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National municipal review, January, 1917

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National municipal review, January, 1917
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National municipal review
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National Municipal League
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Volume 1, Issue 1

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Full Text
NATIONAL
MUNICIPAL REVIEW
1917
Editor
Clinton Rogers Woodruff
Associate Editors
Alice M. Holden Howard L. McBain
Herman G. James C. C. Williamson
VOLUME VI
January, pp. 1-200 March, pp. 201-323 May, pp. 324-448
July, pp. 449-555
September, pp. 556-658 November, pp. 659-762
PUBLISHED FOB THE
national municipal league
BT
THE RUMFORD PRESS
concord, n. h.
1917


NATIONAL
MUNICIPAL REVIEW
Vol. VI, No. 1 January, 1917 Total No. 21
MUNICIPAL PREPAREDNESS1
BY CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF Philadelphia
ARE the American people interested in municipal affairs? And if so, how are they manifesting that interest? Recent events, and especially those connected with the late election, show conclusively that it is unwise to attempt to speak with positiveness and definiteness with regard to the beliefs and convictions of 100,000,000 people. The most that one can do is to study incidents and tendencies over a sufficiently wide area and during a sufficiently long period, and see what they disclose. One of the great services which an organization like the National Municipal League performs is to keep track from year to year of movements and tendencies in its chosen field; compare and measure them, and show their growth, development and significance.
Since August, 1914, there has been a general impression, that public interest in the war was paramount. The recent national election clearly showed that the American people had not lost sight of their own problems, for several of the pivotal issues, and notably the Adamson bill, were of purely domestic concern. The civic secretaries committee of the National Municipal League published, in September, a summary of the topics discussed by local civic organizations during the year. It showed the following results:
Number of addresses noted: Relating to war, 51; Politics and citizenship, 15; City planning, 14; Foreign relations and race problems, 13; Education, 13; Health, 12; City government, 11; Labor and industrial relations, 10; Public utilities, 9; Crime and delinquents, 7; Recreation, 6; Motion pictures, 4; Taxation, 3; Miscellaneous, 45. Total, 213.
1 Twenty-second annual review of the secretary of the National Municipal League, read at the annual meeting at Springfield, Mass., November 23, 1916.
1


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[January
To state it differently, 24 per cent of these addresses related to the war; 6 per cent to foreign relations; 49 per cent to local questions, and 21 per cent to miscellaneous subjects, which heading more than likely includes general educational and popular topics.
An examination of the popular and general periodicals discloses a similar distribution of interest, and likewise the columns of the daily press. More significant still is the fact disclosed in the new census bulletin on the financial statistics of cities that the total costs of 204 cities (with 30,000 or more population) for that year exceeded those of the government of the United States. The same volume shows that the relative burden of government costs is increasing much faster for municipalities than for the national government, although the cost of the latter is growing at a staggering rate. The total funded and floating indebtedness of these same 204 cities was $3,259,106,277 in 1915,2 another staggering figure, and a conclusive one, if we accept the time-honored dictum that the pocket nerve is the most sensitive one in the taxpayer’s makeup.3
Coincident with the period of the war there has been a searching of hearts; an examination of resources, moral, physical and governmental; a stock-taking, all as part of a far-reaching demand for preparedness. Beginning with thought for a national safety from outside attack, we have come to see true preparedness involves that, but, far more than that. A Canadian writer (R. O. Wynne-Roberts) has pointed out that the
ECONOMIC PREPAREDNESS
Economic preparedness of our cities is a vast subject for it touches on every problem which confronts cities. . . . The term economic or
economy implies the management, regulation and government of a family, community, city or state. This again involves the questions of judicious and frugal use and expenditure of money, so that the best results are obtained, without waste; it involves also the prudent management of all the means by which property is saved or accumulated; the judicious application of time, of labor and of instruments of labor. Economy then, has an intimate relation with everything which concerns our cities and human life. Domestic economy has to do with domestic life as state economy has with a nation. The Germans, prior to the war, coined another term, namely, “world economy,” and their universities, colleges and institutes were enthusiastic in the promotion of education, organizations and international relationships, which would assist in establishing the idea. The world to-day is discussing how best to organize business and finance and the German conception of world economy may yet be realized, but .in a different manner. The thought which actuated this movement is identical with that necessary for the development of the best in our cities, namely, to establish economy in its true
2 See census volume, “Financial Statistics of States.”
8 A striking study of this question of municipal indebtedness was published in Municipal Research for July, 1916, entitled “The Purposes of the Indebtedness of American Cities, 1880-1912.”


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MUNICIPAL PREPAREDNESS
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sense. Such education, however, has often been initiated by the means of business-tradesmen, who have to bear a good share of the financial burden of a city. When a calamity comes to a city, such as an acute outbreak of disease, the tradesmen suffer severely, so that to protect themselves they must be pioneers in sanitation. The public, as a body, is not so ready to promote movements for public works which entail more rates and taxes. . . . Combining municipal economy and
municipal preparedness we have the fundamental factors which are necessary for efficiency in city government. We, therefore, need a carefully thought out plan of government, a strong, efficient organization to carry it on, and a loyal patriotic body of citizens to support and encourage the administration of the laws and regulations, which have been formed for the welfare of the public.
new York’s new policy
Greater New York, the premier city of the new world, and possibly, as a result of the Great War, now of the whole world, has appropriately assumed a leadership which can wisely be followed by other cities. In this very matter of finance and economy, during the several years the fusion administration has been in office, there has been a gradual change from the previously extravagant method of financing, by the issuance of fifty-year bonds, known as corporate stock to defray the cost of improvements of a temporary character. It was obviously to the interest of administrations, whose main object was to show a comparatively low tax rate, and which had no regard for the future, to eliminate as much from the annual tax levy as possible.
It was asserted that this policy had been carried to such an extreme in time past that perishable things such as pa-vements and brooms were paid for out of the proceeds of corporate stock issues, and so the people of New York city continued to- pay interest for 48 or 49 years after the purchased article had been used up. The fusion administration started in 1910 to transfer to the annual tax budget all expenditures which were not, properly chargeable to permanent improvements. The interest on these long-term bonds is carried annually in the debt service item of the tax budget, and as a result of the enormous public improvements since consolidation the debt service item amounts to upwards of $60,000,000 annually. To reduce this tremendous annual obligation, a radical step was taken about two years ago by the adoption by the board of estimate and apportionment of a resolution according to which all corporate stock issues for other than self-sustaining improvements are gradually to be absorbed into the annual tax budget; in other words, this measure aims to put the construction cost of all improvements, such as schools, hospitals, parks, reformatories, directly into the annual tax budget, and to issue bonds only for such improvements as water supply, docks, rapid transit, which are in the self-sustaining class, and will consequently pay the interest on


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[January
their bonds. As was pointed out in a previous review (that of 1914), in order that this change might not be too drastic, it was resolved that all corporate stock issues for the year 1915 were to be financed in such manner that 75 per cent of the issue would be taken care of by fifteen-year corporate stock bonds, and 25 per cent of the amount to be placed in the budget; in the year 1916, 50 per cent by the issuance of fifteen-year bonds and 50 per cent in the budget; in the year 1917, 25 per cent by the issuance of fifteen-year bonds and 75 per cent in the budget, and thereafter the entire amount in the budget.4
It would follow from this procedure, as the former president of the board of aldermen (George McAneny) pointed out at the time, that all non-sustaining improvements will tend to increase the tax rate quite materially, and the result will naturally be that they will be submitted to much closer scrutiny. This, of itself, is a great gain.
Philadelphia’s financial preparedness
Philadelphia is another city that is making a substantial contribution to financial preparedness. Her controller, who has four times been reelected, has issued a report of which the Philadelphia bureau of municipal research has this to say:
Let us look at some of the more important things in it. The news and editorial columns of the press discuss various topics touched upon in the report, but strangely enough do not even mention the fact that numerous new interpretations have resulted in a really revolutionary change in its form.
What are these new interpretations and what do they signify?
The most important new interpretation is that the city for the first time is regarded as a unit, i.e., its assets and liabilities are expressed in one statement—a proprietary balance sheet—and not merely in numerous disjointed statements, each showing only a partial picture. The proprietary balance sheet is in comparative form and shows the assets, the liabilities, and the resultant net worth of the city, as at December 31, 1914 and 1915, and the change in the net worth is accounted for by a supporting statement in two parts. The proprietary balance sheet and the net worth statement in turn are supported by detailed statements and schedules. This report indicates that Philadelphia is in the lead among American municipalities in the field of governmental accounting.
Unlike former reports, the controller’s 1915 report accepts in principle that:
1. Payment of debt is not expense
2. Payments to the sinking fund in respect of future payment of debt are
not expense
3. Revenue of the sinking fund is revenue of the city
4. Assets of the sinking fund are assets of the city
5. Depreciation of property is expense
* See National Municipal Review, vol..iv, p. 6.


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MUNICIPAL PREPAREDNESS
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6. The net increase or the net decrease in the city's net worth during a given period is the best single index of the city’s financial progress or regress during that period.5
And this year Philadelphia is to have a modern budget, and a tax rate predicated upon the actual needs of the city, carefully ascertained, and not upon a precedent as inflexible as the laws of the Medes and Persians.
Other cities all over the land are overhauling their accounts, establishing modern reports and budgets, and giving to their finances, both present and future, a measure of prudent consideration, that a generation ago would have been regarded as academic, if not idealistic.6
In another field, that of the machinery itself, there is a degree of preparedness that is equally encouraging. For 25 years there has been a steadily accelerating interest in the frame of our municipal governments, and the year just closing has been no exception. To-day the interest in the city manager form of government as represented in the National Municipal League’s model charter, is greater than ever. Embodying as it does efficiency and preparedness, it is being considered in cities large and small, east and west, north and south. There are no unusual developments to record along these lines—but a steady, persistent, unremitting growth is, after all, the best of records to chronicle.
Denver’s new charter
Denver has furnished somewhat of a sensation, the permanent effect of which cannot as yet be forecast.7 Its new charter unquestionably was designed to promote a measure of efficiency, but save for the fact that it is still subject both to the initiative and the referendum, is far removed along other essential lines from direct, democratic control. In a way it represents an imposed, autocratic efficiency, subject to ouster through an initiated movement, little likely to be inaugurated in an election tired community.
ELIMINATION OF POLITICS
What is being done in the direction of a wise preparedness to eliminate politics from our municipal plans and from our municipal administrations? What are we doing in our cities to place public considerations above private and party interests? In a bulletin published in October (1916), the Dayton bureau of municipal research makes this pregnant comment:
5 The city controller will no doubt be glad to send copies of the 1915 annual report to those that ask for them, as long as his supply lasts. Requests should be sent to John M. Walton, Esq., 146 City Hall, Philadelphia.
8 For a review of the recent progress in accounting and budget making, see the article by C. E. Rightor, National Municipal Review, vol. v, pp. 403 and 631.
7 See National Municipal Review, vol. v, p. 471.


6 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January
Rumor says that politicians are going to get hold of the city government in 1917,—and the November Metropolitan is not the only source of such “dope.” If they do, it will be your loss, and—it will be your fault.
A politician has no more business taking care of your government than he has taking care of your baby. Physicians care for the sick; lawyers take care of legal matters. Management of public affairs should be placed with trained men. “ The people get as good government as they deserve” is a trite saying, but it’s true because the people are the supreme power and can get what they want. If you do not want politicians to get hold of the city next fall, the time to get busy is now.
The question is, what will you do?
Organize; co-operate; do something. Learn what is being done; compare with what was done under former administrations; imagine what will result if the politician takes the government away from the present boss—the people.
Next year you will spend ,$100,000, plus a lot of time, to beat the politician. How much less need you spend if you act now? Fight the politician with facts,—not with oratory and dollars. First get the facts' about the city government, and then get as good government in the schools and county as in the city.
What are the facts? . . .
In short the people’s business is more important than that of the politicians; the public interest is paramount to party interest. To those who maintain that parties (meaning as a rule national parties) are inevitable in a city, one should point out that to-day nearly 500 American municipalities (those enjoying either a commission or a city manager form of government) have eliminated party designations from their local ballots, as have cities like Boston, Pittsburgh, Seattle, San Francisco and Los Angeles, and while the disappearance of the party name does not invariably imply the disappearance of the party spirit, it has nearly always been followed by a diminution of it, in many cases to a negligible quantity. And if this experience is insufficient one may point to our Canadian sister cities, where national party politics play no part at all, and have not for practically two generations.
SOCIAL PREPAREDNESS
It is not along financial, governmental and political lines, however, that the greatest changes and advances are to be noted. Prof. Ernst Freund, in an article on “Tendencies of Legislative Policy and Modern Social Legislation,” 8 shows how the last ten years have witnessed remarkable changes in the attitude of American courts toward social legislation. There has been an equally great change on the part of legislatures, city, state and national, and all these changes are but the reflection and outgrowth of the changes in the conceptions and aspirations of the American people. In no other phase of municipal life has there been manifested a greater concern for the future, a stronger and more
8 International Journal of Ethics, October, 1916.


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MUNICIPAL PREPAREDNESS
7
persistent demand for preparation. The recreation congress at Grand Rapids issued its program for “community buildings and character buildings through play” under the title “preparedness for peace:”
In the annual report of the director of the Dayton department of public welfare (Rev. D. Frank Garland) we find this statement:
A probation system, entirely new in the history of workhouse administration, so far as we know, was established April 1, 1915, under which men and women were secured work in shops or factories or houses at regular wages. These persons received no liberties, except the liberty to work for pay outside the institution between the hours of 6.30 in the morning and 5.30 at night. The money thus earned was distributed by the prisoner and his wife (if married), under the supervision of the superintendent of corrections, in the payment of debts, in the support of wife and children or dependents, in the purchase of clothing, etc. The results have been eminently satisfactory. Thirty-six men during 1915 were thus put on probation, only three of whom violated our confidence, resulting in the withdrawal of the privilege. These men earned in eight months, $2,025.70. Following this test, a parole is granted and the prisoner is allowed to leave the institution.
Truly, as the Philadelphia bureau of municipal research points out, the parole system is the most delicate task that government has assumed thus far. Although it is fairly new, this much has been definitely established: that it cannot be successfully operated except where “politics” are rigidly and uncompromisingly excluded and where parole and probation officers are appointed and hold their positions only by reason of fitness for this new kind of work. Where favoritism is shown or where respect for officers is lacking, the system collapses like a house of cards, so far as real results are concerned. In other words, political and social preparedness must go hand in hand if we are to make genuine progress that will last.
Another impressive note is the proposition to utilize the police for parole and reformatory work. The time is coming when the value of a patrolman’s service will be determined, not by the number of men he starts on the way to jail or prison, but by the number he keeps out of such places, and starts on a career of usefulness.
A Canadian official declares the best time to save the criminal is before he becomes one. It costs less in money, and infinitely less in some other things that are worth much more than money. Prevention is a greater word than reformation. “The highest achievement of the state or of the church is not a man rescued in mid-career from a life of vice and crime, but rather a child, strengthened in will and purpose, clean in hand and in heart, fitted by training and discipline for a whole long life of service and usefulness. ... In our love for the spectacular we have called the former the greater service, but it is not, even though at times it appears to make a greater demand upon our faith. The problem of the criminal,


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[January
when it is brought down to its final analysis, is the problem of the child. The hope of the future does not lie in the perfecting of our method for reaching the man, but in our making the most of our opportunity of winning the boy.”
SOCIAL HYGIENE
It may now be said, Dr. Snow of the American Social Hygiene Association tells us, that social hygiene is essentially a constructive movement for the promotion of all those conditions of living, environment, and personal conduct which will best protect the family as an institution and secure a rational sex life for the individuals of each generation. This is well shown by the forceful statement of Dr. Edward L. Keyes, Jr., descriptive of the aims and methods of such societies to-day. “The elimination of disease and prostitution cannot be attained solely by the enforced registration of venereal diseases, the raiding of disorderly houses, and the enactment of laws against procuration and solicitation. The real strength of the social hygiene movement of to-day lies in the co-operative activities of the great religious, social, and educational organizations. They are striking the evil at its source; not by driving the prostitute into the street and then out of it again, but by preventing our young girls from becoming prostitutes, and our young men from preying upon them. This they hope to achieve by informing the mind so as to banish prurient curiosity, by diverting the imagination to emotions joyous and clean, by exercising the body in playgrounds and dance halls that are safe, and above all by inspiring the soul with the highest religious and family and civic ideals. To turn lust into love, ‘into the enthralling love of mate for equal mate, into civic love for freedom, home, and state, into the eternal love of God and of all things create’—such is our aspiration.” Eventually it is possible that social hygiene may find its place as an inclusive designation for a group of organized and affiliated movements which deal with community problems in which social and moral factors as distinct from sanitary factors are of primary importance. In this sense it is logically a companion term to public hygiene, or public health, which is its popular equivalent.
HEALTH PREPAREDNESS
And what of public health? This is regarded largely as a state function but it is one in which the city is deeply concerned, both as agent and principal. Progress is to be recorded, but there is still greater emphasis laid on the health and lives of animals than upon those of human beings. The vice-president of a great insurance company tells this story to illustrate the difference. He calls it “The story of the little mother and
the fat hog.” There was a little mother in-----. She was only twenty-
three years old. She had four little children. One day she found that she was growing weary, and the calls of the children, for the first time in


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MUNICIPAL PREPAREDNESS
9
her life, began seriously to tax her. She knew that she must be sick, but she kept up until finally one day she felt a sharp pain in her breast, a sudden cough. She put her handkerchief to her mouth and it was covered with blood; she had a hemorrhage. She immediately sat down and wrote a letter to the secretary of the board of health of Indiana, saying: “My dear Mr. Secretary:—I have just had a hemorrhage. They tell me that tuberculosis, taken in its early stages, can be cured if one knows what to do and where to go. Won’t you be good enough to tell me what to do and where to go? I don’t want to die now. I want to raise my little children to be good citizens of Indiana.” He immediately wrote to her on the official letterhead of the board of health.
“My dear madam:—Your letter has just .been received. The state of
---- has made no provision for cases such as you describe, but, in
the event of your death, the state of ---- has made arrangements by
which it can take care of your children, until some good people can be found to take them off the hands of the state. Yours respectfully, Secretary.”
A fat hog squealed in the back lot. The hired man went out and looked at it. He said, “It has got the cholera.” The man said, “Telegraph to Uncle Jim Wilson right away.” He did, and a man came with a little black bag in one hand and a bottle of serum and a syringe in the other, and he shot a lot of the serum into the hog and it got well right away. “Moral: the vice-president “said, Be a hog, and worth saving.”
HOUSING, TRANSPORTATION, CITY PLANNING
Housing, transportation, city planning—all involve essential problems of preparedness. What of them—can progress be reported? Yes— not so great as it should be, but still progress. These three movements are inextricably woven together and in turn are closely related to public health and to all the other social problems. Perhaps the most significant phase of their respective and related development is the fact that strong, vigorous state and local organizations are at work upon their solution. The National Housing Association, the utilities bureau, and the city planning conference, and their affiliated organizations, are doing yeoman, pioneer service—agitating, educating, legislating.
Immigration has been a big factor in our previous history; the foreign element in our cities constitute a present problem; and after the war, who can doubt but there will be a full resumption of the suspended immigration, which is having so great an influence on labor conditions in American cities. Very little indeed is to be reported as accomplished or in the way of accomplishment in this field, and unless something soon is inaugurated, the ending of the war will find us totally unprepared to meet the situation.


