachers and other intelligent electors to vote. It is estimated that such a law in Kansas has resulted in enfranchising 5,000 per year. Besides an absent voting law, another reform that would give the state the benefit of the judgment of many thousands more of the electors, would be brought about by a revision of our archaic and senseless provisions concerning residence requirements. There is no reason why a

PAGE 96

19151 THE DEDICATION OF A CITY CLUB 46 5 voter moving into Ohio from Indiana or Kentucky should be compelled to live in Ohio a year before voting for presidential electors. His status with respect to the president of the United States has not changed. Neither does his status change with respect to state-wide measures or candidates in moving from one county to another, or with regard to affairs pertaining to the whole city in changing precincts. These propositions seem axiomatic, but it is argued that these injustices are incident to a proper safeguard against the harm that might result if temporary residents with no local interest and little local information were given a voice in our governments. That floaters might not be imported to affect any particular election, a short residence requirement is necessary. If we except this class is there any danger of our governments being debauched by short residence electors? Would it not be probable that a man moving from Indiana into Ohio would have the welfare of the state of Ohio-his future home-at heart as much as a Ionger resident? If lie were not well informed on state or local measures would he not be likely either to inform himself or not vote on them? If we admit the worst and assume that he would vote by guess, would he be any more of a menace than thousands of others? In a few districts where large aggregations of voters are located temporarily and have no permanent interest, to allow them to vote on local measures might not be desirable, but might not such situations be met by an absent voting law?3 THE DEDICATION OF A CITY CLUB1 ERY properly the Boston City Club is proud of its achievement in building up a membership of 5,500 members in eight years. V It is without question the largest “get together” club in the country and the dedication of its new club house is an event of more than 3An effort was made at the legislative session just closed to pass an absent voting law, but only that pact which permits students to vote in the precinct where they are living temporarily passed. ‘The editor had considerable dificulty in securing an article on the dedication of the Boston City Club. Finally one was submitted which, if printed, would have taken perhaps 25 pages of the magazine. While he appreciated the significance of the event he did not feel, in view of the pressure upon his pages, justified in devoting quite so much space, so he prepared the article which appears from this more extended nianuscript. He happened to express his embarrassment and difficulty to a Boston correspondent, who replied as follows: “Possibly the real difficulty is that it is rather hard for the average man to surround a matter of fact proposition with a great deal of imagination. Kipling might write a poem about the city club which would be effective. To most of us, however, the club appears ordinarily as simply an improved sort of hotel where you give all your tips in one bunch at Christmas instead of spreading them along through the year, and have a drawing card in free lectures or concerts on Thursdays evenings. The organization is not even original enough to dispense with the income from liquor and cigars. Yet I have no doubt it is useful to the city. Its enthusiastic admirers, however, seem to me to maenifv that usefulness unduly.”

PAGE 97

466 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW I July ordinary or passing importance. So successful has the club been in carrying out its objects and purposes that one governor of Massachusetts called it a “civic university.” The new home of the club was occupied February 15 and formally dedicated on March 11 of this year, the ground having been broken on July 24, 1913, and the cornerstone laid on October 9 of the same year, with Professor William H. Taft, a niember of the club, as the chief figure. The dedication was eventful in its simplicity and significance, the entire building of fourteen floors being filled with interested members, over 3,000 being present. The exercises were so planned as to give a history and a vision of the future, and to show the value of a nonpartisan, non-sectarian city club in a Community. In his opening address President Frederick P. Fish touched upon what is perhaps the keynote of the success of the club, declaring it to be truly democratic to the core in that “each and every man is equal to each and every other man in the club and knows it, while at the same time there is that co-operation between the various members which enables great results to be attained by developing on the part of each member that capacity to help in the club work which seems greatest in him.” From the beginning the success of the Club has been based on the fact of co-operation and that good men and true were found to do the work and when found were cordially and loyally supported by the whole membership. President Fish further declared that the club proposed to promote good fellowship, to make life easier for its members toplay the part of students and thinkers and investigators in all respects which pertain to the members and the interests of the community. (‘We propose to be an illustration,” he said, “of what can be accomplished in this clay and generation when men come together, when they sink all differences and work for the sake of the common good.’’ If any one man is entitled to a large measure of credit for the conception and organization of the club it is Edward A. Filene, who was one of the principal speakers at the dedication. James 5. Storrow, who was also one of the founders, referred to the early clays when the mcmbership of the Club was but a “scanty lot.” Mr. Storrow, however, referring to the large part Mr. Filene had played in the building up of the club said: “The club is a civic institute which benefits our city. It is true our furniture in time may fade. Perhaps even some of these plates and glasses by the aid of which we have just sumptuously fed may become broken. What is it that we must never permit to fade, but which we hope five years, ten years, and one hundred years from now will be as bright and untarnished as the day the club was founded? It is the two ideals, or what seem to me at least two of our stock of ideals, for which the club stands. First, friendship-not the pretended variety of friendship, but the genuine, sympathetic friendship among our members, broad as

PAGE 98

19151 THE DEDICATION OF A CITY CLUB 467 this great cosmopolitan city of ours. Second, tolerance-but that does not seem to me exactly the word. Tolerance means merely taking another man’s ideas on sufferance. Open-mindedness is perhaps a better expression. We are five thousand strong. We have among our members the man who hitches his wagon to a star. He has just been talking to you (referring to Mr. Filene). We have also among our members the man who hitches his wagon to his grandfather. We have also the man who hitches his wagon to a dollar. The star-gazer conceives the ideal, the dollar man tells us the material cost, the ancestor worshiper tells us what his grandfather would have thought or done about it. It is well to have all these viewpoints before we act. Even some of our grandfathers were pretty shrewd old men. Our second ideal is to prove that within the walls of this clubhouse we can sit down and discuss our varying ideas and opinions in friendly fashion and with mutual respect and good will. It is in this particular respect that the city club of Boston is so successful, simply because it has brought together in friendliness and comradeship men of the most diverse views and upbringing to discuss questions of common views and aims. In this way it has promoted a solidarity which in time must prove of the very greatest value to the city.” Governor Walsh in his address voiced the widespread sentiment that there had been a surfeit of partisan politics and congratulated the organization because it means a better understanding between man and man, because it means that in Massachusetts in the future, when men like those assembled meet together to discuss questions without asking “Is it Democratic,’’ or “Is it Republican,” or “Is it Progressive,” but will consider the question solely, “Is it for the welfare of Boston and of Massachusetts.” The total cost of the building was $541,650 or $5,400 more than the estimate. The Club was organized in 1904 with 500 charter members, and has grown with remarkable rapidity until the present membership is 5,200, with a waiting list of 2,000. The officers of the Club are: Fred‘erick P. Fish, president; James W. Rollins, first vice-president; W. T. A. Fitzpatrick, second vice-president; Morgan A. Cooley, treasurer; James E. Downey, secretary; and Addison L. Winship, civic secretary, to whose leadership a large share of the credit for the work of the club and the building must be ascribed. 7

PAGE 99

468 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July THE USE OF MUNICIPAL OWNERSHIP TO AND PASSENGER TOLLS BY ROGER N. EAZDWIN’ St. Louis HE last act in St. Louis’ greatest municipal drama, the free bridge fight, was concluded this spring with the sale of T $2,750,000 of municipal bonds for the completion of the bridge,-which has hung unfinished over the Mississippi for three years. Since 1906 the construction of this bridge has been the leading issue in St. Louis politics. Around it the entire progress of the city has shaped itself, for it has been the chief local issue in the country-wide struggle between monopoly and the people. Around it a half dozen hot campaigns have been waged. Scandal, bribery, corruption and intrigue have marked the years of struggle. The fight was really concluded at the special election last November, held by order of initiative petition, at which the bonds to complete the bridge were voted seven to one. Three times previously these bonds had been defeated at the polls and the incompleted bridge had stood across the river without an eastern approach for three lpng years, ridiculed by press at home and abroad as “the longest bridge in the world-the bridge without an end. ” The fight is of interest outside St. Louis, not only because it has been the basic issue of local politics for the past ten years, but because it involves a really significant use of municipal ownership to curb a complicated and extensive railroad monopoly. The hope of those who in 1906 started the project is justified by recent developments which have shown to be futile appeals to the interstate commerce commission and to the United States supreme court. Only the free bridge remains between the people of St. Louis and the discriminatory tolls across the Mississippi, known as the “bridge arbitrary’’ or “differential.” The evil which the free bridge aims to remove is complicated and unusual. Briefly the situation is this: All the railroads entering St. Louis, 45 in number, are combined in an association known as the Terminal Railroad Association, whose expenses are paid jointly by the railroads, according to the service rendered each. This service consists in the use of common passenger and freight terminals, switching, and the up-keep of yards, tracks, bridges and the union station. This association controls every means of ingress into St. Louis across the Mississippi, including not only the two railroad bridges at St. Louis, but the only other bridge across the Mississippi for many miles; namely, at Alton, 40 miles north. ABOLISH TRANS-MISSISSIPPI FREIGHT ‘Secrekary, Civic League of St. Louis

PAGE 100

19151 THE USE OF MUNICIPAL OWNERSHIP 469 One of the two bridges at St. Louis was built originally for the special purpose of affording an independent entrance into St. Louis, but it was bought out by the terminal long ago. A senatorial investigation has recently been started into the legality of this transfer with a view to annulling the federal grant. Ever since the terminal was organized it has charged different rates for freight and passengers to East St. Louis on the eastern bank of the river in Illinois, and to St. Louis on the western, It has charged tolls for every vehicle and foot-passenger crossing the river. East St. Louis has been built up largely on the favorable freight rates which St. Louis did not enjoy, although the two cities compose one industrial district. The discrimination in rates on freight originating more than 100 miles from St. Louis was abolished in recent years but has remained on freight orginating within that zone, which includes practically all the coal used in the St. Louis district, mined nearby in Illinois. Years ago St. Louis shippers rebelled against this discrimination without success. The press was insistent. In 1905 it took definite form in a proposal to issue $3,500,000 in bonds to construct a municipally-owned bridge across the river to be free to any railroad which chose to use it, and to afford free passage for vehicles and foot passengers. It was the belief of the promoters that some of the railroads would break away from the terminal association and seize an opportunity to use an independent entrance into the city. The campaign was brought quickly to a successful conclusion, the bonds being voted in 1906 by over ten to one. At this time certain engineers predicted that the bridge could not be built for $3,500,000, and that $6,000,000 would be nearer the correct figure, including the eastern and western railroad approaches. That prediction proved to be true, for after the piers were built and the span thrown across the river, the money was exhausted. The bridge stood useless without approaches. Then began campaigns to secure the approval of the voters. Under the law a two-thirds favorable vote was required. The attempt to secure the bonds was at once blocked by. a new issue, raised by the most earnest friends of the bridge, that the terminal controlled the land on the Illinois side chosen for the approach, and that it couId exact tolls for crossing its property and tracks just as effectively as it has collected tolls for crossing the river. The tolls might be in the form of switching charges, but they would be tolls nevertheless, Although the city was given the right of eminent domain by congress to condemn land in Illinois, it was charged that the approach selected by the city was “bottled” by the terminal on all sides, The issue was further complicated by the city’s granting to a new interurban traction company, represented by a former notorious political boss, a fifty-year franchise over the uncompleted bridge into St. Louis, The revolt grew among the people. It was evident new bonds had to be issued.

PAGE 101

470 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July with a loop through the downtown business district. The case of the people against the terminal was also intensified by long standing grievances, especially the company’s failure to live up to clear franchise obligations, The feeling was evidenced, for instance, in a bitter controversy in the municipal assembly on the proposition of vacating to the terminal certain unmade streets for switching purposes on property owned by the company. The vacation was finally refused, although the terminal offered $1,000,000 for the privilege, on the sole ground that the company should first comply with its franchise obligations, and also abolish the so-called I‘ arbitrary charges ” across the river. Union labor, which is numerically and politically powerful in St. Louis, also injected another issue into the bridge campaign, insisting that only St. Louis union labor should be employed in the construction of the bridge, protesting the importation of outside labor. (A I‘ gentleman’s agreement,” however, was entered into before the recent election to employ union labor exclusively.) With these complications three elections were fought in heated controversy. Most of the voters evidently felt either that they knew nothing about the merits of the complicated situation or preferred to play safe by voting “ no.” Two special elections brought out a comparatively small vote and the question submitted at a general election was overwhelmingly beaten. The location of the east side approach was the uppermost issue, for it involved the question of whether the bridge was to be free or controlled by the terminal. Some suggested an inquiry by the United States government as the way out; others thought a new belt line fifteen miles in length encircling the city of East St. Louis should be constructed to “break the bottle,” others that an elevated bridge should be built directly across the city of East St. Louis. The city administration, however, stuck by the original selected approach with a mile extension to get beyond the limits of the city of East St. Louis, which is commonly understood to be controlled by the terminal and its allies (and which by the way, the second city of Illinois, is one of the worstgoverned cities in the Union). The patriots who had fostered the bridge in the name of.the people became the opponents of conipletion along the lines worked out by the city administration, charging that they were working in the interest of the terminal. The issue of the “Big Cinch versus the People” came to * It is interesting to note that since the bridge bond election to complete the bridge, the use of this tract has been ganted to the terminal without any public opposition whatever, and without any compensation from the company. This was largely because the issues between the city and the terminal have been settled, but also because of the company’s promise to give up to the city without litigation next December a valuable eleven mile line of double tracks on the river front, the franchieea for which expire at that time. This mill open up municipal ownership of river and freight terminals.

PAGE 102

19151 TEE USE OF MUNICIPAL OWNERSHIP 47 1 the front, the “big cinch” representing the terminal and other utility companies. In the struggle for larger popular control of the situation the representatives of the “people’s group” made an initiative and referendum amendment to the charter a local campaign issue in November, 1912. It carried at the polls by just the necessary three-fifths vote. Quite unexpectedly it proved to be the weapon in the hands of the public which led to the completion of the bridge and smashed the obstructive tactics of a combine in the bi-camera1 municipal assembly which had become a public scandal. Conservative business interests which had mildly opposed the initiative and referendum were the first to use it. Disgusted with the ridicule heaped upon the city by the unfinished bridge and by the obstinate tactics of both the assembly combine and the radical friends of the bridge, they secured a monstrous initiative petition of some 40,000 names (25 per cent), the largest municipal initiative petition ever filed in the United States, and forced a special election for bridge bonds November 7, 1914. The conversion of business men to the initiative came at a time when a new city charter was in preparation by a board of freeholders and doubtless paved the way for the passage of that charter in June 1914, for it contains the most radical initiative, referendum and recall provisions in effect in any metropolitan city in the union. But the final bond election would never have been won on the strength of the initiative petition and the backing of business interests. What largely turned the tide in the end was the eleventh-hour repeal of the fifty-year traction franchise, with its spectacuIar turn-down of a oncepowerful political boss. This was accomplished by pressure on the lawmakers from the press and civic organizations of the city. This blow to political bossism and to the utility companies behind political bossism made the public feel that its cause had been vindicated. Although a small irreconcilable element continued to fight in tlg name of the people, it was able in the election to muster only a few thousand votes, largery in the socialist and radical labor groups. Another factor which doubtless contributed largely to the success of the bond election was the tremendous amount of public spirit aroused by the great pageant and masque3 given in Forest Park in May 1914. It was the largest out-door civic spectacle ever staged, and reviewed the history of St. Louis, with a symbolic dramatic interpretation of its present and future. A month later the new city charter was passed by a comfortable majority in the face of the three to one defeat of a similar but less radical charter three years previous. The progressive spirit built upon this pageant and masque has united the forces of the city attempting to build the “Greater St. Louis,” and has given them’new strength and new purpose. The big issues between 3 pee vol. iii, pp. 4C1, 783.

PAGE 103

472 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July the utility companies and the city have apparently been entirely settled. The utilities themselves seem to appreciate this, for their attitude toward the public is changing. There is now in St. Louis no political bossism of the type of even three short years ago. There is comparatively little of the old-time active participation of utility companies in politics. The “big cinch,” as a political issue, is dead. The question of municipal ownership of privately-owned utilities is coming to the front as a practical proposition. The municipal bridge stands to-day as the leading achievement in municipal ownership, for it is the one promise of relief for the citizens of St. Louis from the most burdensome monopoly fastened upon the city. All railroads will be allowed to use it on equd terms at a fixed annual charge, provided that they make the same rate on freight and passengers to St. Louis as to East St. Louis. It is by no means yet certain that any of the railroads will break away from the terminal and use the bridge. Whether it will in fact abolish all discriminatory rates is an open question. But it has become increasingly certain since the bonds were voted that there is no other way open. Both the interstate commerce commission and the federal supreme court have since then handed down decisions in cases brought by citizens and shippers (the Business Men’s League, the leading business organization, and the Post-Dispatch, owned by the Pulitzer Publishing Co.) during the long years of ‘the struggle. The issue of discriminatory rates across the Mississippi was fought out in the courts, the courts dividing time and again. The final order made the terminal a common carrier but practically legalized the toll charges. The interstate commerce commission also took the view that a different rate to the east and west sides of the river was proper and that the existing rates were not unreasonable. Now that the great fight is over, one significant fact stands out. It has been a tremendous educational force in developing the power of democracy. It has bred the progressive spirit which was responsible for the initiative and referendum amendment to the old charter, for the democratic provisions of the new charter and for the accepted conviction that our problems must be settled, not by a few, but by all of us. St. Louis is a city to-day where “the people rule,” perhaps not always wisely or well, but, they do really control. Political bossism and public utilities in politics are doubtless influences all of the past. The fight has done for St. Louis, politically and spiritually, what the three-cent street car fare” fight did for Cleveland. St. Louis has learned the need for democratic power, and she is now just beginning to learn how to apply it.

PAGE 104

NOTES AND EVENTS I. GOVERNMENT AND ADMINISTRATION Charter Revisions.l-Cal.ifornia Amendments. Those who have made even a superficial study of the intricate subject of municipal home rule will appreciate the need for the frequent amendment of the California constitution to effectuate the ideals of self-government of the people of that state. Having worked out, in 36 years’ experience, with much satisfaction, the general problem, California has recently been making some important adjustments affecting the minor processes of charter amendment and the relation of the city to the county in which it is situated, and to its environs. These amendments, adopted at the last November election, which are of farreaching significance, are as follows: Article XI, sections 6 and 8 have been changed so that city charters no longer need to contain a detailed enumeration of municipal powers, but each city is free to act concerning any “municipal affair” unless its own charter precludes such action. Article XI, section 6 also provides “for the performance by county officers of certain of the municipal functions of cities and tom” by and through a majority vote of the electors of such cities and towns. This amendment is designed to eliminate the duplication of effort and expense in the performance of similar duties by two sets of officers. Whether the design is to be accomplished may depend upon judicial construction of the phrase “certain of the municipal functions.” Further amendments to Article XI, section 8, limit the period in which amendments may be submitted to the 1Prepamd by H. 8. Giibertson, Short Ballot Organization, New York. legislature; impose upon county clerks instead of city clerks, the duty of passing upon the sufficiency of petitions for holding a charter election; extend from 20 to 30 days the time after the filing of a petition within which the election of freeholders must be held; provide for the nomination and election of freeholders by the method prescribed in the charter for the selection of other city officers; authorize the governing body of the city to extend by 60 days the time within which the charter may be efted; and provide that the charter shall be printed once (instead of ten times) in a IocaI newspaper and that the city shall print the charter in pamphlet form and advertise the fact that copies may be had upon application. The time between the publication of the charter and its submission to popular vote is extended from 40 to 60 days. The section now also provides for the submission of “separate propositions, whether alternative or conflicting, or one included within the other.” In case of a conflict, the section receiving the highest number of affirmative votes of those adopted, controls. Article XI, section 8 1/2 is intended to facilitate local control over municipal and county boundaries. Provision is made for the formation of a city and county out of any city having 50,000 inhabitants or more, or by territory composed by union of such a city with incorporated or unincorporated contiguous territory. A consolidated city and county may annex contiguous incorporated or unincorporated territory which was in the same county when the consolidated city and county was formed. In the foregoing cases the consent of each unit, i. e., the city, the annexed incorporilted or unincorporated 473

PAGE 105

474 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July unit or territory and the county or counties involved, must be secured. The annexed cities or territory become responsible for their just proportion of the debt of the consolidating city. Article XII, section 23, adjusts the powers of the state utilities commission as to the regulation of Iocal utilities. Where the constitution formerly guaranteed the cities such control over their public utilities a8 the voters acting under laws to be passed by the legislature should elect to retain, under the new section, the city’s power over local public utilities extends only to the making and enforcing of local, police, sanitary and other regulations other than the fixing of rates, whenever the legislature shall confer powers over local utilities upon the state commission which are in conflict with those previously enjoyed by the city. The city is, however, no
PAGE 106

19151 NOTES AND EVENTS 475 April 21, Supreme Court Justice Berger upheld the constitutionality of the preferential ballot law which applies to all New Jersey cities under commission government. Senator Strong, who sued out a writ of certiorari to set aside the recent election in New Brunswick, contended that the voter was compelled under the law to vote for five officers or none at all, under penalty of having his ballot thrown out and that the ballots used in New Brunswick election failed to leave a space after each name. The decision removes all doubt as to the legality of the elections recently held in New Brunswick, Bayonne and Hoboken. Commission Government Legislation. During the recent session of the Pennsylvania legislature, attempts were made to amend several features of the Clarke commission government act relating to third class cities. One of these, which would have eliminated the non-partisan feature, was defeated through the efforts of the League of Third Class Cities. The latter organization was also successful in having passed a bill extending the term of councilmen to four years. The civil service bill for cities of the third class which had been introduced by the League was defeated, but a bill making the mayors of third class cities eligible for re-election was successful. Iowa now has two laws permitting cities to employ managers. One of these relates to smaller cities and gives the collncil the right to hire n manager without changing the system of government. Another measure, which was fathered by the Waterloo Commercial Club, gives cities the right to vote on a new charter which makes provision for a city manager. Preparations are now being made in Waterloo for the adoption of this act. Commission Government in Moline, Ill. A strenuous effort was made to abandon the commission form of government in Moline and return to the old form of government. The total vote was: No, 3,785; yes, 4,721. It is generally conceded that it was the vote of the women which determined the issue. -4nother interesting and satisfactory feature of the election was the re-election of the mayor, Martin R. Carlson, and the election of G. E. Ericson and C. B. Johnson as commissioners. Only one of the old commissioners was defeated. Massachuselfs now has an optional city government law (Chapter 267 of 1915) similar to those of New York, Ohio and Virginia. This enactment grew out of the desire of the cities to break their legislative shackles and of the legislature to escape the burden of passing upon hundreds of special local bills. Massachusetts has hitherto alloscd its cities perhaps less freedom than any state in the union. This new act, which effects a moderate degree of home-rule, provides for four optional plans. The &st of these (Plan “A”) provides for a mayor, and a city council, the city councillors to be elected at large. The mayor under this plan has power to appoint and remove all the heads of departments and municipal boards, except members of the school committee, without confirmation by the city council. Plan “B” calls for a mayor elected for two years and a council elected partly by districts and partly by wards. The councilmen elected at large are to serve for two years, and those elected from wards for one year. In cities having more than seven wards, the city council is to be composed of fifteen membeis, one from each ward and the remainder at large. In cities of seven wards or less the council consists of eleven members similarly chosen. The mayor appoints and removes heads of departments and boards, but only with the consent of the council. Plan “C” is the commission form. The terms of the commissioners are four years, to expire in alternating yeazs. Plan “D” provides ‘for a mayor, city council and a city manager. The city council consists of five members (elected at large for two years, terms to expire in rotation.) The mayor is that member of the council who at the election at which three‘ members are chosen received the highest number of votes cast. He presides at meetings of the council and is the 1 At the first election the one receiving the highest number of the five elerted is 90 destgnated

PAGE 107

476 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW “official” head of the city, but has no veto power. The city manager exercises all the powers assigned to that officer under orthodox commission-manager charters. 9 Public Utilities.1Telephone rates in Pennsylvania. A brief of the Chamber of Commerce of Pittsburgh has been filed by the counsel of the Chamber, chief of whom is Mr. H. Findlay French, of Baltimore, with the Public Service Commission of Pennsylvania, giving the reasons why the Commission should not attempt at the present time to determine the fair value of the property of the Bell Telephone Company. This case waa originally filed by the Pittsburgh Chamber of Commerce on November 19, 1913. The complaint set out in detail certain charges which it alleged to be excessive, unfair and discriminatory. The Bell Telephone Company then voluntarily presented to the Public Service Commission (the case originally started under the old Railroad Commission) evidence as to the value of its entire property throughout the state of Pennsylvania. This evidence was submitted in minutest detail. It is currently reported that the company spent $250,000 in making this report. Counsel for the Chamber of Commerce of Pittsburgh now asks the Commission not to accept this testimony as a basis for a fair value until an intensive study of Pittsburgh telephone conditions should be made ‘I because no independent investigation has as yet been made of the company’s records,” “because the company’s claims for value are inflated, ” and “because the evidence in the case as to the original cost of the property is insufficient. ” The company’s claims as to its fair value is based on the reproduction method solely. The brief points to the “unfairness” of this method as used by this company. It gives a long list of the “distortions” of value claimed by the company, only a few of which can be cited here. Thus the company claimed a re1 Prepared by Dr. Ciyde Lyndon King, Univeraity of Pennsylvania. production value for its buildings of $4,077,852. This cost of replacement in no instance took account of present values. Thus the company claimed a reproduction value of $268,560 for a building at 11th and Filbert Streets, which one witness for the company, Mr. Frank Mauren, said was “worth nothing more than tearing down.” Moreover, the estimate for replacement costs was based on “prospective work,” and the contractors knew the purposes for which the estimates were asked. They therefore probably did not make as low estimates “as they would have made if they had been bidding on actual work for which there was reasonable competition. ” The company claimed an addition of 2) per cent each year to the cost “of a building erected in 1899 ” because this percentage “represents the average increased cost of abor and materials throughout this period.” This increase in cost of labor and materials the company alleges should be a part of its fair value. This latter claim was slightly modified by the company so that instead of getthg an extra “profit of $67,300’’ in thirteen years on a building worth $100,000 in 1899, they allowed themselves <‘a profit of only $22,177. ” The company claimed a reproduction value for its pole lines of $8,295,059. The basis taken WM a study of the unit cost of setting poles during 1911 and 1912. This meant piecemeal construction instead of wholesale construction, this difference alone giving to the company ‘‘a composite figure” which “results in real injustice to the public.” According to Mr. Hayward, the actual cost to the company for these pole lines was at least $3.00 a pole less than the alleged cost of reproduction. By the reproduction method on this single account we have a gain to the company and against the public of $1,339,925. The reprqduction value claimed for underground conduits is $8,308,615. This reproduction value is based on present prices for labor and materials and is based, alleges the brief, “upon items and conditions never met with when the conduit was hid.” Thus large sums are claimed

PAGE 108

19151 NOTES AND EVENTS 477 by the company for replacing pavements over mains which were laid before the pavement was put down. The value which the company claims for right of way, $1,831,354, the brief describes as “mere speculation” and calls the attention of the commission to the fact that Mr. Hayward of that company acknowledged that this reproduction value was 100 per cent in excess of the actual cost. Another item in the company’s claim for a fair value is $1,577,502 for “contingencies and omission.” “This claim,” says the brief, “is one which does not represent a single known dollar‘s worth of actual tangible property.’’ The company claims a going value of $15,385,876 as based upon the estimated cost of reproducing the existing business at the present time and at the present prices within a six year period,-a claim which, alleges the brief, is “unfair and unsupportable. ” The brief makes a particularly valuable study for those who are interested in what is actually going on under the surface in valuation methods. Electric Light Costs in Richmond. The annual report of the Electrical Department of the city of Richmond, Virginia, for the year ending December 31, 1914, estimates that, due to the public ownership and operation of its own electric plant, prices for street lighting in Richmond are “more than 40 per cent below the prevaiIing market price of electric current used for street lighting in this vicinity.” The estimates as to the costs of various forms of service are as follows: Public buildings, per kilowatt Power for water department, per All lighting service, per kiIowatt All light and power service, per hour ...................... $0.0264 kilowatt hour. .............. 0.01032 hour ...................... 0.0229 kilowatt hour. .............. 0.019 A depreciation allowance of 6 per cent has been set aside. The report recommends the laying aside of $47,779.28 annually for depreciation, that is, at the rate of 7.4 per cent on the valuation of December 31,1914, which was $629,735.44. Norfolk’s Transit Plan.-Norfolk, Virginia, under the guidance of its chamber of commerce, is making a complete study of its transit plan with a view to future transit development. Dr. Delos F. WilCOX has made a special report upon the rates of fare and franchise provisions. His recommendations include “the adoption of a plan for the straightening out of strategic kinks and the ultimate development of main thoroughfares to accommodate street railway and other traffic,” and the evolution of some plan for ‘‘scaling or tunneling the Chinese wall which the Norfolk and Western railroad has built about the city.” This report emphasizes the close relation between the city’s plan and its transit efficiency, such as has been SO recently emphasized in Chicago’s attempt to relocate her terminals and rehabilitate her transportation facilities. Dr. Wilcox also commends a campaign for securing to the city of Norfolk “the power to levy special assessments for benefits and also the power of excess condemnation in connection with public improvements”--powers that other cities may well bestir themselves to secure. The other recommendations have to do with lbcal matters not of such general interest. The recommendations are based on the assumption that the population increase wilI be the same for the next four decades as it has been for the past four decades. This will mean a population in 1950 of over one-half million as compared with a population now of 153,386, and a popuIation in 1870 of 46,702. “Norfolk’s wonderful harbor, its strategic position on the Atlantic seaboard, its exceptional railroad facilities and its rich agricultural background” are cited as special reasons why the increase may be expected in the future. * Electricity Rates in Albany, N. Y.1Through the persistent activity of the Albany civic league a new and lower schedule of rates for electricity in that city has been established by the state public service commission of the second district. 1 From Dr Horatio hi. Pollock.