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[January
TRAINING FOR PUBLIC SERVICE
“ Training for public service” is a phrase we hear nowadays with encouraging frequency. It marks a long step forward toward a real preparedness. Of the opportunity and urgency for such training little may be said before the National Municipal League, which has stood steadfastly for that idea from the beginning and which has embodied it in all of its_recommendations. The encouraging thing to note is not this long-continued advocacy, which is no new thing, but the extension of the propaganda through organizations like the society for the promotion of training for public service, and through the extension of the actual application of the principle. J. L. Jacobs, for years at the head of the Chicago efficiency bureau, in an address on public service opportunity and preparedness,9 prints a long list of the higher grade technical, professional or administrative positions in the Chicago service which have been filled by civil service competitive examinations, to which list he adds this comment:
New and larger opportunities are being offered in our municipalities and in the larger states for men and women who are trained in the distinct professions and occupations and who have experience in problems of public administration.
The administrative services of New York city and of New York state are additional examples of the larger divisions in this country where the increasing demands for additional governmental activities and effective administration have brought about marked changes for positive employment methods.
As a result of perhaps the most intensive and scientific study of public employment yet undertaken in this country, standardization programs have recently been proposed for both the New York state and New York city services. The adoption of these will have a revolutionary effect upon these services, as it has in other private and public institutions where positive employment reform and standardization have been applied. The results will be the improvement of opportunities for trained men and women to find careers in the official service and the introduction of business principles in administration.
There has been no diminution in the number and membership of civic organizations, national, state or city. Indeed, there has been a feeling on the part of some that there had been an undue and unnecessary creation of new associations, although the older ones do not seem to have suffered to any appreciable extent by their entrance into the field of organized civic endeavor. On the contrary there has been a greater correlation, and a more effective mobilization, with a more efficient attention to detail and organization. I think it can be said that never before in the history of the American civic movement has organized effort been more generally and more successfully sustained. The field of public service performed by these citizen agencies has increased with the growth of the functions of government.
9 Printed in the Journal of the Western Society of Engineers, June, 1916.


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Opportunities, as Mr. Jacobs points out, are not only offered for work in these organizations, but governmental officials have turned to them for men and women to fill official positions requiring training and experience of public administrative problems and the knowledge of the structure and operations of government. Increasing activities and cooperation of these civic agencies with governmental bodies is bound to create a further demand for trained workers in public administration. The more important organizations and associations, which have been developed and are active in this positive and growing field, are the following : Ballot associations, boards of trade, bureaus of municipal research, chambers of commerce, city clubs, civil service reform associations, commercial clubs, educational associations, foundations for special research, health associations, housing reform associations, industrial associations, juvenile associations, legal aid associations, legislative leagues, local improvement associations, merchants’ associations, municipal leagues, real estate associations, recreation associations, tax associations, training schools for public service.
Opportunities in the civil service are increasing faster than the supply of men and women who are trained and interested in the public service. The creation of a larger supply of men and women, who are trained and are genuinely interested in public affairs and wish to find a career in the official life, will go very far towards stimulating further demand for experts. This, Mr. Jacobs believes, will largely solve our problem of efficient and responsible public administration.
INSTRUCTION IN CITY GOVERNMENT
It is not only the public official, however, who is being trained for future service, but the citizen as well. In a report on instruction in municipal government, a committee of the National Municipal League10 said:
Twenty years ago it is altogether probable that not more than three or four of the largest educational institutions in the United States provided any independent instruction in municipal government. In the great majority of American colleges and universities this subject was either not touched upon at all or was dealt with as a small part of some general course in political science. But this situation began to change about 1900 and during the next half-dozen years or more many colleges began to recognize municipal government as a subject worthy of separate recognition. In 1908 it was found that 46 institutions offered independent instruction in municipal government; in 1912 the number had risen to 64; and in the course of the present inquiry the committee finds a further increase to 95. In eight years, accordingly, the number of institutions offering one or more courses devoted wholly to the study of municipal government has more than doubled. That affords significant testimony to the development of popular interest in the subject. And this development is all the more worthy of remark when it is pointed out that nothing
10 National Municipal Review, vol. v, p. 566.


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akin to it has taken place in any other country. The curricula of English and continental European universities do not indicate anything of the kind. Instruction in political science has been greatly increased everywhere abroad, but the expansion has been along the lines of new courses in colonial government, world-politics, constitutional law and political theory. It is not improbable, therefore, that the course of development in this country has been influenced by the increased earnestness with which the popular mind throughout the land has directed itself to the solution of our own municipal problems.
The public schools are recasting their courses in civics, giving to them a practical turn and application. “Know your city” is the motto of the educational committee of the Philadelphia chamber of commerce, which is gathering material to make every man, woman and child in Philadelphia better informed upon the life of the city. It is not content to work with adults only, but has planned a series of pamphlets which will come to the aid of the public and private schools of the city. Philadelphia has been backward, according to this body, in appreciating its history and industrial growth.
Other cities, such as Chicago, New York, Cincinnati, New Orleans and Newark, have introduced into their schools regular courses of study in which the pupils are given an insight into the industrial life and historic development of those cities. These courses have uniformly tended to awaken a great interest on the part of pupils and parents. They have stimulated loyalty to the pupil’s home city and have made him appreciate the community of which he is a part.
They have served a further purpose in that they have dissipated civic indifference and slothfulness, the greatest enemies of civic progress and preparedness. “Nothing will ruin the country if the people themselves will undertake its safety; and nothing can save it if they leave that safety in any hands but their own.”
In the words of Wynne-Roberts already quoted:
The public by timely action has unlimited authority over its own affairs and it is the people who can confer a blessing or a curse upon themselves. They are like the elements; when furious they smite everything regardless of who are guilty and who are innocent, and on the other hand they have capacity for great good. They are like the rain which, when uncontrolled, swells the brooks, overflows the banks, sweeping, as a deluge, everything which obstructs it, spreading devastation, waste and sorrow in its track. That is the penalty of unpreparedness. The rain rises as vapour from the ocean and is carried by gentle breezes to the hills and mountains where it condenses and falls like dew on the earth. It sparkles with iridescence in the sun and as the water trickles down the crags forms exquisite tapestries on the rocks. Under regulation and control it irrigates, fertilizes and refreshes the valleys and plains so to produce bountiful crops. It develops into rivulets and streams, generates power, light and heat for the service of man. It carries in its bosom the argosies which bring merchandise from all parts of the world. In every way it spreads beneficence upon all who contributed in the work of harnessing the powers of nature. These are the fruits of preparedness.


SOME ADVANCE MUNICIPAL STEPS1
BY LAWSON PURDY New York
DURING the past year three very important subjects have received much attention from municipalities. The rapidly increasing debt of cities and the fact that many cities have made no provision at all or inadequate provision for the payment of city bonds at maturity has led to the adoption by many cities of a plan of making bonds fall due in a certain proportion annually until all the issue has been paid.
In a number of cities pension systems for employes were established in the past without adequate provision for meeting pension liabilities. The whole subject has been under investigation by many cities. It seems that in some form pensions for municipal employes are likely to be provided in the future.
After more than three years’ study, the city of New York adopted an ordinance last July regulating the height, bulk and use of buildings by districts. The regulations are elaborate and comprehensive. The city of New York was aided in this work by what had already been done in Boston, Baltimore, Los Angeles, Minneapolis and elsewhere. There is a growing need of such regulation and the sooner appropriate ordinances are adopted by every city, the better it would be for their future growth.
SERIAL BONDS
City bonds arranged to fall due at regular intervals, usually of one year instead of at the expiration of a longer term, are commonly called serial bonds so as to distinguish them from bonds issued for ten, twenty or more years all of like tenor and date of maturity. There has been much discussion of late concerning the advantage of serial bonds as compared with the amortization of public debts by the creation of sinking funds. Statements have been made claiming that the serial bond plan necessarily effects a great saving to taxpayers. The saving has usually been greatly exaggerated, and in some cases the claims have been misleading because the facts presented have been incomplete.
The sinking fund plan contemplates that an equal sum shall be paid annually on account of principal and interest, which shall be sufficient to pay the principal at maturity. If the annual payments on account of principal could be so invested immediately as to earn the same rate of interest as is paid on the debt the cost to the taxpayer would exactly
1 Annual address of the president of the National Municipal League, Springfield, Mass., November 23, 1916.
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equal the cost if the same sum paid on principal were applied to the final payment of so much of the debt.
The advantage of the sinking fund plan is that lenders have usually preferred a bond running for a long term and all bonds offered at one time were for the same period. It was assumed that under these conditions a loan could be obtained at the lowest rate of interest. The most serious defect in the sinking fund is not due to the plan but to poor administration. It has often happened that cities have failed to comply with the law and have not set aside annually the amount necessary to amortize the debt. Sometimes they have made a mistake in calculation and in good faith have saved too small a sum, and sometimes have wilfully or negligently refused to make the appropriation required. Again, by careless investment the earnings of the sinking fund have been reduced so much below the rate of interest paid on the debt as to cause great loss.
It must be admitted that it is practically impossible so to invest a sinking fund that all of it, at all times, shall earn as much as the rate of interest on the debt. If other conditions remain the same and serial bonds can be sold at an equal rate of interest with bonds for a long term, there is, therefore, a saving by the serial plan of the difference between the interest earned by the sinking fund and the interest paid on an equal amount of the debt for the same time.
Because of the failure of some cities to provide and maintain an adequate sinking fund, the plan has lost favor with investment bankers.
So far we have considered only the payment of debt by the appropriation of an equal sum each year during the whole term of the debt. In the first years of the term, by either plan, most of this appropriation would be for interest and in the last years, most of the payment would be for principal. This fact has been ignored by advocates of serial bonds and their claims of interest saving have been based upon the practice of issuing bonds of which an equal amount of the principal is to be paid annually. The results of this serial plan and the sinking fund plan, under these circumstances, may thus be compared. If $50,000 be borrowed payable in 50 years with 4 per cent interest, the annual cost would be about 5 per cent or $2,500 a year. ' If the bonds were made payable $1,000 a year for 50 years, the cost would be $3,000 the first year, $2,600 the eleventh year, $2,200 the twenty-first year and only $1,040 the last year. If the serial plan were so arranged as to payment that $2,500 should be paid annually, only $500 of principal would be paid the first year and the amount applicable to principal would increase at an accelerating ratio until in the last year about $2,400 would be paid on account of principal.
To this last plan no objection can well be made provided the bonds can be sold on satisfactory terms as to interest.


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The usual serial plan of paying an equal amount of principal each year is unjust to the present generation of taxpayers whether the life of the bonds be long or short.
Debt is incurred by cities, as a rule, to meet the needs of an increasing population. The increase in population causes the erection of more buildings and increases the value of land, thus the assessable value of real estate is enhanced. The increase in assessed value ought ordinarily to take care of the increased cost of administration as well as pay the interest and principal of the debt created for the benefit of the new population, without requiring any addition to the tax rate. The reason for borrowing money to pay for public improvements is not only that they will endure for the benefit of the citizens for a number of years. If a community were stationary in wealth and population, it would be better to pay for most public improvements without borrowing, but when it is growing in population and wealth it is only fair to put part of the burden on the increased values the public improvements have helped to create.
CIVIL SERVICE PENSIONS
Pension systems for city employes have been subjected lately to careful analysis because nearly all such systems have broken down. They were started at a time when little was commonly known of what the cost would be. The provisions for pensions was totally inadequate. The same experience has attended pension funds as followed the efforts to establish life insurance by means of assessments. Nearly every assessment company has been transformed into an ordinary level premium life company. Most of these assessment companies made such a transformation at great loss to the policyholders.
The city of New York embarked on pension plans fifty-nine years ago, but over 61 per cent of the disbursements of all city pension funds were made from 1905 to 1914. The city had paid more than 83 per cent of the total pension disbursements. On the basis of the disbursements in 1914, pensioners of the police pension fund received over 16 per cent as much as all of the active employes. Fire department pensioners received over 14 per cent. Others received much less because their funds have only recently been established. The pensions paid in 1914 were almost 5 per cent of the city’s total pay-roll.
Cities that contemplate the establishment of pension systems must face the fact that the payment of pensions will add a large percentage to the pay-roll. London police pensions amounted in 1914, after 70 years of operation, to 30 per cent of the pay-roll. The present proportion of the active pay-roll paid in pensions in the French national civil service is 17 per cent; in the Austrian civil service 33 per cent and in the municipal civil service of Berlin 37 per cent. These statements are taken from the report of the commission on pensions of the city of New York.


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The worst feature of pension funds so far established is the fact that after many years of operation the proportion paid continues to increase and will continue to be a heavy proportionate burden, which will never grow less.
If it be possible it would seem desirable to make a pension system an asset instead of a liability. If we are not in too great haste but are content to proceed slowly, we can make our pension systems an asset. Let us assume for the sake of illustration that 100 persons of the average age of 25 years enter a city service annually and that the number of persons now in the city service, who are not over 70 years of age, would be that number who would be living at the present time if 100 persons had entered the service annually for the last 45 years, and those persons had all been of the average age of 25 years. We start our system then with employes of various ages, the majority of whom are less than 45 years old. Create a capital fund the principal of which shall never be spent by making a contribution on behalf of every such employe to this capital fund annually. That contribution might be given in addition to present salaries or it might be deducted from present salaries, or the expense might be shared. Persons hereafter entering the service would enter on the basis of a certain sum received annually for themselves to spend nowand a certain sum contributed to a capital fund for their benefit. The essence of this plan is the preservation of the capital fund intact forever and its constant increase.
When an employe reaches 70 years of age he is entitled to retire and draw a pension. His pension would be the earnings of his own contributions, plus his share of the earnings of persons of the same age as himself who died before him. He would also be entitled to a per capita share, together with all other pensioners, of the income of the general endowment which would be created by the death of all persons of a year class.
In order to make easy computations I have used the sum of $100 a year as the uniform contribution for every employe. The calculations were kindly made for me by an actuary of the Metropolitan life insurance company. If there are any mistakes they are mine and not his, but I think they are accurate. At the end of 50 years a person who was 70 years old would receive $1,228 a year; a person 75 years of age would receive $1,678 a year; a person 80 years old would receive $2,191. One who is 90 years old would receive over $15,000.
At the end of 75 years the general endowment fund would amount to over twenty million dollars, and at the end of 100 years to over forty-seven million dollars. The increase thereafter would be ten million dollars every ten years. All this would be accomplished by the contribution of 100 persons entering the service annually and paying $100 a year. It is quite obvious that after the fund has been in operation for a moderate length of time, the annual income would be sufficient, not only


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for pensions but to make the contributions for persons subsequently entering the service. Thereafter the income would be sufficient to pay pensioners and pay all contributions to the pension fund and still leave a large surplus for other purposes. The following table will show the amount which could be paid in pensions from the fund after 50 years, 75 years, and 100 years, at the ages of 70, 80 and 90. All computations are based on 4 per cent as the rate of interest.
Income
At Age of
70 80 90
After 50 years.........................$1,228 $2,191 $14,937
After 75 years......................... 2,971 4,564 36,890
After 100 years........................ 5,634 7,229 41,568
It might be deemed undesirable to have pension payments rise to such a high figure as $40,000 a year. The amount can be regulated in accordance with any contract that may be made with any employe entering the service. If a maximum sum is fixed as the payment to employes, the balance can be used to meet annual installments at an earlier date than would be the case if the entire fund were distributed to pensioners.
If any city should start such a plan as this, it might well permit any employe leaving the service to continue to make the annual payments. And it might also permit any citizen to make such payments into the fund as he might desire provided the payments were in reasonable amounts and at regular intervals. Thus any citizen could share in the great advantages which would come to those entitled to pensions. For the purposes of this calculation the age of 70 years has been fixed as the retiring age. The retiring age might be made lower and the only effect would be to reduce the pension payments. Ultimately they would become so large that they would have to be reduced by law anyway.
BUILDING REGULATIONS
Since the adoption by the city of New York of an elaborate code of building regulations by districts, the city of Philadelphia and various others have started to study appropriate regulations for those cities. The need for height regulation has become imperative with the invention of the steel structure. Before that time, foundations and walls had to be so thick for a heavy building that economic considerations prevented the erection of buildings of more than eight or nine stories. With the erection of the steel frame it became possible to build forty stories or perhaps more. One forty-story building might be a thing of beauty although it probably would not be a thing of profit. When tall buildings are crowded together none of them are satisfactory as investments. All
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of them are unhealthful and the streets become intolerably congested. In the city of New York the failure to regulate the use to which property should be put has cost the owners of real estate hundreds of millions of dollars, and brought upon the community economic loss and great inconvenience. It behooves every city and village to make regulations controlling the height, area and use and to do it at the earliest possible day before more damage has been caused than has been done already. There is not a city in the country that has not suffered now from foolish building. It should be stopped for the benefit of owners and residents alike.
As I see the problems which confront us, we must devote our immediate efforts to secure proper provision for the payment of the ever-increasing city debt, so that our municipalities may not become bankrupt and discredited; to the establishment of a pension system, which shall neither burden the city nor its employes, but be an ever-increasing asset and encouragement to the workers; and to the adoption of building regulations that will preserve health, safety and values and will tend to beautify our city. These three steps will do much toward the upbuilding and perfecting of our municipal life.


THE EVOLUTION OF TYPES OF CITY GOVERNMENT IN THE UNITED STATES1
BY PROF. HOWARD L. MCBAIN Columbia University
IT WOULD be a difficult task to write a history of American city government. The materials for such a study, numerous as they are, are widely scattered and by no means complete. The historian who might seek to assemble and marshal in review the data upon this subject would be in great danger of being utterly overwhelmed with details. There has been so much of aimless drifting, so much of hit or miss reform, so many slight and large variations in the organic structure of city governments that he would have supreme difficulty even in tracing tendencies and in setting these tendencies within the limits of even approximate dates. Indeed, the probability is that this paper could not be written at all if I knew very much about the subject.
The luckless historian who essayed this task would also be in danger of misinterpreting his innumerable facts. It is all too easy, in the absence of recorded debate and discussion, to read into a charter change, which in point of fact was perhaps born of practical expediency or political exigency or servile imitation, a reconditeness of meaning or a philosophy of government which the authors of the change little dreamed of. The probable truth of the matter is that it is only in comparatively recent times that we have had anything like a philosophy of municipal government. The meagreness of the literature dealing with the subject of city government in an analytical and theoretically constructive way prior to the middle of the nineteenth century is perhaps not astonishing; but it is none the less eloquent of the fact that in the early evolution of city government in the United States the architects of structural changes were guided by few, if any, well thought out principles.
THE COLONIAL TYPE
As everybody knows, the earliest type of city government in the United States was modeled after that which prevailed in the English borough and which still survives with comparatively little change in the English city to-day. It was simple in form. A single body—the board of mayor,
1 Paper read at the annual meeting of the National Municipal League, Springfield, Mass., November 25,1916.
For further discussion of this question see the papers of Messrs. Cottrell, Childs, Porter, Locke, Boynton and Miss Hutson in this issue.
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aldermen, and assistants—constituted the government of the city. These exercised judicial and legislative functions primarily. One or two other charter officers were usually provided, such as a clerk and a chamberlain; but such simple administrative functions as were performed were also carried on by or under the direct control of this single body. There was no separation of powers. There was complete group centralization of both power and responsibility.
Although the doctrine of the separation of powers exerted a powerful influence in the philosophy of those who drafted our early state constitutions and our national constitution, it is highly probable that in the immediate post-revolutionary period nobody thought of applying this principle of organization to the government of cities. The charters that survived from the colonial period were not at once overhauled to give expression to this principle, and I am by no means certain that it was consciously and clearly applied in any American city for more than half a century after the Revolutionary War. In my opinion, it was not until this principle was fairly applied that a new type of municipal organization may be said to have developed in the United States.
MINOR MODIFICATIONS OF THE COLONIAL TYPE
It is true that as this or that city increased in population the judicial powers of the mayor and aldermen were gradually sloughed off;2 but this was due not so much to the application of the idea of a division of powers as to the necessity for a division of labor—a necessity arising out of the increase of city functions. It is true, also, that certain features of our state and national governments were early introduced into city governments ; but I think it can scarcely be said that the introduction of these features changed in any fundamental respect the colonial type of organization, the essence of which was the concentration of policy-determining and policy-executing functions in a single group of officers.
Take, for example, the bicameral principle, which was early applied to the city council,3 although at no time in our history has it prevailed in a majority of the cities of the country. The influence of the federal and state analogies is here apparent;4 but the point of importance is that
5 For example, the mayor of New York ceased to preside in the “mayor’s court” (for the trial of civil actions) early in the nineteenth century, but continued to preside in the “ court of sessions” (for the trial of criminal causes) until 1821 (Daly, Historical Sketch of the Judicial Tribunals of New York from 1623 to 1846, pp. 60-65). In the “courts of general sessions” two aldermen were required to sit as judges until 1846, while the mayor for many years enjoyed numerous judicial powers which in practice he seldom exercised (Kent, The Charter of the City of New York with Notes Thereon, pp. 186 ff.).
3 Norfolk, 1788; Philadelphia, 1796; Baltimore, 1798; Pittsburgh, 1816; Boston, 1822; New York, 1830; St. Louis, 1839.
1 In some instances, as in the case of Boston, the influence of the township form of government was unquestionably potent.


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even where this change was made the mayor did not become the chief of an executive branch of government. He was shunted to the upper chamber of the council; but the administrative activities of the city continued to be managed by one or both branches of the council through the medium of separate or joint committees. The introduction of the two-chambered council was a disastrous step in the direction of cumbersomeness of organization; but it did not in point of fact affect the fundamental principle of councilmanic domination and control. Individual responsibility became more difficult to locate; but group responsibility and concentration of authority remained.
Of somewhat similar character was the application of the principle of popular election to the office of mayor. In all but four5 of the seventeen colonial cities the mayor had been subject to appointment by the governor 6—a system which was introduced in a number of cities incorporated after the Revolution and which survived in numerous cities well into the nineteenth century. When this system finally yielded to the demand for a local selection of the mayor there followed in many places a transitional period during which the mayor was chosen by the city council of which he was a part.7 The principle of popular election was first applied to the office of mayor in the Nashville charter of 1806; but it was in the second quarter of the century that it gained rapid headway. By 1850 it had become the established method of choice in most American cities.8 But the election of the mayor was not accompanied by the establishment of an administrative branch of the government partially or completely independent of the council. In a few places, as in Boston under the charter of 1822, the elected mayor was an influential factor in the council, or one of its chambers, in both legislative and administrative activities. In other cities the mayor was, coincident with his becoming an elected
5 Elizabeth and the close corporations of Philadelphia, Norfolk, and Annapolis.
8 McBain, “The Doctrine of an Inherent Right of Self-Government,” 16 Columbia Law Review, 305, note 18.
7 In the following twenty-four cities at least the mayor was chosen by the council during the periods indicated: Philadelphia, 1701-1826; Annapolis, 1708- ; Elizabeth, 1740-1789; Norfolk, 1736-1788, and by the board of aldermen 1788-1832; Pittsburgh, 1816-1834; New York, 1821-1834; Albany, Schenectady, Hudson, and Troy, 1821-1840; Buffalo and Utica, 1832-1840; Brooklyn and Rochester, 1834-1840; Wilmington, 1832-1849; Camden, 1828-1850; Lancaster, 1818-1825; Savannah, 1789- ; Augusta (Ga.), 1798- ; Columbus (Ohio), 1816-1834; Cincinnati, 1819-1827.
8 It was introduced in the following cities at the dates indicated: Boston, 1822; St. Louis, 1822; Detroit, 1824; Mobile, 1825; Hartford, 1825; New Haven, 1826; Philadelphia, 1826; Cincinnati, 1827; Middletown, 1829; New London, 1829; Norwich, 1831; Norfolk, 1832; Baltimore, 1833; Pittsburgh, 1834; New York, 1834; Columbus (Ohio), 1834; Cleveland, 1836; Chicago, 1837; Knoxville, 1838; Albany, Schenectady, Hudson, Troy, Buffalo, Utica, Brooklyn, Rochester, 1840; Richmond, 1842; Lancaster (Pa.), 1843; New Brunswick, 1844; Perth Amboy, 1844; Trenton, 1844; Milwaukee, 1846; Wilmington, 1849; Camden, 1850; Burlington (N. J.), 1851.


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officer, either ousted entirely from the council or reduced to the position of a mere moderator. For example, this was the position which the mayor occupied under the New York charter of 1830, after a constitutional amendment of 1833 and a statute of 1834 made him subject to popular election. Describing the situation that existed under this charter, Mayor Morris in his annual message of 1843 said: “It is true that by the public who have read and understood the charter, but have been ignorant of the practice under it, the mayor is considered the chief executive officer ol the city and has been held responsible for the proper government of the city and the prudent expenditures of its funds, yet the operation and true effect has been that he has had less to do with the government and has possessed incomparably less power over expenditures than a chairman of one of the committees of the board of assistants.” Ousted from the council, and vested with no control whatever over administrative officers, these being subject to appointment by the council, the elected mayor became in New York, as in many other cities, a receiver of distinguished visitors, a reviewer of parades, and a maker of speeches.
It is simply a fact that when the mayor was made an elected officer it was the council (whether consisting of one or of two chambers and whether the mayor was a part of or no part of its organization) that carried on the administrative work of the city, either by the direct action of its committees or through the medium of officers appointed by and subject to the control of the council. Again may it be said, therefore, that this evolution of the office of mayor, whatever may have been its ultimate portent, did not introduce anything that might be called a new type of municipal organization—a type founded upon some understandable principle.
THE APPLICATION OF THE PRINCIPLE OF THE SEPARATION OF POWERS
So far as I have been able to discover—I cannot say that my search has been completely exhaustive—the St. Louis charter of 18389 was the first charter in the country to establish a really new organic type. In this charter the administrative officers of the city were made subject to appointment by the elected mayor “ by and with the advice and consent of” the upper chamber of the council. Here, at last, then, was an attempt to apply to the government of a city the principle of the separation of legislative and administrative functions, in much the same manner as that principle was applied in the nation and the states.
It will be recalled that the second quarter of the nineteenth century was a period during which the spirit of democracy was waxing apace in the United States. It was finding concrete expression in constitutions and laws. One of its most striking forms of expression was an increase in the
9 Laws of Missouri, 1838, p. 155.


1917] EVOLUTION OF TYPES OF CITY GOVERNMENT 23
number of elected officers. It was inevitable that this movement should make itself felt in the governments of our cities. The St. Louis charter to which I have referred survived only two years. In 184010 it was fundamentally amended so as to provide for the popular election of four important officers in addition to the mayor. For other officers the system of mayoralty nomination and aldermanic confirmation was preserved. In 1843 the number of elected officers was increased to six,11 and ten years later an amendment provided for the election of five additional heads of departments.12
It is probably true that in most of our older cities the break from the type of government under which the council enjoyed almost complete control to a type embodying an administrative organization independent of the council was made not by the introduction of the plan of mayoralty nomination and aldermanic ratification but by the application of the principle of popular election to the heads of administrative departments. Chicago, for example, began her municipal history with a charter enacted in 183713 which, in spite of the fact that the mayor was elected by the people, was distinctly of the colonial type. In 185114 the charter was amended so as to provide for the election of eight heads of departments and three street commissioners. The council retained its power to appoint and remove a considerable list of minor officers. In 1857 two additional officers were made subject to popular election, while the system of appointing all other officers by the mayor with the consent of the council was substituted for the system of councilmanic appointment.15 Five years later the members of a newly established police board were added to the number of elected officers.16
So also in New York the era of council supremacy under the charter of 1830 gave way, under the charter of 1849,17 to a type of government in which administrative independence was secured by the election, in addition to the mayor, of the heads of eight administrative departments. A few important officers 18 were made subject to appointment by the
10 Laws of Missouri, 1840, p. 129.
11 Laws of Missouri, 1843, p. 113.
12 Laws of Missouri, 1853, p. 247. Two years later there was in the case of three of these officers a return to the system of appointment by the mayor and the board of aldermen. Laws of Missouri, 1855, p. 128.
13 Laws of Illinois, 1836-37, p. 50.
14 Laws of Illinois, 1851, p. 132. The city marshall had been made subject to election in 1841. Laws of Illinois, 1841, p. 58.
16 Laws of Illinois, 1857, p. 892.
18 Laws of Illinois, 1851, p. 151.
17 Laws of New York, 1849, ch. 187.
18 The chief of police, the city chamberlain, the receiver of taxes, and the members of the Croton aqueduct board. The aldermen’s consent was also necessary for the appointment of bureau chiefs by the heads of departments and for the appointment of clerks by the bureau chiefs.


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mayor by and with the advice and consent of the board of aldermen. It is a significant fact that during the years of agitation which led up to the enactment of this charter the proposition was definitely put forward that the evils of misgovernment under the charter of 1830 had been due primarily, if not solely, to the fact that the principle of the separation of powers was not recognized in that charter. Nine years later under the New York charter of 1857,19 the system of electing numerous heads of departments by a vote of the people was abandoned. In its place the system of mayoralty nominations and aldermanic confirmation was substituted.20
The type of government in which an independent executive branch was secured by the application of the principle of popular election to numerous officials is also illustrated in the history of the charters of San Francisco. The first charter of the city was granted in 1850.21 It provided for the election of seven heads of departments in addition to the mayor. The same general principle of constituting the administrative branch of the government was embodied in the charters of 185122 and 1855 ;23 and when in 1856 the governments of the city and the county of San Francisco were merged into one, the consolidating charter provided for the popular election at large of seventeen different officers and for the election of seven additional officers in each of the twelve districts into which the city was divided.24 Ten years later25 the number of officers elected at large was increased to the astounding number of twenty-one.
I have cited St. Louis, Chicago, New York, and San Francisco merely as illustrations. The evolution of their governments, presenting so much of similarity and synchronization, may doubtless be taken as fairly typical.
THE MAYOR-AND-COUNCIL HYBRID
It is only in recent years that we have given definite names to types of city government. For lack of a more satisfactory nomenclature for the older types, I shall exercise the prerogative of christening. I should like to call the government in which the administrative branch is constituted by mayoralty nominations and councilmanic confirmations the mayor-and-council hybrid. I do this with respectful seriousness. It is a hybrid. It embodies neither the principle of an independent executive department nor of one responsible to the council. It may be that the
15 Laws of New York, 1857, ch. 446.
20 Only the counsel of the corporation and the comptroller remained subject to popular election.
21 Stats, of California, 1850, ch. 98. A similar type of government was provided for other cities of the state; chs. 20, 30, 46, 47, 60, 68.
22 Stats, of California, 1851, Act of April 15.
23 Stats, of California, 1855, ch. 251.
24 Stats, of California, 1856, ch. 125.
“ Stats, of California, 1866, p. 718.


1917] EVOLUTION OF TYPES OF CITY GOVERNMENT 25
system as found in our national and state governments is nothing more than an exception to the rule of the separation of legislative and executive powers. It is certain, however, that as applied in most cities the exception was at once more obvious and more important than the rule. And the reasons for this difference might be easily pointed out if there were time. In spite of the fact that this type of government survives in a number of cities to-day, and in spite of the fact that in exceptional instances it has been measurably successful, I do not hesitate to say that it is indefensible in theory and unsupported by an overwhelming weight of experience.
THE INDEPENDENT-DECENTRALIZED-EXECUTIVE TYPE
I should like to call the government in which numerous heads of administrative departments are made subject to popular election the independ-ent-decentralized-executive type. Wholly apart from the viewpoint of the voter with his absurdly long ballot, this type produced in operation many unhappy results. Harmonious co-operation in the work of the city was effected, if at all, only through the agency of political parties. The resulting alternative was either distressing lack of co-operation or government by the city boss. It was clearly founded upon the understandable principle of the separation of policy-determining and policyexecuting functions; but that principle is as bad as no principle if there is neither individual nor group responsibility which the electorate can locate.
THE INDEPENDENT-BOARD TYPE
Another type of government was introduced in a number of American cities with the advent of the board plan of departmental control. Where the members of these boards were elected by the voters of the city or, as in some cases, appointed by the governor or the legislature of the state, a strong tendency developed to vest in these boards independent or quasiindependent financial powers and a portion of the legislative power of the city. This wholly new kind of organization may doubtless be called the independent-board type of government. Both the council'and the mayor were stripped of all but their names, or were left at best with a pitiful remnant of power. The city was in fact governed by a number of commissions each independent of the other. A more extravagant and unworkable type of government could scarcely have been devised. There are numerous instances in which these popularly elected or state-appointed administrative boards survive in American cities with independent or quasi-independent powers over against the city government proper. I believe, however, that there is no city at the present time whose government as a whole may be said to be of this type.


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THE INDEPENDENT-CENTEALIZED-EXECUTIVE TYPE
In spite of the perseverance of our inherited love for checks and balances we have come at last to realize that the dangers resulting from an abuse of large political authority are perhaps after all not so great as the dangers of misgovernment that result from the diffusion of authority and a consequent concealment of responsibility. This important truth we learned from the book of bitter experience. We stumbled upon it in the course of our childish search for the automatic in government, for a type of government so organically perfect that once established it would operate itself without bothering us. It was doubtless with reckless disregard of this truth that Mr. Tweed introduced into the New York charter of 1870 28 the principle of an elected mayor endowed with power to appoint the heads of the ten administrative departments independent of any confirmation by the board of aldermen. This inaugurated a new type of city government in the United States—the independent-centralized-executive type. It was founded upon the principle of the separation of powers, but it was unique in that the administrative branch of the government was organized under the complete control of a single elected chief executive. I do not believe that this feature of the Tweed charter was to any considerable degree responsible for the scandalous corruption that followed almost immediately. However that may be, the charter was short-lived. In 1873 it was replaced by a charter in which the confirmatory power of the board of aldermen was restored.27
In 1880, however, this type of government was reintroduced in the city of Brooklyn.28 It proved almost immediately successful and four years later it was again adopted for New York.29 It has had and still has great vogue among the cities of New York state.30 It was introduced into Quincy, Massachusetts, in 1888, in Louisville in 1893, in New Haven and Meriden in 1897, in St. Paul, Duluth, and San Francisco in 1900, in Portland, Oregon, in 1903, in Denver in 1904, in all the cities of Indiana in 1905, in Kansas City, Missouri, in 1908, in St. Joseph, Missouri, in Boston, and in all the cities of Ohio in 1909.
THE BOABD OF ESTIMATE TYPE
The Tweed charter was responsible for the germ of another innovation which may perhaps be regarded as creating a distinctly new type of municipal organization. This was a board of estimate and apportion-
29 Laws of New York, 1870, chs. 137,383.
27 Laws of New York, 1873, oh. 335.
28 Laws of New York, 1880, oh. 377.
29 Laws of New York, 1884, ch. 43.
30 It was established in Buffalo in 1891 and in all the cities of the second class in 1898. Rochester retained this type of government when it was taken out of the second class in 1908.