PAGE 109

478 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July The reduction from the former schedule ranges from 20 to 40 per cent. When the league began its fight for lower rates in 1910, the maximum price of electricity in the city was 10 cents perk. w. h. All consumers whose monthly bills were less than $100 were obliged to pay the maximum rate. Those whose bills ranged from $100 to $160 paid 8 cents per k. w. h. and larger consumers paid a correspondingly lower rate down to a minimum of 2 cents perk. w. h. The municipal gaa company, which has a monopoly of both gas and electric lighting in the city, was paying a dividend of 10 per cent on its capital stock besides adding large sums to its surplus each year. The annual net profit on the fixed capital of the electric division of the company averaged about 25 per cent. A formal complaint signed by 112 CUBtomers of the company was presented to the commission by the league in May, 1910, but the first hearing on the matter was not held until October of that year. After that time hearings were held at long intervals, the commission claiming overwork as an excuse for not bringing the matter to a conclusion. In 1914, three new commissioners were appointed and a determined effort to clear the calenaar was made. About the same time the municipal gaa company made an attempt to effect a compromise through the Albany chamber of commerce. Certain reductions in the price of electricity were offered in case the complaint should be withdrawn. A committee of the chamber visited the signers of the original comphit telling them that it would cost $30,000 to make a valuation of the company’s property and to secure a decision from the public service commission, and that they could hope for no better terms than the company was offering. Part of the signers consented to withdraw but the civic league firmly insisted that the matter be decided by the public service commission. The latter body, to their honor, refused to consider the matter of the withdrawal ol the complaint and proceeded to take testimony on the points raised by the complainants. The expert of the league, Prof. Wyant J. Williams of the Rensselaer polytechnic institute, analyzed the situation and presented a new schedule of rates. After his testimony was finished, the company offered a lower schedule than that proposed to the chamber and the commission without making a thorough examination of the company’s assets established a new schedule of rates for lighting that was accepted by both the league and the company. The new schedule provides for step reductions from the maximum as follows: From 0 to 200 k. w. h., 8 cents per k. w. h. Next 300 k. w. h., 7 cents perk. w. h. Next 300 k. w. h., 6 cents perk. w. h. Next 700 k. w. h., 5 cents perk. w. h. Next 1500 k. w. h., 4 cents perk. w. h. Next 2000 k. w. h., 3 cents perk. w. h. Excess, 2 cents perk. w. h. A service that formerly cost $100 per month now costs $65 and one that formerly cost $180 now costs $110. On residential lighting a saving of 20 to 25 per cent from the old schedule is effected. The total saving to consumers of electricity in the city is estimated at $84,000 from the first year. While the new schedule has not been in operation long enough for the effect of the change on the company revenues to be fully known, it is thought that the new business that will come to the company on account of the lowering of the rates compensate for the smaller margin of profit. * Municipal Ownership in Kalamazoo.lAt the recent election in which the question of municipal ownership was voted upon in Kalamazoo, the various ballots in favor of this principle were carried by an overwhelming majority, as follows: The first ballot read: “Shall the city of Kalamazoo own and operate a municipal gas plant?” This was carried by a vote of 6,330 for, to 1,942 against. The second ballot read: “Shall the city council be instructed to submit to the electors a bond issue approximating $975,000 for acquiring a municipal gas plant?” pal Ownerahip League. 1From -4. M. Todd, president ICalaniazoo bfunici

PAGE 110

19151 NOTES AND EVENTS 479 This too carried by more than three to one. The third ballot read: “Shall IiaIamazoo enlarge its municipal electric plant, SO as to provide light and power for the citizens of Kalamazoo?” This carried by a vote of 6,429 for, to 1,304 against. The above is the result of a campaign of education on the part of the Municipal Ownership League of Kalamazoo to give the actual facts and figures regarding the results of municipal ownership in both Europe and America, as found in official authentic reports, certified to by official municipal accountants and other public oEcia1s. There were also exhibited photographs showing various public utilities in operation in more than ten foreign countries as well as in the United States, these photographs, over 500 in number, having been taken by the president of the league during an investigation in fourteen foreign countries. * English Cities During War Times.t English cities are by no means free from the effects of the great conflict staged in Europe. At a conference of the representatives of the Glasgow, Dundee, Aberdeen, Edinburgh, and Leith corporations, it appeared that during the past three months abnormal quantities of coal had been taken from the standing reserve stocks at the various gasworks; that, owing to the restricted and irregular supplies of coal, it would be impossible to maintain the normal manufacture of gas without still further depleting these reserves; and that the inadequate deliveries are due to a diminished output of coal from the pits, the want of adequate transit facilities, and other causes connected with the war. The problems of finance are important in the present situation, It seems that the central authorities are going to curtail local expenditures, and that public works will be restricted in view of the shortage of laborers. The war does not seem to have seriously affected the collection of the rates: Lewisham reports a collection of 93.67 per cent and Bethnal Green, 92.34 1 See vol. iii, p. 302. per cent; but with the increase in the rates in all parts of the country, it is not surprising to see that the local bodies are looking about for fresh sources of revenue. At Newcastle, the idea of “municipal trading” is being worked out. The Birmingham city council has made application to the local government board for an order to enable the corporation to raise money by means of bills to an amount not exceeding .,000,000 instead of the sum of E500,OOO previously authorized. The labor problem is becoming a serious one, too. Men, in large numbers, are being transferred to factories that are devoted to the manufacture of munitions. Birmingham has released 2,500 employes for the colors, and it is estimated that another 1,000 can be spared. Manchester and the other cities are following her example. Provisions are being made so that the posts which the men are leaving will be available to them on their return. It is noticeable that unemployment seems to be generally prevalent in the cities. In London, the gross total for the period July 1, 1913, to January 30, 1914, was 8,527, as against 8,579 for a similar period in 1912-1913. The average total registration of women for the four weeks that ended January 30, 1915, was 241, as compared with 202 for the four weeks ending December 26,1914. Owing to the introduction into the city of large numbers of soldiers and others employed in military operations, hospital accommodations in this city have become insufficient. The local government board has been requested to approve a loan of $7,604. Woolwich is providing for the welfare of the soldiers and sailors in many and varied directions. About 15,000 troops are stationed in the town, and concerts and clubs and other forms of amusement are provided for the entertainment of the troops. The council has resolved to grant toall workers, at present actively employed by the council, who receive not more than 34s. per week, a weekly allowance of 7) per cent on their wages. This allowance, however, when added to their wages must not bring the total amount to more than Bnktol.

PAGE 111

480 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July 35s. per week, exclusive of overtime, and the allowance is to cease automatically with the declaration of peace. Keighley town council recently granted a salary of El50 to the mayor in order that he might hand it over to the voluntary training corps. Free supplies of gas are furnished in this Borough to all houses occupied by the Belgian refugees. Glasgow is considering a scheme to build cottages for the working classes, of three and four apartments in the suburbs, the cost of which is estimated at 2240 and S295 per cottage (inclusive of cost of site, roads, etc.), to be let at X8,IOs. per annum respectively. It is proposed to take from the Common Good 230,000, free of interest, to finance the scheme, which explains the low rents in this connection. The corporation employes in several departments have made a claim for an advance of 3s. per week in their wages on the ground of the increased cost of living. The council has undertaken to raise and equip a “Bantam Battalion” of 1,350 men for Xitchener’s army, The minimum height is five feet, and the maximum five feet, three inches; chest, all-around, minimum expanded, 34 inches. Munchester. Applications for an increase of wages have been received from organizations representing practically every department of labor under the corporation. The ground of the applications is the increased cost of living consequent upon the higher prices of food. St. Panmas. A committee of the council has recommended to the council not to accept goods of German, Austrian, or Hungarian make. During the period of the war the tramway men have substituted a tenhour day for the previous nine-hour day, owing to the large number of tramway men now serving in the war and the consequent difficulty of handling traffic. London. A conference was recently held for the purpose of nssisting Belgian architects, municipal officials and others to study the principles of town planning in England with a view to assisting them in the replenniilg of their own country after Dewsbury. Leeds. the war. The county council has agreed to make a grant of 3s. a week or Gd. a day to officers and employers whose salary or wages, including pensionable emoluments, is less than 30s. a week. The Bradford corporation has resolved to pay a 15 per cent war bonus to the mechanics, smiths, fitters and other workmen in the electricity department. The tramways committee has instructed the general manager to pay full wages to any tramway employes discharged from the army and navy owing to disablement received during active service, until such time as the committee sees fit. The council has decided to make a grant of X1,OOO towards the equipment of the local volunteer battalion. The Shefield tramways committee has decided to grant free tramway tickets for the use of the members of the defense corps who are sworn in M special constables, and are voluntarily engaged in the duties of guarding the barriers on the main roads, the tickets to be used only when the special constables are travelling to and from such special duties. It will be interesting to see whether the substitution of women for men in certain posts, as for instance, on the tram cars in the capacity of conducton in the cities of Glasgow, and “po!icewomen” in Southampton, undertaken as a war emergency measure, will continue to any large extent when the war is over. The women in these services have been supplied with a blue uniform-coat, skirt, and cap, with facings and seem to go about their business in regular fashion.’ * Public Safety Notes.2-Police Statistics. New York has the largest number of policemen (4,258) and the largest number on duty at a time (3,086). Philadelphia, St. Louis and Boston have the largest number of policemen per 10,000 population (19) and the largest number on duty at a time per 10,000 population (6.3). Boston has the largest number per square I Robert M. Jameson, Secretary, Bureau of Municipal Research and Reference, University of Texas. Hull. Women Employed by Cities. 2Prepared by Dr Leonliard Felix Fu’d

PAGE 112

19151 NOTES AND EVENTS 48 1 mile of area (30) and the largest number on duty at a time per square mile of area (10). New Orleans has the largest population per patrolman on duty (2,937) and Cincinnati has the largest number of miles of streets (5.7) and the largest number of miles of improved streets (3.5) for each patrolman on duty. Although these statistics cannot be used in measuring police efficiency they are of interest in connection with the study of the size of police forces. These figures concerning the police force of each of the thirteen largest American cities were compiled by Andrew Linn Bostwick, municipal reference librarian of St. Louis for the Municipal Journul. The police captain in command of a congested tenement district in New York has organized about 300 boys of his precinct into a junior police force, of which he is the commissioner. This force is modeled after the regular force, with a captain, a lieutenant, two sergeants and twenty-one patrolmen assigned to each zone into which the precinct is divided. The junior police are assigned to the duty of enforcing the municipal ordinances relating to cleanliness and fire prevention in their own homes and in the zone to which they are assigned and to the duty of suppressing such juvenile street offenses as crap-shooting, swearing, bonfire building, cigarette smoking and sidewalk chalking. The educational value of this junior police force is of more importance than its police value. This movement teaches the boys the principal municipal ordinances, encourages them to explain them to their parents who do not understand our language and influences them to refrain from committing street offenses. It serves to eradicate the traditional enmity existing between the city boy and the policeman and is likely to convert into law-abiding citizens many boys who would otherwise become toughs and gunmen. * Rhode Island Municipal Legislation.1Permission to hold municipal concerts of a “serious, classical and educational ]From Miss Grace M. Sherwood, Legislative Reference Director, Rhode Island State Library. Junior Police in New York. nature” in towns and cities on Sunday was granted by the legislature, likewise the sale of milk, bread, fruit, ice, ice cream soda and mineral waters, non-alcoholic tonics and drugs, tobacco and newspapers was authorized on Sunday. Under the newsboys act no boy under 12 and no girl under 16 may sell newspapers or other periodicals or exercise any of the usual street trades in cities of over 70,000, and the news vendors may not work after nine oJclock or commence work until after five in the morning. Providence was given authority to sell or otherwise dispose of any school build-. ings or property now unsuitable for school purposes. The percentage of electors necessary for calling town meetings waa raised from 5 to 10 per cent of the total number of electors appearing on the last canvassed voting list of a town. * Public Markets and Market Legislation.t-Public Markets in h‘ew YO& City. A Report on the Maintenance of Public Markets in the City of Xew York, by the Bureau of Municipal Investigation and Statistics, in the Comptroller’s Office, under date of March, 1915, shows, on the face of it, a net loss to the city of $1,816,148.53 for running the following ten markets: Fulton (discontinued October 12, 1914), Gansevoort, Jefferson, Washington, West Washington, Delancey Street, Tompkins, Wallabout, Flower Market and the 8th Ward Market, not yet in operation. An examination of the statistics, however, indicates that some very astute “padding” on the expense side has been done. Thus $534,459.36 has been put down for “total expenses and other charges” for the 8th Ward Market which is not yet in operation. It would be scarcely fair to debit ten markets with a total annual loss of $1,186,148.53 when $534,459.36 of that amount is due to “total expenses and other charges” on a market not yet in operation, More than this, liberal items are included totalling $890,000 for “loss by exemption from tax.” IPrepared by Dr. Clyde L~don King, Univer3ity of Pennsylvania.

PAGE 113

482 NATIOKAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW Even assuming that this is a proper charge against the market, as it is, this charge plus the amount just referred to, would alone make a profit rather than a loss for the operation of the ten markets in the city. In addition to this exemption from tax, however, two other items are included under “total expense and other charges,” aa follows: per cent on assessed valuation, $2,015,804; 4 per cent on cost and preparation of land, $179,650.90. There are not the slightest data offered to show that either of these items bears any relation whatsoever to actual maintenance costs. Yet these two items total $2,195,454.90. Were they disregarded, the ten markets would show a gain of $1,009,306.37 instead of the loss indicated above. The Allied Food Merchants’ Association of New York City, through its secretary, at once demanded, on the basis of this report mentioned above, that six of the markets which were being thus run at a loss be abandoned. This is an organization with branches “in every Senatorial district in the State,” its function being to look after the interests of the food merchants. A little over a month after the issuance of this report, private parties invested $1,800,000 in the Cosmopolitan Garden, as a private market on Twenty-third Street, and work waa begun on a 95th Street Market to be financed by Vincent Astor for a new $200,000 structure, to be ready for occupancy by October 1. This latter structure is to cover 20,500 square feet and is to be divided into 56 different units. That is, private capitalists are finding markets a field for profitable investments. The bill introduced in the New York Legislature to allow the administration of New York City to establish a terminal market was recently defeated aa ww also legislation up before the New York State Legislature, amending the agricultural law requiring commission merchants to file a surety bond with the Secretary of Agriculture of $3,000 or more. This bill was ‘‘shelved by the Committee on Agriculture after the National League of Commission Merchants of the United States, and New York Fruit and Produce Trade Association, the Gansevoort Market Business Men’s Association and the advisory council of the Wholesale Market District of Greater New York had declared that the measure cast a slur on the honesty and integrity of the small operator.” Such facts as the above are indicative of the underlying forces that are at work in framing or hindering public policies in marketing matters. Geman Markets. A recent issue of the New York Times states that Berlin, Germany, is proceeding with the erection of a central market which will have a total length of more than 3/5 of a mile and will cost $10,000,000. 1F Proportional Representation.l-The new charter of St. Louis provides for the election of twenty-eight aldermen at large by the block vote, each voter voting for all. The first election resulted in the capture of the entire membership of the board by the Republicans. This result is regarded by more than one important group in the city as showing that, for the election of a body which should obviously be truly representative of the entire city, the block vote is not satisfactory, and at least two groups are turning to proportional representation as the solution of the difficulty. Leaders in these groups are now engaged in drawing up measures prescribing such a system for the election of aldermen. Ashtabula, Ohio. In Ashtabula, which last November adopted a city manager charter with a council of seven elected at large by the block vote, the advocates of proportional representation have decided not to put the city to the expense of a special election on their proposed amendment providing the proportional system for the council, but to have the question settled at the regular electionnext autumn. Springfield, Mass. At several public meetings held last winter by the Charter Committee of One Hundred of Springfield the proportional system received favorable comment from several speakers, including City Chamberlain Bruhre of New York and City Manager Henry M. Waite of 1From C. G. Hoag, Secretary American Propor tionsl Representation League.

PAGE 114

19151 NOTES AND EVENTS Dayton. One of the meetings, addressed by the general secretary of the American Proportional Representation League, was devoted entirely to proportional representation. Of the two alternative charten drawn up by the charter committee one includes provisions for the election of the city council by the proportional system. City Manager Waite remarked he believed the country was coming to proportional representation in these matters, so that the minority could have rights. “Dayton does not have it,” he said, “but I favor it and it certainly would answer your objections to the small commission.” Dayton. Reports from Dayton indicate that the criticisms of the workings of the manager plan charter recently adopted there are due not to any defects in the administration but simply to the fact that the only voters represented in the commission of five, which selects and oversees the manager and is the city’s only representative body, are the one largest group in the city which framed and passed the new charter. The Socialists, one of the disaffected elements, complain that they have enough votes to deserve at least one representative on the commission, but that the system of voting has shut them out from the city government altogether. Other disaffected elements, not represented on the commission, are stirring up as much trouble 99 they can for the new government, from various motives. The Socialists and some of the administration group feel that the manager plan could be made truly democratic and the spirit of cooperation developed by the introduction of the proportional system for the election of the commission. If the system were adopted, the number of members might well be increased, it is thought by some, to seven or even to nine.’ (0 Preferential Voting+-The New Jersey preferential ballot law has just come successfully through a remarkable legislative and judicial ordeal. Reactionaries of ‘See the article on the Dayton charter in theApril issue by L. D. Upson. 4 From Prof. Lewis J. Johnson, Harvard University. Q both parties for various reaaom massed their strength against it early this year with such vigor that they were able to rush through the lower house a bill repealing the whole measure, and annulling the preferential ballot provisions of the numerous New Jersey cities in which it had come into application. By this time, however, the friends of the measure got into full action and the repealer bill died a most ignomkious death in the senatenot a solitary vote being recorded in its behalf, and not a voice raised in its favor. The reactionaries then renewed their fight before the supreme court of the state, asking that the act be declared unconstitutional. Here again they met decisive defeat. The court rendered its decision upholding the validity of the act on April 21. Seattle, on March 2, in a sort of off-year election, defeated a proposed city charter amendment by a vote of 15,017 to 13,466 which would have abolished the municipal primary and established the preferential ballot in due form. The vote was so close in a light poll that the city council at once voted to resubmit the amendment to the voters so that it will appear on the ballot at the regular city election of next March with a more nearly normal chance of success. The Muine legislature, by a sudden and unexplained reversal of its attitude at the last minute, denied to Bangor a commission form charter including the preferential ballot with abolition of primaries in the face of a popular vote in Bangor in favor of the charter 2,454 to 1,983. Progress of Prefemntial Vatisag.-The progress of the Bucklin system to date (June 1,1915), can be seen from the following list of cities which have already adopted it: Preferential voting adopted-Primaries supplanted: Date. 1909 1910 1911 1912 19 13 1913 1913 Cities. Grand Junction, Colo. . . . . . . . . Spokane,Wa sh.............. Pueblo, Colo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . New Iberia, La. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Duluth. Mhn. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Denver, Colo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Colorado Springs, Colo. . . . . . . Population in 1910. 7,754. 104,402’ 44,395’t 7,499.t 78,466. 213,381” 29,078.

PAGE 115

NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW Population Date. Cities. in 1910. 1913 Portland, Ore. ............... 207,214.t 1913 Naahua, N. H.. ............. 26,005 1913 Cleveland, Ohio.. ............ 560,663$ 1913 La Grande, Ore.. ............ 4,843tll 1913 Fort Collins, Colo.. .......... 8,210t 1913 St. Petersburg, Fla.. ......... 4,127 1913 Cadillac, Mich.. ............. 8,375tIl 1914 Vineland, N. J.. ............. 5,282’ 1914 Ridgewood. N. J. ............ 5,416’ 1914 Nutley, N. J. ............... 6,008’ 1914 Hawthorne, N. J ............. 3,400. 1914 Bordentown, N. J.. .......... 4,250’ 1914 Millville, N. J.. ............. 12,541‘ 1914 Long Branoh, N. .I,. ......... 13,298” 1914 Phillipsburg, N. J.. .......... 13,903’ under 5,000 population.. .... 25,521. 1914 Orange, N. J.. .............. 29,630’ 1914 Atlantic City, N. J.. ........ 46,150. 1914 Passaic. N. J ................. 54,773. 1914 Trenton, N. J.. ............. 96,815’ 1914 Jersey City, N. J.. .......... 267,779. 1914 Eleven cities of New Jersey, each each 05ce to be filled. The provisions in this respect of La Grandc and Fort Collins are not quite clear. 1 Twenty-five hundred signatures required for nomination of mayoralty candidates. 11 Commission city manager plan. Nashua, on December 8, 1914 in her first election with the preferential ballot secured gratifying results; and the test of the new system was in important respects the most severe yet made. There were elected a mayor, six aldermen at large, nine aldermen by wards, four members of a board of public works, three fire commissioners, and four members of a board of education. Nominations were by 50 signatures. The total number to be elected in any one ward was 19. The number of nominees for these 19 places in one of the wards was 53. Of the 27 elected in the -. 1915 Roholcen, N. J.. ............. 70,324. whole city, only one is looked upon by good judges as bordering on the unfit, and he is so overborne by numbers as to cause no 1915 Portland Water District, Maine (Portland and South Portland) 66,042 2,025,545 anxiety. Important new talent, hitherto beyond the reach of the citizens, found its Preferential voting adopted as adjunct to primary: 1913 Houston, Tex.. .............. 78,800’ way into the city service in this election. Total population. .............. 2,104,345 It that if the Bucklin system can go through such a complicated election as that of Nashua with credit its case is pretty secure. * Commission form charter. Regarding the New t Restriction to one vote in the third column for Jeraey cities, see note. 11. POLITICS 1 Chicago Mayoralty Election.l-Rrilliam Hale Thompson was elected mayor of Chicago on April 6 by a plurality of 49,977 in a total vote of 669,688, or 87 per cent of the registered voters (768,906). The election of Mayor Thompson has been regarded as a partisan victory by Republicans, and. as such has received country-wide attention. There is no doubt that national party politics played their part; but race and religious issues had their share. The first formal utterance of the mayor-elect was, “The crooks had better move out of Chicago before I am inaugurated. This town will be cleared of the criminals so completely before the ’ new administration is in power many 1 Except 8s otherwise indicated these notes were prepared by Clinton Rogers Woodruff. :See article by Mias Abbott, pap 437. weeks that the whole world will for once understand that Chicago is a safe place to come to.” His second observation was: “Chicago has spoken to the nation in this overwhelming vote given the Republican candidates to-day. It means that Illinois and the middle west will swing into the Republican column. The country can get ready for a return of prosperity.’’ In commenting on the election a thoughtful correspondent has this to say: “The blaring of trumpets that took the place of a discussion of local issues during the mayoralty campaign has not yet ceased. The new administration has been giving out a great many interviews, some of which seem to me have not been necessary in view of the fact that the campaign is over. If the new administration delivers 50 per cent of its promises, it will

PAGE 116

19151 NOTES AND EVENTS 485 make a notable record. Just what sort of an administration we will have is difficult to predict. Some people seem to think that national prosperity is already at hand as the result of the Chicago election and others are fearful that there will be more hot air and good intentions during the next four years than will be consistent with real civic achievement. “The cabinet appointments are in several respects, at least, very disappointing. They do not hold out the promise of effective and disinterested administration of the city’s affairs. The newspapers, however, so far have refrained from criticising any of these appointments, probably out of their desire to give Mayor Thompson every chance to make good. Ordinarily some of the appointments that were made would have been severely criticised and there is a good deal of an under current of criticism of some of the appointments. It doesn’t seem to me that any one appointment stands out aa a notable one. Some are good, more are average and some are poor. “The town is still experiencing the enthusiasm for Thompson that culminated in his overwhelming election. No mayor ever went into the office in Chicago with such a plurality or with such hearty good will behind him. There is a disposition to feel now that the mayor ought to get down to hard pan and let his deeds speak for him. In his inaugural address the mayor declared: “The fact is the voters emphatically expressed their dissatisfaction with the economic conditions existing under the present national administration and protested as vehemently as they could against the legislation enacted at Washington which has been followed by hard times. The results of this contest are undoubtedly a forecast of the people’s verdict to be rendered at the polls in the next general election.” * The Chicago Councilmanic Election.The Municipal voters’ league conducted its twentieth annual campaign and won, what is by many regarded, as its most sweeping victory. Thirty of the candidates which it endorsed were elected, 8 of its candidates defeated, and only 4 were chosen against its protest. The liquor issue was a prominent one in many of the ward contests. Dr. Graham Taylor, in an article on “Civic significance of the Chicago election” in The Survey, declared as follows: “In the interest of its sole tocsin, ‘personal liberty,’ the United societies published a list of candidates whom it endorsed, or who were ‘acceptable.’ Of the 27 it endorsed, 17 were defeated and 10 were elected. Of the 22 who were acceptable, 13 were defeated and 9 elected. Of the 49 preferred by the United societies, including most of the very worst candidates and a few better ones, 30 were defeated and 19 elected. And yet the prohibition candidate for mayor received a total of only 3,590 votes, of which 1,888 were cast by men and 1,702 by women.” So far as appearances are concerned, Chicago is to have the best city council it has had for a number of years. Some able men were returned, including Charles E. Merriam, of the seventh ward, who, in the words of a correspondent, “undoubb edly during his term in the council has outranked all the other members in critical and constructive ability.” In addition to the old men returned a number of new men of first-rate ability have been elected, including Alexander A. McCormick, who, during 1913 and 1914, was the most efficient president of the board of county commissioners. Other new men of recognized standing and ability are Robert M. Buck of the thirty-third ward and John C. Kennedy, socialist, of the twenty-seventh ward. In addition to the men mentioned there have been a number of instances of improvement in the personnel, older men of doubtful or worse records being replaced by newer men of ability and promise. The same correspondent says, “I know in a general way that the Municipal voters’ league is very well satisfied with the results of the election and had a very high batting average so far as the election of men recommended or approved by it is concerned.”

PAGE 117

486 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July The Springfield Election.*-Springfield, the largest of the Illinois cities under commission government, recently elected a new commission, following a strenuous campaign. In the primary, February 23, there were five candidates for nomination as Imayor-commissioner, and 32 who sought nomination as commissioners, a marked decrease in the number of candidates as compared with the bt primary election in 1911, when there were 110 candidatm. A total vote of 16,711 was cast for the candidates for mayor-commissioner, an especially large primary vote. About one-third of these was cast by women. All the members of the former commission, except the commissioner of public health and safety, who was not a candidate, were nominated for re-election. In the contest for nomination and in the final election the principal issue was the policy of municipal ownership, with reference to installing an electric generator in connection with the city waterworks plant, to compete with the private utilities company in supplying electricity to domestic consumers. The movement has been due to a belief that the rates for electricity are unreasonably high, and has been led by Willis J. Spaulding, commissioner of public property, who has made important improvements in the municipal water plant during his administration. One ticket at the ha1 election WBS headed by Commissioner Spaulding and stood squarely in favor of the policy of municipal ownership. The other ticket was made up of candidates who were opposed to the installation of the proposed electric generator or who were more or less indifferent on the matter. The result of this alignment was a bitter fight between the public utilities interests and those who were in favor of Commissioner Spaulding’s policy, in which personalities, partisan politics and other irrelevant issues played an aggressive part. Perhaps the most noticeable feature of the contest was the attempt to introduce partisan politics in violation of the commission government law. Urgent appeals were made by a partisan journal IFrom A. C. Hanford. University of Illinoi~. for members of the party to concentrate their votes so as to elect the entire commission. This appeal wm not acquiesced in by the real leadera of the party, hut the outcome of the election was materially affected by its introduction. Neither of the contending sides won a clear-cut victory. Those who favored a policy of municipal ownership were successful in electing the mayor by a small majority of 55 votes and Commissioner Spaulding; the “public utilities” ticket elected two commissioners, while a former commissioner, who refused to join either of the tickets, received the highest number of votes cast for any of the candidates. What action the new commission will take on the question of the municipal oanership of the electric lighting plant it is impossible to predict. The voters of the city have expressed themselves at a referendum election as being in favor of purchasing an electric generator; and the commissioners state that they will carry out the popular will; but matters have been complicated by the filing of an injunction suit by the public utilities interests to restrain the city from purchasing the proposed generator. * California Municipal Politics.-On April 20, Sun Francisco voted on the proposition to buy the property of the Spring Valley Water Company for $634,500,000. The campaign over the project was a warm one, especially during the last three weeks, and the total number of votes polled was 73,356. Of this number 30,955 were for the project, but a twothirds vote was required to carry it, so the proposition failed The opposition was composed of very diverse elements. The bulk of the strength lay in the labor party, the labor leaders making a very active fight against the purchase. Joined to the labor party were certain financial and newspaper interests controlled by men having strong personal hostility to the water corporation, and by others who believed that the price was much too high, and uncompromising municipal ownership advocates who would not consent under any circumstances to the city’s

PAGE 118

19151 NOTES AND EVENTS 487 hying the property of a private corporation Their position &-as that the city should spend all its energies in bringing in a supply of mountain water from the Hetch Hetchy Valley. The politicians are busy laying plans for the autumn election, when a new mayor, half the board of supervisors and a number of administrative officers are to be chosen. There are two labor candidates, former Mayor P. H. McCarthy and A. J. Gallagher, now a member of the board of supervisors, who led the fight against the Spring Valley purchase. McCarthy is the head of the building trades council, and Gallagher has just retired from the presidency of the Pan Francisco labor council, which is nominally at least the representative Eody of organized labor. Former Mayor Fchmitz, who was convicted of extortion in the graft trials and removed from office, and is still under numerous indictments for bribe-taking, has announced himself as a candidate, although he has not done anything else since that action. It is generally expected that Mayor Rolph will be a candidate for re-election, although he has not so far made any anouncement to that effect. The non-partkan primary occurs on the last Monday in Septemher. $cross the Bay at the Berkeley primary there n ere three mayoralty candidates, the present incumbent, Charles D. Heywood, J. Stitt Wilson, and the Socialist candidate, William S. Irving. The latter tn-o survived the fire of the primaries, and at the finals Irving won by a vote of 4,517 to 3,708. The mayor-elect, S. C. Irving, a millionaire capitalist, defeated J. Stitt Wilson, Socialist and fomer-mayor, after a campaign on the issues of capitalism versus socialism, and private regulated ownership versus municipal ownership of public utilities, the victor holding to the first mentioned principle in each case. This might augur a program of reaction. On the other hand, one elected councilman, a successful merchant, was elected on a “business” platform, mhile the other, a civil engineer, aho admitted that he was seeking the commissionership of public n-orks, was elected after consistently urging “a trained man for the job, such as has been chosen to run things in Dayton and other business-manager cities.” Oakland held a primary electionApril 20, and although the campaign appeared to be very spirited, it evidently did not interest the majority of Oakland citizens, for only about 35,000 votes were cast out of 82,000 registered. John L. Davie got the majority of the votes for mayor, with Frank W. Bilger running second at about half Davie’svote. Bilger was the heir of the present administration in Oakland, while Davie was backed by the “antis,” making his campaign on the anti-corporation, anti-administration platform. He was mayor of the city a good many years ago on a similar platform, but was not considered to be particularly successful. He was successful in the final election by a vote of 25,050 to 17,887. An effort to recall two of the commissioners “fizzled out” on a technicality. The cit,y clerk certified that out of all the petitions filed, and they included 8,097 signatures, all but two were illegdy signed. The Oakland law provides that every signer to a recall petition must sign twice, once following the petition for recd and once to the affidavit &rming the legality of the signatures. In all but the two petitions above referred to the first signature was omitted. The political situation in this city is far from satisfactory. A California correspondent who is deeply interested in all forward movements writes, “Down in Los Angeles they have a very similar campaign going on. As a resident of Los Angeles writes me, they have a ‘lot of boobs running for office.’ The progressive elements that a few years ago were in control in Los Angeles have been split into bitterly hostile camps through personal animosities, and the stand-pat elements are in very much the same condition. Neither side has been able to unite on any strong man, so men of small capacity have come to the front and, whoever wins, the city appears to be the loser.” As a result of the recent primary, former chief of police Sebastian, who received about one third of the vote cast for the Los Angeles.