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ment. The essence of such a board is that the lion’s share of the appropriating power of the city is vested in a group of administrative officials. Such boards are now found in New York city, in Rochester, in all the six second class cities and a few of the third class cities of New York, and in Baltimore. In every instance' they are constituted in major part of the mayor and a small number of important administrative officials.31 In consideration of the fact that wherever a board of estimate is found it invariably forms the most important feature of the government of the city, it may be that the few cities having such boards should be regarded as representative of a distinct type of organization. I say this in spite of the fact that such a board may, of course, be combined with more than one of the several types of government that I have referred to. In point of fact it has been introduced only in cities in which executive responsibility has been centered largely if not entirely in an elected mayor.
In all that I have said I am well aware that I have made no mention of those cities which have enjoyed the luxury of a government in which every conceivable method of constituting official relationships has been woven into a splendid chaos of disorganization and irresponsibility. Of these monstrosities of American institutional genius perhaps it were as well to say as little as possible. Fortunately their number has rapidly diminished in recent years, and the end is not yet.
THE COMMISSION AND CITY-MANAGER TYPES
In the entire evolution of municipal government in the United States there has been nothing so unprecedented as the rapid development within the last decade or so of our two most recent and somewhat related types of government, the so-called commission and city-manager types. The principles underlying these types of organization are so well known as to require no explanation. I would call your attention, however, to one point which seems to me to be of interest in connection with this historical sketch.
Both of these types of government in ultimate analysis represent an obvious return to something of our municipal beginnings—a return to the principle of concentrated power and responsibility for the entire government of the city in a single group. In respect to commission government this return is striking. However important to the success of this plan of government may be its usual accompanying features, I can-
31 In a number of Connecticut cities there is a board of finance with powers similar to those of boards of estimate. These boards of finance are composed of a small number of administrative officials, representatives from the city council, and citizen members. The Detroit board of estimate, an elected body, is in fact a sort of second chamber of the council in the matter of appropriations only. Mention should be made also in this connection of the few cities in which primary control over appropriations is vested in the mayor, as in Boston and in Denver before the establishment of commission government, or in a financial officer appointed by the mayor, as in the cities of Indiana.


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not regard them as vitally affecting the type of government. They are no more and no less essential to the success of commission government than they are to the success of any other type of organization in which responsibility for performance is fairly located. Stripped of these accessories, commission government is council government, the government of the colonial and post-Revolutionary city, with the single councilman as an administrator substituted for the administrative councilmanic committee, a government in which policy-determining and policy-executing functions are united in the same group.
In respect to the city-manager type, the return to our beginnings may not be so manifest at a glance; but I think it is none the less a reality. It is the council that is completely responsible for the character of the administration. It is true that the method of exercising this responsibility is somewhat new. The council is empowered to direct the manager or his subordinates only through the medium of ordinances. They can legislate but they cannot actively participate in the administration. On the other hand, they can remove the manager at will. In other words they must exercise their control over actual administration by acting upon the manager per se and not upon his individual acts. It is easy enough to write this arrangement into law, but the actual operation of the letter and spirit of that law will of necessity depend upon the degree of co-operation that is maintained between the council and the manager. So far as the scheme itself is concerned, I can readily conceive of a manager who, by reason of his dependence upon the council for the retention of his position, would allow himself to become little more than a chief clerk for a council which actually dominated and controlled the entire administrative operations of the city. Such a result might be a violation of the spirit of the law; it would not be a violation of its letter. Even with a manager of ability and independence and a council imbued with a desire of realizing the spirit of this type of government, I can conceive of the development of a degree of councilmanic control over actual administration through the medium of warnings in advance of dismissal. The truth of the matter is that you cannot write into law a precise division of function between two authorities where the tenure of one is absolutely at the mercy of the other. The authority in control of the tenure can always, if it chooses, control the discretion of its subordinate even within the written sphere of that subordinate.
I say this not in criticism of the city-manager plan of government. I consider it a type of government that has much to commend it. It has, indeed, so much of virtue in it that it seems to me unnecessary to ignore or gloss the facts about it. It does not of necessity involve a separation of policy-determining and policy-executing functions. It does not of necessity result in administration by experts. The degree of separation and the degree of expertness that result must be ascribed not to anything


1917] EVOLUTION OF TYPES OF CITY GOVERNMENT 29
that inheres in the form of government but to the practice under that form as it has developed under the compelling force of enlightened public opinion.
I do not wish to seem captiously legalistic; but there is certainly a difference between that which is law and that which is public opinion. From the viewpoint of the law, there is little that is new in the city-manager type of government. It is a return to the system of council-manic control. The only new feature is that the council must exercise that control through the agency of a single chief-subordinate instead of acting directly upon a number of subordinates. Under the New York charter of 1830 a city-manager plan of government might easily have been installed. When the Dayton charter of 1913 vested in a “governing body” known as a commission the power to “pass ordinances” and to appoint and remove a “city manager who shall be the administrative head of the municipal government,” there was no reason why a partisan or corrupt commission might not have dominated the entire administration through the choice of a manager wholly subservient to their designs.
It may be that neither the commission form nor the city-manager type of government is the last word in municipal organization in the United States. To my mind they are of less interest as types than as an expression of a manifest and compelling need, on the one hand, and the proof of a change of public mental attitude on the other. They express the need for simplicity in municipal organization. Democracy cannot function properly through a complicated organization which it cannot visualize and cannot comprehend. Pinning our faith to the catholicon of reorganization, we early began to emerge from simplicity in municipal organization. For more than half a century we reaped the reward that might have been expected from the complications we introduced. We are now in the era of a return to simplicity. It is a sign that is full of hope, whatever may be the specific type of government in which the movement finds expression.
I do not ignore the importance of governmental form in a democracy. But I am profoundly convinced that we have laid and are laying too great stress upon this matter of form. This or that type of government is of importance only to the extent that it lends itself to the smooth functioning of democratic control. We cannot assume that any organic form will give the people of a city a better government than they desire. The fundamental assumption of democracy is that the people actively and positively desire the best government possible. The machinery of government is of interest and importance only in the degree that it facilitates or obstructs the realization of this desire.
I am inclined to believe that had the commission or the city-manager type of government been established a generation or so ago it would have


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been a dismal failure. In an atmosphere of public indifference, of inactivity, of lack of heart or of interest, it would have lent itself admirably to the machinations of professional politicians and spoilsmen. We should hesitate to give to the genius of a designer credit that is in fact due to a new motive force—in this case to an awakened, vitalized, and actively operating public opinion. Unstinted laudation of the virtues of these types of government may be justified as a means for keeping public opinion upon its mettle; but is the danger not real that it may also result in convincing a busy and not too exacting people that here at last, after all the futile searching of the years, they have come upon their long-sought Eldorado—a super-government, a government so perfect in type that they can wind it up at periodical elections and, with supreme confidence in its ability to run itself, turn their attention to other things?


PUBLIC REGULATION OF WAGES, HOURS AND CONDITIONS OF LABOR OF THE EMPLOYES OF PUBLIC SERVICE CORPORATIONS1
IN JUNE, 1915, the Consumers’ League, through its secretary, Mrs. Florence Kelley, asked the National Municipal League to take up the questions of the eight-hour day and the minimum wage in connection with the granting of public utility franchises. Since the threatened strike on the railroads of the United States, followed by the enactment of the federal “eight-hour law,” and the actual strikes on the most important local transportation systems of New York city have brought this general subject into the limelight of public observation and have made its present consideration by the National Municipal League very timely.
That there are three parties to labor disputes in public utilities, namely, the employes, the employing corporations and the public for whom the service is necessary, has been generally recognized for some time, but in most cases quite inadequate measures have been taken to protect the public’s interest. While we may, perhaps, assume that the Consumers’ League has taken the question up in a philanthropic spirit, aiming chiefly to secure justice to the employes, the events of the past summer have laid the emphasis upon the rights of the public as against both employes and employers. It is generally assumed that the employing corporations can look out for their own interests, but if the whole subject is to be brought under definite and comprehensive public regulation, the interests of all three parties will have to be correlated and given just consideration. What are these interests?
First, as to the employes, their legitimate interests, without regard to excessive demands sometimes made by them, may be classified as follows:
a. To secure fair living wages reasonably corresponding with the difficulty and the responsibility of the work they perform.
b. To have their working day of a reasonable length, in consideration of the character of the work and the general labor standards of the corn-
submitted to the twenty-second annual meeting of the National Municipal League at Springfield, Mass., by the committee on franchises consisting of Dr. Delos F. Wilcox, chairman, New York; William M. Leiserson, Toledo; Robert Treat Paine, Boston; Horatio M. Pollock, Albany; Charles Richardson, Philadelphia; Clinton Rogers Woodruff, Philadelphia.
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32 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January
munity, and to have their hours of work as compact as the nature of their employment will permit.
c. To have the conditions surrounding their work so organized as to be consistent with the reasonable safety, health, comfort and self-respect of the workers.
d. To be assured of continuity of employment, appropriate advancement for efficiency and length of service and ultimate protection from want in case of sickness, injury or permanent disability.
These interests might be worked out in great detail, as they sometimes are in the statement of grievances presented by the men in times of controversy with their employers, but for the purposes of this discussion it is unnecessary to elaborate them further. It is a matter of importance, however, to note that the number of employes whose interests are being considered probably exceeds 700,000 if all local public utilities under private ownership are included. Street railways alone account for over 300,000, and telephones for fully 200,000 more.
Second, as to the employers, the public service corporations, it is clear that their ultimate interest is the financial one, although this may be translated through a process of enlightened selfishness to include other immediate interests which have the appearance of being more human and generous. But treating their ultimate interest as the controlling one, we may subdivide and classify its specific manifestations as follows:
a. To get the necessary service performed at the lowest possible labor cost by keeping wages down and by limiting the number of employes.
b. To have their property operated and cared for in such a way as to promote its efficiency, maintain its integrity and prolong its useful life as much as possible.
c. To have continuity of service maintained so as to insure continuity of revenues and the protection of their franchises.
d. To have their employes efficient in the collection of revenues and careful and honest about turning them in.
e. To have the service as efficient as possible within given limits of cost so as to earn for the companies the good will of the public and thus secure for them protection from competition and from adverse governmental acts.
This analysis of the companies’ interests must needs be qualified by the remark that wherever the motive for economy has been killed or crippled some of these interests cease to play any important part. This result may be in part effected by a cost-of-service franchise such as the Cleveland street railway settlement, under which economies in operation are automatically absorbed, within certain general limits, by a reduction in fares; or by a municipal subsidy-and-guaranty policy such as that which characterizes the new rapid transit contracts in New York city; or by a plan giving the city all of the net earnings above a fixed percentage, as in the case of the New York electrical subway contracts; or by the plan of frequent rate reductions upon the basis of allowing the companies a


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fixed fair return upon their investment and no more; or by the plan suggested in connection with the federal “eight-hour law” and with the settlement of the original New York trolley strike, namely, of permitting an increase of rates to absorb any increase in labor costs; or even by the sliding-scale plan of adjusting rates, as in the case of the Boston gas company, as soon as the rate of dividends allowed has become high enough to excite public envy and threaten, if it goes any higher, to bring about a readjustment of the plan on a lower dividend base. The economic motive is the mainspring of private operation. For its sake the dominant public opinion of the country has been willing to forego the benefits of municipal ownership. But this motive is a very troublesome factor in the public utility problem. It is an elemental force.
Third, as to the public, its interests are numerous and intense, and now are claiming to be in certain important respects preponderant. We may analyze them as follows:
a. To have continuity of service.
b. To have safety both in connection with the general use of the streets and in connection with the use of the service offered by public utilities.
c. To have public utility employes intelligent, efficient and courteous in order that the service may be good.
d. To have the labor cost of the service kept as low as possible and to have all the legitimate revenues of the utility collected without favoritism and accounted for without fraud in order that the prosperity of the company may lead to better service, lower rates or the sharing of the profits for the reduction of general taxation.
e. To have the public utility plants maintained in a high state of efficiency so that they will be able to respond to the constantly increasing demands of service and, in case of acquisition by the city, not have to be sent to the scrap heap.
f. To have the men and women engaged in the operation of utilities treated according to the best standards of public employment, as being semi-public employes engaged in rendering a necessary public service.
We must consider not only the relative importance of the various divergent or conflicting interests, but also the means which lie in the hands of the several parties to protect themselves. The outstanding fact is that continuity is a fundamental interest of all three parties—for the employes, continuity of employment; for the companies, continuity of earnings; for the public, continuity of service. Continuity is life, and what will a man not give in exchange for his fife? Yet it is well known that even life is sometimes sacrificed, because, without liberty, life itself may cease to be worth while. And so in this business, though all three parties have a primary and fundamental interest in continuity, they sometimes find that mere existence is not worth while; the employes must have living conditions and a living wage; the companies, a living income; and the public a let-live rate. It is in the conflict of these necessities that continuity is sometimes given up, though it is the very fife of the business
3


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to everybody concerned. Right here we get to the crux of the whole problem. More and more, continuity of service is coming to be of predominant importance to the public, something that it can afford to pay for by a sacrifice of its interest in a low rate. Public utility rates are generally determined with some relation to the cost of service, and in most cases are far below the value of the service to the people who get it. Therefore, if the cost of service is necessarily increased, the public can generally afford to “foot the bill,” if this is necessary to preserve to the two other parties the living wage and the living income, those essentials without which their life is not worth while and they are tempted to resort to the fatal interruption of continuity. But all three parties are likely to be contumacious in financial matters, and the employes in regard to conditions of work as well. The men may demand too much; the companies keep too much; or the public refuse to pay enough.
We must now consider the means which the several parties have of protecting their respective interests. The employes individually may complain to the employers of the wages paid them or of the treatment they receive; they may even quit their jobs if they are dissatisfied. But long ago it became apparent that the individual employe bargaining with the great corporation for himself alone is in a hopelessly weak position. And so in public utilities, as in other industries, the employes learned that in union there is strength, and organization for collective bargaining has become their chief means of protecting their interests. Collective bargaining cannot be effective without the ultimate sanction of power to enforce its demands. And that power depends ultimately either upon the strike, which involves an enormous self-sacrifice, or upon an appeal to an authority superior to both parties, namely, the government. The strike is a dangerous weapon, but a direct one, and one that is within the control of the employes themselves. The interruption of service is effective as against the employers, not only because it stops their revenues, but also because it endangers their franchises, under which they have contracted with the public to render continuous service. The strike may also be effective because the temporary interruption of service causes enormous public inconvenience and may thus bring to the assistance of the strikers the pressure of an insistent public demand for the restoration of service. On the other hand, the appeal to the higher authority, without resort to the strike, is weak and generally ineffective if it "must take the slow and roundabout method of political agitation. It is the very core of our present problem, so far as the employes are concerned, to work out a method of appeal to public authority that will be effective without the strike.
The employers, in the case of public utilities, are in a peculiar position so far as the means available for the protection of their interests are concerned. Their position as compared with that of employers in competitive, unprivileged enterprises, has some elements of special strength and


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some elements of special weakness. On the one hand, as local monopolists they are in control of the opportunities of employment in their particular line in their particular community; they have the jobs to give. Also, as employers, they have the power of discipline and discharge, and the initial power of fixing wages, hours and conditions of employment, and as monopoly employers they can exercise these powers with greater freedom than other employers, who are subject to competitive influences. On the other hand, public utility employers are often subject to limitations of rates fixed by contract for long periods of years, and if not, then to rate regulation under the police power of the state. Very often, therefore, they cannot pass on to the consumer an increase in the cost of labor. Moreover, under their contracts with the government, they are usually bound to give continuous service on pain of the forfeiture of their franchises. Shutting down their plants can never be a blessing to them, unless they are prepared to go out of business entirely. Thus, they cannot oppose the lockout to the strike. But the obvious public necessity of the services they render and the enormous political and social influence they enjoy through the concentrated control of immense investments and revenues give them a prestige with legislative bodies and general administrative officials, and even with courts and commissions, that cannot easily be overcome even by the most powerful union of employes.
The public also has certain means available for the protection of its peculiar interests, but these means are for practical purposes solely political. The rage of individual consumers over excessive rates or bad service beats in vain against public service corporations, for in spite of their rages the consumers have to come back to “the same old stand” to do their business. It is only through an appeal to the government for action by the control of public utility franchises and by the exercise of the regulatory powers of the state, that the consuming public can get protection. All other means are generally futile. In most instances, individual bargaining on the part of a consumer is even more impotent than on the part of an employe.
This discussion of the special interests of the three respective parties and of the special means available to each of them for the protection of these interests would leave us helpless in a welter of conflicting forces and an anarchy of practical results, if it were not for the fact that above the employes, above the corporations and even above the consuming public, stands the higher power of the community, which includes all three parties and which has a powerful interest in harmonizing as far as possible, and in compromising where harmony is out of the question, the subordinate individual interests of the three parties. Above all the community is interested in seeing that justice is done. Therefore, we may combine in our further discussion the several more or less divergent movements that have for their aggregate purpose to see not only that the employes, em-


36 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January
ployers and consumers get their just rights but also that they perform their just duties.
We have considered certain specific questions and have reached a general agreement as to the answers that should be given to them. These several questions will be now taken up in turn.
Question 1. Is the public interest in the continuous operation of any or all public utilities sufficient to warrant the adoption of legal measures to prevent strikes?
Our answer to this question is an emphatic affirmative. We recognize that thus far the danger of the interruption of service is greatest in the case of transit, and, therefore, that the need of measures to prevent strikes is more pressing here than in other utilities. Indeed, the nature of the service and the dependence of the service upon the continuous co-operation of large numbers of trained employes, put transit and telephone communication in the forefront of local public utilities so far as the peril of interruption by reason of strikes is concerned. Our agreement that legal measures should be taken for the prevention of strikes does not mean, however, that these- measures should in the first instance include the absolute prohibition of the strike. We are inclined to think that until effective substitute measures for the adjustment of the grievances of public utility employes have been worked out and tested, it would be unfair and impracticable to deprive the employes absolutely of the right to use their ultimate weapon of self-defense.
Question 2. If the right of public service employes to strike is curtailed, or denied altogether, then shall public guaranties be given that their legitimate interests will be protected?
Again, our answer is an emphatic affirmative. The proposal to limit or deny the right to strike has its basis in the recognition of the public character of the business, the same fact that justifies the regulation of rates and services. As the theory of rate regulation necessarily involves a recognition of monopoly and a partial or complete protection against competition, so the limitation of the right to strike necessarily involves the protection of the employes against those evils for which the strike has heretofore been the ultimate remedy. In so far as we deny to the public utility employes as a class the right to use their most effective means of self-protection, we must unquestionably provide an effective substitute. But this goes only to the protection and furtherance of legitimate rights. It does not mean that the employes shall be guaranteed means of aggression by which they can disturb the just balance of interests among the three parties and get more than they are entitled to.
Question 3. If the state curtails the use of the strike and assumes the protection of the interests of the employes, in what particular respects must control of their relations with their employers be assumed?