PAGE 119

NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW office of mayor, led his closest competitor, Frederick, J. Whiffen, president of the city council, by 12,000 votes. The third man in the race received about 11,000 votes. The rest of the vote was distributed among a considerable list of the “also ran” clss. A significant fact in the campaign was the falling off in the Socialist vote, their candidate receiving about 7,000 votes, or 10 per cent of the total vote, where= in former elections the Socialist vote has run as high as 30 and 40 per cent. In the opinion of Meyer Lissner, the fact that the Los Angeles Record, which heretofore has catered to the Socialist constituency and supported the Socialist nominees, in this election threw the bulk of its influence in favor of Sebastian, had much to do with the Socialist decline, although there is Considerable disintegration in the forces that have heretofore lined up for the Socialist nominees. Mr. Lissner, in writing on the subject, said, “The election was one of the most peculiar ever held in a city which has achieved some reputation for freak voting contests. The weather was inclement and there was marked indifference on the part of the electorate, so that the vote cast was comparatively light, less than 70,000 being polled out of a registration of 200,000. ” The final contest on June 4 was between Sebastian, who at the time of the primaries was on trial for charges involving improper conduct toward a young woman, and has since been acquitted, and Whiffen. The result of the general election waa that Sebastian was elected by a majority of about 6,000. At the primary, city attorney Albert Lee Stephens, city auditor John S. Meyers and city assessor Walter Mallard received a majority of all the votes cast and were therefore re-elected. None of these officials made any vigorous campaign for reelection or had any organization worth mentioning. In the words of Mr. Lissner, “The vote of confidence given them indicates that the people are quite competent to pass on the ments of tried and true public officials without the necessity of building up expensive intensive organhatioils in their behalf.” The incumbent members of the city council who were standing for re-election were all renominated and Los Angeles gives evidence of its complete conversion to nonpartisanship, giving its highest vote to Councilman Beluski, a Democrat, Councilman Wheeler, a Socialist, and Councilman Conwell, a Progressive-Republican. At the election on June 4, a board of freeholders to draft a new charter was chosen. To quote the correspondent already referred to, “It seems to me that from the above facts and figures we may draw the conclusion that the people of the California cities are somewhat discouraged at the lack of strong leadership in any forward direction. In state affairs they appear to be pretty well satisfied, as they rallied overwhelmingly behind Governor Johnson. As they did not find that same vigorous leadership in municipal affairs, the majority are not coming out at the municipal elections. ” 9 Denver.LWhen Judge Lindsey wrote his book, “The Beast and the Jungle,” he made a notable contribution to the literature which deals with the relations of politics and business mi it has obtained in many American municipalities. There was a considerable and influential body of business men in Denver, however, who were never able to judge this book by its larger and more significant values. They have never forgiven their fellow townsman for his expos6 of local conditions which, they thought, made their city appear discreditable in the eyes of the nations. Because they failed to appreciate that Denver waa not a sinner above others in this matter, these men have considered his book in the nature of a personal affront, and have been biding the time when its writer should get his punishment. That time almost came when the recent legislature wm elected and convened. From the first, standing out prominently in its proposed legislation, were certain measprepared by the Rev. David H. Fouse, pastor of the First Reformed Church, Denver, and former president of the City Federation.

PAGE 120

19151 NOTES AND EVENTS ures providing for the abolition of the juvenile court and the turning of its work over to the district court. On the face of the movement there was no attack upon Judge Lindsey, yet everpone was confident that back of the proposal was a well laid plan to get rid of the “Kids’ Judge” and even up the score. At the same time -few of the ordinary citizens took the matter seriously, believing it was the work of a few men who wished to show their personal animus, but who would not get enough support to push the niatter to any length, When one of the representatives, a Mr. Howland of Denver, was suddenly accused of receiving money, presumably to quash his anti-cigarette bill, then, in a flash, the gravity of the Lindsey matter was silhouetted before the state by the admission of Howland that he had received money from one of the personal enemies of the judge, to care for certain necessary expenses incident to the campaign for the abolition of the juvenile court. This incident revealed the seriousness of the fight against the judge and from that time there was an open conflict. Every one recognized that a vote for the bill was a vote to get rid of the whole personnel of the court, and its advocates frankly admitted as much. The measure went through its various readings and toward the close of the session was passed by both houses and one of the best known children’s courts in the world was about to be abolished, unless the governor should save it by his veto. The advocates of the bill, however, had not laid their plans wisely, for they failed to provide for several contingencies which were bound to arise if their proposed legislation prevailed. Chief among these was that, if the work of this court were to be given over to the district court, provision should be made for the enlargement of that court so that it could handle the extra work which the consolidation mould require. The district judges were already overcrowded and were wholly unprepared to assume the duties of the juvenile court. This failure was assigned by the governor as one of the reasons why he vetoed the bill. Even though a domestic relations court, as a part of the district court, were dejirable, yet the situation created by the legislature, left no other course open to the chief executive. Another good reason why he should have done as he did was that the juvenile court belonged to the city and county of Denver and that the judge was elected by its people and the legislature was acting improperly when it proposed to take the whole matter out of the hands of the people to whom the court belonged and who elected its judge. Co-incident with what was going on at the state house, were two other investigations touching certain attacks upon Judge Lindsey which assailed his personal character and the conduct of his court. Charges were made that male offenders against young girls were too leniently dealt with, and that too few convictions were secured. So open and persistent are these claims, especially on the part of Dr. Mary Elizabeth Bates, an osteopathic physician, and several others, that the matter hally claimed the attention of the grand jury. Numerous witnesses were called and the principals in the controversy were permitted to present whatever evidence they had and a thorough-going investigation was made. When the jury returned its findings, the judge was acquitted of the charges and those who made the accusations were openly rebuked, a rather unusual proceeding. Some months previous to these events, Frank L. Rose, who seems to be little known in Denver, made most sensational charges against the moral integrity of Judge Lindsey before the Methodist preachers meeting. This resulted in the appointment by that body of a committee to investigate the charges. After weeks of painstaking work, during which time every rumor was run down and every possible means of information was consulted, this committee reported that Mr. Rose’s charges were based upon the affidavits of two boys in the state industrial school one of whom admitted during the investigation, that he had never even seen the judge, and that he had made the affidavit againqt him because he thought he was the one who had sent him to the school. Later Mr. Rose

PAGE 121

490 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July wrote a letter to this committee, withdrawing the charges, which letter was laid before the grand jury. The report closed with the statement: ‘I We do not hold that no mistakes are made in the juvenile court: all men are liable to error: but that the court discriminates against young girls who have been wronged, or that it is conducted in such a manner as to encourage immorality in the community, we believe to be entirelv false. We are fully convinced that the persistent and bitter agitation against the Denver juvenile court which has been carried on for some time past, is unreasonable and unjust, and that the extreme methods employed recently to blacken the reputations of the judge of this court are a menace to the community and deserve the severest condemnation. ” * Municipal Election at Dallas, Texas.The mayoralty contest this year was most interesting and resulted in the election of the Citizens’ ticket over the People’s ticket, the question of national politics not entering directly idto the contest. The successful candidate for mayor was Henry D. Lindsley, who for many years has been a student of municipal affairs and actively interested in the work of the National Municipal League. He has written considerably on the subject and has been a close student of municipal administration, both at home and abroad. ‘A thoughtful Colorado correspondent (not a resident of Denver) writes: ”It seems to me that the situation is fairly clear. Judge Lindsey has made himself very obnoxious to the state of Colorado by his activities extraneous to his court duties. This was especially the case in connection with his biased report in the east in connection with the strike situation in Colorado. The legislature undertook to ‘get‘ Lindsey by the abolition of his court, a procedure which I think has met with very general condemnation in prdgressive social reform. Governor Carlson has vetoed the bill from the very sensible ground that if the people of Denver do not want Lindsey as judge of the Juvenile Court, the thing for them to do is to elect somebody else, and that it is Denver’s business and not that of the legislature. Howland was mixed up in the affair and was expelled from the legislature on the grounds of confessed perjury, without the legislature going into the merits of his connection with the Lindsey affair. ‘’ In the words of one correspondent: “Above every other man in Dallas, I believe Mr. Lindsley ranks as being an expert executive interested in public affairs.” Otto ,H. Lang, a well-known architect and engineer who has been supervising the construction of the buildings which make the Dallas sky Line, and who is acquainted with German methods of paving and management of public buildings, was elected commissioner of streets and public property. Robert L. Winthry, who was elected to be commissioner of police and fire, has risen from the rank of constable and has served aa chief of police. He is considered an expert in the department to which he has been elected. Manning D. Shannon, the successful candidate for commissioner of finance and revenue, has served successfully as chairman of a large number of philanthropic and public movements, and is recognized throughout Dallas as being an appropiiate man for the position. A. C. Cason, who was elected commissioner of water works, was a business man. His opponent claimed at first to be a hydraulic engineer, but it developed later in the campaign that he was a stationery man. Notwithstanding the fact of Mr. Cason’s business ability and his high rating, his opponent led the opposing ticket largely because of his “expert” claim. In the words of the correspondent already mentioned, “It has been repeatedly stated that the city of Dallas has secured the services of men for the sum of $16,000 which no other corporations could secure for less than $100,000.” The campaign was hotly contested. There was a considerable amount of personal abuse, especinlly of Mr. Lindsley, an attempt being made to array class against class, with the accompanying appeals to religious prejudice and race hatred. Again quoting from om correspondent, “I rather think the result of the election, while so thoroughly desirable from the standpoint of men, was the stamp of the disapproval of the voters of Dallas of the old-time-before-the-commissionform-of-government-went-in methods. We received encouragement during the cam

PAGE 122

19151 NOTES AND EVENTS paign from all over Texas and were flooded with telegrams of congratulation. The people of this section of the state feel the force of the issues involved. My prediction is that during the next few years there wiLl be a very great improvement in municipal government in northern Texm, and in the place of having city managers in two small towns we will have twenty, with one in Dallas and one in Fort Worth, her sister city.” * The San Antonio MayoraIty.-Mayor Clinton G. Brow11 of San Antonio has been re-elected by a plurality of more than 5,000 over Mr. Shook, the candidate of the local Municipal League. As far as we can discover from local correspondents the reason for postponing the introduction of the comnlission form of government when the matter of a change of government was voted on in January, 1914, until the next election was the fear that the opponents of Mayor Brown might succeed in clouding the issue and injecting into the question of commission government the personality of the candidates for commissioners. The present election was preceded by a very bitter fight in which the partisans of Shook claimed that the administration represented by Brown and the aldermen was not giving them a fair show in the election. The opposition, known as the Municipal league of San Antonio, called upon the governor to send state agents in the shape of rangers to insure fair play at the polIs. Of course, this gave the administration a fine opportunity to cry “home rule,” and to brand the opposition as cowards and unpatriotic men towards their city. The governor refused to interfere in the matter, naively admitting that he had friends on both sides of the controversy and could not, therefore, take a hand. The election was a vindication for Brown, who received about 8,000 votes out of a total of 13,000 cast. One of the active opponents of Mayor Brown, according to our correspondent, states that most of the former Callahan support, (that is to say the Mexican vote), seems to have been on his side, but obviously that statement must be taken with a grain of salt. “That is about all I can state with regard to the situation in San Antonio, though I may add that in the matter of physid improvements the city has made enormous advances during Brown’s administration. ” * The Re-Election of the Mayor of Austin, Texas.--On March 22, A. P. Wooldridge, who has been mayor of Austin for six years, was renominated by the largest majority he had ever received, the vote being almost exactly twice the vote of his opponent. Subsequently at the general election he was chosen without opposition, his opponent having withdrawn. It is believed that Mayor Wooldridge’s success is due to the fact that during the six years of service he has done a great deal in the way of physical betterment and social improvement of the city, and has stood for continued progress all along the line. His idea of progress does not include merely the idea of street paving, parks and playgrounds, but includes the immediate improvement of the conditions of the people along sanitary and humanitarian lines. He also stood for higher ideals in the community, abolishing the segregated vice district. Although tolerant of the privileges of the people, the extreme saloon element was opposed to him, as they wanted a wider open town than he favored. After the election the mayor expressed his conclusion that “The man who stands for the best things in American municipal life and the man who is courageous in asserting the things for which he stands is the man who is the most likely to succeed.” * Hoboken’s Political Cornmission.-The Democratic machine elected four of its candidates, although the second choice man, Gustav Bach, wm endorsed by the New government league as well as by “the organization.” Martin Cooke, the sitting mayor, who was on the commission government side and was defeated by Harry L. Schmulling, one of the present minority councilmen, applied for a recount, but the result waa not alteaed.

PAGE 123

492 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW The city treasurer, who goes out of office as a result of the adoption of commission government, applied to the supreme court for a writ of certiorari to determine the’ legality of the election at which the Walsh Act was adopted, the question hinging upon the wording of the ballots that were used. The night before election an amendment was passed by the legislature for the purpose of clarifying that part of the original act relating to the number of votes necessary for its adoption and in this amendment the title of the act was not worded in the same manner as it was originally and as it appeared on the ballots that were used. The suit wu subsequently withdrawn. It is a matter of regret that the preferential ballot was not used to the fullest extent. The Democratic organization concentrated its efforts towards the first choice. The new government league which had the support of the Republican organization stood behind nine candidates, advocating first and second choice. Had the voters used the ballot and voted for the candidates whom they wished to support, it is believed that the result would have been different. There is a general feeling of dissatisfaction with the preferential ballot and there seems to be a strong sentiment in favor of going back to the old system. The Journal, which has heretofore favored the plan, has concluded that it is useless. The commissioners are acting on the old principle of selecting for appointment only those who supported “the organization” and therefore are not apparently carrying out fully the principles of the commission idea. At the same time the commission promises to give efficient and economical government, and say they will welcome suggestions and advice, admitting that they do not know it all. The commissioners of education, who were not afiected by the adoption of the commission government act, nevertheless resigned so as to permit the mayor to appoint men of his own choice. There are nine members and the mayor reappointed two of the old board, the other seven being new men. Kansas City, Kansas, Mayoralty Eleetion.-C. W. Green of Kansas City, Kansas, has been re-elected to the mayoralty of that city against the opposition of powerful public utility interests. The mayor waged an uncompromising fight for municipal ownership of public utilities and in behalf of the proposition that every city should be granted the right to frame its own charter by local self-government, and to exercise thereunder all powers of local government not denied, by the constitution or the criminal laws of the state, instead of having only such powers of local government as are granted expressly or impliedly by the legislatuie. * Terre Haute’s Mayor Impeached.Donn M. Roberts, the mayor of Terre Haute, Indiana, recently found guilty with 27 other officeholders of that city of conspiracy to corrupt the election of November 4, 1913, was impeached by the city council and removed from office. Although Roberts is in the federal prison at Leavenworth serving a sis-year sentence, he continued to serve in the office of mayor until his impeachment. * Illinois Commission Elections.-One of the advisory editors of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW writes that he noted that in most of the commission-governed cities where the first commission had been a distinct success, most of the former commissioners hd been re-elected. This was the case in Elgin, Ottawa and Moline. Most of the old commissioners were also reelected in Decatur, where there had been a distinct improvement in municipal conditions, although the results were not altogether satisfactory. * Socialist Mayor Re-Elected.-Henry Stoke, Jr., the Socialist mayor of ManitoWOC, Wisconsin, was reelected for the fourth time on April 7.

PAGE 124

19151 NOTES AND EVENTS Milwaukee Election.-The school ships, over which there was a contest board and judges were elected on April 6. between the Socialists and non-partisans, Four out of five Socialists were elected the Socialists elected one and the nonover a non-partisan line. For five judgepartisans four. 111. JUDICIAL DECISIONS Lowest Bidder and Award of Contract.-In Leitz us. New Orleans1 the lowest bidder for a contract wm unable to give satisfactory security, as required by the ,city charter. The court held that the city-was thereupon at liberty to award the contract without re-advertisement to the next lowest bidder. * City Streets and County Roads.-The expansion of cities often leads to somewhat confusing questions as to the status of former county roads included in the corporate limits. The Kentucky court of appeals, in Letcher County us. Whitesburg,2 held that a public road, which was within the corporate limits of the town, must be considered in the position of a city street, and that, accordin& it becomes the duty of the city to maintain and repair the same. * Public Wharf a Highway.-The status of a public wharf as to the right of the public to use it as a highway is a matter which seems to give rise to some perplexity. In Hqfner Mfg. Co. us. City of St. Louis,3 the Missouri supreme court held that such a wharf, being connected with public streets and in a sense an extension of a street, must be construed as a “public highway,” that the public have the same right of common use in it as in the street proper, and that the rights of the city and itcduties regarding it are governed by the general laws governing public highways. 9 Municipal Duty Concerning Animals. -In Tanner us. Culpepper &nstruetion Co. et aZ.4 the Virginia supreme court 9. 339. 2 172 S. W. 1041. * 172 S. W. 28. 4 83 S. E. 105’. of appeals held that a municipal corporation or contractor working under it cannot be held liable for injuries resulting from frightening of a horse at a steam roller, the steam roller being used by the city or contractor in the improvement of streets, and having been placed on one side of the street during the course of its improve ment. The court made the reservation, however, that the roller be not left at the side of the street an unreasonable time. rp City Liability for Mob Violence.The Kansas supreme court, in Blukenaan us. City of Wichita,‘ had before it a unique question. Plaintiff while a prisoner in the city jail had been severely beaten and injured by other prisoners. He sued the city under a statute making cities liable for injuries resulting from mob violence. The court overruled the city’s defense to the effect that prisoners not being voluntarily in jail could not be considered to constitute a mob. It held that, the primary purpose for which they were assembled being immaterial, the fact that they had formed and executed the unlawful purpose brought the cause of action within the statute. 9 Street Cars and Zones of Safety.Minnesota General Statutes, 1913 (Sec. 2632), require operators of motor vehicles to slow down in approaching or passing a street car when the latter has been stopped to take on or let off passengers. In Johnson us. Young2 the supreme court of that state held that this provision operated to create a zone of safety around the entrance of such car by placing the burden of the lookout upon the driver of the motor vehicle. Under this interpretation it waa I144 Psc. 816. 9 149 N. W. 940.

PAGE 125

494 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW held that a person alighting from a standing street caz cannot be charged with contributory negligence for failing to keep a lookout for automobiles. The burden is placed strictly on the driver of the vehicle. 9 Par01 Contract of Municipality.-A provision often found in city charters is to the effect that no contract made by a city official shall be deemed to be binding on the municipality unless executed in writing with certain prescribed formalities. The city of Wagoner, which has a provision to this effect in its charter, was sued by one McKinney on a parol contract alleged to have been entered into by one of the city commissioners and on which the city had acted for some time with the acquiescence of the other commissioners. The Oklahoma’ supreme court held that acquiescence by the commissioners and partial performance of the contract could not be considered as waiving the charter Limitation and that the contract, therefore, could not be considered binding on the city. Any other interpretation would have rendered nugatory this very salutary limitation on the city’s contractual power and would have had possibilities of distressing complications. * Damages in Changing Grade.-The claim of an abutting property owner for damages caused in making an improvement on a public street was before the New York court of appeals in McCube us. Cily of New York.2 The claim was based on the ground that the improvement caused a taking of private property, contrary to the constitutional limitation. The court held, however, that such an improvement being within the power of the city, could not be so construed, though the result might be that the value of particular property was decreased, and that the abutting owner had no remedy outside of that provided by statute. 1144 Paa. 1071. 2 107 N. E. 1049. In Schuss et ux. us. City of Chehalis,‘ the Washington supreme court rejected the claim of an abutting property owner for damages caused by the city removing a lateral support on making an original street grade, on the basis that the grnding was wholly within the limits of the street and that it was not established that the work was nfgligently done. * Control of Streets.-The Illinois SLIpreme court in People us. Jlawha!l Field & CO.,~ had to consider the conflict of municipal and state authority over streets and the use to which they may be put. The court found that, municipal powers being derived strictly from the legislature, the authority of the municipality must be construed as subject to that of the legislature, and the jurisdiction of the state was accordingly upheld. The streets of the city under the decision are at the same time state highways, and come under the same primary and paramount control of the legislature as other state highways. The court found that the legislature is under no limitation as to the use to which streets may be devoted; that a city, on the other hand, may only control and improve streets in such manner and at such time as the public necessities may require, and cannot divert them to other uses by panting them to individuals or corporations in a way to interfere with the duty of preparing them for public use or using them according to the public necessities. The court found in the case before it, however, that where tunnels were constructed beneath the surface of the street in such a way as to connect abutting property on both sides of the street, the tunnels being open to the public in the ordinary hours of business as a ‘‘passage way,” and the right to maintain the tunnels, being subject to revocation by the city at any time, the public rights in the street were sufficiently preserved. 1144 Psc. 916. 2107 N. E. 864.

PAGE 126

19151 NOTES AND EVENTS IV. MISCELLANEOUS 495 Local Option Results.-Mmsachusetts. Reports of the town meeting elections indicate an “even break” in the license results. No-license forces were defeated in Middletown, where a very determined fight was waged. The vote was 143 in favor of license and against 103. Leominster voted for license for the first time in 29 years. iMinnesota. Moorhead is a ‘I wet town with a “dry” mayor as a result of its recent election. The “dry” forces made considerable gains in the smaller towns of the state. Eighty-two “wet” towns voted to retain their license and 60 “dry” towns will remain “dry”; 30 “wet” towns voted “dry,” however, while only 4 “dry” towns changed to the license column. Vermont. No-license gains are reported as a result of the spring local option elections. Prohibition gained four cities, thus leaving 17 towns and cities entitled to grant liquor licenses in Vermont. Montpelier voted “dry” by seven votes. Bennington changed from the nolicense to the license column, and Rutland remained in the license column by the narrow margin of three votes. In 1903, when the present local option law went into effect, 90 towns and cities voted for license. Illinois. As a result of the April elections three counties were added to the “dry” column, making 55 out of 102 counties “dry.” About one hundred saloons will be put out of business. Centralin, “wet” for sixty years, voted “dry” by a majority of 300. Livingston County has only one “wet” town and Scranton Township, the only “wet” spot in Champaign County, was voted “dry” by the women’s vote. Pontiac went “dry,” and nine saloons will have to close their doors. Out of 26 local option elections held on April 20, the “drys” and “wets” each won in 13 localities. Litchfield voted “dry” by a majority of 600. Michigan. Out of the 16 counties voting on local option, the “drys” won in 12 counties. Alger and Oakland cqunties, which were first credited to the “drys,” have on an oficial recount been placed in the “wet” column. About three hundred saloons will be put out of business. New Jersey. That the commission form of government is not necessarily inimical to the liberal interests is shown by the fact that Beverley voted “wet” in the Grst initiative and referendum election on the excise issue held under the commission form of government in a New Jersey municipality. The “wets” had a majority of 41 in a total of 551 votes. New York. The six towns in Suffok County, L. I., voting on the license question in April gave good majorities for license. Approximately one hundred and fifty towns have voted on the license question in this state in the last three months, and out of this whole number there has only been a net loss of seven towns for the “wets.” Ohio. Wellston has voted crwet” after being “dry” for six years. Magnetic Springs and Ravenna voted “dry” in the March elections. The determining element in the victory for the “drys” was the work of Father Gardner, who lined up his parishioners in opposition to the saloons. London went “wet” by a majority of 171 votes. South Dakota. Fifteen cities changed from the “wet” to the “dry” column in the recent elections, while only one town changed from “dry” to “wet.” Mitchell, Madison, Rapid City, Custer, Milbank, Platte, Farmer and Leola were the important towns voting “dry.” Wisconsin. Theno-licenseadvocatesmade substantial gains in the April elections; 150 saloons will be affected by the “dry” victory. A score of small cities and towns were added to the “dry” column. Only four or five places that have been “dry” the past year voted “wet.” No large pIaces switched from the “dry” to the “wet” column. In the list of “dry” gains are such important places as Sparta, Bayfield, Ladysmith, Oostburg and Pardeeville. * Local Option in Texas.-Recent decisions in cases involving the Allison Act, which aims to prohibit the transportation of intoxicating liquors from “wet” ter

PAGE 127

NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW ritory into “dry” in the state of Texas, have held that the carrying of liquors from ‘‘wet” into “dry” territory by a citizen of the latter for his own use or as agent for mother for that other’s own use is not a violation of the Allison Act. In the newspapers, these decisions were widely misreported as declaring the Act unconstltutional. Such, however, was not the tenor of either decision, the point in question in each case being not the constitutionality of the Act but the applicability of the Act to the cases in court. Said Judge Harper, I‘. . . I do not agree that the Allison Law, or any of its provisions, are unconstitutional, but think, properly construed, it is valid, and prohibits the transportation, shipment, carriage, and delivery of intoxicating liquors in prohibition territory for illegal sale, or any other illegal purpose.,’ Territory is voted “wet” or “dry” in Texas by counties, and the decisions affect municipalities only in so far as the municipalities are situated in “dry” counties.‘ * Student Movement for Municipal Instruction.*The undergraduates of Rutgers College (New Brunswick, N. J.) are advocating the establishment of a course in municipal government. No such course is at present given at Rutgers, though there is a department of political science and a good curriculum in constitutional government. The Targum, the student weekly, under date of April 14, makes a strong editorial plea for a municipal course, suggests the establishment of a bureau of municipal research, and points out the desirability of eventually securing a traveling-fellowship fund that will make possible original research of value in this field of political science. * Neighborhood Centers. This year’s prize competition of the Chicago City Club was devoted to the subject of a neighborhood center, the object being to 1Tmxas: Acts 33d Legblature, Firat Called Ez Parle Hopkins, v. 171 9. Longmire v8. State, v. 171 S. W. No. 4. 9 From Edward T. Paxton, Bureau of Municipal Seesion, chapter 31. W. No. 4. Research and Reference, University of Texas. develop in graphic form the possibilities of enhancing the neighborhood life of cities by better arranged grounds and buildings. The declared purpose is to develop ideas and general principles, the widest latitude being given to contributors in the selection of the site for the center both as to character of environment and geographical location. As a preliminary to the competition, the civic secretary of the Club, George E. Hooker, explained how the actual growth of such nuclei, which is going on in many localities in a fragmentary way, evinces the need for the creation of neighborhood centers after more complete and perfect patterns, thus to associate together so far as appropriate at a chosen point and in a well designed structure or group of structures the institutions needed by the adjacent community, and to increase the efficiency of these institutions, create neighborhood spirit, encourage neighborhood action and contribute to the general attractiveness of the locality. The fist honors in the competition were won by Miss Anna Pendleton Schenck and Miss Marcia Mead of New York City. * Birmingham, Alabama, is conducting a remarkable “city beautiful” movement, initiated and encouraged by the city government, but actually carried on by the people generally. Writing of the progrws that has been made in a year, George B. Ward, president of the board of city commissioners, says: “To-day there are few houses in Birmingham among the white population in which there is not at lesst one person actively engaged in the city beautiful movement and doing something to further the work. Amongst the negro population the city has met with hearty and useful response. The basia of the movement is found in individual endeavor, but assistance is rendered by women’s clubs, professional organizations, boy scouts, railroads, manufacturers and corporations.” Important emphasis is given the movement as a part of a city governmental function. The commissioners at the beginning of the movement prepared a

PAGE 128

19151 NOTES AND EVENTS 497 little pamphlet entitled “From the city beautiful to the yard beautiful” and agreed to deliver one of these pamphlets to each house in the city. With the pamphlet was sent a form for club organization and suggestions that clubs be formed. The title page bore the caption “The success of the city beautiful movement is absolutely dependent upon the enthusiastic work and co-operation of the women of Birmingham.” The city promised in it to supply free street sweepings for fertilizers and it offered helpful suggestions for the planting of hedges and gave a list of plants best known for fragrance and usefulness in decorative effects. Twenty thousand of the pamphlets were distributed and then followed a campaign for block organiza-’ tion, with a chairman for each block. The boys in all parts of the city were cleaning, planting and caring for the trees and flowers and hedges. From the individual efforts of the boys the work was taken up in an organized way by the boy scouts. One of these companies was instrumental in calling to Birmingham Warren H. Manning, the well-known landscape architect and as a result of his visit he was retained to draw plans for the civic improvement development of Birmingham and the country mounding it for many miles. Of the city beautiful movement, Mr. Manning says: “In many respects, city beautiful work in Birmingham is the most notable thing in this country. Everywhere that city beautiful work or city improvement has been undertaken, Birmingham is held up aa an example of what can be done and the work here has attracted nation-wide attention. Everywhere in Birmingham men and women are found giving their time and money toward making the city beautiful.” Large corporations and manufacturing plants caught the spirit and expended large sums in improving their properties. Miles of fences necessary at furnaces and railroad yards were whitewashed and painted; weeds were cut and in their place grass was planted; ivy and vines were planted to cover brick walls and ugly buildings. The street railway system cooperated by making its right of way as clean and pretty as possible. Not only were the properties of home owners improved but the movement spread to the improvement of vacant lots, which in Birmingham asin all other cities, were an eyesore for years. Permission of the owners waa secured to clean up the lots and many of them were transformed and not a few of them turned into playgrounds for the children. There is no abatement in the interest on the part of the people at large for a beautiful Birmingham. The work has not been spasmodic and covering a single season but is of the kind that is continuous and Birmingham is convinced that it has got away from the appellation “ bad Birmingham” and “busy Birmingham” and is now and will always be known as “heautiful Birmingham.” 1 Cle Housing Institutes at Boston and Baltimore.-The housing movement in America has now progressed so far that it is possible to hold housing institutes of those actively working on housing problems and who have become in a measure professional practitioners. At the annual national conferences of the National Housing Association a considerable part of the time is frankly devoted to addresses and discussions designed to interest the general public and those who have just begun to have an interest in the improvement of housing conditions. The institute makes no such provision. Its sole purpose is to serve aa a sort of seminar for advanced students. The association held its first institute in Boston on January 15. The members were drawn from all the New England states except Vermont, from New York and New Jersey. The attendance was unexpectedly large, 105 registering. As it was assumed that every one present was an active housing worker and consequently acquainted with the meaning and the purposes of the housing movement, there were no prepared papers. At each of the three sessions there was a general IRichard B. Watrous, Secretary, American Civia Aaaouation.

PAGE 129

498 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [ J UlY subject, subdivided into from four to six heads so as to make the discussion more definite. One person was asked to open the discussion on each of these heads and to confine himself to a terse statement of the points he believed of ’most importance. The subject was then thrown open for question and comment. The members of the institute represented nearly every interest in the community, bhough proportions varied at the different sessions. Civic organizations of many kinds maintained their interest throughout the day. Health officers and sanitarians turned out in greatest force for the afternoon session, while architects and builders concentrated on the evening session. The advantage of bringing these different elements together became apparent early in the proceedings during a discussion on ‘$attitude toward the city administration.” This was quickly inverted to “attitude by the city administration” and the interchange of opinion by city officials and civic and social workers brought out the fact that the suspicion and latent hostility with which they sometimes begin changes to friendly co-operation as personal acquaintance and mutual understanding develop. The health officer of one of the larger New England manufacturing cities, who had come prepared to resent all claims of citizens’ organizations to “interfere” with his department, finally took part in the discussion as an advocate of co-operation. The states represented at the Boston institute are pre-eminently the tenement house states of the union. Throughout New England the threedecker han secured so firm a foothold that it seems almost unassailable; New York City is knolvn for its great tenement and apartment houses, and the large cities of New York State and New Jersey have inclined to imitate the metropolis. So successful was this first institute that it was decided to make such institutes a regular part of the Association’s work. A aecond was held in Baltimore on May 18, while the National Conference on Charities and Correction was in session and a third in Detroit on June 10. The meeting at Baltimore dealt with housing in southern cities. The type of house which constitutes the most immediate problem in the south is the cheap twoand three-room shack, a contrast to the large tenement houses of the north Atlantic seaboard. But the multiple dwelling and land overcrowding are beginning to appear in the south, which must set its standards now if it does not wish to repeat the long, heartbreaking struggle of the eastern cities to mitigate in slight degree evils which can and should be prevented. Though the housing awakening in the south is so recent the attendance and the discussion at the Baltimore meeting showed that the social workers ‘at least understand the task that confronts them.’ * The New York State Conference of Mayors and Other City Officials at its sixth annual meeting opened its campaign for the adoption by the constitutional convention of the home rule amendment. The evening session on June 1 was devoted exclusively to a discussion of this amendment and the needs for home rule. Corporation Counsel Arthur L. Andrews of Albany, who is chairman of the conference’s committee of ten which drafted the amendment, described the work of the committee and made a strong plea for the approval of the measure by the convention. Secretary William P. Capes read messages from the governors of many of the home rule states. Among these were the following: Governor Woodbridge N. Ferris of Michigan, said: “The law in Michigan conferring home rule on all communities desirous of taking advantage of the same is in operation in a dozen or more cities in this state and so far is known it is proving very satisfactory.” Governor George P. Hunt of Arizona declared that “the powers invested in incorporated cities in this state are not regarded as being excessively broad, but have in practice operated advantageously.” Governor Frank B. Willis of Ohio sent this message: “There appears to be a general sentiment of acquiescence in the pant of power within 1From John Ihlder.

PAGE 130

19151 NOTES AND EVENTS 499 the limits prescribed in our constitution to leave it to our cities themselves to determine whether they shall have home rule and to what extent they shall embody it in their charters.” Nebraska’s executive, Hon. John H. Morehead, wrote: ‘I Nebraska’s constitutional provision is of a nature which relieves the legislature of a vast ambunt of labor and gives the people of the cities having a population of 5,000 or over the right to manage their own affairs. This, I believe, is a wise provision and results in placing the responsibility of municipal affairs in the hands of the people, where it belongs.” The other principal subject considered was municipal finance. Deputy State Comptroller Fred G. Reusswig informed the officials that the state comptroller is planning to install a uniform accounting system in city treasurers’ offices. He also announced a new plan to keep city officials informed of each statute and each amendment to existing statutes. He said that the comptroller is arranging to send city officials coming under his jurisdiction a statement of laws and amendments affecting their several offices which were enacted by the legislature last winter. In the opening address at the conference President Rosslyn M. Cox announced that “efficiency first v is to be the slogan of the New York cities. “For four years we have been preparing to launch this slogan,” he said,.“and we now feel that we have an effective worlting organization of the municipalities to carry out comprehensive plans. In fact, during the last year n-e made a good start.” He then summarized the conference’s activities during the year. Among the important accomplishments he called particular attention to these: The president and secretary have officially visited every city in the state; plans have been perfected for establishing ancl financing a state bureau of municipal information; a city planning survey of tlie cities of the state has been completed; a health survey of the cities of the state h‘w been started; a survey has been made of the cities in respect to the codification of their local laws and ordinances; a home role consitutional amend9 ment has been drafted and presented to the constitutional convention; two model and uniform ordinanfies have been prepared and sent to the cities, one in respect to city planning and the other for the censorship of motion pictures; membership has been accepted on the national board of censors of motion pictures; a study has been made of the cost and methods of collection and disposal of ashes and rubbish by cities; another study has been made of the methods of purifying water in free municipal indoor swimming pools; the conference during the legislative session advocated the passage of twelve bills and helped to defeat the enactment of fourteen other bills detrimental to the interests of the cities. At the second evening session State Health Commissioner Biggs presented the preliminary report of the committee which is making the health survey of the cities of the state. Judge Harry Olson of Chicago was the second speaker, his subject being: “What is the limit of social service work by a municipality?” The city planning survey of the cities of the state has been completed by the conference’s advisory committee of city planning experts and a complete and comprehensive report was made at the last session. This included all phases of practical city planning and showed in a general way what city planning has been done and what needs to be done in the cities of the state. The report was presented by Arnold W. Brunner, Chairman; Nelson P. Lewis, chief engineer, New York City board of estimate and apportionment; Charles Doming Lay, former landscape architect of New York; and Daniel L. Turner, deputy engineer, public service commission. Every city in the state was represented and many sent large delegations. The state-wide tour that President Cox and Secretary Capes had made during the year had aroused a keen interest in municipal work and the activities of the conference. * Employment Bureau for City Officials.1 -To bring together cities and ad- ‘From Edward T. Paxton, University of Texas.

PAGE 131

500 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW ministrative experts is the newest undertaking of the bureau of municipal research and reference at the University of Texas. An index of men qualiiied to hold positions in municipal administrative service is kept; and lists of them sent to each city that applies for information, and to each city reported to the bureau as having adopted the city-manager plan. In presenting candidates, the bureau makes no attempt to discriminate or to recommend. Each applicant who registers is asked to file a summary of his previous training and experience, and is informed by letter of cities where his services may be in demand. Further negotiations are carried on directly between the interested parties. No charge of any kind is made by the bureau. The immediate cause of this action is the rapid spread of the city-manager plan, which has taken a firm foothold in the southwest. The service, as planned by Director Herman G. James of the bureau, contemplates listing health officers, hancial and accounting experts, and city engineers, as well as city managers. Indications of the first few weeks of activity seem to show that cities which are at all ready to employ men without regard to local residence, on a pure efficiency basis, are adopting the city-manager plan; and that trained men who are at all willing to try the fortunes of a career in municipal service are seeking nothing short of city-managerships. * “Municipal Engineering” of Minneapolis and Chicago, appears with its April issue in a new farm, 9 x 12 inches. It contains an interesting article bearing directly on municipal government, namely one on “Commission Government and an Engineer Manager,” by H. D. Mendenhall, together with a letter on the Phoenix, Arizona, situation. * Union of Canadian Municipalities.Owing to the European war and the redting fact that most of the public men in Canada are heavily preoccupied with business matters arising out of it, the authorities of the Union have considered it their duty to postpone the annual convention which was arranged to take place in Victoria, B. C., this summer. As Hon. W. D. Lighthall, the honorary secretary, states in a notice to that effect, “While disappointment will undoubtedly be caused to a number of our members, we are sure the great majority will admit the wisdom of the postponement.” * Jackson, Mich., City Manager.Gaylord C. Cummin, city engineer of Dayton, has been made city manager of Jackson, Michigan, at a salary of $5,000 a year, succeeding Claude E. Chappell who resigned. Mr. Cummin, who was recommended by City Manager Waite of Dayton, took office on May 1. +’ Dwight F. Davis, who retired in April after four years’ service as park commissioner of St. Louis, has done more in those years than has been done in all the years previously to develop the parks for public recreation. Mr. Davis’s tireless work was a labor of love, for he is a man of independent wealth. During his administration, although the department was crippled by meager appropriations, he developed one of the largest public recreation parks in the. United Statesthe new fairgrounds-and constructed in it the largest artificial outdoor swimming pool in the world. He increased the number of playgrounds from twelve to eighteen and installed new public bath houses. But his special contribution has been the stimulating and organizing of all sorts of athletic teams among men, women and children in all parts of the city. Municipal basket-ball, baseball and soccer leagues; free public golf links; extension of tennis courts to every park and the municipal celebration of Christmas are among the features of his work. Mr. Davis was one of the leading spirits in the movement which produced the great historical pageant and masque in St. Louis in May 1914, the largest civic spectacle ever staged.’ pp. 401, 783. % NATIONAL MUNICIPAL Rmvrsw, vol. iii,

PAGE 132

19151 NOTES AND EVENTS 501 Mr. Davis had previously been active for many years in the interest of public recreation, playgrounds and athletics and was at one time international tennis champion. His contributions to recreation were also marked during his service as a member of the house of delegates and of the city plan commission and as a member of the board of freeholders which drafted the St. Louis charter,’ defeated in 1911 but much of which was incorporated in the draft which was carried in 1914. * H. P. James has been appointed director of public safety in the Dayton government at a salary of $4,000 per year. He was promoted from the ranks. When appointed he was fire marshall and had held this position for ten years. For a decade previous to that time he had been a heman. He has been a conscientious and careful student of the work in which he has been engaged and his appointment is regarded by the people who know his work as a deserved promotion. We are advised that selecting a man of this type and promoting him from the ranks will be very salutary on the entire force of employes in the city. * Raymond W. Pullman has been selected to be chief of police of the District of Columbia succeeding Major Richard Sylvester, resigned. Mr. PuUman has had no police training, but has a wide knowledge of public affairs and has been cIosely identified with social work. It will be interesting to see how a social worker will make out as a policeman. L. D. Upson resigned his position as director of the Dayton Bureau of Municipal Research to accept a position with the National Cash Register Company. He will be secretary of the executive ofice. 1See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. E, p. 720. C. E. Rightor has been chosen to succeed Mr. Upson as secretary of the Bureau. CD Dr. Charles R. Henderson, professor of sociology at the University of Chicago, died in Charleston, S. C., March 29. 4r. Henderson was much more than a college professor. He was an active and virile force in every progressive movement, and it is believed by many that his health was broken down through his unremitting attention to the work of the committee on unemployment of which he was the efficient chairman. He has been a member of the National Municipal League for many years. Pb Louis E. Van Norman, for a number of years connected with the editorial department of the Rewiew of Rariews and before that with the Literary Digest, has been chosen editor of the fiation’s Business, the organ of the Chamber of Commerce of the United States. 9 Frederick R. Leach, former director of the Cincinnati Bureau of Municipal Research, has been made a member of the Central Purchasing Committee of New York City. The other members are Henry Bruere, the city chamberlain, David Ferguson, George Tirrell, and James McGinley. PD Wayne D. Heydecker, who has been one of the assistant secretaries of the New York City Club and who is secretary of the Intercollegiate Civic Division of the National Municipal League, has accepted the secretaryship of the Chamber of Commerce at Fulton, New York. PD Roger N. Baldwin of St. Louia was elected a member of the national committee of the National Conference of Charities and Corrections at its Baltimore meeting.

PAGE 133

DEPARTMENT OF PUBLICATIONS 50 3 I. BOOK THE CITY MANAGER: ANEW PROFESSION. By Harry Aubrey Toulmin, Jr. New York: D. Appleton & Company. National Municipal League Series. $1.50. Charter framers and students of municipal government will welcome Mr. Toulmin’~ book on the city manager because it fills a long felt want for a non-technical popular treatise on a subject which in a short time has grown to be of nation-wide interest, but upon which little has been written. While the book is (t far cry from being exhaustive, still it does present in a simple and understandable style the facts and logic of those features of the city manager plan of government which receive most attention from both its advocates and its critics. Moreover, the author has appreciated the value of including proper accounting provisions in our new city charters and has rightly emphasized this often neglected feature by devoting a well illustrated chapter to “finance measures.” By the title, one might assume that the city manager as an individual and as the chief afficer of the city was the only subject treated. The sub-titie “A New Profession” tends to strengthen such an assumption: Happily, however, the subject matter is of far greater scope, starting in as it does with a sho’rt recount of the history af the straight commission plan and the develbpment out of this, or the birth, of the city-manager plan, it takes up by organization unit and in logical order some charter provisions and discussions concerning (1) the electorate (2) the commission or council (3) the manager (4) the departments, and (5) departmental administration, and finishes with a summary of results and what different people think of the plan. It is not until the sixth chapter that the city manager himself is dealt with solely, and this chapter is REVIEWS mostly composed of an enumeration of the powersgiven him in three different charters. Only two other chapter3 dwell upon the manager to any considerable extent, chapter seven, his means of administration through an efficient organization of departments, and chapter nine, his education and training. Unfortunately, the author has been handicapped in getting out a timely book with only six months’ operation of the Dayton plan before him. At the time of writing the book, fourteen cities were operating under the manager plan. At the time of writing this review, less than n year later, fifty-six cities and towis are operating with a manager and the number is increasing daily. Necessarily, the esisting city manager charters as framed had to be called upon freely to yield a large proportion of material. The redeeming feature of this situation, however, has been cleverly supplied by the author’s interesting presentation of charter sections which in their legal plumage m-ould not ordinarily receive the attention they will command of the reader of Mr. Toulmin‘s book. A further redeeming feature is the argumentation and logic surrounding these sections, so arranged as to provoke deep seated thought from the reader. A particularly impressive feature of the work is the author’s sense of values that has enabled him to gather into one volume the meatiest of the material obtainable from such organizations as the Xational municipal league, the National short ballot organization, the Dayton bureau of municipal research, the Dayton citizens’ committee and the Dayton city commission, bearing upon the city manager form of government-material which should be read simultaneously, but which seldom is, owing to the average man’s inability to

PAGE 134

19151 BOOK REVIEWS 503 know and advantageously use all these sources of information. Several organization charts and a good bibliography are included. C. 0. DUSTIN. Springjelield, Mass. * LOWER LIVIXG COSTL IN CITIES. A CONSTRUCTIVE PROGRAMME FOR URBAN EFFICIENCY. By Clyde Lyndon Ihg, Ph.D. New Tork: D. Appleton and Company. Kational Municipal League Series. $1.50. This is a valuable book, but its chief value lies in Part 11 on “Urban Food Cats.” The rest of the book is devoted to general questions of municipal government, some of which seem rather remotely connected with the problem of the cost of living. The author’s discussion of urban food costs is sane and very suggestive. One of the most valuable chapters, Chapter VII, is on the “Controllable elements in retail prices.” Other chapters of special value are IV, “The cost of food distribution”; VI, “The middleman”; XI, “Standardization and efficient marketing through producers’ co-operation.” Chapter XI11 on “A city program for lower food costs” seems to the reviewer a little disappointing, but is a good discussion of the possibilities of water-front markets and also of a city market bureau to plan and co-ordinate a system of distribution, The reviewer does not wish to indulge in unreasonable criticism of a book which has so many valuable features, but he can hardly overlook the author’s failure to take account of one of the largest economic factors in our American urban life, namely, the enormous use which is made of the telephone in marketing. Any comparison between American and European cities which fails to take into account the fact that two-thirds of all the telephones in the world are in the Gnited States, and threefourths of all of them are in the United States and Canada, is an incomplete comparison, though it has doubtless a certain hortatory value. It is easy to point out that much could be saved in the cost of food, through the use of central municipal markets, but until the American housewives give up the telephone habit, they are not going in large numbers to the central municipal market, or any other kind of a market that does not offer prompt or immediate delivery. The author states (page 7) “The American city still thinks corner-grocery-wise of its food supply,” but it is not conclusively shown that there is any cheaper method of giving the American housewife the kind of service she demands than the corner-grocery method. In fact, there is much to be said in favor of the proposition that the cheapest method of rendering good service is to have a large number of small depots, widely distributed, to which food supplies may be sent in large lots, say by the truck-load, and from which they can be promptly distributed to the households, in small or retail packages. It looks as though the problem of economic distribution of food products would have to be solved with the telephone as a factor, rather than without it. If this be true, the corner grocery may serve as the depot from which the housewife may secure, at a minimum cost, prompt delivery of food in small pnckages. Instead, therefore, of relegating the corner grocery to a past century, a fuller knowledge of the situation may convince us that the centralized retail market belongs to a backward civilization, antedating the wide use of the telephone, a state of affairs under which the housewife went to market with her basket and carried her purchases home. This may have been a means of saving money, but it was very wasteful of human energy. With the advance in prosperity and civilization, the tendency is more and more to save human energy, even though we spend a little more money in so doing. The energy which is saved may earn more than enough to pay the extra money cost. T. N. CARVER. Haruard University.

PAGE 135

NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW EUROPEAN POLICE SYSTEMS. By Raymond B. Fosdick. New York: The Century Co., 1915. This valuable book is based on direct pemnal study for more than a year and a half of the police in twenty-two cities in different European countries. While there is no detailed comparison with American conditions, the facts and conclusions will be of great service in working out the problems of police organization and control in this country. In his first chapter Mr. Fosdick brings out the broader scope of police functions on the continent of Europe (and especially in Germany and France) than in England and the United States-including fire protection, health and building regulations. He comiders, however, that this combination of heterogeneous functions under one control does not conduce to efficiency. The police in all the capitals and most of the large commercial centers in Europe are under the direct control of the state. Only in the provincial cities of Great Britain, in Switzerland and Belgium, in Leipzig and Stuttgart, and in smaller places in Austria, is there local autonomy. The reasons advanced in European countries for state control are given; but not critically discussed. Nor is there a full discussion of the systems of state supervision over local police, though the author considers the county police in England (which are under a larger degree of central supervision) superior to the borough police. On the continent, the police force is organized on a military basis, but with some important variations. Berlin and Prussian cities have an overcentralized military organization; Vienna a more decentralized military organization, under civil control; Paris has had a highly centralized civil organization, but the internal organization is in process of transition; in London and Great Britain, the police is a civil organization, largely decentralized. There seems no special significance in noting that the police force is recruited from the army, in countries where military service is compulsory. But it is significant that in continental Europe the ordinary policemen come from the noncommissioned officers of the army, with from six to twelve years military service. On the continent, the ordinary policemen seldom rise above the rank of sergeant; and the officers of the police force form a distinct class. In England, the policemen are largely country born and bred; and these are preferred to city men. The rank and file are superior in spirit and intelligence to those on the continent; and chief constables in provincial cities and district superintendents in London usually come up from the ranks. Mr. Fosdick suggests aa a compromise that the rank and file should have larger opportunities of promotion than on the continent; but that it should also be possible to appoint officers from outside sources. All of the European countries have some system of police training, Vienna having the best equipped police school. Policemen in Germany, and to some extent in Austria, are the object of marked dislike on the part of the lower classes; while the London “Bobby” is more or less a favorite with the people. The higher positions of police administration in Europe form a distinct profession, composed largely of jurists of university training, with long experience in the public service. London has had but six police commissionen in eighty-five years; and Berlin has had only ten police presidents since 1848. In Paris there ww a long period of frequent changes; but Il.1. Lepine waa prefect of police for eighteen years. The detective force is more highly centralized on the continent, and more decentralized in England. The London system of training for this service is said to be good, Berlin’s fair, Vienna’s excellent, and that of Paris meagre. The English detective shows more initiative and originality. That the results are as good in Germany w in England is due to the larger legal powers to extort evidence from suspected persons, and the better material

PAGE 136

19151 BOOK REVIEWS 505 equipment of the German police. An interesting chapter discusses methods of criminal detection. On the whole, the police of European cities bear an excellent reputation as to integrity; and this public confidence is not undeserved. There are some instances of individual delinquencies, but no organized system. Policemen receive rewards and gratuities, and there is a widespread practice of accepting tips. An important safeguard against police corruption is that the pqlice are not called on to enforce standards of conduct above those of the general public. For example, public houses (saloons) me legally open in London at certain hours on Sunday; and on the continent there is no attempt at Sunday closing. Mr. Fosdick concludes that the European police departments form an excellent piece of machinery, due to the acceptance of certain common principles: the police are not called on to enforce moral standards not approved by the public; control and authority is centered in a single official, on whom responsibility can be fixed; and the rank and file, as well aa the officers, are carefully selected and trained. JOHN A. FAIRLIE. University of Illinois. 3: GOVERNMENT Am TO HOME OWNING AND HOUSING OF WORKING PEOPLE IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES. Bulletin No. 158 of the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics. One is tempted to believe that this is a partisan document. It is full of facts, nearly every other page of its 451 is decorated with orderly and symmetrical tables of facts; but with all this array some are missing which should besthere, inasmuch as the others are. The volume really does more than its title promises. It gives a brief introduction to the’housing problem in many of the countries whose methods of giving aid it describes, and at least indicates that they have found it necessary to regulate as well as to assist house builders. If one may judge by internal evidence, a corps of clerks have industriously assembled proaid extracts, statistics and tables from hundreds of volumes, many of which are listed in alphabetical order at the ends of the chapters. But, again judging from internal evidence, not all of the compilers were familiar enough with the subject to know that housing statistics are like others and whiIe perfectly true if rightly and thoroughly understood and carefully placed in their right relation to other equally true statistics, they may, through lack of understanding or because of wrong relationships-or none at all, produce quite an erroneous impression. For instance, in the chapter on Great Britain and Ireland there are figures which seem to indicate that London is actually deriving a net revenue from its municipal housing schemes. This leads the compiler, or the commentator if they be different persons, to say: “The rents . . are fixed in accordance with two principles. They must not exceed the rates prevailing in the neighborhood and they must be sufficient to insure that after providing for all expenditures for maintenance and capital charges the dwellings shall be selfsupporting. ” This may have seemed a very simple proposition to the one who wrote it out so clearly for our edification; but did he ever stop to think? London condemns an unsanitary area. It buys the land and buildings at a very good price-London has found no royal road to the cheap purchase of real estate. It demolishes the buildings. It then erects much better buildings and in them it puts fewer people per room than the old buildings had held. It charges approximately the same low rent per room that was charged in the old buildings. And its new buildings axe self-supporting, even pay a net return! It cannot be done, and London has not done it. One thing that London has done has been to charge off a considerable part of the purchase price, revaluing the land on a housing basis. A considerable part of the cost of the undertdcing thus disappears from the housing account, though it still continues to bear its part in the tax rate. The same easy acceptance of statistics

PAGE 137

506 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW J UlY at face value appears in the account of Liverpool’s housing enterprises, which are credited with earning from 1 per cent to 4.12 per cent net on the outlay, though the report of the health officer for 1913 (p. 301) shows that the annual deficit is 234,213, equivalent to 24d in the i, for the ratepayer. Such easy-going copying of old tables is the more inexcusable as Liverpool has for years admitted that its municipal tenements were not paying their way. Apparently some rumor to this effect has reached the ears of the commentator, for he says: “It is difficult to obtain data showing the exact status financially of Liverpool’s housing enterprises.” In the text above the tables he says that Liverpool “definitely gave up all idea of an economic rent.” Below them he adds, “Consequently the net return on outlay would have to be considerably larger than shown above to make the venture a success, if regarded solely from the economic point of view. Nevertheless the returns are better than they seem at first glance.” (!) This gives an even more definite impression that the schemes are paying their way than the London description, which contains the qualification that for various reasons schemes were “unduly costly, I’ though it is not stated that they constitute a burden on the taxpayer. Only when summarizing the government loans to 131 different urban authorities is there a clear admission of loss; and the losses there admitted are annual deficits of only El07 for loans sanctioned before March 31, 1912, and of E270 for loans sanctioned the folIowing year. By the time he had reached Birmingham in his compilation, the compiler’s doubt had become well-grounded suspicion and he credits poor Birmingham alone, Birmingham which has done comparatively little in municipal housing and most in guiding and regulating private housing, with the practice of writing down the value of its land to “housing value.” But again he prints a table showing a net return of from 2.46 per cent to 4.66 per cent. Perhaps it is anger at finding Birmingham dealing in such unworthy subterfuges, perhaps it is resentment that Birmingham had indulged in only three municipal enterprises, and these comparatively small, that makes him take a final fling at it before passing on to Illanchester. “The town-planning act of 1909,” he says, “gave cities greatly increased powers in the way of controlling the building up of new suburbs. Birmingham has already undertaken large and expensive schemes of this kind, and it seems probable that henceforth the city will put much more energy into the prevention of future slums than into the abolition of those developed in the past.” Were comparisons not notoriously SO odious-in speaking of slums it would almost seem that the ribald paraphrase of this reverend quotation were more fitting -it might be possible to mention other English cities which have spent many times as much as has Birmingham on municipal tenements and yet have left large areas of their slums i,n worse condition than Birmingham has left hers. There are those who believe that Birmingham is but at the beginning of her housing career and that before she finishes she will have something better to show in her present slum areas than a thousand municipal tenements. To follow our commentator on to ManChester. Apparently he has exhausted his venom, or he has begun a new and brighter day, for he discusses, it would almost seem with approval, Manchester‘s version of the Birmingham method of slum improvement-which Birmingham admits is but a temporary expedient. This is to compel the owners of old houses to make them sanitary, even, when necessary to secure light and ventilation, by tearing down obstructive houses. “In 1902,” he says, “it was calculated that the amount thus spent by the corporation (in compensation) up to date did not exceed in round numbers 625,000 ($121,663).” A paltry sum compared with Liverpool’s annual deficit of E34,OOO. Yet it may be that the reason for this forbearance lies deeper. Certainly it does not lie on the surface, for our commentator tells us briefly that Manchester spent

PAGE 138

19151 BOOK REVIEWS 507 some 2285,000 ($1,386,953) in one goodsized municipal housing scheme, that almost simultaneously it undertook several smaller schemes-and then rested for several years. Incidentally there are two tables regarding Manchester which the careful reader will do well to study. The bst does show the difference between housing value and actual cost of site. By substituting the latter for the former in the second table he may, if he enjoys figuring. be able to learn what Manchester knows. .lfter its long rest, Manchester, in 1901, started a municipal garden suburb, on land costing S35,643 ($173,457). Before finishing the suburb, Manchester again rested. Sgain there are tables shoaing net returns of from .12 per cent to 3.67 per cent. These, like the preceding optimistic statements, are taken from. W. Thompson’s “Housing Up To Date,” 1907. Aipparently the clerk who culled these taljles from hlr. Thompson’s valuahle bc ok did not read the text accompanying them, for Ah. Thompson repeatedly states that the tables are based upon a “housing valuation” of the land, which is far from representing its cost. See “Housing Up To Date,” pp. 36, 41, 61, 73. More than this, Mr. Thompson in his effort to be perfectly clear, gives the following on pages 73 and 74: “Reference has been made on more than one occasion to the fact that it is the practice of many municipalities in connection with rehousing schemes, to charge to the dwellings account only the value put upon the sites by the Council’s valuer, instead of their actual cost. The vagaries that are possible under the present system are. easily seen from a study of the comparative figures of the Brightlingsea building site acquired for rehousing purposes. Cost of acqidsition of site . . . ,000 Comnicrcial value of site . . . . 2,150 Housing valuation . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,000 Value charged to housing scheme Nil Thus assuming the ordinary expenses of management, the rents should not be less than 3s. 8d. per room per week to make a commercial profit, but they average only 2s. 2d. per room, so the dwellings are subsidised to the extent of 1s. 6d. per room per week.” This illuminating statement seems to have entirely escaped the notice of the industrious clerk, so the commentator continued to make his erroneous deductions. In any case, why should not the director of this research have directed his assistants to consult the reports of city treasurers? These reports, in spite of their forbidding appearance, sometimes contain facts of interest andvalue. For example, that of the city treasurer of Manchester for the year ending March 31, 1913, states that the local municipal housing enterprises have resulted in an annual deficit of S14,188 3s. 4d. “Government Aid to Home Owning,” etc., is a fairly ponderous volume, as befits both its subject and its publisher. It is filled with facts, many of them valuable. It tells about many countries in Europe, America, north and south, and the antipodes. It has an index which assists one to find these things, but one of its most important features is its omissions. s JOHN IHLDER. THE MIDDLE WEST SIDE. By Otho G. Cartwright. MOTHERS WHO ibfUST EARN. By Katharine Anthony. (In one volume.) BOYHOOD AND LAWLESSNESS. THE NEGLECTED GIRL. By Ruth S. True. (In one volume.) $2.00 each. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1914. The four social surveys published in these two volumes are the product of the Bureau of Social Research of the Kew York School of Philanthropy financed by the Russell Sage Foundation. They pertain to a limited area of New York City consisting of 80 blocks bordering on the Hudson River between 34th and 54th streets, perhaps the most homogeneous and distinctly American sectionof the city. The Middle Vest Side is an historical and descriptive sketch of the neighborhood by Otho G. Cartwright. It is intended to serve as a background for the more spec

PAGE 139

508 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July ialized studies. It describes the population, the industries and the conditions of life in general. The region is portrayed as a “ ‘backset’ from the main current of the city’s life” in which may be seen “some of the most acute social problems of modern urban life.” Mothers Who Must Earn, by Katharine Anthony, is a study of the economic and social causes, including hardship and suffering due to sickness, injury, underpayment, unemployment, or death of husbands, which compel mothers to become wage-earners, as well as the conditions of their employment, their occupations, and the consequences for their homes and families. Definite information is given in statistical form as to hours of work, wages and incomes, etc. of the 370 west side working mothers, “who had become wageearners in obedience to the most primitive of maternal instincts” in order to protect their children from actual suffering. Boyhood and Lawlessness is the collaboration of a group of investigators. Chapters are devoted to his background, his playground, his games, his gangs, his home, the boy and the court, and the centre of the problem. The whole is an inductive study of the anti-social lad, potential and actual. Two hundred and ninety-four boys guilty of juvenile delinquency were studied, all of whom were under 16 years of age. The one purpose seems to be to describe the agencies constructive and destructive, which result in making the boys of the region what they are. Only by the possession of such knowledge can real improvement be made. The Neglected Girl, by Ruth True, presents the case of 65 girls from 55 families most, i. e., 73 per cent, of which had at some time been assisted by some relief agency. The “cases” were studied through the instrumentality of a girls’ club organized and conducted for the purpose. The same painstaking care is taken to reveal the neglected girl M she is -a product of her environment for which she is in no way responsible. The studies furnish not only a rich source of first-hand material of a concrete sort, but also an excellent sample of a scientific social philosophy. J. P. LICHTFINBERQER. University of Pennsylvania. OI A SOCIAL SURVEY OF THE WASHINQTON STREET DISTRICT OF NEW YORK CITY. Instituted and Conducted Under the Direction of Trinity Church Men’s Committee, New York City, October, 1914. The social survey as a means of acquiring a comprehensive view of the social assets and liabilities of a given community is now a recognized necessity m a prerequisite to any well-organized program of welfare work. This pamphlet is a survey of a distinct and limited section of New York City and comprises a study of housing, immigration, recreation, industrial conditions, child welfare, delinquency, and health. Descriptive material is accompanied by illustrations and dirtgrams and is a graphic presentation of the social conditions of the district. The work waa instituted and conducted by the Trinity Church Men’s Committee. bide from its value to social workers it is a splendid exhibit of the new religious conscience on the question of social responsibility. J. P. L. * TOWN PLANNING, WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE BIRMINGHAM SCHEMES. By George Cadbury, Jr. London and New York: Longmans, Green & Co. No book has yet been published in English which deals in a comprehensive way with the subject of town planning. Mr. Cadbury in this volume adds one to the list of town planning studies which have been prepared with a limited viewpoint. The book deals altogether with town planning in Great Britain, especially aa practiced under the Housing and Town Planning Act of 1909. Chapter I treats of the need of town planning, but not fully; Chapter I1 with town planning in Birmingham and its vicinity. Chapter 111 shows how a town planning scheme may be prepared by local authority under the act of 1909 and m&ea