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Speaking broadly, we may describe the vital interests of the employes for the protection of which the strike is now the ultimate weapon, as wages, hours of labor and conditions of work. In “conditions of work” we include not only provisions for physical safety and comfort, but also the rules relating to performance of duties, discipline, discharge and the hearing of grievances.
Question 4â–  By what general method is public control of the relations between public utility employes and their employers to be established?
Three methods suggest themselves as possible: (a) the inclusion of the necessary provisions in franchise contracts, as suggested by the consumers’ league; (b) the general regulation of all these matters from time to time by statute or ordinance, and (c) the fixing of standards by regulating commissions or tribunals.
The franchise method is obviously subject to at least three very grave limitations. In the first place, franchises have already been granted for most of the utilities either in perpetuity, or for an indefinite period or for a long term of years. While it is true that at almost all times some important franchises are under consideration somewhere in the country, their aggregate effect, even in the course of twenty or thirty years, covers only a fractional portion of the utilities in which we are concerned. In the second place, a long-term contract is an unsuitable means for the specific regulation of wages and conditions of employment, which are properly subject to change from time to time. In the third place, a franchise is a contract between the community and the employers. The employes are not a party to it, and their relations with the employers can be controlled by franchise only indirectly and through the public’s control over one of the two parties to the labor agreements. In spite of these serious limitations upon the general usefulness of the franchise method, we are of the opinion that in cities where important franchises do come up for renewal, especially where the cities desire to share in the profits of the undertaking, or to provide for ultimate municipal ownership, the relations between employers and employes ought to be taken care of by the establishment of certain general standards, and more particularly by the establishment of a definite procedure for the settlement of disputes as they arise. We do not think that specific wages should be established by franchise contract; certainly not unless they are made subject to revision at frequent intervals. The peculiar conditions affecting the hours of labor on street railways arising out of the existence of two peak loads of traffic which cannot both be included within a consecutive period of less than twelve or thirteen hours, makes it difficult to establish the same rule as to hours for the employes of all classes of utilities. But as a franchise deals with a single utility and as the hours of labor are much less subject to necessary change than wages and conditions of employment,


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there is no serious objection to the fixing of maximum hours of work in the franchise itself. The type of franchise provision in regard to hours and wages to which we would be inclined to give our approval is illustrated by a section contained in the Minneapolis gas franchise of 1910, which reads as follows:
No person employed by the company, in manual labor, shall hereafter be required or permitted by it to labor more hours in any calendar day, than shall be required or permitted by law upon work done under any contract, involving the employment of labor, made by or on behalf of the state of Minnesota. And all laborers employed by the company shall hereafter receive wages which shall be just and reasonable, and not less than shall be customarily paid for labor of like character, and requiring like skill or experience.
Another illustration of a type of labor provision suitable for a franchise contract is the clause in the new Kansas City street railway settlement franchise adopted in 1914, which provides that “in the employment of its employes and servants, the company shall not discriminate either in favor of or against any person because of his or her affiliations with any labor organization.” The typical provisions just quoted are clearly designed to protect the employes, but have no direct bearing upon the protection of the public against strikes except as they tend to prevent the development of certain grievances which frequently cause strikes. More important for this purpose would be the inclusion of a provision, of which no actual illustration has come to our attention, establishing a definite procedure for the settlement of disputes between the company and its employes. This might merely provide that under given circumstances the company should act or offer to act in a prescribed manner calculated to lead to a peaceful settlement of disputes, or it might even go to the extent of prescribing the form of contract to be entered into between the company and it's individual employes, by which the latter, in accepting employment, would be bound to accept and abide by the terms of the franchise relating to the settlement of disputes. We are of the opinion that provisions affecting the physical conditions of work, such as the requirement of enclosed vestibules for motormen, may properly be included in franchise contracts in so far as they relate to matters which are not subject to frequent change.
We favor the use of general laws and ordinances to establish standard conditions of employment where franchise provisions do not exist or are not applicable, and particularly to establish modes of procedure for the settlement of disputes and the limitation of the right to strike. We do not favor the appeal to legislative bodies to settle disputes directly, without full investigation, by the passage of laws fixing wages, hours or conditions of employment in a given utility or class of utilities. Legislation, especially state statutes, should be very general in character. It is


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permissible for municipal ordinances to deal with details more specifically, as such ordinances apply to a single community and are adopted by legislative bodies to which the facts are relatively accessible. Indeed, in cities like Seattle and Los Angeles, where a utility department or board is maintained, one of whose functions is to draft and recommend regulatory ordinances, these may properly be both specific and detailed, though even in such cases they should concern themselves with the establishment of general rules, the application of which should be left to administrative officials.
We believe that wherever well-equipped public service commissions exist, the duty of establishing detailed standards and rules relative to the relations of the public service corporations and their employes may properly be imposed upon such commissions. This is quite apart from the settlement of particular disputes and the fixing of specific wages, hours and conditions of employment in particular cases, as to which we shall speak later on.
In brief, so long as the control of public utilities continues to be effected by different methods in different states and cities, we are of the opinion that the 'control of the relations between the utilities and their employes may properly be effected by the same methods. Thus, franchises, state laws and local ordinances and the orders of regulatory commissions may all be made use of for this purpose at different times, and in different places, according to the circumstances and the inherent possibilities of each case.
Question 5. If the ultimate protection of the employes of public utilities is to be assumed by the community, what particular means ought to be adopted for dealing with them? Should the unions, with the right to strike curtailed, be continued as the most advantageous means of getting the grievances and demands of the employes formulated and presented to the employers, and when necessary, to the public authorities on appeal?
In our opinion, the advantages of collective bargaining to all parties concerned are so great and so obvious that at the very least no public action should be taken to discourage the organization of the employes of public utilities for all legitimate purposes. We take this position fully recognizing the fact that the assumption by the community of' the protection of the employes, like the regulation of rates and service, is a step in the direction of ultimate public ownership, and that any methods of settling labor disputes established with public approval under private ownership will be likely to be carried over into the public service if at a later time the community undertakes municipal operation. We believe that from the point of view of the public itself, the best results can be obtained when intelligent representatives speak for a group or union, rather than leave every individual employe to speak for himself. This


40 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January
will probably hold good even where complete municipal operation obtains.
Question 6. Shall the ultimate adjustment of specific difficulties between public service employes and their employers be referred to a tribunal established for the adjustment of similar questions between employes and employers generally, or to special tribunals improvised in each particular case, or directly to the public service commission or other regularly constituted authority, as such difficulties arise from time to time?
W e have more serious doubt as to the correct answer to this question than as to any of the preceding ones. The Cleveland street railway franchise and the latest New York rapid transit contracts provide for the settlement of disputes between the city and the company by reference to an arbitration tribunal to be established specially on each particular occasion. The efficacy of this plan has not been fully tested as yet, and moreover it does not form an exact precedent for compulsory arbitration between employers and employes. Permanent general tribunals for arbitration and conciliation, even if given authority to reach definite and binding decisions, have to deal for the most part with situations not quite analagous to those which prevail in connection with public utilities. It might readily happen that the reduction of rates by one tribunal and the raising of wages by another would subject a public service corporation to a ruinous squeezing between the upper and the nether millstones. On account of the intimate interdependence of rate regulation and wage regulation in the case of public utilities, a great deal can be said in favor of giving both functions to the same body. The advantages of this policy are emphasized when we reflect upon the fact that the performance of the wage-regulating function as well as the establishment of the hours of labor and the conditions of labor, requires the collection of data and statistics based upon continuous observation. For the collection of the facts the public service commissions are already fairly well equipped. For the reasons given, we are of the opinion that experimentally the power to fix wages and to settle disputes between public service corporations and their employes should be conferred by law upon the public service commissions, in terms calculated to secure promptness in the rendering of decisions and finality for definite though comparatively short periods of time.2
2 A very interesting memorandum was addressed by the National Consumers’ League to the joint legislative committee investigating the New York public service commissions on “The need of legislation empowering commissions to regulate hours of work and wages of employes of public utilities companies.” It was prepared by Pauline Goldmark and Samuel J. Rosensohn.


THE CITY SECRETARY’S OFFICE OF FRANKFURT-ON-THE-MAIN
BY MARTIN H. DODGE Columbia University
A HIGH official in American city government recently said: “After all there is no genius in German city government. It is different to be sure, and interestingly so for the American student; but beyond this it is only an historic growth, encompassed by ubiquitous German system, applicable only to German conditions, and without a solution for American municipal ills.” Such an opinion comes somewhat as a shock to the ardent city reformer of this country, who has seen in German municipal efficiency the incarnation of all the virtues of municipal administration. It has been generally believed that American cities have much to gain from German experience. But wherein the gain consists is a question which demands closer scrutiny of details and comparison of conditions than reformers have generally felt themselves obliged to consider.
An interesting example of German municipal administration is found in the department known as the Stadtkanzlei, or city secretary’s office, of Frankfurt-on-the-Main. Although this department, in one form or another, is common to the governments of French and English cities, it is rare in Germany and practically unknown in the United States. From the American point of view, in fact, it stands as a novel device of municipal organization. It is Frankfurt’s “private secretary.” It opens the government’s mail, writes its letters, receives its visitors, oversees its employes, checks official inconsistencies, and supplies the qualifying adjectives as well as many of the data for official utterances. In short, the city secretary’s office is at once the agent, the clerk, and the critic of the city administration.
To carry out its functions it is divided into seven bureaus and employs about 85 men. This somewhat extensive organization, however, is a matter of recent development. The office began its history in 1869, without special organization, employing less than a dozen men. The actual work was in charge of a director who was responsible to the mayor. The functions were simple, involving for the most part the care of the communications and accruing documents of the administrative board or magistrat and the mayor.
The development of the office came with the growth of the city. In the thirty years following 1869, Frankfurt’s population increased by more
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than 300 per cent (from 90,000 to 280,000). Its administrative problems increased accordingly, and by 1900 the enlarged demand upon the secretary’s office had crystallized this branch of the administration into a well organized department of four bureaus: Civil service and secretarial, clerical, accounting, and registration and correspondence. By 1904 further demands made it necessary to add two more bureaus: magistrate writing room, and messenger service. Two years later the seventh and final division was created—the book and document binding bureau.
As the names of these various bureaus suggest, the work of the office during these years of development became identified with the essential elements of a German city administration—that is, with the complicated features of administrative routine. In this capacity the city secretary’s office performs three functions, which will be considered in turn.
CLEARING HOUSE FOR ROUTINE
The first and most striking function that the office performs is to act as a great clearing house for intra-governmental routine. Ordinary clerical operations, which in most cities are carried out separately in the various governmental departments, are in Frankfurt centralized in the city secretary’s office. Specifically under this head comes the handling of government mail. Every parcel of government mail of whatever nature is delivered first of all to the city secretary’s office and is received by the bureau of messenger service. That part of; it which is expressly addressed to a particular department is immediately delivered by the messenger service to that department. All other mail is turned over to the registration and correspondence bureau, which opens and classifies it, and with the aid of messenger service, delivers that part of it about which there is no question as to appropriate destination. The remainder (about 50 per cent of all mail) is turned over to the city secretary himself who answers about half of it on his own authority and refers the remainder to the mayor, or through the mayor, to the magistrat.
In a similar manner the city secretary’s office disposes of all official documents. Legislative proposals, amendments, departmental reports, and all other official papers which naturally come to the magistrat, as the most important arm of the city government, are sent first of all to the city secretary. It is his personal duty to examine them as to form and substance, make necessary corrections, and set them up as the “orders of the day” for the magistrat’s meeting.
Further, under the “clearing house” function may be cited the work of the magistrat’s writing room. The writing room is a central office to which all city departments go for official letter writing and multiple printing of circular letters and notices. Although not the most important bureau of the department, it employs twice as many men as any other, having a force of forty employes including a director and two assistants,


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a clerk of the bureau, four lithographers, and thirty-two typists. The administrative procedure followed by the writing room is so typical of that of the whole department that it is perhaps worthy of somewhat detailed description.
In the first place, whenever a department wants a letter written it sends a copy of the same either in long hand or shorthand to the writing room. Here it is stamped to show the exact time at which it was received. Next it is entered in a book of record called the Kontrolle, and the following data are recorded: date of receipt, department for which work is to be done, number of pieces, short description of contents, and name of typist to whom the draft is now submitted for writing. Upon finishing the work the typist signs his name to the draft and submits the original and the finished copies to one of the two assistants to the director, whose business it is to inspect the finished work. If he finds it satisfactory, he signs his initials at the bottom of the original draft and then records these further data in the Kontrolle: The time at which the material was returned by the typist, number of half sheets written or time consumed for the work and the proofreading, and any remarks that are necessary. The finished work is then sent on through the messenger service to the department for which it has been done.
This is the procedure for writing single letters. For multiple printing and lithographic work it is much the same. The form of the work, in all but special cases, is determined by ordinance specifications. Payment is made monthly to the city secretary’s office by the various departments, and the prices for different kinds of work are likewise determined by ordinance.
From the standpoint of efficiency of the service, the work of every employe is carefully guarded and measured. This is accomplished largely through a system of reports. The typist who receives a piece of work must record in a special report folder or “assignment book” the following facts: time at which he receives the matter, department for which he writes, identification number of the letter or document, time at which he returns it to the inspector, and number of half sheets written or the time consumed. In addition to these items there must also be recorded a certification by another clerk as to the correctness of the statement. At the end of each week these facts must be summarized in a report in accordance with the specifications of the city ordinance. This report becomes the first basis for the measurement of work. A week’s work for the employe consists of five and four-fifths days, and each day the typist is supposed to deliver thirty-two half sheets of completed work. If he delivers more than this amount he is awarded extra pay; if less, he is reprimanded or perhaps dismissed. In either case it is essential that the exact amount be recorded. In case the employe’s work is such that it can be measured only by time, as is true of much of the lithographers’


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work, then the employe must fill out a special blank which includes an equation method of transforming time into half sheets.
At the end of every month the facts of the weekly reports are summarized into a monthly report, the relevant facts of which are in turn transferred to a general statement for the entire bureau. It is upon the basis of this last statement, drawn up in accordance with an ordinance classification, that salaries are paid. Before this statement is sent to the finance department, however, all employes to whom money is due are required to sign their names opposite the amounts accorded to them. The statement is then recorded by the accounting bureau of the city secretary’s office and from there sent to the finance department where it is recorded in a similar manner. Finally, when the finance department is ready to make payment, one clerk from the writing room is sent to the department. He signs a certificate for the receipt of all moneys and then delivers to each employe the amount which is due him. So much for the administrative procedure of the writing room.
It is natural that the department which handles official documents and correspondence should be occupied also in preserving these materials. The office, through its document and bookbinding bureau, for instance, puts into permanent form the copies or the originals of correspondence, minor reports of committees, and stenographic or typewritten memoranda of all official conversations and interviews. This branch of the service employs fourteen book and document binders. The civil service and secretarial bureau, employing six men, administers the magistrat’s special library of documents and reports, as well as the circulating library of books of governmental and local interest. It is the custodian of the official “book of ordinances” (Burgerbuch), and a book of record for all resolutions and actions of the magistrat’s deputations and commissions. It also gathers and files for reference copies of speeches, magazine articles, and newspaper clippings on matters of particular governmental interest.
Finally, in connection with the clearing house function, the city secretary himself acts as the official recording secretary at magistrat meetings. In this capacity he becomes a confidential and authoritative center of information on all magistrat business. The secretary or one of his assistants acts likewise as the recording secretary at the meetings of the numerous magistrat commissions. Besides this work the office performs important administrative duties for all special committees on celebrations and municipal entertainments, the insurance commission, the general commission on charity and aid institutions, the art museum commission and the commission on the historical development of the city.
CIVIL SERVICE FUNCTIONS
The second general group of duties performed by the city secretary’s office may be summed up under the head of “civil service functions.”