PAGE 140

19151 BOOK REVIEWS 509 a number of useful concrete suggestions of method. The planning of roads is treated in the next chapter. The allocation of sites for factories, recreation centen and residencesis considered in a brief but fairlypractical manner in Chapter V. In the treatment of residential areas and limitation of the number of houses to the acre Mr. Cadbury draws his data almost exclusively from Raymond Unwin. The provision of gardens and allotments and questions of public health are accorded brief consideration. The book will doubtless be of use to the citizens of Birmingham and vicinity because of the frequent discussion of local problems and methods. It will be valuable to English citizens generally for its practical treatment of the means of preparing town planning schemes under the legislation of that country. The book will not have wide use in America, but does contain suggestions and local legislative data of some value for American specialists in town planning. The first appendix, in thirty pages, describes the East Birmingham town planning scheme. The second appendix contains a reproduction of Part I1 of the Housing and Town Planning Act of 1909. JAMES FORD. Harvard Uniatersity. * THE FINANCES OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK. By Yin Ch’u Ma, Ph. D. New York: Columbia Univenit y-Longmans, Green & Company, Agents. $2.50. An exploration into the intricacies of New York City finances is at best a hazardous undertaking, and must require special courage when pursued by a stranger from over the seas. The author of this monograph apparently realizes the enormity of the task, and expresses regret that he has been unable fully to comprehend all the factors which ought to be taken into consideration and that he has therefore failed to describe fully the whole Enancial situation. His hope is that the work may be translated into the Chinese language, and in this way may carry some helpful suggestions to the fiscal authorities of the Chinese government. The extent to which the financial system of New York City can be adapted to Chinese conditions will doubtless have to be determined by the Chinese themselves; and the possible value of this volume as a contribution to the economic development of China is not for us to attempt to measure. Its place in our own economic literature is another matter. First, it is descriptive in character. It is neither critical nor constructive. The author has aimed to portray the present method of administering finances in Greater New York. The protean nature of the city charter in the hands of the legislature makes this an almost impossible achievement, and Mr. Yin’s attempt was no exception; for while his picture was in the finishing process a legislative amendment to the charter gave the creature a new shape. That is not to say, however, that he has been altogether unsuccessful; for it happened that the change thus made was anticipated (pp. 218-219), having been already recommended by the comptroller. It merely shows how difficult it is under present conditions to write a description of any phase of the city’s government which will not be out of date before it can be printed. The whole subject is divided into four parts, as follows: (1) scientific budgetmaking, (2) the system of taxation, (3) the city debt, (4) control of revenues and expenditures under the new system of accounting. The first part gives a detailed history of the annual budget-making from the submission of estimates by the heads of departments to the final approval by the board of aldermen and the mayor. Special emphasis is laid upon the segregation of budgetary estimates, the minute specification of purposes for which certain moneys may be expended, so as strictly to limit the administrative officers in the use of funds apprapriated for their respective departments. In referring to the dominant part played by the board of estimate and apportionment in making the budget, Mr. Yin takes issue with those who are led “to believe that New York City, though governed by

PAGE 141

510 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July a mayor, has really taken on the commission form of government, because almost all the powers of regulating the city’s affairs are lodged in the board of estimate and apportionment” (page 96). To combat this belief he indulges in the curious argument that the control of the board of estimate and apportionment over expenditures is not so great as it appears to be because the appropriation of a large part of the budget is made mandatory by law. A brief study of the charter of Greater New York, notably sections 56, 169 and 242, and a hasty perusal of the annual proceedings of theboard of estimate and apportionment should convince Mr. Yin that the belief alluded to has substantial foundation in law and in fact even apart from the powers of the Board with reference to the budget. The second part, consisting of two chapters, describes the methods of assessment and collection of taxes, showing that the chief burden of taxation falls upon real estate. The third part in three chapters explains the character of the city’s debt and the ways of borrowing money. Since these chapters were written an amendment has been added to the charter which provides that whenever the board of extimate and apportionment authorizes public improvements to be paid from the tax levy of the next succeeding year or series of years the comptroller may issue notes in anticipation of such taxes, provided that such notes shall mature not later than the year in anticipation of the tax levy whereof they were issued. They are known as “tax notes” (Charter, section 189, as amended by L. 1914, ch. 474). This provision practically embodies the recommendations of Comptroller Prendergast as given on pages 218-19 of Mr. k’in’s monograph. In the last part four chapters are devoted to an exposition of the present system of accounting by which the finance department is enabled to exercise a rigid supervision over the expenditures and accounts of all departments. The author’s conclusion seems to be that the debt limit fixed by the constitution, coupled with this control over expenditures, furnishes an ample safeguard against esTravagance. An up-to-date system of accounting doubtless prevents much waste in the use of departmental funds; but of course it is no restraint whatever upon the initial extravagance of appropriations. And that the constitutional “debt limit, ” namely 10 per cent of the assessed value of taxable real estat,e, is no insurmountable obstacle, is strikingly illustrated by t,he fact that by virtue of except,ions provided for in the constitution (nrticle VIII, Section lo), the actual debt of New Pork City on June 30, 1914, exceeded the so-called constitutional debt limit by more than $400,000,000, and there still remained within that limit a margin of over $50,000,000.1 A serious mechanical defect in the volume is in its citation of authorities. Of course the finaiicial system of the city is based upon provisions in the charter; but although frequent reference is made directly or indirectly to these provisions, in nesrly three hundred pages of test the charter is cited specifically only about half a dozen times. There is the same failure to cite provisions of the state constitution (e. q., pp. 169, 170, 173, 196, etc.). Furthermore the author displays a surprising tendency to rely on newspaper reports, public addresses and magazine articles. rather than upon official records and documents. Iiptances of this weakness appear on pages 151, 188, 19T, 223 and in many other places. Much of the information is taken from publications of the Bureau of Municipal Research, particularly those entitled “Scientific BudgetMaking versus Rule-of-Thumb BudgetMaking” (1013), “No matter Who is Elected” (1913), and “Six Years of Municipal Research for New York City” (19061911), all of which are cited frequently. On the whole, it can be said t’hat the work is an interesting collection of information, not complete, without any particularly suggestive conclusions, and with the faults which are perhaps inevitable in the case of a stranger working among strange surroundings. F. MORSE HUBBARD. Coluinbia University. 1 Semi-annual Report of Compbroller, June 30, 1914.

PAGE 142

1015] BOOK REVIEWS 511 DEMOCRACY’S HIGH SCHOOL. By William D. Lewis. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin Co. A COURSE IN CITIZENSHIP. By Ella Lyman Cabot, Fannie Fern Andrews, Fanny E. Coe, Mabel Hill, Mary MCSkimmon. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin co. THE TEACHING OF CIVICS. By Mabel Hill. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin Co. ~IAKERS OF AMERICA. By Emma Lilian Dana. New York: Immigration Publication Society. A PRIMER OF CIVICS. Issued by the Colonial Dames of Illinois. FOREIGNERS’ GUIDE TO ENGLISH. By Azniv Beshgeturian. New Tork : Immigration Publication Society. By C. E. Rose. Boise, Idaho: Syms-Yorlr Co. The modern high school has come to be the bete noir of our educational system. In its inception a democratic offshoot of the English “public school” it is now attacked as one of the striking anomalies of our republic-an institution supported by the state and designed to turn out intelligent citizens, but whose only actual service is that of preparing students for college. Principal Lewis, as the head of one of our great metropolitan high schools, should be able to speak with authority, and through the one-hundred and taentyfive pages of his excellent monograph there is no uncertain note. Sympathy is extended to the “motor-minded” pupil whom the curriculum fails to interest, but not a grain of comfort is held out to any one else. The high school is indicted for failing to give its students practical lmowledge; for permitting its students to harbor false ideals; for setting up un-democratic systems of discipline; for over-stressing mathematics and the dead languages; for demanding too much specialization of its teachers; for neglecting the health of the girls: and, lastly, md most importnnt of all, for arranging its schedule to meet .the requirements of college entrance. There can be no question that the high CIVIL GOVERXMENT OF IDAHO. school as it is now constituted is a vulnerable spot. The dilettantism of its graduates has passed into a proverb. College and university authorities complain of poor preparation, yet the best, thought and attention of the high school is given to this matter of training students for college. Too often only the indifferent students are urged to take the domestic science and manual training courses. Over-specialization is narrowing the horizon of many teachers both in the high school and in the college. To these criticisms many more might be added and Mr. Lewis does not pretend that he has exhausted his vocabulary of denunciatory adjectives. But aa there is an “other hand” to every question so in the present case the defence is not without arguments. The high school as an evolution from the classical academy has not been in existence long enough to break away from its traditions, although signs are not wanting that the day of emancipation is not far distant. The problem of providing courses to suit the needs of all classes of students is no easy one and cannot be solved in a generation. Colleges will continue to dictate so long as the high schools cut their students to suit the Procrustian bed-and no longer. If Mr. Lewis should embody the constructive ideas he must’possess into a definite program for high schools he would thereby perform an even greater service for the cause of education. Books on citizenship are multiplying rapidly but it is not often that writers do more than deal in glittering generalities and stale truisms. A volume has recently appeared, the aim of which is to drill out of the American youth all anti-social predilections and thus create a race of Cincinnati. For this purpose the Course in Citizenship is arranged to fit all grades. The youngest pupils are to be taught what their duties are as members of a family; the second grade takes as its topic the school and the playground; the third, the neighborhood; the fourth, the town; the fifth, the nation; the sixth, American ideals; the seventh, the United States; the eighth, the worldfamily. Although treating the subjects somewhat idealistically there is every

PAGE 143

512 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July reaaon for thinking the program as outlined could be profitably followed in all public schools. Miss Hill’s book is another attempt to meet the growing demand for citizen training. The Squeers method is suggested aa the latest frill in civics teaching. The child should learn not only what the duties are which devolve upon citizens but should be required to put into training what he has learned. Among the topics to be diecussed in the class-room (to be supplemented by personal observation) are the following: Community health, public highways, public education, immigration, rights of citizenship, postal service. C. E. Rose in Civil Government of Idaho fills his little volume with information intended to give the students some knowledge of local, state, and national government. Designed to meet local needs, the general plan of this outline might well be followed by teachers of civics in every state. Two valuable boolis have recently been put out by the Immigration Publication Society, and with them may be mentioned a small primer issued by the Colonial Dames of Illinois. In the Makers of America the lives of Franklin, Washington, Jefferson and Lincoln are recounted in simple but impressive language. The Primer of Civics is a compendium of information for the prospective citizen of foreign birth. The process of naturalization is described in detail; good advice is offered regarding the sacred duties of United States citizens; the operation of the national and the local governments is outlined. At the end a brief rBsum6 of the history of the United States is given. The Foreigners’ Guide to English ww written by a teacher in the Boston evening schools. The author (evidently not an American with McGuflian traditions) believes in reasoning from the known to the unknown. This reader is designed to meet the needs of the foreigner attacking the English language for the first time and is eminently practical. Mr. Beshgeturian will be pardoned for devoting a page to Boston describing it w one of our’largest cities, with clean streets, busy factories, pretty stores, good school-houses, etc., while passing by Philadelphia with the comment that it is also quite large and only an hour’s run from New York. J. C. MCGREGOR. Washington, Pa. * AMERICAN CHAMBERS OF COMMERCE. By Kenneth Sturges. New York: Moffat, Yard & Co. $2.00 net. So far as this volume deals with the origin and history of boards of trade, chambers of commerce and kindred organizations in the United States, and so far as it surveys the functions of these bodies, it is to be highly commended as a careful piece of work. When the author comes to discuss such questions aa “City government reform,” “Co-operation with authorities,” and “Civic improvement,” he is less satisfying, due to the fact that the volume is an academic essay prepared when an undergraduate. It was submitted for and won the David A. Wells prize at Williams College. As the author points out, in recent years business bodies have been recognized m important factors in the growth and welfare of our cities. His aim has been to show this development with particular reference to their modern functions as civic organizations. He properly selects the Cleveland chamber of commerce, which has been called by some “a chamber of citizenship,” as the one organization worthy of careful study and extended treatment. In this he has done well because he establishes a norm which other organizations could follow with useful results. In addition to the general discussion of the whole subject, the book contains the full text of the standardized by-laws for chambers of commerce recently approved by the National msociation of commercial organization secretaries, a brief but suggestive bibliography, and an excellent index. It is an interesting fact to note that Mr. Sturges, as a result of his work on this book, was made one of the‘assistant secretaries of the Cleveland chamber of commerce.

PAGE 144

19151 BOOK REVIEWS 513 SUMMARY OF STATE LAWS RELATING TO THE DEPENDENT CLASSES, 1913. Washington: Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census. 1914. Since the yeyear 1863, when Massachusetts through a state board of charities fist undertook to supervise the whole system of state charitable and correctional institutions, the movement has spread, slowly at first, but finally, to every state in the union. No state fails in some way to provide for its social debtor classes. Along with this extension of provision has gone a broadening of scope and a changed attitude. Provision is now made for all dependent classes and this, not of necessity but of public duty. State charity and almsgiving is being replaced by state aid. The function of the state is being extended not only in the form of adequate provision in its own institutions, but even to supervision of privatelymanaged institutions. This volume is a summary prepared by the bureau of the census, of the more important features of the laws of all the states in force in 1913 relating to the administration and supervision of all “agencies dealing with the dependent classes; the laws relating to the condition and methods of poor relief, institutional and outdoor, and the provisions made for special classes-children, the sick, the blind, the deaf, the insane, the feebleminded, the epileptic, the inebriate, and soldiers, sailors and marines.” It is an invaluable record for purposes of comparative study by all who are interested in this phase of social activity. * SOCIAL LAWS OF PENNSYLVANIA. By Ward Bonsall. Published by the Associated Charities of Pittsburgh and the Philadelphia Society for Organizing Charity. $1.50. Mr. Bonsall presents concisely, and in so far as the subject will permit, in nontechnical language, the provisions of the Pennsylvania statutes having to do with social relations and the conditions of families and persons with whom social workers come in contact. The siibjects dealt with are: Children, children and the courts, desertion and non-support, poor law, mental defectives, public health, criminal law, collection of debts, labor, marriage, divorce and married women, and decedents. The work is admirably done and may well be regarded as a model for social and civic workers in other communities. * THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE ACADEMY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE. Vol. V, Nos. 1 and 2. 1915. New York: Columbia University, These two volumes are devoted to a consideration of the revision of the state constitution, now an important pending question in New York. The first deah with the general principles and mechanics of the revision of the structure of state government, and contains constructive articles from those who are taking a leading part in the constitutional conventional now in session, as well as from other prominent publicists. Under the head of “The structure of state government,” the questions of the electorate, the Iegislature, the executive and the judiciary are considered, as well as general state agencies. The second takes up city and county government and contains an impressive and thoughtful discussion by Professor Howard Lee McBain,’ of Columbia, who as special counsel for the city is preparing the home rule provisions for discussion by the convention and by Laurence Arnold Tamer, who presents another proposition, which has excited a lot of wholesome debate. Mayor Mitchel and former Governor Glynn join in the discussion in formal papers and Dr. Delos F. Wilcox, Secretary Robert S. Binkerd of the New York city club, and Secretary Walter T. Arndt of the Municipal government association of New York State consider the question informally. Dr. Wilcox, setting forth as a member of the National municipal league’s committee on municipal program, the views of that body, pointed out that the fundamental ‘Professor McBain will also shortly publkh s volume on home rule.

PAGE 145

514 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July question in the home rule proposition is this: Shall we continue the American policy from which we have been trying to get away, in an academic discussion at least, for 20 years, of considering that cities have only those rights which are specifically expressed in their charters, granted by the legislature, or shall we reverse that process and give to cities, by a broad grant of general power, applicable alike to cities which frame their own charters, and to other charters, and to other cities, the right to control their local affairs? Professor McBain reached four conclusions. 1. That whatever provision is framed should be self-executing. 2. That nothing can be gained by requiring, as in California, that the charter be submitted in toto to the legislature for approval; or, as in Michigan and Oklahoma to the governor. 3. That the convention should consider all other provisions with particular reference to the home rule rights conferred. 4. That it should be remembered that in all probability some cities of the state will organize under charters of their own making and some will not. Mr. Tanzer’s paper was accompanied by a draft of a proposed constitutional amendment representing the views held by him and his colleagues in the hlunicipal government association. Other interesting problems discussed are public service commissions, public franchises, water power conservation, charitable and correctional institutions and constutional limitations on governmental powers. f PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF CHARITIES AND CORRECTION AT THE FORTY-FIRST ANNITAL SESSION. Memphis, Tenn., May 8-15, 1914. Fort Wayne, Ind.: Fort Wayne Printing Company, 1914. PROCEEDINGS OF THE THIRD BIENNIAL MEETING OF THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF CATHOLIC CIIARXTIES, SEYTEYBER 20-23, 1914. Washington: Catholic University of America, 1914. BATTLING FOR SOCIAL BETTERMENT. Proceedings of the Southern Sociological Congress, Memphis, Tennessee, May 6-10,1914. James E. McCulloch, Nashville: Southern Sociological Congress, 1914. National and local conferences of the leaders in social work have come to be recognized as among the most significant forces within the entire range of constructive effort for human welfare for the moulding of public opinion and for the creating of programs. Published proceedings of such meetings rank high in the literature of social service. Experts bring to these conferences their best thought wrought out in the heat of struggle with anti-social forces. Methods are exhibited and compared. Both principles and procedures are thus clarified and improved. The breadth of scope of such conferences is illustrated in the contents of the three volumes above mentioned. The national Conferences of Charities and Corrections contains numerous papers under the following heads: (1) Corrections, (2) the family and the community; (3) children, (4) social hygiene, (5) health, (6) defectives, (7) standards of living and labor (8) neighborhood development, and (9) public charities. The National Conference of (Roman) Catholic Charities presents its material under the supervision of committees dealing with the following principal subjects: (1) Families, (2) sick and defectives, (3) children, (4) social and civic activities. In contrast with the American Sociological Society, a scientific society concerned with sociology as a science, the southern congress is a practical organization for social betterment. It grew out of the idea that “the best intelligence and lendership of the south should study and improve and interpret its social and civic life.” The congress maintains six departments of work and investigation: (1) public health, (2) courts and prisons, (3) child welfare, (4) associated charities, (5) race relations, (6) the church and social service. Since

PAGE 146

19151 BOOKS RECEIVED 515 the congress met in conjunction with the National Conference of Charities and Corrections, the subjects were divided, the Conference dealing with the fist four and the congress with the last two. The report of the congress deals, then, merely with the church and social service, and race relations. These three volumes contain a rich treasure of social information, presented from slightly different points of view, viz., the social worker, the religionist, the social student, but with one common aim and purpose. All the volumes are indexed and exceedingly usable as source books of social imformation. 11. BOOKS RECEIVED AMERICAN WOMEN IN CIVIC WORK. By Helen Christine Bennett. New York: Dodd, Mead & Company. $1.25. By F. Haverfield. Oxford: The Clarendon Press. 6 shillings. ANTI-SALOON LEAGUE YEAR BOOK, 1915. Edited by Ernest H. Cherrington. Published by the Anti-Saloon League of America. 25 cents. SAMUEL BILLINGS CAPEN, HIS LIFE AND WORK. By Chauncey J. Hawkins. Boston: The Pilgrim Press. $1.25 net. STATIONS AND STREET AND ELECTRIC RAILWAYS, WITH SUMMARYOF THE ELECTRICAL INDUSTRIES. 1912. Washington: Bureau of the Census. ANCIENT TOWN PLANNING. CENTRAL ELECTRIC LIGHT AND POWER 1915. CHURCH AND STATE IN MASSACHUSETTS 1691-1740. By Susan Martha Reed, Ph.D. University of Illinois Studies in Social Sciences. Published by the University of Illinois,Urbana, Ill. $1.05. By George Sharp. Boston: Richard G. Badger. $1. THE GOVERNMENT OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK. A Collection of Addresses and Discussions Presented at a Series of Eleven Lecture-Conferences held under the Auspices of the Academy of Political Science in the City of New York with the Co-oeeration of the Bureau of Municipal Research, the Institute of Arts and Sciences of Columbia University, and a Citizens’ Committee, April 7 to 30, 1915. New York State Consitutional Convention Commission. 1915. CITY LIFE AND ITS AMELIORATION. in HYGIENE FOR THE WORKER. By William H. Tolman, Ph.D. and Adelaide Wood Guthrie. New York: American Book Company. Crampton’s Social Hygiene Series. 50 cents. INSTALLING EFFICIENCY METHODS. By New York: The EnC. E. Knoeppel. gineering Magazine. 1915. Shepheard. & co. $1. WORKS ASSOCIATION. Proceedings 35th Year. March, 1915. Published by the American Water Works Association, 47 State St., Troy, N. Y. THE LAW AS A VOCATION. By Frederick J. Allen. Boston: The Vocation Bureau. $1. LEGAL PRINCIPLES OF PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION. By Henry Bixby Hemenway, A.M., M.D. Chicago: T. H. Flood & Co. JESUS AND POLITICS. By Harold B. New I‘ork: E. P. Dutton JOURNAL OF THE AMERICLY WATER THE LIFE OF A CITIZEN. By J. Augustus Johnson. New York City: Vail-Ballou Press. MUNICIPAL GLASGOW: ITS EVOLUTION Issued by the Cor1915. AND ENTERPRISES. poration of the City of Glasgow. MANAGEMENT. Edited by William Bateson. New York and London: Sir Isaac Pitman & Sons, Ltd. MY BATTLES WITH VICE. By Virginia Brooks. New York: The Macaulay Co. 1915. MUNICIPAL OFFICE ORGANISATION AND $8.

PAGE 147

516 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW NEBRASKA BLUE Boos AND HISTORICAL REGISTER. 1915. Edited by Addison E. Sheldon. Lincoln, Neb.: Legislative Reference Bureau. PROCEEDINGS OF THE INAUGURATION OF JOHN HUSTON FINLEY. University of the State of New York, Annual Report, 1914. Vol. 4. OFFICI.4L SOUTH AFRICAN MUNICIPAL YEAR BOOK. 1914. Edited by W. P. M. Henderson and Francis G. Pay. Published by Francis G. Pay, Cape Town, South Africa. OPINIOXS OF THE CITY SOLICITOR OF PHILADELPHIA FROM JANUARY TO DECEWBER, 1914. PAUPERS IN ALMSHOUSES. 1910. Washington, D. C.: Bureau of the Census. 1915. THE PROBLEU OF GRE-4TER NEW YORK AND ITS SOLUTIOY. By Harry Chase Brearley. Published under the auspices of the Committee on Industrial Advancement of the Brooklyn League by the Search-Light Book Corporation, New Tork City. $1. PUBLIC UTILITIES: THEIR FAIR PRESENT VALUE .4x~ RETURN. By Hammond V. Hayes, Ph.D. New York: D. Van Nostraiid Company. $?. Heebner Smith. Doran Company. $1. PVBLICITY ISD PROGRESS. By Herbert New York: George H. REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF FRANCHISES OF THE BOARD OF ESTIMATE AND APYORK. 1914. REPORT OF THE EFFICIENCY AND ECONOMY COMMITTEE CREATED UNDER THE AUTHORIIT OF THE FORTY-EIGHTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF ILLINOIS. 1915. OF NEW YORK STATE. 1913. Compiled by James M. Lynch, Commissioner of Labor. Albany, N. Y.: Department of Labor. 1915. SUMMARY OF PENAL ORDINANCES OF CHICAGO, ALSO POLICE DEPARTMENT ORGANIZATION ORDINANCES AND DuTIES OF POLICE. Chicago: T. H. Flood & Co. 1914. A SURVEY OF OPPORTUNITIES FOR VoCATIONAL EDUCATION IN AND NEAR PHILADELPHIA. Cornpiled by Jane R. Harper. Philadelphia: Publication Education Association. 25 cents. “THE SYSTEM” -4s UNCOVERED BY THE SAN FRAXCISCO GRAFT PROSECUTION. By Franklin Hichborn. San Francisco: James H. Barry Company. $1.50. VALUATION OF PUBLIC SERVICE CORPORATIONS. Supplement. By Robert H. Whitten. New York: Banks Law Publishing Co. WOMAN’S WORK IN MUNICIPALITIES. By Mary Ritter Beard. National Municipal League Series. New York: D. Appleton & Company. $1.50. PORTIONMENT OF TEE CITY OF NEW SECOND -4NNUAL INDUSTRIAL DIRECTORY 111. REVIEWS OF REPORTS Municipal Civil Service Reports.Practical methods in the administration of municipal civil service lams are continually coming into more common use, and emphasis is laid upon the practical phase of the work by several of the recent reports of municipal civil service commissions. The thirty-first annual report of the city of New Tork, being for the year 1914, contains the following: Study of the types of examinations held in the past showed clearly the need for more care in preparation for the examination. It seemed to this commission that it was extremely important to obtain from appointing officers full and complete information as to the precise duties of each position in which they were interested and of the general character and qualifrcations, both in training and in personality which they desired candidates to possess. This commissioli has also resorted to the use of oral examinations where the personality of the candidate is an important factor. It helieves that through oral

PAGE 148

19151 REVIEWS OF REPORT8 51 7 tests the commission is able to select candidates on the same principle used by a private employer. In its first annual report, for the year ending June 30, 1914, the Los Angeles county civil service commission says: The commission seeks to simplify examinations and to make them practical and suitable to the desired ends. Wherever necessary, the written test is supplemented with a practical test or oral interview. The second annual report of the Minneapolis civil service commission has the In so far as time would permit with the force at hand and the funds available, standards have been established for the different examination subjects. The report for the Philadelphia civil service commission for 1913 has the folThe principal need in the civil service in the city is equal pay for equal duties. Salaries are not proportionate to duties and responsibilities. The problem should be solved by the joint efforts of councils and the civil service commission. It is the function of the commission to group the positions into grades, having in mind similar duties and responsibilities and councils should determine and approprinte the proper salary which would apply alike to all positions in a grade. To that end the finance committee and the commission should meet and act in conjunction. This phase of the work has, perhaps, received more attention in Chicago than elsewhere and comment on the latest Chicago ieport is largely on such matters. This, of course, is by no means the first appearance of the practical test; but the fact that practical tests are emphasized by several commissions in widely separated sections of the country shows a tendency toward their more general use. Surely it is a commendable feature in the administration of civil service lam and one intended to gain favor with those who have hitherto been opposed to the merit system “as ndministered.” The adoption of practical methods, the introduction of practical tests, wherein the applicant for a position is actually given a chance to perform the duties n-hich the position he seeks will following: lowing: require of him, and the elimination of questions which have little bearing on the ability of the applicant for the position sought will at once disarm many enemies of civil service and make it many friends. It means that civil service laws will be judged by results in the entire service, taking into consideration hetter organization, improved methods, and so forth; and not alone upon the selection of more fit persons for the work and assurance of their retention during good behavior. An examination of reports from a nuniber of municipal civil service coniinissions shows a decided lack of uniformity in the manner of making reports 011 the work in hand. For example, some reports give the number of employes in the service at the present time, the number and character of examinations held during the period covered by the report, the amount of money expended on the service, etc. Other reports do not even give the number of employes under the jurisdiction of the commission; some do not cite the number of examinations held; and many say nothing about the amount of money used. The improvements brought about by the application of the merit system should admit of considerable comparison all over the country.. It is true a great many features of the work incident to some localities woulcl not be included in others. But there are a large number of civil service commission activities that should be common to all localities and should appear in any intel!igent report of the commission’s activities. These should permit of comparison to show whether or not different commissions are operating with n reasonable degree of efficiency, and to give information to various coinmissions about the activities and improved ideas of others. Without suggesting points to be covered, diich shoiild be decided only after the most careful study by those actively engaged in the work in clifl’erent localities, the suggestion is made that a great deal of good might come from the use of a common form of report. In addition to making it possible for those administering the law to compare results, this plan might aid in introducing common

PAGE 149

518 KATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW standards all over the country and form the foundation for further advance on common ground in the application of the merit system. Because of the lack, in so many instances, of any common ground of comparison this revienwill touch upon the important steps taken by different municipal commissions, rather than showing in a tabulated form the common advance of the commissions concerned. New York. This commission’s report for the year 1914 cites the establishment of a bureau of information and complaints which ought to prove a valuable adjunct to the work of the commission. It has already relieved the secretary’s office of much detail n-ork. In the examination division this commission proposes : (I) Improvements in the type of examinatibn ; (2) Improvements in methods of the examination division ; (3) Improvements in the method of advertising. An examination budget, so to speak, is proposed whereby the commission can plan its work by anticipating in advance the number and character of examinations for the year. There is no more important place for improvement than in the field of examination. The more simple the method of examination, the more simple the subject matter and the more clearly these are understood by the public and the applicants the greater will be the degree of general satisfaction. Linked with the examination problem is that of advertising; and judging from the report made by the Sew Yorlc commission a substantial step in advance has been talcen in the improvement in its methods of advertising. Khereas advertisements of examinations were previously uniformly inserted as legal notices, they are now placed in publications intended to reach individuals likely to be interested in the particular examination advertised. Some publishers have agreed to put the advertisement under the heading “Civil service.” The commission cites that during the ypar 1913, 53 esaminations were advertised at a cost of $21,718.30, an average of $409.78 per examination. During the year 1914, 92 examinations were advertised at a cost of $9,086.97, an average cost of $98.70. The New York commission proposes the publication of a civil service manual which will contain all particulars necessary to candidates applying for civil service positions such as physical standards, standards of rating mental examinations, information concerning transfers, reinstatements and promotions; information concerning periodical examinations and qualifications for positions together with weights in the examinations and other important data of value and interest to the general public. Such a publication should be decidedly popular and extremely useful to the public in connection with the work of any civil service commission. At the end of the year 1914 the New York commission had jurisdiction over 55,570 employes divided as follows: Unclassified. ........... 267 Exempted class. ........ 805 Competitive class. ...... 30,898 Non-competitive class.. .. 5,813 Labor class.. ........... 17,787 During the year the commission certified 23,843 payrolls and vouchers. There were 1,551 appointments from regular lists, 1,915 appointments from regular labor lists and there were 190 dismissals for cause in addition to 1,094 dismissals for cause in the labor class. In addition to this there were a large number of resignations, transfers, deaths, retirements, and so forth. Chicago. In its 20th annual report, for the year 1914, the Chicago commission lays special stress upon the work of its efficiency division. It says, Except for the extra work done by the well-trained and organized efficiency division and through its co-operation with department heads and the legislative branch of the government, recognized results in municipal administration now existing would have been impossible of accomplishment. ... It has become an integral part of the municipal government, acting as a coordinating force as between departments,

PAGE 150

19151 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 519 and with a broad and general view of the entire activities of the city administration as a whole. It is in a position to aid all branches of the sErvicc in solving problems growing out of employment. The commission therefore recommends that in any plan of charter revision or charter building, the consideration be given to continuing and extending the work. of the efficiency division or that in lieu thereof, provision be made for some other permanent body with like aims and objects.' This commission outlines a scheme of employment based on eight years' careful study the essentials of which it gives as follows : Standards of employment. Correct classification. Grades within classes. Uniform salaries. Defined lines of promotion based upon Correct organization, system and Measured service. Cost figuring of men, material and Individual and group efficiency. The report says duties, responsibility and authority definitely and permanently defined form the only rational basis for standardizing employment. These fixed work standards are necessary to classify and grade employment, to determine uniformity of titles and compensation, and for aiding to calculate individual efficiency. Without fixed standards it is not possible with uniform certainty to obtain a competent eligible, to measurehis efficien to adjust his compensation or to equitaz; provide for his promotion or advancement. The report shows a summary of average salaries in the clerical service for four years as follows: duties and responsibilities. method. machinery. 191 1-$1,216. 1912-$1,223. 1913-$1,222. 1914-$1,208. The number of positions in the clerical 1 Mayor Thompson has seriously crippled the efficiency divieion by reducing its force: and the question of reorganizing this service under the finance tomaittee of the council or the city comptroller is now under discus3ion. service had increased from 1,071 in 1911 to 1,315 in 1914. This is t,he result of salary increase by groups within grades without examination but based on seniority and efficiency. The certifications made in all branches of the service except the unskilled labor numbered 3,456 in 1.913 as compared with 2,332 in 1912. There are now more than 16,000 employes in the classified service in Chicago, The Philarlelphia civil service commission during the year 1913 held 293 original entrance examinations, examined 7,157 persons; 2,945 passing, 5,212 failing. In addition to this 15 promotional examinations were held in which 178 persons participated, 116 of whom passed and 62 of whom failed. Due to the raising of the standards in the competitive class the percentage of persons passing dropped to 41.2 in 1913 as compared with 60.3 in 1912. A corresponding amount of work was done in the laboi division in the city. A material reduction in the number of provisional appointments as compared with 1912 was shown, there being only 283 in 1913 as against 605 in 1912. The average tenure of a provisional appointee was also reduced 43 per cent from 1912. This commission is an attempt to reduce the provisional, or as it is known in some services the temporary appointment abuse, is striking at one of the most common methods employed to evade civil service laws. This commission has taken another important step in ordering that the examination papers of all applicants with the marks of the examiners thereon shall be open for public inspection; and the results in disarming the criticisms of disappointed applicants have been very gratifying. The commission also makes public all examination questions used in prior examinations. Los Angeles County. Prior to September 9, 1914, this commission had held three examinations. One of these was for secretary and chief examiner. After the selection of this officer rules were drafted, public hearings and conferences plere held with the board of sunervisors and

PAGE 151

520 NATIOKAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July various appointing officers and the positions in the service were classified according to duties and responsibilities. The constitutionality of the charter under which the civil service commission was worliing was attacked and not until these objections had been swept out of the way could the commission proceed to effect,ive aorli. Rules adopted December 12, 1913, became effective January I, 1914; and on February 27, 1914, the classificntion scheme was adopted and became a part of the rules. Under the charter, the Los Angeles county commission has a bureau of efficiency in conjunction with the county audit,or. After the classification scheme had been adopted this bureau of efficiency adopted uniform salaries for a large part of the positions in the service and later made up a graded salary schedule. Where stenographers had received $75, $80 and $100 per month, under the new schedule they will receive $75, $SO and $85 according to the length and charsct,er of their service. Speaking of the salary scale the report says, The graduated salwy scale secures ultimate uniformity for each grade without interfering seriously xith present. conditions. Persons now in the service will not, as a rule, be reduced. h few salaries are increased, but in the long run the schedule will effect economy. At the time the first annual report of this commission pvas issued there were 3,324 officers and employes in the service, 63 in the unclassified service. 1,519 persons in the compet,itive clsss and 1,605 in the lahor class. Clecdnv1d. A recapitulation of the worlc done by the Cleveland civil service commission for the pears 1910-11-12 and 13 shows there have been 27i esarninations held, 7,634 applications filed, 4,755behg successful ancl 1,959 failing in examination, 5,772 certifications for appointzent ancl 1,924 appointments. There have been 47 trials and hearing? before the commission during four years' period. The C'irbci/iJ'uti civil service commission rlmino tho VPOF 1012 ho!A 113 ornminntions, examined 1,114 candidates, and certified 648 from eligible lists created. The second paragraph in the report reads as follows: Most of the examinations held have been for positions requiring technical or manual sliill and the number of applicants has fallen off compared with the number applying in 1912, because of a further appreciation of the requirements of practical tests, etc. S!. Louis. It will be interesting to watch the work of the efficiency board of St. Louis under which head this city enters the ranks of the merit system cities. Rules adopted by the board February 2, 1915, provide for registration of names of prospective applicants. Any person registering is sent a post card notice at least two weeks prior to the date set for the examination. The charter has not accepted the experience of some commissions in some respects, notably in clinging to the use of the rule of three, now considered unfaii and a vestige of spoils methods by most administrators of civil service. The Chicago commission has operated twenty years with this rule applicable only to promotional examinations; and recently its use there has been voluntaiily dropped by appointing officers on the ground that its operation worked injustice. One year's residence in the city of St. Louis is required of each applicant. An emergency class is created for employment not to exceed fourteen days in duration necessitated by some unforseen calamity. The St. Louis charter contains no trial clause, but only a provision that the appointing officer who discharges an employe shall furnish written reasons therefor when requested to do so to the discharged employe. Such statements when made to discharged employes must be filed with the board. It is interesting to cite the testimony of the Chicago commission on this point which is as follows: Criticism of the Illinois trial clause has been aiinecl largely at the cumbersome mo+hnr-le in ~lmmio in +ho nn~+ Tn noa~l~,

PAGE 152

19151 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 521 twenty years’ experience of the various city commissions with Section 12 (removals) of the act, the commission is convinced that the initial right of trial is essential to an active and properly standardized service, and is the underlying principle in such efficiency measures as are in force.’ * Some Reports on Public Charities.Seven reports on public charities are before me-three issued by state boards and four by county or city officials. They impress one as neither better nor worse than official reports generally. One-the report of the Massachusetts board of state charity-is very close to the ideal of what such a report should be. On the other hand, illustrations may be found, in certain of the other reports, of almost every fault regarding which readers of such reports so frequently complain. The compilers of three reports (those issued by the Virginia state board, by the Pennsylvania committee on lunacy and by the Detroit poor commissioners), in their failure to print a table of contents, commit that almost unpardonable sin that so vexes the soul of the student. A long alphabetical index of topics is, of course, no substitute. The reader of public repot ts may be the chairman of the appropriations committee, in the legislature or in the local body; he may be a public-spirited citizen or he may be a student in ahother state or city. In any case he has a right to expect that the reports he consults will show: (1) the character and scope of the work with which the office is charged, (2) a picture, statistical and otherwise, showing the way in which that work is done-a motion picture usually, for the events of 365 days are to be presented in so far as they are significant. In addition, the technique of arrangement, indexing, etc., must be such that the reader, if he wishes, can easily skim over the whole so as to pick out the particular portions he wishes to examine carefully. It is because the Massachusetts report satisfies these requirements that it is * R. E. Blackwood, Serretary. Chicago and 11linois Civil Service Reform Aesociation. singled out for the praise it so thoroughly deserves. Its first few pages describe the boardJs various functions, usually with reference to the empowering statute. The work of the board along each of its lines is presented discursively and usually statistically, also. The institutional costs -on a meekly per capita basis-are presented with admirable fullness and clearness. Thus we learn that one of the state schools for boys has a per capita cost that is 73 cents larger than the other ($2.94 as compared with $2.21). But one is not obliged to guess at the reason. Supplementary tables show that this surplus cost is chiefly the result of the much higher per capita cost for “farm, stable, and grounds” and “repairs.” The farm payroll in the first school proves to have thee times as many names on it as in the other. The investigator’s search is thus directed immediately to the spot upon which his further inquiries should center. This is, of course, merely good cost accounting, but it is not often that illustratioiis of it are found in reports on public charities. Covering 405 pages of the RIaasachusetts report, facts and figures are presented regarding the management and finances of 702 of the 744 charitable corporations of the state that are exempt from taxation. This is a remarkable exhibit. On a uniform basis there is shown, for each organization, its officers, its purpose, the number of its paid workers and the number of its beneficiaries. Most interesting of alland most difficult to get-are the statements of receipts and disbursements-the former always showing the following important items separately when they exist: From beneficiaries Subscriptions and donations Income from investments Fairs and entertainments The results of almshouse inspection are well summarized in the 93 pages given to that subject, and the recommendations made to the overseers in a score or two of towns are printed seriatim, this publicity being evidently counted on to assist in obtaining compliance. The report of the Pennsylvania bomd is by no means the worst of its class. It

PAGE 153

522 ’ NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [ J UlY is only by contrast with the Massnchusetts report that it suffers. It is loosely edited, however, and badly printed, its table of contents is quite inadequatewitness two addresses, delivered by the president of the board, that are entered in the table of contents without their titles being shown-merely “Address of Francis J. Torrance,” etc. In one of these addresses there is mention of a law enacted during the year covered by the report, giving the state board power to enforce the recommendations it makes to local officisls. Explanation of the requirements of this important law appear nowhere else; and it is, of course, very nearly lost, buried thus in the midst of this address, near the center of the volume. Nevertheless the reader can get a fairly correct conception of Pennsylvania’s public charities by studying this report. He will, of course, be impressed with the 13 pages that list 270 private institutions with the amounts of the subsidies they receive from the state. Thirty years ago but 22 instead of 270 private agencies were being subsidized and the amount granted was $757,000 instead of $8,000,000. Full statistics are given covering the population of institutions, criminal records, penitentiaries, almshouses and outdoor relief, besides discursive statistical and financial reports concerning each of the state institutions. An imposing series of tables shows for all hospitals and “Homes”-private as well as publictheir classified receipts and expenditures and the number of their beneficiary patients. Aside from its failure to provide a table of contents, the Virginia state board report for 1913-14 is a very creditable presentation of an activity for which the state pays but $7,151. On that appropriation the board is given the large task of inspecting all public and private charitable and correctional institutions in the state. The 60 pages, devoted to the private charities, are in effect a charities directory of the state. The officers of each society are shown and a summarized financial statement given. The extensive charities of Cook County, Ill. (including the city of Chicago) are well described in the “Charity service reports” issued by the county board for the year 1913. With Alexander A. McCormick as president, there has been a socializing of the board’s manifold activities that has been watched with great interest, the country over. Indicative of the spirit referred to is the fact, mentioned in this volume, that to assist in the selection of the man who wy to supervise the new “funds to parents” law a special committee of social workers was called in, of whom Jane Addams was one. The following, taken from Mr. McCormick’s annual message, shows both the character and the magnitude of the work undertaken : The government of Cook County waa laat year required by law to house, feed and supply medical aid and treatment to about 34,000 sick people, 3,000 irresponsible, incurable, or idrm paupers, and 1,000 tuberculous patients; to give food, clothing and coal to about 200,000 perSOM; to care for 10,587 delinquent and dependent children; . . and bury at public expense 978 friendless and pauper dead. . . . It compelled about 5,500 defendants to support their wives, children and near relations; gathered in and cared for 2,334 insane patients, of whom 569 were discharged, 39 died, and 1,766 were committed to state institutions, and gave $165,000 in pensions to 350 indigent mothers for the support of 1,125 children. It . housed, fed and cared for about li,OOb prisonen in the county .jail, . and for 4.,000 boys and prls in the juvenile detention home and 2,400 insane in the detention hospital. The report of the supervisors of Baltimore’s charities does not do justice to the apparently good work that is being done, in certain, at least, of the eight departments the supervisors have in their charge. These departments relate to the indigent aged and infirm, the indigent sick, the indigent insane, the dependent children, the temporary care of homeless men, the transportation of non-resident poor to their homes, the dependent blind, and the temporary care of wayward women.

PAGE 154

19151 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 525 The chief weakness of the report is a looseness of construction, which makes its meaning frequently obscure. For example, by close examination and comparison of the figures reported on four different pages, the reader is able to conclude that the “City detention hospital,” the “City reception hospital” and the “Reception hospital for the insane” are one and the same. Again, on page 61, a series of tables begins, lettered A to J, and preceded by the general heading “Statistics Bay View hospital and infirmary.” At the end of this (page 70) a new series starts, Tables I to VII, preceded by a heading in identical type with the first, reading “Statistical report.” Presumably this second series refers also to the two institutions named in the first heading; but the reader should not be obliged to guess at such things. And why two series of tables, for both are statistical reports? The reports of the superintendents of the poor for Wayne County, Michigan, and for the board of poor commissioners of Detroit, which is located in Wayne County, are, in the main, of the oldfashioned type. They show scarcely any trace of the modern point of view in regard to the problems involved in the care of the poor. Pictures of the seven superintendents are printed as a frontispiece of the County report. The five-page report of the president of the group is almost exclusively a recital of changes in the material equipment of the county buildings-ventilating fans, hydrants, etc. The statistical classifications are, most of them, wooden or even worse. Pages are given over to groupings and details that are quite meaningless. The report for the city of Detroit (19131914) has no table of contents. Its discursive portions are hardly more than paragraph statements of statistics. The statistics themselves are very blind-outdoor relief and institutional relief, in one table, being hopelessly jumbled together. In another table we are given the important information that the 10 Hungarian cases who were given outdoor relief, received one half ton of hard coal and 21 tons of soft coal, while the three Swiss cases received their coal just the other way round-six and a half tons of hard coal and no soft coal whatever! H. S. F. * Public Utilities.-Munchester’s Tramways Department. The passenger transportation problem in the city of Manchester has been worked out in a carefully prepared, well illustrated pamphlet of over 140 pages, issued as the‘report of the subcommittee of the tramways department. The report is a detailed study of ManChester’s transit problems. Certain items are of general interest here. The report shows that the riding habit is as contagious in the United Kingdom as in the United States. Thus from 1904 to 1913 the number of journeys per head of population on the tramway systems increased as follows, for the designated cities: in Manchester, 151 to 201; Glasgow, 189 to 271; Leeds, 136 to 179; Sheffield, 147 to 207; Nottingham, 113 to 146. Charts are submitted to show that the journeys per head of population increase much more rapidly than the population. In view of the fact that the “jitney” buses are growing apace in all sections of the United States, it is of peculiar interest to note that the report finds that a motor bus service of twenty ’seconds in fair weather and ten seconds in inclement weather (when only the inside seats could be occupied) would be necessary to take the place of the tram car service on the Rochdale railroad where one car in every forty seconds is now ample. The report finds that the motor bus is destined to play a large part in the future, particularly in supplementing tramway service in many directions “and particularly in the outlying and thinly populated districts where the extension of the tramway system is rendered financially impossible owing to the heavy outlay in permanentway construction.” The development of trackless trolley cars is noted with the observation that while “they lack the great elasticity as to routes which the motor bus provides, there are circumstances which may warrant their introduction into outlying

PAGE 155

524 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July areas, especially if the operating costs continue to be lower than those of the bus, which seems likely to be the case.” Manchester’s tramway system now pays annually $500,000 in relief of the rates, over $160,000 for street repair and nearly $150,000 per annum for keeping in repsir practically one-half the width of the principal highways of the city. “If the system were operated by motor buses the financial benefits to the city in respect to rates and maintenance of roads would disappear, and the large number of ‘buses’ required to meet the traffic demands ~ould add to the cost of street maintenance, and thus increase the expenditure of the Highways Department.” “The Failure of Regulation” is the title of a ninety-eight page pamphlet by Daniel W. Doan, City Attorney of Milwaukee, puhlished by the Socialist party of the United States, for sale at twenty-five cents. The book is essentially a factual study of “the failure” of the Wisconsin railroad commission. That rates are not fixed “scientifically” by the commission is evidenced, to the author’s satisfaction, in the fact that the Wisconsin railroad commission fixed the maximum passenger fare at two and onehalf cents per mile in the state, provided that five-hundred-mile books should be sold at two cents per mile. The following legislature reduced the passenger rates, thus fixed, to a universal rate of two cents per mile, and “the railways of Wisconsin have made a greater profit under the two cent passcnger rate than they did under the three cent or two and one-hdf cent rate, much to the chagrin of the advocates of scientific regulation.” The “famous, or infamous,” case of the city of Milwaukee versus the Nilwaukee electric railway and light company is given as another evidence of the inability of the commission to obtain and maintain adequate service standards. Two or t.hree cases are put on record as showing where the commission changed its “scientific” rates under a public outburst against them. Evidence is submitted to show that the capitalists like the law but that the lam has failed as an agency of the people. In substance eight reasons are given for its failure: (1) regulation has failed elsewhere wherever tried; (2) all systems of regulation are constantly undergoing changes until abandoned,-the systems used in foreign countries are presented to substantiate this claim as also the large number of amendments to the interstate commerce act and the large number to the Wisconsin statute, as many as thirty-five amending bilh to that statute having been introduced in the session of 1913 alone; (3) regulation means needless duplication, the officers of the corporation and the commission doing the same work; (4) it is utterly impossible to ascertain the “true facts concerning the inside working of any gigantic business institution”; (5) “unbearable delays are pmt and parcel of such a system,” the Wisconsin system alone having the inner workings of &out 1,300 institutions to look after; (6) material reduction in rates made by the commissions means poor service because no army of inspectors can keep up service while the pressure to keep up dividends is always sufficiently heavy to warrant lowering service standards; (7) effective regulation can be prevented by the threat of capitalists to withdraw or to refuse to invest further capital in the business,-the author quotes from commissioners, including the Interstate Commerce Commission, to show that this is no small power in the hands of utility owners and other capitalists; and finally the author urged that (8) corporations do and ever will control or influence the commissioners by influencing appointments, by corrupting the regulators or by controlling the public press. A report upon the wages and hours of labor of tramway employes in Europe made by W. D. Mahon and L. D. Bland will be found in the Anaerzcun Federalionist of December, 1914. The comparison of European with American wages for street railway workers should be studied side by side with a comparison of wages between the workers in other fields in Europe with workers in other fields in the United States. This is not done in the report and hence its conTramway Employes.

PAGE 156

19151 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 525 clusions and comparative tables are misleading. The report assumes that the cost of living in the various parts of the United States is 25-65 per cent higher than it is in various parts of western Europe, whereas “the highest wage paid any body of tramway workers in Europe is safely 100 per cent less than the rate paid in this country in the same occupation, and we found this to be the fact both on private and municipal systems.” The latter statement is, of course, mathematically impossible, unless the workers in Europe are paid absolutely nothing. The writers probably mean that wages in this country we 100 per cent more than those in Europe, which is the same as saying that wages in Europe are 50 per cent less than those in the United States. The report concludes with the statement that trade unions are necessary to raise wages “whether dealing with a municipality or a private company.” A couple of lectures given at various eastein universities during the early part of 1915 by Director Morris Llewellyn Cooke, of the Philadelphia department of public works have been issued in pamphlet form, giving the director’s “ comments on the changing attitude of American cities toward’ the utility problem.” It is essentially a survey of the titanic problems confronting any public official who is desirous of securing reasonable rates and service standards from the city’s serving companies. The addresses point out, among other things, that there is a “unity of policy and action among private interests in the utility field,” through which the respective companies in the gas, water, electric and other utilities assist one another and create, in effect, a nation-wide solidarity through which they uphold prices and “provide for the public almost ready made, not only securities but public opinion, laws, machinery and even the technical experts.” The one remedy, concludes the director, is “publicity-incessant and relentless.” L( This must provide open and fair bookkeeping, with inventories made on a basis comparable with those used in private business and a uniSolidarity of Utility Interests. form system of cost accounting, tying in with the general books and including the smallest details of the enterprise.” The only avenue through which cities can get a fighting advantage equal to that accruing to the companies through solidarity of their interests is through co-operation with the utilities bueau,’ a bureau organized at the conference of American mayors, held in Philadelphia in the autumn of 1914, for the express purpose of giving to all public officials and interested citizens an agency for unity of action in securing facts, collecting data, and securing experts .? * Taxation Reports.-North Dakota. The State Tax Association of North Dakota has issued Nos. S and 9 of its bulletins to taxpayers.3 Il’umber 8 presents the details of the state tax levies since 1890, and compares the actual annual total with the constitutional limit. This limit has been exceeded in every year since 1901 by amounts ranging from 1.2 mills in 1901 to .2 mills in 1913. Bulletin KO. 9 summarizes the debt history of the city of Grand Forks, Pu’orth Dakota. The total bonded debt issued for improvements from the date of incorporation to January 1, 1915, was $415,000; but of this amount, $220,000 had been refunded and only $49,000 had been paid when due. The net indebtedness of the city on January 1, 1915, was therefore $586,000, with maturities ranging from l9lT to 1934. There is a very fair prospect that further refunding will be required, as onIy the last three issues, aggregating $92,000, are arranged upon the serial plan. Nothing is said of the conditioii of the sinking funds, but past experience is certainly conclusive in favor of further extensions of loans. The most striking instance of waste is in the case of a steam fire engine, bought in 1882. It was paid for by an issue of $6,000, at 7 per cent, due in 1897. Of 1 See NATIOXAL MWXICIPAL REVIEW, vol. iii, *From Dr. Clyde L. Xing. University of Penn3 Xorth Dakota State Tax Association, Bulletin p. 751, and vol iv, p. 91. sylvania KO 5. December 1914; No. 9, January 1915.

PAGE 157

526 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW J UlY this amount, $5,000 were refunded for twenty years at 6 per cent. The total cost of the engine will be $18,30O--original cost plus interest for thirty-five yearsof which $5,000 principal is still unpaid. The engine went to the scrap heap ten years ago. Such inherent capacity for financial stupidity and mismanagement will make some of the larger cities look sharply to their laurels. Pittsburgh. The Pittsburgh chamber of commerce has issued in pamphlet form a series of three addresses given before it by officials connected with the administration of finances in the city, the county, and the public school system.’ These addresses were evidently planned as a means of enlightenment upon the subject of budget-making, and aa a defense of the expenditures of the several authorities. In general they throw but little light upon the first of these points, though the county comptroller rather frankly admitted that he preferred his own rule of thumb methods to those suggested by the New York bureau of municipal research, which had been employed to overhaul the budget system. More attention was given to the defense of the tax levies and of the present volume of expenditures. Emphasis was laid upon the numerous lines of activity that had been begun by the city, the county and the school board, and the chamber was assured by all of the speakers that retrenchment meant sacrifice of some of these desirable and convenient things. There was no inclination to discuss, or even to recognize, the other possible alternative, the introduction of sound business methods in public administration, through which the people might conceivably get the same return for much less money than is now being spent. ViTginia. A joint committee on tax revision, authorized by the Virginia general assembly of 1914, has issued an extensive report, including the results of a detailed study of existing methods of taxation in Virginia, with recommendations and a series of bills to carry out its recommendations. Two alternative plans 1 The Chamber of Commerce, “Pittsburgh’s Taxation, City, County, Education,” pp. 46. are presented. One recommended by seven members of the joint committee provides for II permanent salaried state tax commission, with powers similar to those of tax commissions established in other states. The other plan, recommended by three members of the committee provides for the partial segregation of state from local sources of revenue, and proposes an ez-oficio state board of taxation. Nebraska. A special commission on revenue and taxation, authorized by the Nebraska legislation in 1913, has submitted its report. This report presents a careful study of the present tax situation in Nebraska, and of methods of taxation and tax administration in other states. The recommendations include the creation of a permanent state tax commission, the abolition of precinct assessors and certain changes in the method of assessing corporations as can lie made under the existing constitutional restrictions. Further recommendations are proposed in case of the adoption of a constitutional amendment submitted to the voters in November, 1914, to enlarge the powers of the legislature over taxation. Part V of the report of the United States commissioner of corporations covers the Mountain and Pacific states. Most of the state constitutions in this group of states contain detailed provisions in regard to taxation, making constitutional amendments necessary to bring about even minor changes in the system of taxation or its administration. Nevada and New Mexico depend almost entirely on the general property tax. Other states in this group employ special taxes to a limited degree, except in California, which separates the sources of state and local revenue, and exempts mortgages from taxation. Proceedings of the National Tax Associnlion. This volume contains the papers and addresses at the eighth annual conference on taxation, which was held at Denver in September, 1914, Of especial importance to those interested in municipal government are the papers on public expenditures, and on the taxation of land values in western Canada. Mountain and Pacijc States.

PAGE 158

19151 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 527 Minneapolis School Survey.-The bureau of municipal research of the Minneapolis Civic and Commerce Association has completed an important piece of constructive work. In October, 1914, the board of education requested the bureau to make a study of the business administration of the public schools. The expansion of the educational system in Minneapolis has been so rapid during recent years that it had outstripped the business organization provided to meet its needs. Appreciating this fact, the board asked for the survey as the first step toward remedying the situation and providing machinery for efficient administration of its business affairs both now and in the future. The survey included studies of the operation, maintenance and construction of buildings, of the purchase, storage and distribution of supplies and of the handling of the accounts of the board. Before the report was submitted to the board of education, it was considered and approved by the municipal research committee of the Civic and Commerce Association, a committee composed of representative business men who direct the policy of the bureau of municipal research. The main recommendations of thereport were: (a) reorganization of the business department creating several new positions and doing away withmany minor positions, (b) a modern budget system for controlling expendituies, (c) job costs for repairs as a basis for the economical handling of the repair force, (d) standardization of supplies to facilitate purchasing, (e) stores accounting to enable the board to keep a close check on the distribution of supplies, and (f) reorganization of the accounting procedure so that the records will show at all times the exact financial status of the board. The board of education promptly accepted the report as a working basis for the reorganization of the business department and requested the bureau of municipal research to assist the new business executive in working out the details of the suggested program. The bureau has also issued in pamphlet form a statement on the bonded indebtedness of Minneapolis. It was prepared for the use of the state legislators in considering requests for bond issues now before the legislature. The subject material included shows the comprehensiveness of the statement. The tables give the bonded indebtedness of the city by purpose for which it was incurred from 1890 to 1915, the debt limitation on a 10 per cent basis (legal) and on a 7 per cent basis (New York and Massachusetts forbid their banks to invest in bonds of municipalities whose debt is above 7 per cent), statements of the sinking funds and sinking fund investments, etc., and a statement showing the advantages of the serial bond method over the sinking fund installment method. The pamphlet represents the most complete statement ever presented to the legislature on the fiscal situation of Minneapolis. The city accounting procedure is being reorganized by the bureau of municipal research at the request of the comptroller. The new system of fund accounting installed January 1, 1915 makes it possible for the comptroller to keep city officials currently informed of the unencumbered balances of their appropriations.' * The Tenement House Code of Cleveland, Ohio.-The new housing code which went into effect on June 1, 1915, in Cleveland, is similar to many of the housing laws of the large cities of the country. Evidences of compromise are present yet they are no worse than housing reformers elsewhere have been forced to accept. Of the new features, two of minor importance, but, nevertheless, worth while, attempt to standardize artificial lighting of halls by requiring one-half watt per square foot of floor area and to require gas stoves to be connected with flues. The provision that all tenements must take out a license is also a step in the right direction, in that it not only requires the conductor of such a building to seek a permit, but the fee charged, though small, helps to place the burden of cost on those who, for added profit, bring new and burdensome problems to the community. IF. S. Staley.

PAGE 159

NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW Another new feature is the "Sunlight schedule" designed to regulate the width and depth of courts and yards. It is of doubtful practicality and indicates that a new attempt has been made to get away from beaten paths without carefully checking up its possibilities. Stripped of its verbiage, yards on interior lots need only be ten feet deep and on corner lots, eight feet, if the builder is shrewd enough to have a wing on the rear of his main building not over twenty (20) feet in height. If the builder wishes to set his building back from the lot line of a side street, he must make his side yard, in width, equal l/B the height of his building. Just the particular reason for requiring a building 48 feet high to set back 8 feet from the building line (if the owner wishes to set back at all) when running parallel to a side street 40 feet in width, is hard to determine. Yet this peculiar phrasing would require such an absurdity. Perhaps the most uncertain feature of this new code is its interpretation in the light of its definitions. Unfortunately, few who draft housing laws realize the importance of making deSnitions really define the sense in whir.h they intend their phraseology to be interpreted. For example, a tenement, in this code, is not only the home of three or more families but also any single dwelling occupied by only one family if it is one of a row of houses. By virtue of being a tenement it then comes under the same requirements as for tenements occupied by many families. Thus it must have a fire-proof psssagen-ay, at least eight feet high and five feet wide, extending from the rear yard to the street. If such dwelling-tenement has a stairway to the cellar such must be surrounded by masonry and have self-closing fire-proof doors. The actual effect of these and other similar regulations nil1 be to force the workingmen into real tenements, or to squeeze them for higher rents because of the added cost put upon the construction of row houses. The definition of a court; viz.: an open space bouncled on one or more sides by the walls of a tenement, etc., applied to the limitation put upon the depth would obligate an owner when constructing an open court to make its length at least 14 times its width. These defects, however, can easily be remedied and do not obscure the fact that Cleveland has placed herself among the more progressive cities in the country in establishing a control ovei housing evils that annually yield their crop of anaemic human weaklings who either ultimately succumb to disease or who become undesirable citizens.' * hnual Reports.-The annual reports for the city of Philadelphia for the year 1913 have been issued in three volumes of moderata size. The absence of thick bulky and ponderous volumes of unwieldy size and weight is welcome. One is tempted to believe there was some careful editorial work performed in the preparation of the 1913 reports. The number of pages for the pear 1912 was approximately 3,000, and for the year 1913 only 1,700. The reports of the art jury, the board of recreation, and the controller were published separately in 1913; but these would not account for the difference of 1,300 pages. The usefulness and appearance of the volumes has been largely increased. The use of a dull finished paper instead of the hard glazed paper should find favor with the publishers of municipal documents and will call forth the hearty thanks of those who consult these and similar reports. The year book of the city of Easton, Pennsylvania, for the year 1913 contains the messages of the mayor, the statement of the .controller, and the departmental reports. The volume is noted because it is one of a series issued by the city of Easton over a long period of years. The contents are not indexed, and the volumes have varied slightly in size, but on the whole they represent a policy with respect to the printing of public documents that many cities might well adopt. Series such as that to which this volume belong are becoming of increasing value to the student of municipal government, values to 1 Bernard J. Newman, executive secretary. Philadelphia Housing Commission.