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Frankfurt’s civil service is regulated by both state laws and municipal ordinances. A commission on civil service examinations and another on courses of study for employes are appointed by the magistral But beyond such duties as the actual hearing and passing upon the examination and the teaching of the courses offered, the city secretary’s office performs all the routine work involved. It receives and answers inquiries concerning positions and employment, furnishes the somewhat elaborate blanks which are required to be filled out by applicants, examines these blanks on their return, accepts or rejects them as they measure up to requirements, and then arranges with the applicants for the time and place of their examination. In the examination itself the office has charge of similar routine duties, leaving no more work to the examination commission than is necessary to the exercise of its judgment as to the fitness of the candidates. But it should be added that the director of the civil service and secretarial bureau is also one of the five members who constitute the examination commission referred to above. Consequently the city secretary’s office is represented on the side of policy as well as that of administration of the civil service.
Following the acceptance of the candidates into the government service, the city secretary’s office enters into further relations with them. The secretary himself, for instance, acts as the general supervisor of the entire civil service. By this it is not meant that he has power to interfere directly with the work of any department over the head of its chief; but rather that he is an efficiency expert whose business it is to establish and maintain an esprit de corps and a high order of service throughout the organization. In accordance with this object the secretary keeps in touch with the general standard of service as well as the work of the individual employe through the efficiency and service records already referred to. He also maintains an effective co-ordination of the whole through the shifting of clerks and office employes according to the changing needs of the different departments. This method of transfer tends to eliminate the stress and waste of seasonal variations of work and establishes an equilibrium of service.
The secretary, through the different bureaus of his department, is also responsible for the following civil service functions: furnishing of necessary information upon which grades of compensation are established, securing proper publicity for the classifications determined upon, verification of the employment budget and city payrolls, and administration of accident and sickness insurance funds for city employes as well as widow and orphan moneys. Since insurance is such an essential factor in the life of the German citizen, this last operation constitutes an important service of the secretary’s office.


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EDITORIAL WORK AND DRAFTING
The third, and from the standpoint of governmental policy, the most important function of the city secretary’s office is editorial work and legislative drafting. It was pointed out above that all government mail passes through the central office and that the secretary himself answers about one fourth of it and exercises some discretion in disposing of the remainder. This is an incidental authority, but it is none the less important; it is likewise exercised in the matter of official documents. The government is scrupulously careful about the form of its official utterances and communications, and the advantage for this purpose of having a central expert under whose inspection all such matters come is obvious. The gain is equally clear of having a central figure whose relation to the entire legislative and administrative activities of the city is such as to constitute him a competent critic of ill and well-advised proposals. The practical effect of his activity is seen in the fact that less than six per cent of the legislative proposals that reach the magistrat are rejected by that body.
An examination of incoming documents shows that on an average 60 per cent of such matters are reports from the city department and other reports from committees and citizens sent in at the request of the magistrat. These reports are made out on forms furnished by the secretary’s office or provided by the department itself. The city secretary, in transmitting them to the magistrat, does not alter their substance; he sees to it, however, that they are in proper form and classifies them to facilitate logical consideration. The remaining 40 per cent of the documents are matters of initiative and original suggestion, and as such require more careful attention. About one fourth of these are not acted upon by the magistrat at once but are made subjects of research and investigation by the secretary’s office, or through this office, by technical experts, as the case may require.
As stated above, the secretary or one of his assistants acts as the recording secretary at magistrat-commission meetings. In this capacity the office writes up the minutes of such meetings and thus furnishes much of the material which constitutes the reports of these bodies. It performs similar functions for the Stadt-Bibliothek and the Stadi-Archiv, the two other departments, besides the secretary’s office itself, which are directly under the mayor’s supervision; it writes all reports and recommendations of the commissions on aid and charity institutions and on hospitals; and lastly, it puts into final form for the consideration of the magistrat, the annual budget proposals of the finance department and all reports pertaining thereto.
These operations of the city secretary’s office relate to documents coming to the magistrat from outside sources. But a similar practice is followed in regard to those issuing from the magistrat. As is true of the incoming material, much of that which goes out is also of a routine nature and concerned with frequently recurring matters. To facilitate the


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handling of such affairs, printed forms, known as Akten or Protokolle, are provided. These are filled out by the secretary’s office and sent to their proper destination in accordance with directions from the magistrat. For some matters the forms are very complete, requiring the addition of only a few words; for others, they consist merely of an outline. Among the items for which they are used, the most common are formal announcements from the magistrat to the city council and notifications to individuals concerning election to office, appointments, pensions, and contracts.
Work requiring somewhat more initiative and discretion on the part of the secretary’s office is that of investigation and research on legislative proposals coming from the magistrat or from individual magistrat members. In this connection the secretary, assisted by three officials from the civil service and secretarial and the clerical bureaus, prepares briefs, and signs the resolutions of the magistrat and magistrat-committees, and drafts the magistrat’s reports, communications and statements.
Besides the actual work of composition, this involves ultimately the editorship of four publications. The first of these is the report of the magistrat to the city council. This report is concerned with the immediate affairs of government about which the magistrat thinks the council must or ought to be informed. It is issued whenever such matters arise, which experience shows to be about six times a month. The nature of the reports varies. Sometimes they are mere reproductions of ordinances passed by the magistrat; at other times they are paraphrased accounts given by the secretary on the magistrat’s procedure on a certain point. Sometimes they constitute pamphlets of twenty or thirty pages; at others they are only single sheets of one hundred words or less.
THE “ANZEIGE-BLATT”
The second publication edited by the city secretary’s office is the Anzeige-Blatt, a semi-weekly official announcement by the government to the people. It is concerned with those matters about which the magistrat decides there should be publicity. A copy taken at random, for instance, includes on the first page a notice to merchants and another to manufacturers requesting the proper observance of the occasion of the Kaiser’s expected visit. On the remaining dozen pages of the bulletin are found such matters as announcements of births, deaths, marriages, and engagements, notices from the magistrat and several of the city departments on matters relating to streets, municipal rooming and apartment houses, the city pawnshop, and the Romer Rathaus.
The third and fourth publications edited by the secretary’s office are, respectively, the annual report of the magistrat to the city council (Jahresbericht), and the official book of ordinances (Burgerbuch). The former is a comprehensive volume of some 450 large-sized pages, presenting a careful review of the entire activity of the government for the year. It is compiled from detail reports from the various departments, bureaus


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and commissions, with a general introduction by the mayor. The latter is a compilation of all the laws and ordinances governing the city, which are subject to constant change and are published in book form annually or biennially. The complete revised copy constitutes a book of 975 pages.
The three general functions which have been sketched above are obviously of sufficient importance to bring the city secretary’s office into considerable prominence in city affairs. It remains to speak of one further activity which illustrates its unique and pivotal position. The city secretary’s office stands literally at the door of the city government; it is the administration’s “outer office.” If a visitor or citizen wishes to interview the authorities of Frankfurt he is directed first of all to the city secretary’s office. And frequently he need go no further. If, however, the functionaries of this office cannot satisfy his needs, he is then escorted by one of the secretary’s city messengers to a more appropriate authority. At all events, the city secretary holds the keys to the offices of his fellow officials, including even that of the mayor. It seems, however, that his responsibility is such as to prevent any despotic use of the power involved. In the position of official “hand-shaker” for the city government, he stands as a man of business ability, of tact, and of allknowledge on city affairs; the city secretary is probably better acquainted with the details of Frankfurt’s administration than any other city official, not excluding the mayor.
In conclusion, it seems obvious that the hand of genius is not apparent in the city secretary’s office. The department is unique and interesting. But it is not the deliberate invention of an all-seeing mind. Its present organization is not based on theory; it is the natural outgrowth of the exigencies of operation and management. The office has seven bureaus but it performs only three general functions. It is an example of extreme centralization of activities generally administered by separate departments. But its success, for it is admittedly successful, and the lesson of German municipal government which it has to offer, lies neither in its organization nor its functions, but in its operation. The illustration from the magistrat’s writing room is sufficient to show the nature of its operation. Every detail of work is standardized that can be standardized. The administration becomes habitual and runs of itself. The energies of the directing staff are expended in inventing new methods of standardizing new duties. Though such a system does not preclude progress, it does not on the other hand encourage the initiative of the employe. It has been a success in Frankfurt; but that it might be a success in this country depends upon whether or not the character of the American rank and file can be reduced to the necessary calibre of the martinet. It is a splendid illustration of German method, German precision, German detail. Most Americans would regard with question a fabric woven so largely of red tape.


MUNICIPAL RECREATION—A REVIEW OF RECENT LITERATURE
BT GEORGE A. BELLAMY1
Cleveland, Ohio
THAT recreation is grasping the minds of the thinkers is shown by the number of surveys being made throughout the country by recreation associations, private organizations, boards of commerce, etc. Gradually there is dawning the realization that “recreation is stronger than vice and recreation alone can stifle the lust for it. ”
And now comes the survey “ Education through Recreation, ” 1 2 * 4 a section of Cleveland’s school survey, with the statement that play is nature’s method of growth while recreation is the relief from exertion in some other line of activity. Play is more than the striking of a balance, but its educational value has not been utilized beyond the kindergarten because we did not know how to relate the play of children to the subject matter of the schools. Play has been defined as the rehearsal of the interests and activities of our ancestors, the records of which form the subject matter of the schools. Consequently play forms the logical approach to what the schools have to teach.
The schools occupy the largest field of municipal recreation. Important facts regarding its weaknesses and accomplishments are brought out in this survey. Physical equipment and supervision for recreation were found to feature more prominently in the Cleveland school system than is usual elsewhere, but these features might be still further developed if the recesses were to be supervised and organized, if the rest periods assigned in the first five grades were to be taken out of doors, and if the apparatus were to have year-round usage. Athletic tests for boys are substituted in the elementary grades for inter-class and inter-scholastic games. Under present city conditions, athletic games are the only means of supplying an element of personal competition and of sudden crises which must be met by the supremest effort, physical and mental. It is considered most important that teams and games be organized in the elementary schools since it is at exactly that age that hardy games should begin and no other agency exists capable of doing what needs to be done at this time. Similarly the importance of group games for elementary school girls cannot be over emphasized, for girls with adequate opportu-
1 Chairman of the public recreation committee, chamber of commerce.
1 “Education through Recreation,” by George E. Johnson, Cleveland foundation,
Cleveland, O. 25 cents.
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nity come quite as readily under the moral and social influence of group games as do the boys. The Cleveland girl at this age fares no better than her brother. Play interests are the prototypes of achievements in adult life and educational work to-day. They have the same origin as those interests which determined the supremacy of the race and are fundamentally related to physical vigor. Baseball is social as well as physical and should be played on well organized elementary school teams. Rooting should give way to playing. Cleveland high schools do better by both the girls and boys than the elementary schools but some agency is needed to see that all children of ten and over have the opportunity for the right exercise of their social instincts, incidentally pre-empting the gang instinct in the constructive channels of creation, nurture and the other fundamental instincts, for the gang and the street do not wait for the high school age. The school is the only institution which reaches practically every child, and this responsibility falls naturally upon its shoulders. Competitive games and dramatic play, at present too little used, are suggested as an antidote for the street and the movies. The orchestra is cited as one of the easiest types of social activity for a school, both in organization and maintenance. Its special value lies in the complete co-operation demanded and in the subordination of self to the whole. There should be ample scope for the exercise of constructive interests. Children like to make things, for children, like primitive man, follow lines of human action by instinct long before they follow them as conscious work. Always in the history of the race play preceded work, supplying an interest by appealing to the emotions. It is the problem of play in education as the forerunner of work to find the basis for this emotional background in educational activities.
The survey recommends for every city of Cleveland’s size, problems and opportunities:
(a) A supervisor of play and recreation on the same basis as the superintendent of instruction, whose business it should be to correlate education and recreation.
(b) A director with greater authority than now exists to organize and direct active plays, athletics and pastimes of the system in both elementary and high schools.
(c) A duly appointed officer of the division of physical education to supervise the play of kindergarten and grade children up to 9 years of age.
(d) Officers trained to organize and direct, each in his own field, the dramatic interests, the musical interests, the nature and nurture interests and the aesthetic interests.
The monograph on “Educational Extension,”3 which is a part of the Cleveland foundation’s survey of Cleveland’s public schools, deals with
3 “Educational Extension,” by Clarence Arthur Perry, Cleveland foundation, Cleveland, 0. 25 cents.


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what is done for the child in the homes after school, with what is done for him in addition to giving him an acquaintance with the three R’s. Cleveland’s leisure time is unprovided for so far as organized recreation is concerned and consequently much of what is done even in the socially minded schools stands the chance of being negated after school hours.
“The opportunity to realize, develop, and exercise special ability is one of the greatest safeguards against ill-spent leisure. ”
The discovery of this special ability is more often than not the result of chance, and the more varied the opportunities given to an adolescent the greater the likelihood that he will find himself. Leisure is the time when the boy or girl does what he likes to do, the surest method of discovering his own special ability.
The “wider use” of the school plant developed to the maximum of social center activity wherever this seems wise is encouraged, and this policy is incorporated in the newly created division of school extension which administers the use of the school buildings for all purposes other than night schools, this division to be eventually in the department of education since its function is to use the school facilities for educational and social ends. The evening school, coming at the close of the day and having similar aims and activities, should be combined with the community center for administrative economy. The monograph closes with a justification of the wider use of the school plant to extend to adults and children alike and to include all activities which prepare for useful citizenship since “ to take any common but vital human activity that may be well performed by the few but is carried on imperfectly by the many and lift it universally to a higher plane is the essential function of public education. ”
The “Madison Recreational Survey”4 is a commendable effort at “preparedness for peace.” Armed with the conviction that proper play life for the child and proper recreational facilities for the adult mean better citizens and a more prosperous city in which to live as well as to work, the survey committee, by dint of painstaking observation and investigation, has pointed the way to a better Madison for employe as well as employer, for the taxpayer as well as for the city budget. Carefully prepared charts show the distribution of the entire population by wards and of the children by age periods. The prevalent mode of building as it affects the planning of the city is shown, the house near the street leaving large back yards now given over to chicken coops, sheds and trash heaps. This means lack of play spaces except in the street, with the consequence that the best kind of play is discouraged.
The park and pleasure drive association now promotes whatever municipal recreational facilities and activities Madison now possesses, such as celebrations, open air concerts, and the maintenance of some park land
4 “Madison Recreational Survey,” Madison board of commerce, Madison, Wis. 50 cents.


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and playfields. A park board with authority to receive and expend public funds in developing and maintaining parks is recommended. Park playgrounds under single control should be developed and municipal gymnasiums and natatoriums established—facilities which would be supplied were there a department of city government as much interested in the study of the needs of adults as the board of education is in the needs of children.
A series of charts compares Madison’s schools as to the density of the population served, the nature of the recreational equipment, the supervision of school recreation and its relation to other available facilities in the neighborhood. One hundred square feet per child was held to be a fair minimum for estimating space for Madison’s playground and one fourth of a mile suggested as the distance a child may be expected to travel to a playground. Fixed apparatus is important as giving opportunity for the development of personal achievement. There should be a variety and enough pieces to accommodate about one fourth of the children in school at the same time. The playground should be in a safe and wholesome environment and should at all times be supervised and organized, to an even greater extent during the summer than during the school year.
Patronized by all classes, by the family as a unit and to a great extent on Sunday, the universal day of leisure, the “movies” fill a decided need in Madison’s recreational life. Out of 110 film stories studied, 68 contained features of good influence, 72 traces of bad influence, such as drinking, cigarette smoking, vulgar flirtation and the like. Cheap comedy films are the chief offenders while films of the white slave traffic, if greatly increased in number, would tend to become objectionable. The survey suggests a more enthusiastic support of the National Board of Censorship; a more careful supervision by exhibitors of their program films and greater emphasis on feature films, since these usually were found to contain fewer objectionable features; the institution of children’s days and children’s theaters, selections of films to be made by the exhibitor; a more extensive exclusion of children from programs suitable for adults and an enforcement of the 9 o’clock curfew.
“Public dances, the roughest of them known locally as ‘pig races,’ are the worst single feature of commercial recreation in Madison.” The inadequacy of the present ordinance and the carelessness of the police has resulted in failure to license halls. It is recommended that all halls rented for dances be considered as public dance halls and required by ordinance to be licensed, that pass-out checks be forbidden, that chaperons for each dance be appointed by the mayor, and that they report their suggestions to him, that mask balls, costume parties and shadow dances be forbidden at public dances, that a proper position in dancing be defined and enforcement provided and that families, churches and communities


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supply unofficial chaperons. Fifty-eight per cent of the pool and billiard halls surveyed were loafing centers. In almost all of the halls some form of gambling is among the attractions. Cigarette smoking is almost universal among the patrons from 18 to 22 years of age. Profane and obscene language abounds. The most important single element of the problem is reported to be that of removing objectionable characters who operate places used for loafing. In the 33 loafing places observed, such as pool rooms, barber shops, fire stations, lunch wagons, switch houses and the like, 30 per cent of all the loafers were estimated to be under 21 years of age. The solution lies in the education of the public and the provision of proper supervised recreation for young men.
Dr. Healy of the Psychopathic Institute of Chicago, in an article interpretative of local conditions, says:
“Practically all confirmed criminals begin their career jn childhood.”
Most of the time of the impressionable period is spent in the home with the parents stimulating the mental interest of the child. The condition of the homes, then, and the education of parents as to the proper mental pabulum to give their children becomes an immediate problem, for the mental vacuity of those showing criminal tendencies has been one of the most impressive findings in studying the causes of delinquency. Congested districts without outdoor play spaces were found to contribute the largest share of disease. Similarly those wards showing the presence of the laboring class and crowded housing also show much the highest death rate. Dr. Gillin states that an investigation of juvenile delinquency in Madison from September, 1912, to April, 1915, shows that those wards having least opportunity for proper recreation furnish the most delinquents. Sixty-two per cent of the cases resulted from lack of play and recreation facilities, 65 per cent had had bad home conditions and surroundings and 57 per cent show house congestion, lack of play space and supervised play.
From a most able and complete summary of Madison’s conditions and needs, the following deductions are made. Madison needs more playgrounds under trained directors and winter gymnasiums for children, more athletic and aquatic facilities for the young men and women, more meeting places and better organization of the same for the constructive use of the leisure time of young people. A committee is suggested to consider the securing and conserving of more space in further city planning. For the recreation of adults, provision should be made for facilities, organization, promotion and direction of recreation if a large body, mainly of the untrained laboring class having no recreational agency outside of the saloon, are to be conserved for society. The public welfare demands an agency that will consider commercial recreation from the standpoint of the public good, not from the box office receipts. It demands a public agency to organize and co-ordinate the force for public good now


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existing less effectually among private philanthropic and social agencies. A play and recreation association operating with the park board in creating facilities and with the board of education in directing activities especially of children is urged until the city by statute appoint a permanent commission.
Statistics taken in the Ipswich survey5 on two different days after school hours revealed that 40 per cent of the young people observed were idling, most of them in groups; that of 82 girls, eleven years of age and over, 81 were in the street; that 60 per cent of all the children observed were in the street.
Given the athletic badge test only one of 172 Ipswich boys was able to fulfill the three requirements and 66 per cent failed to measure up to even the lowest passing mark in any of the events. As the boys grow older the records show them falling still farther below the normal standard, and in the pull up their records were from one third to one half of what the boys ought to do normally. When compared with statistics for the same grade in New York city, the city boy who had had definite physical training and properly guided play was found to far outstrip his Ipswich competitor. This defect can be remedied, the survey states, by extending physical training in the schools at least to the extent of requiring it for both boys and girls during the first two years of high school and supplementing this by a program of organized group games and team work as a part of the regular school work. The recess, at present a form of social leakage, should be turned to active account by organization and supervision.
Ipswich, a typical New England industrial town showing a steady increase in the proportion of foreign born until at present one third of its population is composed of Greeks and Poles, has a problem of assimilation on its hands which merits serious consideration. The Greek Coffee House offers a unique type of recreation. To this room equipped with small tables, chairs and pool tables come groups of Greeks to play cards or pool while drinking their coffee and enjoying the music of the orchestra. Sometimes it is a native folk song sung by a girl and every one joins in the chorus; sometimes it is a folkdance and several of the men will dance the steps. The drinks served do not intoxicate and no discourtesy is evident.
There is a real contribution to recreation in “Community Drama and Pageantry.”6 It treats of that most social of the arts, pageantry and pageant drama, not with the idea of professionalism but with the purpose of developing in a democracy steeped in industry a finer appreciation of art and of providing a sane outlet for the play spirit. Efficiency systems
s “Play and Recreation in a Town of 6,000,” by Howard R. Knight, Russell Sage Foundation, New York. 25 cents.
• “Community Drama and Pageantry,” by Mary Porter Beegle and Jack Randall Crawford, Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn. $2.50.