PAGE 160

19151 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 529 which cities may well contribute by the records of their work, and experience. AnotGer series of reports of nnrroyer scope but indicative of a similar disposition is that of t.he city of Mount Vernon, New York, containing the annual report of the controller. There are eighteen volumes in this series to date.l * Crime in Chicago.-The report of the Chicago Criminal Committee on Crime, established in May, 1914, has been published under date of March 22, 1915. Alderman C. E. Merriam was chairman of the Committee. The report includes a brief introduction, summaries of findings and recommendations, and detailed reports by Miss Edith Abbott, on Criminal Statistics; by Professor Robert H. Gault, on Underlying Causes and Practical Methods of Preventing Crime; and by M. L. Davies and Fletcher Dolyns, giving a Description and Analysis of Criminal Conditions. As noted in connection with reports or other surveys, this report also gives in the summaries extended lists of items, in which there is nothing to indicate the fundamental and gene7:al from matters of relative detail. There are 37 findings and 45 recommendations. The more significant findings appear to be: that the treatment of crime in Chicago is totally inadequate; the amount of crime is increasing; the present machinery catches and punishes poor, petty and occasional criminals; and that police organization and methods are wholly inadequate. There are recommendations for a thorough overhauling of police methods, an invest,igation of court practice and procedure, and the establishment of a farm colony in connection with the house of correction. * Denver Survey. The New 1-ork bureau of municipal research has issued a report on a survey of certain departmenbs of the city and county of Denver, prepared for the Colorado taxpayer’s protective league. This is a volume of 583 pages, dealing mainly with the depart1 Russell M. Story, University of Illinoiq. ments of social welfare, safety, property, improvements and finance. An examinat.ion of the report shox-s that it is the result of an intensive study of the fields covered. But the form of publication makes it difficult to learn the main conclusions. It is rather a series of sectional reports, with no attempt at a general summary; while the summaries of recommendations in each section are lengthy lists of items, many of which are matters of minor detail. Ir St. Louis Civic League.-The Year Book of the Civic League of St. Louis presents a brief summary of the work of the League for the year 1914-15. This 16page pamphlet is likely to be more effective than many of the bulky reports of municipal surveys in other cities. I County Affairs. -County Government in Seiu York. The proceedings of the first conference foi better County Government, held at Schenectady, K. Y., in Soveniber, 1914, have been published in P pamphlet of 75 pages. This includes discussions of county finances, highway administration, and the proposed county manager plan. There is a brief alphabetical index; but the usefulness of the report is decreased by the lack of a table of contents. County Arcliivcs in Illin.ois. The Illinois State Historical Library has published a pamphlet on County Archives in Illinois, by Theodore C. Pease of the Vniversity of Illinois. This is a general discussion, which will appear as the introduction to a volume of the Illinois Historical Collections, containing the results of a detailed survey of the archives in the several counties in Illinois. z42 Massachusetts Fire Manual. -The Massachusetts civil service commission has recently issued a one hundred page manual of fire department, equipment and practice for the use of applicants for appoiiltment.. The commission examines applicants on t.heir knowledge of the duties of the position sought by them md this

PAGE 161

[July 330 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW manual contains a clear exposition of the equipment and organization of the five departments of the state. Although most civil service examining bodies have discontinued the examination of applicants for appointment on uniformed police or fire forces on their knowledge of the duties to be performed by them after appointment, this manual will be found helpful in those jurisdictions in which such examinations are still held.’ * . “Standards for Gas Service” is the title of the third edition of a report by similar titles put out by the National Bureau of Standards, of which Mr. S. W. Stratton is director. This third edition was issued March 10, 1915, and supersedes the edition of October 1, 1913, entitled “Standard Regulations for Manufactured Gas and Gas Service,” and the iirst edition, issued April 1, 1912, entitled “State and Municipal Regulation for the Quality, Distribution and Testing of Illuminating Gas. ” Part I of this new edition is devoted to a discussion of technical specifications, such as the standards for candlepower, heating value, heating value regulations, candlepower requirements, requirements as to the purity of gas, gas pressure and meters and meter testing. Part I1 is devoted to the enforcement of technical regulations. Part I11 deals with proposed forms for regulations. Part IV summarizes the laws in effect. The fifth part is devoted to the methods of manufacturing the different kinds of gas, such as coal gas, carburetted water gas, mixed gas, oilgas, etc. The pamphlet is of inestimable value to all who are interested in the technical aspect of gas manufacturing or interested in the public regulation of gas companies. Its proposed city ordinance is, however, in no sense an adequate ordinance. It contains many questionable provisions, such as that the city council must approve the mayor’s appointment of gas inspector, and that the deputies and assistants appointed by the inspector must likewise receive the approval of the city council. 4s it is in the city council that “untoward corporate 1 Leonhard Felix Fulcl, New York. control” usually rests, it would seem to the author that approval by the city council presents but mother avenue through which efficient regulation can be prevented.‘ * Public Abattoirs in the United Kingdom.-R. Stephen Ayling, consulting architect to the model abattoir society, has published 3 special report on public abatto& in England. The conclusions are based on the answers to some twenty-two inquiries addressed to the local authorities operating the one hundred and sixty or more public abattoirs in the United Kingdom. Mr. Ayling found that the total cost of erecting municipal abattoirs in sixty-four towns, having an aggregate population of over four and one-half millions, is equivalent to but 3s. Id. per unit of the population served. The modern public slaughterhouse at Edinburgh cost 7s. 9d. It appears that representatives of the meat trade put the cost of high-class municipal abattoirs at from 10s. to 15s. per capita, This Mr. Ayling concludes is unduly large. Out of fifty-seven replies, fifty-one stated that the municipal abattoir has had the effect of decreasing the sale of foreign meat and increasing the amount of domestic meat sold, while five say that it has had the effect of increasing the sale of foreign meats. The abattoin have, aa a rule, had receipts in excess of expenditures. The sanitary and other conditions prevailing in the municipal abattoirs were much better than those that prevailed in private abattoirs. * Police Ordinances of Chicago. Chicago has published a well-indexed 200-page volume of pocket size, containing in brief nontechnic a1 language the essential provisions and citations of the ordinances of the city which have a penal sanction. This reference book is useful for citizens and teachers in Chicago, but of little value to persons outside of that city. Q The University of Texas is issuing a number of useful bulletins on municipal 1 Froin Dr. Clyde Lyndon King.

PAGE 162

19151 BIBLIOGRAPHY 53 1 affairs. A municipal research series includes a model charter and a model civil service code for Texas cities. Other pamphIets discuss the city manager plm, and the results of a student survey of Austin, Texas. A quarterly, called Texas Municipalities, is also issued for the League of Texas Municipalities. * An Apology is due to City Clerk Brown of Winnipeg, Manitoba, for attributing to someone else the excellent work he did in compiling the Winnipeg Municipal Manual, noticed on page 351 of our April issue. On the title page of the manual it is stated that it is compiled by the city clerk, but no name is given. Later in the book Mr. Peterson's name appears as secretary of the Board of Control, and the name of the city clerk does not appear until some pages later where it is given in a list of other officials, so that it was inadvertantly overlooked. IV. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE OFFICE OF CORONER By F. W. POWELL Bureau of Municipal Research, New York City 1675 WILKINSON (JOHN). The office and authority of coroners and sheriffs, with directions how and in what manner to execute the said offices in all things that are now in life. Together with an easie and plain method for the keeping of court leets, court barons, and hundred courts, &c. London, 1675. Ed. 4. 391 pp. 1710 ANONYMOUS. The compleat sheriff: wherein is set forth his office and authority; with directions, how and in what manner to execute the same. . . . . To which is added, The office and duty of coroners, and many modern adjudged cases relating to the office of a sheriff to this time, &c. The second edition with large additions, London, 1710. 11 p.1., 496 pp., 11 1. 1761 ~MFREVILLE (EDWARD). Lex coronatoria; or the office and duty of coroners. London, 1761. 2v. 8". 1792 PARKER (JAMES), The conductor generalis: or, the office and authority of justices of the peace, high-sheriffs, undersheriffs, coroners, constables, gaolers, jurymen, and overseers of the poor. As also the office of clerk of assize, and of the 11 peace, &c. . . . . Philadelphia, 1792. 464pp. 8'. 1800 The office of sheriff: its history, antiquity, powers and duties. . . . The second edition . . . to which is added, the office and duty of coroner: with an appendix of useful precedents. London, 1800. xiv pp., 1 I., 654 pp. 1 l., 126 pp. 8". IMPEY (JOHN). A second t. p. preceding the part relating to coroners reads: The office and duty of coroners: shewing the mode of appointment; with the powers and duties in taking requisitions, &c, &c, $c. To which is added, the mode of holding the court of the coroner, precedents of inquisition, and all other necessary precedents. London, 1800. .ANONYMOUS. The civil officer, or the whole duty of sheriffs, constables, coroners, and collectors of taxes. Not seen. 1812 BACKUS (JOSEPH). A digest of laws relating to the offices and duties of sheriff, coroner, and constable. New York, 1812. 2-7. GRINDON (JOSEPH B.). Lex coronatoria. Bristol (Eng.), 1822. Boston, 1809. Not seen. 1835 IMPEY (JOHN). The practice of the office of sheriff and under-sheriff. . . . Also, of the office of coroner; the mode of

PAGE 163

532 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW his appointment, the powers and duties of taking inquisitions, and mode of holding courts, &c. To which are added copious appendixes of useful precedents. Sixth edition, newly arranged and corrected, with reference to the modern cases and recent statutes, by H. Jeremy. London, 1835. 2 p.1.; 651 pp. 8". 1839 ANONYMOUS. Argument in favor of a medical coroner. (Lancet, London, 18389. V. 2, pp. 268-270.) 184HEWITT (WILLIAM). Observations on coroners. Norwich, [184-. . .] 62 pp. 8". 1842 LYNCH (M. H.). Some account of the office of coroner and the proceedings of the coroner's court, with suggestions for the improvement of the proceedings. (Provincial Medical and Surgical Journal, London, 1842. v. 4, pp. 348354.) 1843 SEWELL (RICHARD CLARKE). A treatise on the law of coroner; with copious precedents of inquisitions, and practical forms of proceedings. London, 1843. xx, 378pp. 8". 1848 EWING (J.). A treatise on the office and duty of a justice of the peace, sheriff, coroner, constable, and of executors, administrators, and guardians [. . . in New Jersey] New York, 1848. 4 ed. xxxii, 598 pp. 8". 1849 GWYNNE (A. E.). A practical treatise on the law of sheriff and coroner, with forms and references to the statutes of Ohio, Indiana, and Kentucky. Cincinnati, 1849. 620 pp. 8". 1851 BAKER (WILLIAM). A practical compendium of the recent statutes, cases, and decisions, affecting the office of coroner. . . . With precedents of inquisitions and practical forms. London, 1851. xv, 702 pp. 8" 1852 SMITE (JOSHUA TOULMIN). On the constitution and functions of the coroner and coroner's inquest, and their relation to municipal self-govenunent. A letter to E. Herford. London, 1852. 8 pp. 8" 1853 BINNEY (HORACE). Opinion upon the jurisdiction of the coroner. Philadelphia, 1853. 20 pp. 8" 1855 CRAIG (J.). On the law of the coroner; and on medical evidence in the preliminary investigation of criminal cases in Scotland. Edinburgh, 1855. 8" 1856 . UHL (D.). The duties of coroners. (American Medical Monthly, N. Y., 1856. 1857 SEMMES (ALEXANDER J.). Report on the medico-legal duties of coroners. (American Medical Association. Transactions. Philadelphia, 1857. v. 10, p. -. Same, reprint. Philadelphia, 1857. 16 pp. 8" VON IFFLAND (A.). Medical coroners. (Medical Chronicle, Montreal, 1857. v. 4, v. 5, pp. 334-337.) 111-124.) pp. 211-214.) 1858 DEMPSEY (J. J.). The coroner's court, its uses and abuses; with suggestions for reform. Addressed to the legislature and people of the United Kingdom, and dedicated to Lord Brougham, and the members of the Law Amendment Society. London, 1858. 8" GRINDON (JOSEPH BAKER). A compendium of the.laws of coroners, with forms and practical instructions. London, 1858. Not seen. 1859 DEMPSEY (J. J.). The coroner's court, its uses and abuses; with suggestions for reform. Ed. 2 with prefatory address to Lord Brougham, and appendix, containing sketch of proposed new bill, etc. London, 1859. 8'

PAGE 164

19151 BIBLIOGRAPHY 533 NOBLE (DANIEL). On the constitution and functions of the coroner's court. (Manchester Statistical Society., Transactions, 1858-9. pp. 25-41.) __. Same, reprint, blanchester, 1859. 19 pp. 8" 1860 BECK (THEODORIC RONEYR) and JOHN B. BECK. Elements of medical jurisprudence. Ed. 11 revised by C. R. Gilman. Philadelphia, 1860. 2 v. 8" 1867 GORDON (J. W.). Medical coroners: (Cincinnati Journal of Medicine, 1867. v. 2, pp. 391, 458, 664, 721.) 1568 AUBERT. Note sur l'institution des niedecins verificateurs des dechs B Lyon. (Memoires et compte rendu Soc. de Sci. Mbd. de Lyon, 1868. v. 7, 401414.) 1869 STEWART (G. M.). Coroners and their inquest. (Medical Archives, St. Louis, 1869. V. 3, pp. 1-6.) 1876 ANONYMOUS. Respecting coroners. (Medical Examiner, London, 1876. v. 1, pp. 305, 345, 432, 496.) HERSCHELL (FARRER) . Jurisprudence and the amendment of the law (National Association for The Promotion of Social Science, London. Transactions, 1876. pp. 2243.) O5ce of coroner. pp. 26-32. PERC~VAL (G. H.). The office of coroner. (Sanitary Record, London, 1876. v. 5, pp. 259, 276.) SAFFORD (A. H.). On the office of coroner, the nature of his jurisdiction, and the right constitution of the coroner's court. (Medical Examiner, London, 1876. v. 1, pp. 792, 810.) 1877 ANONYMOUS. Reform of the coroner laws. (Boston Medical and Surgical Journal, 1877. v. 96, p. 204.) BARNES (H. J.), Coroners in Philadelphia. (Boston Medical and Surgical Journal, 1877. v. 96, p. 91.) HERFORD (EDWAFD). On alleged defects in the office of coroner. (Manchester Statistical Society. Transactions, ~, Same, reprint. Manchester, n.d. 36 pp. P" LOWXDES (F. W.). The coroner's court in England. (Medical Times and Gazette, London, 1877. v. 2, pp. 411, 431.) The law of coroners. (The Boston Medical and Surgical JournaI, Boston, 1877. v. 96, pp. -Same, separate. 16 pp. 8". -. Xotes on coroners. (American Law Review, Boston, 1877. v. 11, pp. 480-493 .) 1876-7. pp. 37-70.) TYNDALE (THEODORE H.) 243-258.) 1578 DIETZSCH (EMILj. I' Crowner's quest." Three annual reports. Chicago, 1878. 64 pp. 8". Tyndale on coronera. These are the first three reports issued by the -4 reply, 62-4. coroner of Cook County, Ill. DRAPER (F. W.). Cases illustrating the work and duties of the medical examiners. (Massachusetts Medico Legal Society. Transactions, Cambridge, 1878. v. I, -. Same. (Boston Medical and Surgical Journal, 1878. v. 99, pp. 33G338.) TAYLOR (A. S.). On the appointment of coroners; their qualifications and duties. (British Medical Journal, 1878. v. 1, p. TYNDALE (THEODORE H.). Concerning coroners and the theory and practice of inquests. (Massachusetts Medico Legal Society. Transactions, Cambridge, 1878. I, 25-34; Boston Medical and Surgical Journal, 1878. v. 99, pp. 268, 293.) pp. 25-34.) 103-106.) 1880 (Lancet, London, 1880. v. 1, p. 383.) forms in the coroner's office]. TATHAM (J.). The coroner's function. BELL (CLARK). Address [Proposed re(Medical

PAGE 165

534 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW Society of the State of New Tork. Transactions, 1881. pp. 72-101.) -__ . Same, reprint. Syracuse, 1881. 30pp. . The coroner's office; should it be abolished? (Bulletin. Medico-Legal Society; New York, 1881. iv, pp. 64-109.) . Same, reprint. . The office of coroner. (Homeopathic Times, New York, 1880-81. viii, 273-276.) 1881 LEE (JOHN GJ. Hand-book for coroners; containing a digest of all the laws in the thirty-eight states of the union, together with a historical rhm6 from the earliest period to the present. time. A guide to the physician in post-mortem examinations. Philadelphia, 1881. 288 pp. 8". 1882 ANONI-MOWS. Should not the office of coroner be abolished? Editorial. (Medical News, Philadelphia, 1882. v. 41, p. 685.) 1883 SMITH (BORDEN D.). The powers, duties, and liabilities of sheriffs, coroners and constables, with notes of judicial decisions, and practical forms, adapted to all the st,ates. Albany, 1883. 946 pp. 8". -. Same. Revised and re-edited by Chas. H. Mills. Albany, 1897. vii, 288 pp. [2 ed.] ELIOT (G.). Coroners and medical esaminers in Connecticut. (Journal of the American Medical Association, Chicago, 1883. v. 1, p. 556.) PALMER (W. H.). The office of coroner. (Transactions. Rhode Island Riledical Society, 1877-1882. Providence, 1883. V. 2, pp. 476-483.) 1884 MEDICO-LEGAL SOCIETY OF NEW YORK. Report of committee upon coroners, etc. (Medico-Legal Journal, New York, 1YS381. V. 1, pp. 44-53.) 1886 ALEXANDER (H.). .The lex coronaria. (Atlanta Medical and Surgical Journal, 1885-86, N. S. v. 2, p. 321-32S.j 1888 AMERICAN MEDICAL ASSOCIATION. Report of the committee upon the coroner system of the United States. (Journal of the American Medical Association, Chicago, 1888. v. ll, pp. 167-169.) EATON (J.). Sketch of the coroner's court, and its principal relations to the medical profession. (Provincial Medical Journal, Leicester, 1888. v. 7, pp. 2.50, 295, 345, 391.) MEDICAL SOCIETY OF NORTHAMPTON COUNTY, PENN. Report of committee on the rights and duties and powers of coconers. (Medical and Surgical Reporter, Philadelphia, 1888. v. 58, pp. 268-271.) 1889 SBBOTT (S. W.). Defects of the coroner system. (Forum, New York, 1889. TYNDALE (THEODORE H.). The abolition of the coroner in Massachusetts. (Medico-Legal Journal, 1889. v. 7, pp. 500-508.) VICKERS (R. H.). The powers and duties of police officers and cpronerr. Chicago, 1889. 275 pp. 8'. V. 7, pp. 697-704.) 1890 BELL (CLARK). The coroner's office, should it be abolished? (Medico-Legal Journal, New York, 1890. v. 8, pp. 127171.) CROCKER (JOHN G.). The duties of sheriffs, coroners, and constables, with practical forms. Third edition by James M. Xerr. New York, 1890. 834 pp. 8". FKELD (GEORGE WASHINGTON). Field's justice's manual, town officer's guide and clerk's assistant; containing all the laws relating to justices of the pence, constables, coroners, town clerks . . . with explanatory notes and forms. Rochester, 1890. 719pp. 8". HEPPENHEIMER (F. C.). Sind coroners nothig oder nicht? (Medicin. Monat. Sch~~., Xew York, 1890. v. 2, pp. 430433.) 1891 ABBOTT, S. W., C. ROBBINS and E RII. HUNT. Coroner systems and our present coroner laws. (15th annual report, New

PAGE 166

19151 BIBLIOGRAPHY 535 Jersey state board of health, 1891. pp. 375-392.) HERBERT (TEOMAS ARNOLD). The law relating to the payment of coroners. London, 1891. 78 pp. 8". MARCY (H. 0.). The coroner system in the United States. (Journal of the American Medical Association, Chicago, 1891. V. 17, pp. 277-283.) 1892 BEACH (W.). The office of coroner in New York, N. Y. (Medical Journal, 1892. v. 55, p. 349.) Reasons why the office of coroner should be held by a member of the medical professions. London and Liverpool [1892]. 8'. Suggestions in regard to reforms of the present method of performing the duties of coroner in the state of New York. (Medical Record, Nex York, LOWNDES (F. 117.). SMITH, (S.). 1892. V. 41, pp. 57-59.) 1893 DITRICH (P.). Die Ausbildung ron Gerichtstirtzen. (Prag. Medicin. Wochenschritt, 1893. v. 18, pp. 569-571.) LOWNDES (F. W.). The office of coroner, a medical rather than a legal one. (Medical Magazine, London, 1892-93. v. ROULET (C. F.). The coroner system of Ohio. (Toledo Medical and Surgical Reporter, 1893. v. 6, pp. 344-346.) TAYLOR (SIDNEY). A digest of the law and practice relating to the office of coroner. . . , London, 1893. 130pp. 8". 1: pp. 816-824.) 1894 The powers and duties of coroners and medical examiners. (In: Witthaus and Becker. Medical Jurisprudence, New York, 1894. v. 1, pp. 329348.) BINMORE (HENRY). Instructions for sheriffs, coroners, and constables, with decisions of courts of last resort relating to their powers, duties, and liabilities, and requisite forms for their use. Chicago 12 ed.], 1894. 2 pl., 215 pp. go. L~WNDES (F. W.). The coroners' acts of 1887 and 1892; advantages t.0 coroners BECKER (A.). of a medical training. (Liverpool Medchirurg Journ., 1894. v. 14, pp. 368-378.) MCNEILL (WILLIAM A+), The testimony taken before s coroner considered as evidence. (American Law Register and Review. v. 42, pp. 264-288.) 1895 Some suggestions regarding medical examiners and inquests in cases of death by violence. Xew York, 1895. 11 pp. 12". DAWES (S. L.). Repr : American Medical Surgical Bulletin, April 1, 1895. WESTON (ALBERT T.). The office of coroner. (Medico-Legal Journal. v. 13, 1896 $LLPORT (F.). Changes in the coroner's laws. (Northwest. Lancet, St. Paul, GROSS (CHARLES). Select cases from the coroner's rolls A. D. 1265-1413: with a brief account of the office of coroner. London, 1896. 159 pp. 8". pp. 57-67.) 1896. V. 16, pp. 243-247.) Selden Society Publications. ix. The introduction is a revised and enlarged version of "The early history and influence of the offire of coroner." Political Science Quarterly, Boston, 1892. Vii. 656672. LANDAU (R.). Der Gerichtsarzt vor 300 Jahren. (Janus, Amsterd., 1896. pp. 6775.) MORRISON (GEORGE C.). Coroners' inquests. (Encyclopedia of PIeading and Practice, Northport (N. Y.), 1896, pp. 5, TIJTHILL (THEODORE K.). Character and scope of the coroner's office. (American MedicoSurgical Bulletin, New York, __. Same, reprint. n.p., n.d. ROSEKBERG (E.). Is a change needed in the laws relating to the coroner's office? (Cleveland Medical Gazette, 1896-97. v. 12, pp. 700-704.) 38-51,) 1896. V. 10, pp. 532-537.) 23 PP. 1898 .~BBOTT (S. W.). The coroner's inquest a medieval relic. (Philadelphia Medical Journal, 1898. v. 1, p. 121.) -4so~~~or;s. Coroners. (American

PAGE 167

536 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [July and English Encyclopedia of Law, Northport (N. Y.) (2 ed.), 1898. v. 7, pp. 598617.) Outline of English legal history. London, 1899. 216 pp. 8". JERVIS (SIR JOHN). The coroners' acts, 1887 and 1892, with forms and precedents. By Rudolph E. Melsheimer. Being the sixth edition of the treatise by Sir John Jervis on the office and duties of coroners. London, 1898. 264 pp. 8". CARTER (A. T.). "The Coroner," pp. 209-12. 1902 LORTIE (E.). Le guide des coroners. Quebec, 1902. 138 pp. 8". MICHAEL (WALTER H.). Coroners. (Cyclopedis of Law and Procedure, New Pork, 1903. v. 9, pp. 980-997.) Annotations, 1913: 1085. 1903 PURDY (H. R.). Why the office of coroner should be abolished. New York, 1903. 34 pp. 8". 1905 BOYS (WILLIAM FULLER ALVES). A practical treatise on the office and duties of coroners in Ontario and the other provinces, and the territories of Canada, and in the colony of Newfoundland, with schedules of fees, and an appendix of forms. Toronto, 1905. 4 ed. 591 pp. 80. 1906 WELLINGTON (RICHARD HENSLOWE). The king's coroner, being a complete collection of the statutes relating to the office together with a short history of the same. London, 1905-06. 2 v. MCMAHON (EDMOND). A practical guide to the coroner and his duties at inquests without and wit,h a jury, in Quebec, and other provinces of Cansda. Montreal, 1907. 370 pp. 8". 1909 GREAT BRITAIN. CORONERS, COMMITTEE ON. Report [First] of the departmental committee appointed to inquire into the law relating to coroners and coroners' inquests and into the practice of coroners' courts. London, 1909. Part 1-2. F". Pt. 1. Report, 4 pp. Pt. 2. Evidence and appendices, 241 pp. Price id. Price 2s. 3cL 1910 CATTELL (HENRY). The coroner'a ofice of Philadelphia: its past and present. (Medical Notes and Queries, Phihdelphia, 1910. v. 5, pp. 169-171.) GRADWOHL (R. B..H.). The office of coroner; its past, its present, and the advisability of its abolishment in the commonwealth of Missouri. Chicago, 1910. 23 pp, 8". Reprinted with additions from the Journal of American Medical Association. Chicago, 1910. v. 51, pp. 842-846. GREAT BRITAIN. CORONERS, COMMITTEE .ON. Second report of the departmental committee appointed to inquire into the law relating to coroners, etc. London, 1910. Part 1-2. F". Pt. 1. Report. 22 pp. Price 24d. Pt. 2. Evidence. 198 pp. Price 1s. 8d. 1911 CIENCY. Administration of the office of coroner of Cook county, IIIinois. Chicago [1911]. 68 pp., 1 chart. 8". CHICAGO BUREAU OF PUBLIC EFFIIts Publication no 11. WOODWARD (GRAHAM Cox). The office and duties of coroners in Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 1911. 296 pp. 8". 1912 MUNICIPAL ASSOCIATION OF CLEVELAND. The coroner's office. Report of the investigation made by the coroner"a committee in the interest of economy and efficiency. Cleveland, 1912. 36 pp. 8". SCIENTIFIC AWERICAN. Technical questions and the coroner. November 30, (1912. v. 107, p. 454.) 1913 SCRULTZ (OSCAR T.). The coroner'3 office. (Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. v. 18, pp. 112-9.) , Same, separate. 8 p.

PAGE 168

19151 BIBLIOGRAPHY 537 TAX ASSOCIATION OF ALAMEDA COUNTP. Report on coroner's office; and the creation of a superior judgeship to be known as Department No. 7. Oakland, 1913. [7] pp. 8". 1914 . Du VIVIER (JOSEPH). The abolishment of the coroner's office. New York Short Ballot Organization. Proceedings of the conference for the study and reform of county government, January 22, 1914. Kew York, 1914. 11-4, 16. 8". NEW YORK SHORT BALLOT ORQANIZATION. The abolition of the office of coroner in New York City. New York, 1914. 17 pp. 8". 1915 GILBERTSON (HENRY S.). The coroner: a story of political degeneracy. (Review of Reviews (N. Y.), March, 1915, pp. 334337.) NEW YORE CITY. Commissioner of Accounts. Reports on special examination of the accounts and methods of the office of coroner in the City of New York. New York City, 1915. 82 p. 4". In the matter of the charges of Theodore P. Shonts, and others, against Patrick D. Riordan as coroner of the Borough of Manhattan, City of New York. To the Honorable Charles S. Whitman, N. Y. p. I19151 10+265 pp. NEW YORK STATE. GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY CITY CLUB OF BERKELEY, CAL. Berkewar. (Popular Science Monthly. Apr., ley Civic Bulletin. v. 3, no. 8-10. 1915, p. 376-83.) March-May, 1915. Also reprinted cia a brochure. No. 8. Mch. 22. p. 125-48. Organization of Accounting HORMELL, ORREN C. Municipal acNO. 9. Apr. 19. p. 151-160. Motion pictures count,ing and reporting. 1915. 22 (1) PP. Bowdoin College Bull. Municipal Research, ser. No. 10. May 18. p. 162-80. Zone ordinance. no. 1. COLE, RAY~~oN~ E. UNITED ST~TES. Library of Con@ess. sibility to t,he immigrant. (Immigrants Division of Bibliography. List of referin America ~~~i~~. June, 1915, p. 36ences on municipal accounting. (Special 41.) Libraries. Apr., 1915, p. 63-77.) citizenship. State and city co-operation APPLEBY, SAMUEL C. New plan for with the federal government a compelling paving public alleys. (Baltimore Municinecessity of the present day. (Boston pal Journ. Mch. 19, 1915, p. 2-3. illus.) City Record. May 22, 1915, p. sg(j-1.) DETROIT, MICH. Public Works Dept. corn. prepared to furnish residents of the City the city govemment of Berkeley; with chart. Prof. T. H. Reed and J. R. Douglas. in Berkeley. By Prof. T. H. Reed. By The city's responMINTON, JORN M. Preparation for Alleys Mr. Minton is chrm. of the Boston Bd. of Election "Official notice* This pamphlet has been KEWARK, N. J. A subject index to about 500 societies which issue publications relating to social questions. Rev. ed. 1915. 20 p. N. Y. Price 20 cents. Sold by the H. W. Wilson Co., White Plains, PARK, ROBERT E. The city: suggestions for the investigation of human behavior in the city environment. (Amer. Jol. Sociol. Mch., 1915, p. 577-612.) WOODRUFF, CLINTON ROGERS. Ameripin mitnicinnl nrnhlems and tho Euroaean of Detroit information concerning the cleaning of alleys." Mch. 20, 1915. 8 leaves. iUus. 8". Art Commissions PITTSBURGH, PENN. ART COMMISSION. An account of the work of the art commission of Pittsburgh from its creation in 1911 to Jan. 1, 1915. 71 pp. illus. Baltimore, Md. BALTIMORE, MD. CONVENTION BUREAU. Baltimore the convention city. 1915. 32 DIJ. illus. 12".