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and labor unions have demonstrated the value of co-operation in labor. Men have still to learn the art of playing together. The social value of pageantry lies in the opportunity it offers for individual and community self-expression. The educational value of the study preliminary to staging a pageant and the community co-operation in recreative work secured in the production are the very elements of social reform.
Descriptions of the various types of pageants are included and the perplexed leader of this form of community celebration will do well to familiarize himself with the chapter dealing with the technique peculiar to the pageant in composition and production, for each page is teeming with concrete suggestions, the result of splendid labor by those who have won their spurs in pageantry. The book is well illustrated. Perhaps the most noteworthy feature in a book abounding in them is the excellent bibliographies which it gives, listing books on such subjects as open air theaters, production and scenic art, dramatic, folk and festival music.
“The Practical Conduct of Play”7 deals primarily with the technique of recreation, from the big wheels of the machinery needed to operate a city’s recreation system to the tiniest cogs in the individual playground. In a plan for laying out a city’s playgrounds such problems as dimensions, surfacing, lighting, equipment, division of children by sex and age, and kindred others are concretely handled. That most fundamental basis of any play system, the play director, is discussed in terms of what he should bring to his work by way of personality, training and education, and of what he should receive from it in the way of remuneration.
Information is offered to prospective play leaders as to institutions now offering courses in play and to municipalities conducting their own play courses as to the ground which should be covered. Dr. Curtis advocates a committee of sociological, psychological and physical training experts to effect an evolution in our common games by a modification of their rules which would standardize them and make them “ more of a game and less of a spectacle. ” This he would supplement by a play institute in charge of experts where new games could be tried and old ones modified. There is a short practical bibliography of books on play and related subjects. Appendix I gives the usual procedure in the formation of a playground and recreation association from the necessary initial survey to a provisional constitution for the association. Appendix II deals with the various methods of securing funds.
Many individuals and organizations are now studying recreation not always municipal yet with play as a foundation. A most noteworthy book to be mentioned in this connection is “Play in Education.”8 Mr. Lee has studied thoroughly the foundation principles by which the life of the child should be moulded in order that he may develop tastes and
7 “Practical Conduct of Play, ” by Henry S. Curtis, Macmillan Co., New York. $2.00.
8 “Play in Education,” by Joseph Lee, Macmillan Co., New York. $1.50.


56 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January
habits which, expressed as an adult, shall make him crave those forms of recreation helpful in fitting him into a useful life in a democracy.
A highly constructive work on the moving picture is “The Art of the Moving Picture.”9 To the community alive to the possibilities of the “movie” in a recreational program the chapters on “Progress and Endowment” and “The Movie, a Substitute for the Saloon,” will be of interest.
A stepping stone in interesting the church element in the importance of recreation municipally directed is the book “Character through Recreation. ”lu Ministers will find many chapters of value in dealing with the recreation problem of their local church groups.
A book having its contribution to offer to the municipality while dealing with the technique of recreation is “The Playground Book.”11 More limited in scope than Dr. Curtis’s book, it deals more fully with games, dances, stories and books for recreational workers, but includes brief, excellent articles on “The Meaning of Recreation,” “Value of Playgrounds to a Community,” and “Qualities for a Playground Director.”
Communities interested In community centers will find it worth while to refer to the pamphlet on “Community Centers”12 and to the article on “Organizing the Neighborhood for Recreation,”13 both brief but valuable contributions to a concrete solution of a vital municipal problem.
A remarkable compilation of statistics is given in the February issue of the Playground14 for this year. Four hundred and thirty-two cities reported supervised playgrounds and recreation centers, 182 were supported by municipal funds, 112 by private funds, 130 by municipal and private, 1 by county, 3 by municipal and county, 1 by private and county, and 1 by municipal, private and county funds. A total of $4,066,377.15 was reported, of which $1,922,687.20 was paid for salaries. One hundred and thirty-two cities report lighted playgrounds for evening use. Fifty-six cities showed buildings especially for recreation. Twenty-six cities set aside streets for play space. Eighty-four cities permitted coasting in streets.
There are many other valuable statistics given in this report. When compared with the meager beginnings twenty years ago, it indicates the position of importance play and recreation is assuming in our municipal life.
* “The Art of the Moving Picture,” by Vachel Lindsey, Macmillan Co., New York. $1.25.
10 “Character through Recreation,” by Howard Palmer Young, American Sunday School Union, Philadelphia.
11 “The Playground Book, ” by Harry Sperling, A. S. Barnes, New York. $1.80.
13 “Community Centers,” by Raymond V. Phelan, General Extension Division, University of Minnesota.
13 “Organizing the Neighborhood for Recreation, ” by Lee F. Hanmer.
u The Playground, 1 Madison Ave., New York City.


HOW NOT TO PLAN CITIES1
BY J. HORACE MCFARLAND 2 Harrisburg, Pa.
HIS title may be said to be neither sarcastic nor humorous, but
instead simply descriptive. Its basis is certain work done in
the federal Department of the Interior, in laying out a townsite in Alaska. The Alaskan engineering commission is the direct authoritative body whose work I had in mind in writing for the National Municipal Review some months ago, at the request of its editor, a statement which was then headed “City Planning—Minus.”
To the editor of the National Municipal Review there came in due course, under date of September, 1915, a blue-print of a map entitled “Alaskan Engineering Commission Map of Anchorage and Vicinity.” It was accompanied by a courteous letter from Hon. Franklin Mears, the active commissioner in charge, who, explaining that Anchorage was to be the water terminal town of the new government railroad to make available some of the resources of Alaska, added: “It is, however, to the advantage of all that this is practically a made-to-order town, with the accompanying benefits that should accrue where all details are worked out and arranged on a uniform basis. . . . The town is
now under the management of a townsite manager, Mr. J. A. Moore of the general land office, and a townsite engineer, Mr. J. G. Watts, a man who has had quite some experience in new town work; both of these officers coming under the final jurisdiction of this commission, acting for the secretary of the interior.” The letter and the map were sent to me for review, and accordingly I wrote concerning it as follows:
It is apparent from the plan that Anchorage is to be, or now is, a replica of the very worst elements in town-making, having no consideration at all for the people who must live in it.
The plan is platted on a rectangle, with a triangular extension on the west, giving an approximate length of about a mile and an approximate width of a little over half a mile. It shows 121 rectangular blocks, each about 300 feet square, bisected by a narrow alley. It shows two central streets 80 feet in width, running east and west; all the other highways being, apparently, 60 feet in width.
The plan of Anchorage discloses to the astonished eye no such thing as a civic center, and not a single radial highway. The arrangement is wholly that of endeavoring to make the distance between the corners of the town as great as possible.
1 Address delivered to the National Municipal League, November 24, 1916, at its meeting in Springfield, Mass.
2 President, American Civic Association.
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In the extreme northwestern corner of the plan, two of the blocks abutting on a water front are marked “city wharf reserve,” and certain of the blocks of the town also seem to have been calmly platted into the swampy ground appurtenant to the water course. Blocks nos. 73 and 74, lying between Sixth and Seventh streets and between A and C streets, are marked “city park reserve.” These blocks, having a street between them which seems not to have been vacated on the plan, include an area of approximately 300 by 700 feet, which is the total public reservation in the town plan, with one important exception.
Off to the southeast there is a conspicuous reservation. It is marked “cemetery reserve. Area 16.98 acres.”
It is thus noted that Anchorage has been figured to be a place to die in, but not much of a place to live in, according to this plan. The recreational reserve is less than five acres in extent, whereas the cemetery reserve is 17 acres in extent.
These words are written without any other data than that supplied by the blue-print. They are warranted, it is believed, by the endorsement that the plan comes from the Department of the Interior and has been proposed or approved by the Alaskan engineering commission.
The point is made that there are no conditions admissible under which the federal government, in these days of knowledge concerning the importance of recreational provision, concerning the importance of radial highways, concerning the importance of planning a community for efficiency, should approve or permit on the public land the establishment of such a monstrosity of a town plan as this T-square community of Anchorage.
It seemed wise to the editor of the National Municipal Review to submit this perfectly candid comment to Mr. Mears. Under date of December 30, 1915, Mr. Mears replied in a somewhat vigorous letter, from which I quote the essential paragraph:
It is believed to be useless and inadvisable to attempt to comment upon this article. It was my understanding that the Municipal League was a serious-minded body, sincere in its effort to promote municipal improvement. The critical article on the Anchorage townsite, prepared without any first-hand knowledge of the subject, would tend to indicate that it is more the desire of your body to criticize in the matter of municipal planning than it is to assist towards the right end. Perhaps such articles “take” better. True, a man finds more enjoyment reading an article of this type than he does a plain statement of facts. It is the spirit of the times.
Meanwhile, contact with another official who has had much to do with Alaskan matters, brought out the interesting information that there had been no thought of using any modern town-planning methods in laying out Anchorage. This official, however, was concerned because Anchorage, established on land entirely owned by the government, had advanced so far as already to have, in its relation to the social evil, a “restricted district”!


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It had happened also that I had contact with other offices in the department having to do with laying out townsites on government lands, and I Lad found among many estimable and able officials the most naive ignorance as to town-planning. They simply did not know that there was anything more than a T-square method of laying out towns. I felt warranted, therefore, in declining to withdraw what I had written in respect to the map of Anchorage, upon which all my statements had been based •only on the plan itself.
Meanwhile, at Mr. Mears’ suggestion, reference was had to Hon. Clay Tallman, commissioner of the general land office, and in a letter dated February 16, 1916, Mr. Tallman both explained and defended the situation. I quote the essential parts from his extended communication:
Whether the best has been made of the circumstances attending the creation of this townsite in the way of city planning, I am not prepared to state, as criticism from a technical viewpoint was hardly to be expected with respect to a site located in the interior of Alaska and planned under •conditions almost emergent. It occurs to me that a knowledge of the conditions leading to the founding of the town is essential in determining whether its plan may justly be made the subject of critical controversy.
By the act of March 12, 1914 (38 Stat., 305), congress authorized the president of the United States to locate, construct and operate railroads in Alaska, with the special purpose of opening up the coal fields, the cost -of the work authorized not to exceed $35,000,000. Following organization and determination of routes, withdrawals of public lands were made including tentative sites of towns to be established for the main and immediate purpose of accommodating the force to be employed in building the railroad. After definitely locating the site for a town, its survey into blocks, lots, streets, reservations, etc., was necessary for purposes of disposition. Anchorage was the first site surveyed and opened.
The plans and their execution were accomplished as expeditiously as possible, but not before there had been an influx of persons seeking employment on the railroad and to establish businesses in the new town. These people located themselves in tents and other temporary shelters on lands needed by the commission for construction purposes, and with no adequate provisions for sanitation, police or fire protection.
Right here I break in to call attention to the fact that seemingly full authority was possessed by the government in respect to the handling of Anchorage. Nevertheless, as may be noted, no least thought of modern town development entered into the action which followed, as explained in the remainder of Mr. Tallman’s letter:
Under these conditions the work was pushed to the utmost limit and sales of lots in Anchorage commenced during the summer of last year, permitting the hundreds of “squatters” to move onto the site and erect permanent homes and places of business under more healthful conditions. The Alaskan engineering commission, anticipating the raising of funds for the purpose by assessment or otherwise, took prompt steps to main-


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tain sanitation and fire and police protection, graded streets, and built a jail, school house, and water works. Additional land adjacent to the townsite has since been surveyed into larger lots for truck gardening and residence purposes. Legislation is being sought that will enable the commission in the future to supply these towns with more adequate and substantial municipal improvements in the way of public buildings and water works.
In addition to topographic, climatic and general frontier conditions to be contended with, it must be remembered that the primary purpose of these particular townsite locations is to subserve railroad building and operation; as examples of the latest thought in municipal planning they may be lacking in many respects, but I can assure you that everybody concerned in their building has in mind the substantial interests of their dwellers, and will do as much to promote the same as the law and conditions will permit.
Various other letters passed back and forth, including one from Mr* Mears, in which he pronounced himself thus: “I must again decline to consent to the publication of the review prepared by Mr. McFarland, and must also decline to consent to the publication of my letter of December 30, 1915.” Mr. Mears evidently overlooked the complete freedom of the National Municipal League and its workers.
Later, a revised plan came, which showed distinctly the influence of the criticisms leveled at the T-square plan first promulgated. Notwithstanding the unwillingness of the Alaskan engineering commission, under existing federal departmental methods, really to do city planning as city planning is done in a modern way, its draftsmen, undoubtedly very excellent men, did pay some attention to the criticisms to which objection had been made.
Occasion affording the opportunity, I submitted the correspondence and the plans to Warren H. Manning, of whose standing as not only landscape designer but city planner I need make no statement to this audience. Mr. Manning took the plans away with him and gave to them the adequate critical attention warranted by his knowledge of the needs of communities and by his ability to sense the conditions from the contour maps which had later been received.
Indeed, Mr. Manning went so far as to make a tentative sketch of how the land might be subdivided so as to produce conditions which would tend much more nearly to the general public welfare than those probably already existing in connection with this Anchorage misfortune. I read Mr. Manning’s letter, which is distinctly entertaining:
I regret my delay in sending you my comments on the Anchorage town plan. It seems to me that the comments which you have made on the townsite were fully justified by the conditions presented on the plan which you submitted to me with your letter. You nave not, however, gone far enough in your criticisms.
You mentioned the rectangular arrangement of the roads, but you evidently did not realize that the proposed streets leading up from the


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valley over the bluffs which separate the valley land from the upland plateau, are laid down in places where the natural surface has slopes of as high as 40 feet in a hundred. While an 8 per cent grade is quite possible, the usual maximum grade on the main roads, as taken from eight American cities, is from 5 to 6 per cent. The maximum grade on the military highways over the Alps is from 4| to 6 per cent, and on French roads from 3 to 6 per cent. It might be possible to tear through these bluffs and fill into the valley far enough to secure the 5 per cent grades with the plan as laid down. Take K street, for example. If this bluff were graded to a 5 per cent grade, K street would extend 800 feet out into the valley and would have to be cut back 600 feet, or to the south side of the intersection of Fourth and K streets some 500 feet from the top of the bluff. This would involve cuts up to 25 feet deep through the bluffs and call for handling an average of 175 cubic yards of material per linear foot of road construction. If we were to figure out a mile of road at this rate and estimate that material could be handled for 20 cents per cubic yard, which is a low price, we should reach the astounding figure of $180,000, roughly, per mile for grading alone.
To show that a practical system of roads can be designed for this site, I have outlined a small plan with quite an ideal layout, with the residential district on the plateau and the business district in the valley, both being separated by a belt of reservations which would embrace the steep bluff that gives so much character to the location. The roads connecting the two districts could well be laid down on grades not exceeding 6 per cent, and involving only surface work.
You will observe from this sketch that it would be quite possible to reach the plateau from the valley by a 6 per cent grade with practically surface work from almost any point in the valley. Also you will notice that a road can easily be located so as to follow the top of the bluff, along which people could drive and get the view of the bay. On the gridiron plan this would be impossible. The road ends at the top of the steep bluff, and there would have to be a fence to prevent people from driving or dropping into the valley. From the contour of the plateau, I see no reason why a gridiron plan there would be objectionable, since undoubtedly it is the most economical in favorable situations. On the plan you have sent the main roads run east and west, so that half of the houses must face the north, whereas if the main roads ran north and south, as they could be just as readily run, the houses would have an easterly and westerly exposure, which would give each house a much better average of sunlight, which, I would suppose, would be particularly important in Alaska.
Again you will observe that the plan provides lots on the bluffs, where it will be quite impracticable to build. Such bluffs ought to be in reservations. The plan calls for 1,375 lots. Assuming that there are five people to each lot, this would represent a population of some 6,875 persons. The public reservations as outlined on the blue-print are about 10.33 acres, averaging one acre to every 666 persons. If these reservations were increased, as suggested in Major Mears’ letter, it would reduce these figures to 299 persons per acre. These figures include the area of the townsite as shown on the blue-print, and the changes suggested for that part only. The large area in the east addition, reserved by Major Mear's for recreation purposes, has not been included, as the south and east addition has not been included when speaking of the townsite. The ideal