PAGE 169

538 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW Billboards UNITED STATES. Library of Congress. Division of Bibliography. List of references on billboards. [1915.] Typewritten. 8 folios. Trial liat. Budgets SPRINGFIELD, MASS. Bureau of Municipal Research. Springfield, 1915, budget. 109 (2) PP. UNITED STATES. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. Division of Bibliography. List of references on the budgets of cities. (Special Libraries, v 6. Mch., 1915, p. 49-56.) ST. LOUIS, Mo. Municipal revenuebudget items 1914-15 and 1915-16 compared. 2 leaves. 4". Building Codes SCOTLAND. Scottish mode for the measurement of building works. 1915. 17 pp. F". Charities ANON. The Los Angeles Community Foundation. (Trust Companies. May, 1915, p. 469.) Account of establishment upon lines closely following the Cleveland Foundation. Charters SAN FRANCISCO, CAL Proposed charter amendments to be submitted Mch. 16, 1915. 46, 16 (1) pp. MABSACHUSEITS. An Act to simplify the revision of city charters. Approved May 20, 1915. 18 pp. General Act, 1915; chap. 267. City Planning CHICAGO, ILL. CHICAGO PLAN COMMISSION. Preparing for Chicago's destiny. How the commission is working to make the city's arrangement and architecture a marvel of beauty and utility. (Chicago Evening Post. Apr. 29, 1915.) DILLMAN, GEORGE A. What city planning commissions in California may accomplish. 3,000 words. (Pacific Municipalities. Jan., 1915.) Author is president of the Alameda City Planning Commission. FORMER. Die Anlage der neuzeitlichen Grossstadt 2. ihr Aufbau. (Zeitschr. f. Kommunalwissensch. Jan.-Feb., 1915, p. KIMBALL, THEODORA. Classified selected list of references on city planning. 1915. 48 pp. 4". Published by the National Conference on City PI-. MAWSON, THOMAS H. The larger problems of town planning. 2,700 words. (Contract Record. Apr. 7, 1915.) 359-362.) Abstr. of paper read before the Town Planning Institute, London. NATION9L CONFERENCE ON ~ITY PLANNING. The City Plan; quarterly. v. 1, no. 1. Mch., 1915. 16pp. 8". MOODY, WALTER D. Chicago plan and the new heavy trsffic street. The Chicago Plan Commission's new traffic center. 1,300 words. 1 illus. (Engineering News. Mch. 11, 1915.) NEW YORK CITY. City Plan Committee. Development and present status of city planning in New York City. 1914. 76 PP. Chap. 1. Rept. of the committee. Chap. 2. Work of earlier planning commieaiona; by Robt. H. Whitten. Chap. 3. Development of the official city map since 1898; by N. P. Lewis. Chap. 4. Work of the Brooklyn Committee on the City Plan; by F. B. Pratt. Chap. 5. Development of Port and Terminal Facilities; by E. P. Goodrich. Chap. 6. Transit development; by D. L. Turner. Chap. 7. Recreation, civic architecture, etc.; by Geo. B. Ford. PENNSYLVANIA. Statutes. An Act to authorize the regulation of the location, size and use of buildings in cities of the first class. The Stern bill, introduced March 16, 1915, and signed by Governor Brumbaugh in May. This Act gives to Philadelphia unlimited powers to regulate the location, size and use of buildings. An early conference ia announced at which the proposed regulations will be discussed by representatives of the Bureau of Building Inspection, the Survey Bureau, having in charge the planning of the city; the Comprehensive Plans Committee, the Art Jury, the Fire Bureau, the City Parks Association and

PAGE 170

19151 BIBLIOGRAPHY 539 the Fairmount Park Commission. Not only will the city have power of control over the character of buildings, but it may say what types of buildings may or may not be constructed in various sections. It may dictate that a building erected for one purpose cannot be used for another without it3 reconstruction or alteration as dictated by the duly constituted authorities. It gives to the Fairmount Park Comnliasion the architectural supervision and the right to say what buildings may or may not be constructed within 200 feet of any park, parkway or other public place under its care or management. For many years there has been carried on a series of discussions of the need for better control of the character of buildings erected in ditrerent sections. Boston exercises a limited jurisdiction in the control of the erection of new buildings and their uses, but the regulations are not so drastic as the powers conferred upon cities of the first class in Pennsylvania. The act is very short and decisive in its stipulation and ia as follows: “That for the purpose of promoting the public health, safety. order and general welfare cities of the first class may regulate the location, size and use of buildings therein and may make different regulations for different districts thereof, and in any city in which there is a commission for the care of a public park the said park commission of any city of the firat class may make such regulations as to the location, size and use of buildings and portion of which shall come within 200 feet of any park, parkway, playground or other public place under its care or management, and upon their approval by the councils of such city said regulations shall have the same effect aa if originally made by said councils.” Be alao the Penn. Act described under Housing. RISLER, GEORGES. Les villes B reconstruire. Plans d’ amhagement et d’ extension des villes. (Bull. de la Socibtt? d’ Encouragement pour 1’ Industrie Nationale. Jan.-Feb., 1915, p. 50-70.) Catering for the wants of the holiday ‘maker. (The Surveyor, etc. SMITH, J. RUSSELL. The reconstructed city. (Annals Amer. Acad. Polit. and Social Science. May, 1915, p. 283-90.) SMITH, HARRY W. May 14, 1915, p. 6204.) Civic Leagues CHICAGO, ILL. Bureau of Public Efficiency. Some opinions of its work. 1915. 24 pp. obl. ~ . What it has accomplished. 1915. MUNICIPAL VOTERS’ LEAGUE OF CHI8 PP. CAGO. Under the caption “A Notable Civic Organization” the New York Evening Post of April 24.1915, printa an appreciative editorial of about 1.000 words about the Municipal Voters’ League of Chicago. PRICE, RICHARD R. Aims and purposes of the League of Minnesota municipalities. Typentten copy only seen. Paper waa read on Feb. 19 before the hlinn. Surveyors and Engineers Soc’y. County Government NEW YORK CITY. Bureau of Municipal Investigation and Statistics. Report upon the maintenance of county offices in the City of New York. Apr., 1915. 31 pp. 4”. Based upon an analysis of the appropriations and payrolls of the counties of New York. Bronx, Kings, Queens and Richmond for the years 1911 to 1915. SAWYER, ROLLIN A., JR. List of works on county government. (New York Public Library Bull. May, 1915, p. 43370.) Courts AMERICAN JUDICATURE SOCIETY. Bull. 8. The branch court of conciliation of the municipal court of Cleveland; the address by Judge Manuel Levine. The small claims branch of the municipal court of Chicago; by Herbert Harley. April, 1915. 49 pp. 8”. . Second draft of so much of the metropolitan court act aa relates to the selection and retirement of judges. Apr., 1915. 127pp. 4”. (Bull.4a.) BAER, DAVID -4. Justice for the smal1 man. A modern municipal court in operation. (Century. May, 1915, p. 144-8.) Municipal court of the District of Columbia. BELDEN, EVELINA. The boys’ court of Chicago: a record of six months’ work. (Amer. Journ. Sociology. May, 1915, p. 731-44.) Crime CHICAGO, ILL. Committee on Crime. Rept. of the city council committee on crime. hlch. 22, 1915. 196 pp. So. Excess Condemnation MASSACHUSETTS. Special Commission on uniform methods and procedure for taking land for public purposes. Report. 1915. 70 pp. (House doc. 1857, 1915.) On May 19, 1915, Masaachusttts passed “An Act relative to the taking of land by cities and towns

PAGE 171

NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW for municipal purposes.” 263.) (Gen. Acts, 1915; chap. Finance MINNEAPOLIS, MINN. City Statistician. Comparative strength and cost of fire department and of police department for the year 1914 in the sixty leading‘cities of the United States. Broadside. 1915. NEW YORK CITY. BUREAU OF MUNICIport upon the cost to the City of New York of its contributions for charitable purposes and upon the distribution and growth of such contributions during the t,en-year period ending Dec. 31, 1913. Mch., 1915. 32 pp. 8”. ROMPEL. Stadtische Finanz Probleme. (Leitschr. fur Kommunalwissensch. Jahrg. 1, 1914-15; p. 177-182. With bibliog.) Fire Departments ANON. Civil service in the fire department. 3,000 words. (Fire Engineer. Feb., 1915.) examples of both. PAL INVESTIQATION AND ST.4TISTICS. ReDiscussion of advantages and disadvantages, with ROBERTSON, GEORQE M. Organization and management of a fire department in small cities. 3,500 words. (Pacific Municipalities. Jan., 1915.) Author is engineer of the Board of Fire Under writera of the Pacific. Fire Prevention NEW YORK CITY. FIRE PREVENTION BUREAU. Fire prevention lessons for use in the schools of New York City. 1915. 30 pp. Illus. WISCONSIN. FIRE MARSHAL’S DEPT. Clean up precautions. Circular, Apr. 23, 1915. WOODWARD, R. B. How a Chamber of Commerce makes children factors in fire prevention. 2,000 words. Illus. (Ameiican City. Feb., 1915.) Description of work camed on successfully at Rochester, N. Y. Fire Waste ANON. Fire losses of 1914. 2,000 words. (Fire Engineer. Mch., 1915.) Table showing increase over the average for past 38 years; monthly fire loss for 1914; most important fires during year. HARRINGTON,’ GEORQE. Report of President Harrington of the Georgia Fire Prevention Society. .Jan. 28, 1915. 11 pp. “It is greatly to be regretted that every discussion of fire. waste as yet must be coupled with the insurance bqsiness, and that it should be regarded with an insurance consciousness. We hope that the day may come when this will be a civic problem . . .” (p. 3.) Government CHICAGO, ILL. Bureau of Public Efficiency. The nineteen local governments of Chicago. ed. 2. Mch., 1915. 137 pp. charts. CITIZENS’ BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL EFFICIENCY, MILWAUKEE, WIS. A report to the public. Mch., 1915. 18 (1) pp. An organization chart of the city government of Milwaukee, and a useful clwified cost comparison of the governments of Buffalo, Cleveland, Detroit and Milwaukee. CITY MANAQER PL.~ Jms, HERMAN G. Origin and theory of the city manager plan. (Pacific Municipalities. May, 1915, p. 215-217.) Housing ADAMS, THOMAS. Housing and town planning in Canada. 2,500 words. (Amer. City. Apr., 1915.) BASHORE, H. B. Overcrowding and defective housing in the rural districts. New York: Wiley & Sons, 1915. 3 p. l., ix-xi, 13-92 p. Illus. 12’. BROWN, REGINALD. Urban and rural housing. (The Surveyor and Municipal and County Engr. Apr. 30, 1915, p. 562-63.) CHART, D. A. Unskilled labour in Dublin; its housing and living conditions. (Journ. Stat. and SOC. Inquiry Socy. of Ireland. Dec., 1914, p. 160-87.) HERBST. Beseitigung der Wohnungsnot in den mittleren und kleinen Stadten Ostpreusens, insbesondere Schaffung von Arbeiterwohnungen. (Zeitschr. fiir Kommunalwissensch. Marz, 1915, p. 379-86.) KUTTELWASCHER, HANS. Die Miet

PAGE 172

19151 BIBLIOGRAPHY 54 1 kasernen in den osterreichischen Stadten. (Austria. Stat. Zentr.-Kommission, Stat. Monatschrift. N. F. Jahrg. 19 LONDON COUNTY COUNCIL. Housing of the Working Classes Committee. Report on housing accommodation in London in 1913. (London Municipal Notes. Mch.Apr., 1915, p. 65-69.) MILLIX, S. SHANNON. Slums: a sociological retrospect of the city of Dublin. (Journ. St.at. and SOC. Inquiry Socy. of Ireland. Dec., 1914, p. 130-59.) MORRIS, PERCY. Housing and town planning in the Doncaster coal fields. (Journ. Institution of County andMunicip. Engrs. Mch., 1915. 3,500 words. IIIus.) PENNSYLVANIA. Statutes. . An Act to protect t.he public health and safety by regulating the erection, alteration, repair, use, occupancy, maintenance, sanitation and condemnation of dwellings, roominghouses and tenements, etc., in cities of the first class. 1916. (1914), p. 724-39.) The bill was in the hands of the governor when this copy went to press. The .4ct further creates a Division of Housing and Sanitation to enforce the regu!ations governing housing conditions. See also the Penn. Act described under City Planning. SEARLES-WOOD, H. D. Housing Of the agricultural labourer. (Journal Royal Sanitary Institute. Feb., 1915, p. 29-37.) UNITED STATES LABOR STATISTICS BuREAU. Government aid to home-owning and housing of working.people in foreign countries. 1915. 451 pp. (Bull. 158. Misc. ser. 5.) Jersey City, N. J. t50,000,000 more ratables for Jersey City. Preliminary rept. to Jersey City Chamber of Commerce on an industrial development r. r. for Jersey City. Jan., 1915. 27 pp. 1 map. Jitney Bus LAXE, F. VAN Z. ANON. The jitney bus. (Electric Rwy. Journ. May 1, 1915, p. 861-2.) . The jitney bus. Further city and state legislative progress recorded. (Electric, Rwy. Journ. May 8, 1915, p. 908-10.) . Jitney bus regulation in San Francisco. (Electric Traction. May, 1915, p, 285-6.) . Jitney operation in Dallas, Tex. Statistics, etc. (Electric Rwy. Journ. May 8, 1915, p. 884.) Keeping up with the jitney. 4,000 words. 7 illus. (Commercial Vehicle. April, 1915) Ducusses recent important legal developments. Regulating the jitney bus. (Municipal Journal. Mch. 4, 1915, p. 295.) Substance of pmvisions in Ogden, Tulsa, Salem, Ore., and Fort Worth. What the community loses by jitneys. (Stone & Webster Public Service Journ. May 1915, p. 330-5.) BRADLEE, HENRY G. Jitneys and the street railways. (Stone & Webster Public Service Journ. April, 1915, p. 23744.) words. illus. (Public Service. Mch. 1915.) BRASHEARS, B7. F. Jitneys. 3,000 Experiences in many cities discussed; disadvantages, etc. Regulating the jitney bus. (Public service. May, 1915, p. 135-8) HEADERSON, C. A. Jitney bus in Los Angeles. How the business started, how it was developed, and its present status; statistics of operation. 2,200 words. 3 illus. (Aera. April, 1915.) KOELKER, E. S. The jitney bus problem. (Wisc. Municipality. Apr.-May, Locm, WILLIAM J. Jitney bus ordinances. (Pacific Municipalities. Mch. 1915, p. 121-23.) Synopsis of ordinances of San Francisco, Lou Angeles. Oakland, Long Beach, Pasadena, Spokane and Boise, Idaho. 1915, p. 87-90). OABLAM), CAL. Chamber of Commerce. The jitney from the community standpoint. April 22, 1915. 4 leaves. '4 O. Digested in Electric Trwtion. May 1916, p. 286-7. REED, FRANK. The jitney bus. 4,500 words. illus. (Municipal Engrng. Mch. 1915.) Regulation, street traffic congestion, et-.

PAGE 173

NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW PALM, C. I. The jitney bus. (Electric Rwy. Journ. May, 1915, p. 315-7.) ST. LOUIS, Mo. PUBLIC LIBRARY. MUNICIPAL REFERENCE BRANCH. The jitney omnibus and its regulation. Summary showing some of the principal developments up to March 15,1915. 6 pp. F". Same. (Municipal Jour. Apr. SAN DIEGO, CAL. Ordinance no. 6140. Regulating the operation of the "jitney bus." Approved May 1, 1915. 16 (1) pp. 12" SYRACUSE, N. Y. Public Library. Jitney question (bibliography). Bdl. 40. April, 1915, p. 3-5.) 29, 1915, p. 591-2.) Markets KEW YORK CITY. FINANCE DEPARTMENT. Report on the maintenance of public markets in the city of New York and the financinl results to the city of the nine-year period of operation ended Dec. 31, 1914. March, 1915. 25pp. 8". Motion Pictures Motion pictures in Berkeley. p. 150-160. April 19, 1915. (City Club of Berkeley. Civic Bull. vol. 3, no. 9.) REED, T. H. Municipal Experts KING, CLYDE LYNDON. Training for 14 pp. Same. (Jour. Amer. Socy. of Mech. the municipal service in Germany. Engrs. Feb., 1915, p. 98-102.) Discueaed by J. F. Young, Univ. of Penn., John A. Fairlie, Univ. of Ill., If. 9. Gilbertson, exec. secy. Nat'l Short Ballot Assoo. LOWELL, A LAWRENCE. Administrative experts in municipal governments. (Pacific Municipalities. May, 1915, p. 2 19-23 .) Municipal Home Rule AXON. Chicago and home rule. (Electric Rwy. Journ. May 8,1915, p. 902.) A short paragraph on the hearings before the Ill. Committee on public utilities to determine the necessity for "home rule" for Chicago. for ,Iowa. (American Municipalities., Mch., 1915, p. 193-98.) Also summary of home rule in French and German cities and American cities under constitutional home rule. Municipal Ownership See also Public Utilities. SIMPSON, J. "Municipal trading." (Municipal Journ. May 2i, 1915, p732-4.) Legal powers of cities to engage in plumbing, brick mnftre. quarrying and deafing in fuel, reat estate and liquor. New York City UNITED STATES. Public Buildings and Grounds Committee (Senate). Site for federal buildings, New York City. Hearing OIL s. 4774. April 18, 1915. 53 pp. 8". QUEENBBOROUCH QUEENS BOROUQH CHAMBER OF COMMERCE, N. Y. Manufacturing and Industrial Committee. Queens Borough; the borough of homes and industry; & descriptive and illustrated book, etc. 1915. 100 pp. illus. 4'. ROCKAWaY CITY MAC INNES (DUNCAN). Supplementd memorandum with respect to proposed Rockaway City bill as amended. Submitted to Alexander Brough, depy. comp trollerby chief accountant. Apr. 14,1915. 11 PP. NEW YORK CITY. Finance Depnrtrnent. Memorandum with respect to proposed legislation which would sever and disjoin the fifth ward, borough of Queens from the City of New York, and erect said fifth ward into a new city, to be known as Rockaway City. Mch. 31, 1915. 15pp. 8". Oakland, Cal. OAKLAND, CAL. A review of municipa1 activities in Oakland 1905-1915. 46 pp. Summary of the administration of Frank C. HATTON, A. R. Municipal home rule nrott, as mayor of Oakland,

PAGE 174

19151 BIBLIOGRAPHY 543 Ordinances LEAR, WALTER E. Municipal criminal law. (Canadian Law Times. May, 1915, p. 406-11.) Contends that in some cases codes of by-laws enacted by Canadian municipalities under the Municipal Act, R. S. 0. 1914 (ch. 1912) are ultra vires. NEW PORK CITY. An ordinance constituting the Code of Ordinances of the City of New York. (City Record. Apr. 3, 1915, p. 2740-95.) Organization Charts See under Government. Parks and Recreation Centers See also City Planning, the entry under Smith, H. W. BRONX BOARD OF TRADE. Parks and parkways in the Borough of the Bronx, N. Ti. City. 1915. 76 (2) pp. illus. PRICE, TI-. HENRY. Design for the lay-out of a park and recreation ground. (The Surveyor, etc. May 14, 1915, p. 614-7.) --A" ALFRED J. Design for lay-OUt of a park and recreation ground. (Journ. Institution of County and Municip. Engrs. hlch., 1915.) to the preceding. Not seen, not known what relation this article has Police MENT. The police bulletin. [Monthly.] Vol. 1, no. 1 et seq. Jan., 1915. 8". NEW YORIC CITY. POLICE DEPARTPort Development WEITHAM, PAUL. Port development at Seattle. 2,400 words. 9 illus. (Engineering News. Mch. 11, 1915.) tion of structures. Details of scheme for development with descripProvidence, R. I. COMMERCE. Press notice of Apr. 20, 1915. "Providence, R. I. Its growing importance as a seaport." UNITED STATES. DEPARTMENT OF Notice of chart in preparation by the Dept. of Commerce consequent on the active interest in development of Providence water front. Public Health TUCKER, GEORGE E. The field of public health work, the health officer and his relation to the municipal govt. (Pacific Municipalities. April, 1915, p. 155-60.) Doctor Tucker is health officer of Riverside, Cal. Public Utilities COOKE, MORRIS LLEWELLYN. Snapping cords. Comment on the changing attitude of American cities toward the utility problem. 1915. 42 pp. Public Works, Philadelphia. UNITED STATES CENSUS BUREAU. Central electric light and power stations and street and electric railways; with summary of the electric industries, 1912. Washington, 1915. 440 pp. illus. 4". WILLIAMS, ARTHUR. Municipal ownership of public utilities. 7,000 words. (Water and Gas Review. Privately printed. Mr. Coolie i3 Director of April, 1915.) LIGHTING PLANTS BALLARD, FREDERICK W. Dasign and operation of the Cleveland municipal lighting plant (Journ. Amer. Socy. Mech. Engrs. Feb., 1915, p. 104-11.) NEWBIGGING (WILLIAM), Report on the undertaking of the Grand Rapids Gas Light Co. Mch. 1, 1915. 4leaves. 8". A report to the Mayor and common council. STR~ET RAILWAYS BARCLAY, PARSONS AND KLAPP, N. Y. City. Report on Detroit Street Rwy. Traffic and proposed subway made to Bd. of Street Rwy. Comrs. 1915. 61. p. 5-291. 21 maps and plans. 4'. MASSACHUSETTS. PUBLIC SERVICE COMMISSION. Rept. relative to amt. of investigation in street my. and elevated rwy. lines and to the cost to the commonwealth of acquiring such lines by eminent domain or otherwise. 1915. 46 pp. (House doc. 1636, 1915.) TELEPHONES, TELEQBAPHS ETC. UNITED STATES CENSUS BUREAU. Tele

PAGE 175

544 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW phones and telegraphs and municipal electric fire-alarm and police-patrol signaling systems. 1912. Washington, 1915. 20s pp. 4'. Refuse Disposal NEW YORK STATE CONFERENCE OF MAYORS. Cost and methods of collecting and disposing of ashes by cities. Data gathered in March, 1915, for the city of Auburn, by William P. Capes, secy. 7 leaves. obl. Fa. Reports SANDS, HERBERT R. Departmental re(her. porting for cities and counties. City. May, 1915, 422-425.) The third of a series of articles on this subject, viz: How annual reports for puhlic use should be prepared, in Feh. issue; Graphic charts and photographs, in March issue. Schools BROWN, EDWARD F. Health aspects of school lunches. Apr., 1915. 16 pp. 8". City. COMMITTEE REPRESENTING ALL TEACEERS' AND PRINCIPAL^' ASSOCIATIONS IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK. The public schools of the city of New York. Practical operation of "home rule" in respect to maintenance and support of public education in the City of New York. History of teachers' salaries under control of the Board of Estimate and Apportionment. Argument for retention of minimum salaries fixed by state law, etc. 1915. 13pp. EDMUNDS, FRANKLIN D. The public school buildings of the city of Philadelphia from 1845 to 1912. Philadelphia, 1915. 213 pp. illus. 8". Reprint ser. no. 26, Health Dept., New York One hundred copies, only, printed. NEW YORK CITY. DEPT. OF EDURESEARCH. Publications 7-10. 1915. C.4TION. I)IVISION OF REFERENCE AND No. 7. Assignment of principals, assts. to 36 pp. No. 8. .4ssignment of first assts. in high schools. principals and clerks in elementary school. 7 PP. , No. 9. Organization of classes in elementary No. 10. Rept. on the organization of the bd. of schools. 18 pp. education and its committees. 110 pp. SHIELS, ALBERT. Areport on the organization of the Board of Education [of New York City] and its committees. 1915. 110 pp. 8". Publication No. 10 of the Board of Education. Smoke Abatement ROCHESTER (N. Y.) CHAMBER OF COXMERCE. The smoke shroud, how to banish it. 22 pp. Published by the Smoke Abatement Committee. Streets See also -4lleys. ANON. Tree planting in streets. 5,090 words. (The Surveyor. Alch. 12, 1915.) CONNELL, WILLIAM H. The orgnnication, character of personnel, scope of work, and methods of operation, and control of a large municipal highway department. (Journal Franklin Inst. Apr., 1915. p. 439, 70. illus.) Choice of trees suitable for planting, etc. Ivfr. Connell is chief of the Bureau of Highways and Street Cleaning, Phila. CURLEY, JAMES M. The brush about the streets. (Boston City Record. May 22, 1915. p. 592-3.) Address by the Mayor of Boxon at the City Planning Meeting, Boston, .\lay 19. In substance a reply to an attack on the mayor for responsibility of the condition of Boston's streets. Appended are operation and financial tables for the 4 years ended 1914. KIMBALL, THEODORA. Streets: Their arrangement, lighting and planning [sic. i. e. planting]. A bibliography. (Special Libraries. v. 6. Mch., 1915. p. 43-48.) Miss Emball ia Librarian, School of Landscape Architecture, Harvard University. NEW YORK CITY. STREET CLEANING DEPT. Clean streets through education and co-operat,ion. Rept. of eshibition and tests of street cleaning appliances, Tov., 1914. 1915. 56 pp. 8". NEWARK, N. J. SHADE TREE COM

PAGE 176

19151 BIBLIOGRAPHY 545 MISSION. “The Trees of Newark make Petition.” mission on arbor day, Apr. 9,1915. MUKICIPAL REFERENCE BRANCH. Regulating street excavations. Digest of ordinances of eight cities regarding permits, deposits, maintenance bonds, inspection and charges for repaving done by city. (Municipal Journ. Mch. 4, 1915, p. 281-2.) An especially attractire poster issued by the comST. LOUIS, MO. PUBLIC LIBR4RY. New York City, Chicago, St. Louis, Pittsburgh, Detroit, Wewark, Worcester, Oakland, Cal. Taxation Appraisal of city real estate. 7,000 words. (Engineering and Contracting. Feb. 24, 1915.) comparison with “Hoffman” rule. ANON. Gives formula for calculating value of city lots; STREHLOW. Der stadtische Boden als Handelswai e ti. seine Preisbildung. (Conrad’s Jahrb. Mch., 1915. p. 36.3-79.) Study of factors influencing valuation of urban realty. UHLIG, JOH. Die Steuern vom Grundbesitz im Haushaltsplan der Gemeinden. (Zeitschr. fur Kommunalwissensch. WIks, 1915, p. 391-98.) Traffic and Transportation See also Jitney Bus. AMERICAN ELECTRIC RWY. Assoc. Committee on the operation of motor vehicles. Report. 1915. 14 pp. Address 29 W. 39th St., N. Y. City. JENKINS, D. M. Extraordinary traffic. (Surveyor and Municipal and County Engineer. Apr. 2, 191.5, p. 458-61.) Paper by Mr. Jenkins, borough surveyor of Neath, England, at the South Wales district meeting of the Institution of Municipal and County Engrs. held at Cardiff, Mch. 27, 1915. An editorial in the same number briefly reviews the history of the British law as to extraordinary traffic. NEW YORK CITY. Board of Estimate and Apportionment. Committee on Franchises. Form of motor bus franchise and routes as adopted in the Boiough of Manhattan, Apr., 1915. 32 pp. 1 map. 4”. ONTARIO. Public Roads and Highways Commission. Annual report, 1914. 277 pp. maps. illus. 8”. This volume is extremely useful in cases where information on traffic facilities, market development, urban and suburban interplay is needed. Appendix no. 7, p. 10s-110 is on “Supporting areas of Ontario cities.” &ANGLER, LUDWIG. Kraft-Stellvagen. (Oesterr. Stadte-Zeitung. Nov. 1914. p. 141-150. illus.) Comparative study of the types of motor buses . Iiraft-Stellwagenbetrieb in Wien. (Rundschau fur Technik u. Wirtschaft. Apr. 10, 1915. p. 88-93. illus.) Mr. Spingler is director of the municipal street rwy. system of Vienna. The above article is s report of a portion of his annual report for 1914. in ure in London, Paris, Vienna and Berlin. Unemployment NEW YORK CITY. Unemployment Committee. Abstract of the preliminary report of the committee on facts regarding existing unemployment. Jan. 15, 1915. 4 leaves. 8”. . Unemployment Committee. First formal report of the Mayor’s committee on unemployment submitted by Elbert H. Gary. Feb. 5, 1915. 13 (1) pp. 8”. Zoning CITY CLUB OF BERKELEY. Civic Bulletin. vol. 3, no. 10. May 18, 1915, p. 162180. The zone ordinance. The necessity for s zone ordinance in Berkeley; by Chas. H. Cheney. A factory zone necessary for industrial development in ,Berkeley; by B. J. Bither. The legal status of zone ordinances: by Frank V. Cornish. STEARNS, R. B. Zone fares in Milwaukee. (Electric Rwy. Journ. May l, 1915, p. 836-8.) Abstr. of a paper read on April 22 before New England Street Rwy. Club. The Electric Rwy. Journ. of May 8 prints a letter from Mr. Wm. A. Bancroft, pres. Boston Elevated Rwy Co. on zone fare system, closing “the paper of Mr. Stearns is a vahable contribution tb the subject.”

PAGE 177

To THE MEMBERS OF THE NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE: The year closing March 31, 1915, was the most eventful in the history of the organization, and, if we may judge, one of the most useful. Notwithstanding the distractions of a foreign war of great magnitude, and the organization of a great number of new associations of various kinds; and notwithstanding that its membership list was carefully pruned, the National Municipal League closed the year with a membership of 2,576, which is only 6 less than that of a year ago. Had the names of the delinquents been retained, as is the practice in some cases, the figures would have shown a gain over preceding years; but the Executive Committee has felt that it would be better to eliminate the delinquents (even though something may be realized from them eventually) rather than carry them as part of the effective strength of the organization. & In view of the reports of so many local and national organizations tolthe effect that the hard times and the war had seriously affected the membership, we feel that the report which follows is to be taken as an evidence of the inherent value of the League’s work and of the confidence accorded to it by those in the field. MEMBERSHIP REPORT The membership report presented to the Council meeting on April 7 was as follows: NATIONAL MGSICIPAL LEAGUE--RIEMBERSHIP REPORT FISCAL YEAR ENDING MARCH 31, 1915 Number of members reported March 31, 1914. ......................... 2,582 1914 Addilions Resignations* Deaths ................ 59 57 5 1 3 2 26 10 ........ 20 9 1 4 1 12 1 68 4 8 1 10 1915 January ....................... S1 3 9 2 February ................ 25 1G 3 March ........................ 26 47 1 354 329 31 31 360 354 I 6 6 Net membership March 31, 1913. .................................... 2,576 a8 Cham-7 1;8a mnmhnr.o