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proportion of park area to the population of an American city is considered by experts to be 50 to 100 persons per acre, which means that there was only adequate provision of parks for 10 per cent of the people-in the first plan, and for 25 per cent of the people when the plan was-“revised.”
Our sketch plan shows about 1,225 lots and 67.44 acres of park area. Assuming five persons to the lot, this would give an average of 88 persons, to the acre of public reservations, a proportion which more nearly reaches the ideal proportion.
By eliminating the alleys alone, 15.8 acres could be added to public reservations or to salable land, or better still, the main thoroughfares could be made wide enough to give better circulation of air and more room for vehicles.
On the original plan, the city wharves preserve is at the base of the bluff, with private lots abutting upon it, and no street indicated to give access. My sketch shows a road leading around the business districtr and located so as to be between the wharves and business section.
In the general arrangement of the streets and the location of the public reservations, they did not go so far as to accept the suggestions of Mr. Paul Witham in his pamphlet on the “Planning of Alaskan Ports,” in which he does show at least one road climbing the bluff and following along its edge for a ways, with a continuation of the road as a diagonal through the rectangular street system. He also shows a shore road between the lots and the warehouses and wharves.
The first plan implies that the official colony may be reached only by aeroplanes. It looks as though they had discovered that it is so difficult to climb the 125-foot bluff upon which this colony is located that they would have to have some other expedient to get people there than vehicles that use roads.
I think I have gone far enough to indicate that there are several defects in this plan which make it wholly impracticable and unsuitable to meet the requirements of a modern town or city.
Mr. Manning’s last paragraph is one which ought to be repeated. He finds “that there are several defects in this plan which make it wholly impracticable and unsuitable to meet the requirements of a modern town or city.”
It is this conclusion of a man who knows what he is writing about which has warranted the title of this address. Obviously, in order to discover how not to do city planning, it is only necessary to observe the methods now being used by the federal bureaus which have complete control of the areas which Uncle Sam is arranging to have his children begin living upon in communities.
It is well known that the federal government possesses no organized engineering department other than that included in the war office. The United States army engineers are the only men in the government service who are trained by it in engineering. That they are able and fine-spirited men I would be one of the first to insist, because I know that to be the fact. Their training, however, at West Point, is, if you please, as army engineers. They are concerned primarily with works of war


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rather than with works of peace. It is known that in the curriculum at West Point there is no teaching of city planning. How, then, should these men, when their services are availed of, succeed without knowledge or special training where the best volunteer skill, fully trained, finds it hard to succeed?
I wish it clearly and distinctly understood that I am making no reflection whatever upon the spirit, ability, knowledge or achievements of the army engineers in these remarks. I have, indeed, every confidence in their rectitude and ability in those problems for solving which they have been trained. They are altogether too few in number, and the system under which they are handled is one which does not make for the greatest efficiency in arts of peace. That they can accomplish as much and do it as well under the conditions, is a commentary on their quality, spirit and industry.
But if this government of ours is to conduct works of peace; if it is to build roads and dams and dig canals; if it is to plan townsites and do the other things which it might not be improper to expect to have the nation do, considering what it now does for the farmer at an expense of tens of millions annually, then why, in heaven’s name, can there not be established an engineering body in the federal service completely trained in the arts of peace and for the service of economic development, rather than primarily in the arts of war?


SHORT ARTICLES
RECENT CHANGES IN TOWN GOVERNMENT
BY EDWIN A. COTTRELL1
Wellesley, Mass.
THE original New England town retained the powers of government in the town meeting, composed of the freeholders of the town who acted as a deliberative body on all matters of town government. The administrative duties were vested in a small body of selectmen or overseers of the poor who were elected by the freeholders for short terrqs. Legislative and administrative discretion was lacking. The town meeting could act only upon the articles presented in the warrant and the administrative boards were limited in their actions to the directing votes of the town meeting. This form of government was applied to the small town unit and is described as the nearest approach to a pure democracy which has existed in this country. Political writers have extolled its virtues as the training ground of statesmen and despair over its decline in later years.
Many influences have been at work in the New England town to cause changes in its form of government. Local interests, geographical situation, the changing character of population and industries, the influx of foreign elements, the centralization of financial, health and educational powers in the state, and principally the rapid increase in population, have all tended to make the old system unsatisfactory and more complex.
With these changes came expanding functions, and the creation of more or less irresponsible officers, boards and commissions to perform these functions. The powers of deliberation, election of the principal officers, appropriating money, levying taxes and passing legislation were retained in the town meeting. Discretionary powers were delegated to the selectmen, supervisory boards, and some elective officers. These powers included the appointment of subordinates and determination of policies and methods of operation. With the increase in the size of the body of electors came the addition of an advisory committee of ten to forty members appointed by the moderator. The function of this committee is to go over the articles of the warrant before the town meetings and recommend
1 Lecturer in government, Wellesley College; efficiency expert, Newton, Mass.; men-ber advisory committee, Wellesley, Mass.
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reductions in the department budgets or the acceptance or rejection of legislative measures. It thus acts as an executive committee for the town meeting and presents the warrant in a more or less decided condition. This committee has also been called upon to advise the electors on questions submitted to them for decision by the legislature. The centralization of powers in state boards has made uniform the methods of operation of many of the functions of the towns. The most important and far-reaching is the unification of financial methods. This legislation includes the regulation of sources of revenue, issue of town notes under certification, and the uniform system of accounting and reporting of financial statistics.
Two other influences have acted upon this form of government. The first and more often found is the cut and dried caucus for the nomination of elective officers. This caucus also discusses legislative action and thus places the stamp of political party affiliation upon the free deliberation of the meeting. Many of the towns now hold their election on the day regularly appointed for the annual town meeting in March or April and keep the polls open the greater part of the day. The deliberative business of the meeting is adjourned to a day one week later and in many cases three or four meetings are necessary to finish the business presented in the warrant.
The second influence is the general character of the board of selectmen. This board has too often been of the professional political element and bureaucratic in operation. There has been a lack of harmony and ad-fininistrative unity between the board and the other elective officers. The members of the board are not paid for their services and can devote but a small portion of time tp the town. They are usually men of no technical skill and cannot act in a supervisory capacity over their appointees. This general unpreparedness for office tends to inefficiency of operation and wasteful expenditure and leads us to the growing belief that we should first, either find a better class of men for supervisory officers, or second, abolish the election of administrative officers and place the selection of experts in the hands of the board of selectmen.
Both of these methods find expression in recent changes made in Massachusetts towns. Brookline has attempted to meet the increasing number of voters and apathy of the population by the installation of the limited town meeting. Norwood is the only town to meet the need of more efficiency by installing a town manager. Wakefield has consolidated its many boards and commissions into smaller working units. Attleboro, Leominster, Marlboro and Peabody have recently become cities and accepted ode of the optional charter plans but rejecting the one providing for a city manager. Framingham is now planning to become a city. Needham and Winthrop have voted against the town manager plan. Wellesley and Winchester have well defined plans with this feature included which will be submitted for a decision in the near future. An-
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dover, Hudson, Lexington, Longmeadow, Lynnfield, Milton, Walpole, Watertown, and West Springfield have committees at work and seem favorably impressed with the town manager plan.
A population and elector summary of the smaller cities and larger towns of Massachusetts will show the great need of immediate action along either the limited town meeting, town manager or optional municipal charter type of government.
Total number of towns in Massachusetts— Total number of cities—38.
207.
Under 1,000 voters. . 147 Under 3,000 voters. . 6
1,000-1,500 voters. . 27 3,000- 4,000 voters. 9
1,500-2,000 voters. . 20 4,000- 5,000 voters. 2
2,000-2,500 voters. . 7 5,000-10,000 voters 11
2,500-3,000 voters. . 5 10,000-20,000 voters. 8
Over 5,000 voters. . 1 20,000-30,000 voters. 1
• Over 50,000 voters. 1
Towns having over 2,000 voters- -13. Cities having less than 3,000 voters—6.
Voters Population Voters Population
Arlington 2,701 12,000 Attleboro 2,745 18,000
Brookline 5,478 30,000 Leominster 2,535 19,000
Clinton 2,500 15,000 Marlboro 2,777 15,000
Framingham 2,832 15,000 Newburyport 2,497 15,000
Gardner 2,000 16,000 Peabody 2,670 17,000
Greenfield 2,119 12,000 Woburn 2,715 16,000
Milford 2,025 15,000
Natick 2,149 10,000
Wakefield 2,167 12,000
Watertown 2,609 15,000
Westfield 2,524 18,000
Weymouth 2,461 15,000
Winthrop 2,318 12,000
Other towns proposing changes in form of government:
Voters Population Voters Population
Andover 1,400 7,900 Walpole 796 5,000
Hudson 1,200 7,000 Watertown 2,609 15,000
Lexington 1,000 5,000 Wellesley 1,184 7,000
Longmeadow 200 1,800 West Springfield... 1,500 11,400
Lynnfield 400 1,000 Winchester 1,797 11,000
Milton 1,500 8,600
None of the towns mentioned have town halls large enough to hold more than five to nine hundred voters and a small percentage of the population might easily control the deliberations of the annual meeting. Brookline has met this problem of accommodating 5,478 voters in a hall which seats 900 by the adoption of the limited town meeting. This plan was proposed many years ago and received its trial in Newport, Rhode Island, where it displaced a small council and for ten years has struggled along


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in an indifferent manner. Newport as a municipality has gone backward gradually under this system and has one of the most expensive and inefficient governments of eastern cities. Brookline starts with the reduction of a large body by the selective process and might be more successful in operation. This town is unique in that its population of 30,000 with 5,500 voters makes it the largest town in the country. It votes 18.3 per cent of its population as compared with 14.5 per cent average for Massachusetts. It has an assessed valuation of one hundred and sixty millions of dollars and an annual budget of approximately one million dollars.
An act of the legislature in 1915 divided the town into eight to twelve voting precincts (nine used) and provides for the election of twenty-seven members of the limited town meeting from each precinct, nine to be elected annually for three-year terms. This makes an elective body of two hundred and forty-three precinct members to which is added twenty ex-officio members at large, consisting of the two representatives in the legislature from this town, the moderator, town clerk, five selectmen, treasurer, and the chairmen of the board of assessors, school committee, trustees of the public library, trustees of the cemetery, water board, park commission, planning board, planting trees committee, gymnasium and bath committee, and registrars of voters. This body of two hundred and sixty-three requires a majority quorum for action. It must hold open sessions at which any resident of the town may speak but not vote. The members are nominated by petition with thirty signers and a written acceptance of the candidate and serve without compensation. This body elects its own moderator, fills its own vacancies by precinct vote, and determines all the articles of the warrant. There is a provision for a referendum upon expenditures of more than twenty-five thousand dollars if the petition is filed within five days and carries the signatures of twenty voters in each precinct. I have estimated that the average town meeting attendance is between two hundred and fifty and three hundred and the limited town meeting of Brookline will undoubtedly be as representative and certainly more responsible than those usually found.
The opposite tendency of preventing inefficiency by the consolidation of functions in a town manager is found in operation in Norwood and will probably be accepted by Wellesley and Winchester during this next year. It is needless to mention the expensive and haphazard methods employed in many towns to-day. The conditions of high prices, obsolete tools, false economy, overlapping department functions and lack of skill and training are acknowledged in practically every town. The consolidation of functions and centralization of organization with the installation of good business methods seems to be the logical solution of these problems.
Norwood found itself in the worst possible condition and determined on the adoption of the town manager for the expressed purposes of in-


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citing public interest in town affairs and of obtaining greater results for the town, at the same time reducing what was then the highest tax rate in the state. The board of selectmen is retained as the representative of the town meeting and serves without compensation. Many boards and commissions were abolished. The advisory committee continues to discuss the budget and audit the accounts. The general manager is appointed for an indefinite period by the board of selectmen. As in the city manager type of government, he may be chosen from outside the town if he be a man of merit and fitness to perform the public work and standardize the organization of the town departments. He is given full power to choose subordinates, install accounting and efficiency records, regulate wages and working conditions in the departments of highways, water, sewer, engineer, cemetery, forestry, electric light, police, fire, purchasing, school and library buildings, and supplies. Large savings have been made during the first year of operation and the manager has the expenditure of approximately one hundred thousand dollars exclusive of notes and interest out of a budget of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars. A perusal of the accomplishments of the first year is somewhat misleading to one who does not know the condition of Norwood before this system was installed. Results obtained in Norwood in more efficient operation and plans for future development are of far more importance than savings in expenditures.
Wellesley proposes to return to the original form of town government by decreasing the elective or appointive officers, boards and commissions, and by concentrating the authority and responsibility of administration in the selectmen. This board is increased to five and the length of term from one to three years. The main purposes are to have a short ballot, a concentration of town records in one office, fewer salaried officers, and a single operating head all tending to a saving in operating expenses and a gain in efficiency. The main provision of this proposal is the creation of a superintendent of public works who shall be the administrative head of all the departments except fire and police, health, school and library. His functions will cover the construction, maintenance and repair of streets, parks, town buildings, playgrounds, water, light, sewers, and purchasing all supplies except library books. He is vested with power to organize the departments and divisions, appoint and remove subordinates, fix salaries and wages, and must submit estimates, an annual report and inventory.
Winchester takes the same step of consolidation of officers and boards and the addition of town manager and a finance commission. Only the selectmen, finance commission and school committee are to be elective. All other officers are appointed. The town manager has the same position and duties as the Norwood and Wellesley plans but expressed in more detailed terms. For instance, he is to keep record of all acts and publish


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an annual report which shall be “succinct and comprehensive.” The finance commission is the advisory committee in another form. It is elected by the voters instead of being appointed by the moderator. It appoints the auditor, prepares and publishes the warrant, considers it and reports its recommendations. It collects and compiles the department estimates of income and expenditures for the budget and estimates the tax rate. It may make investigations of departments and compel attendance and testimony, and hire experts and counsel. It may investigate excessive or doubtful payrolls, bills and claims, and recommend action thereon.
Walpole is working out a plan to bring back the “cracker-barrel” discussion of the town grocery store. It is proposed to have sectional forums to discuss the matters coming before the annual town meeting and thus interest all the inhabitants of the town in its affairs. The installation of a town manager is also being favorably considered.
These changes bring the town government into direct comparison with effective business organization. The town meeting represents the shareholders, the advisory or finance committee—the executive committee, the selectmen—the directors, and the town manager—the superintendent. Scientific and business principles of budget making, accounting, reporting, records, purchasing, modern equipment and interchange of equipment and labor are possible. The expert and skilled administrator will bear the responsibility of the town’s burdens by dependence upon his previous education, training and experience. Responsibility is centralized, continuity of office is possible, and more service may be obtained for the same amount of labor, equipment and expenditure. Training schools are thus established for perfecting young men in the business of public administration and inciting them to success and promotion to positions in large cities.
HOW THE COMMISSION-MANAGER PLAN IS GETTING ALONG, NO. 2*
BY RICHABD S. CHILDS New York
IN THE year and a half that have elapsed since my last article on this subject, very little of new significance has happened. That fact in itself, while uninteresting, is rather important. “Happy is the land that has no history.”
The situation continues to be more than satisfactory. The commission-manager plan is now five years old. In several cities it has survived 1 See National Municipal Review, vol. iv, p. 371.


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elections without causing any earthquakes in the city halls. From all the cities come specific and circumstantial reports of economies effected, taxes reduced, new functions undertaken, politics eliminated and popular approval made manifest. Some of the older cities have now reached that most interesting stage where they present the fruit of their sowing in most impressive fashion. Dayton, especially, is beginning to reveal what good government really means. After you have got the politicians out of the city hall, after government ceases to mean a parcel of jobs to be contested for, after you have developed a public agency sensitive to the desires of the electorate and at the same time efficient and clean in administration; then what? The city having obtained at last a first class automobile instead of a stage-coach, where shall we drive? Does it mean merely a lower tax rate? Dayton is just beginning to answer that question by exhibiting a government which delights in undertaking high social service. Here is a city government which is beginning to undertake the responsibility of looking after the people of the city. It frankly and definitely proposes to abolish private charity within the city by gradually taking over every tested and necessary philanthropy. It tries to do something about the cost of living. It reduces infant mortality 40 per cent. It undertakes to restore human derelicts. It develops wholesome occupation for children in little farm gardens. It abandons the laissez faire policy and assumes responsibility for trying to make Dayton a nice place to live in. German cities look after their citizens in this way to conserve the national sinew. The job-holders in a typical American city hall have no such vision. Dayton seems likely to show how much, in human terms rather than in financial statistics, good government means.
The other commission-manager cities are still busy cleaning house, getting their finances in order, catching up with their public works problem, repairing old neglect. When they get this done, what will they do? Gild the dome on the city hall? Or will they call in the social worker and follow up their surveys of the administration by surveys of the people in the alleys? We know at least that Dayton, the pioneer city, is leading in the right direction, a fact which is due, I understand, largely to Dr. Garland, head of the department of public welfare under Manager Waite.
In this year and a half fifteen more cities have joined the list of commission-manager cities, i.e.:
Grand Rapids, Mich., 130,000 Webster City, Iowa 5,208
Alpena, Mich 12,706 San Jose, Cal . .. . 28,946
Santa Barbara, Cal.. . 11,659 Watertown, N. Y .. . . 26,730
San Angelo, Tex 10,321 Portsmouth, Va . .. . 33,190
St. Augustine, Fla.. . . 5,494 Albion, Mich 5,833
Westerville, Ohio.... 1,903 Brownsville, Tex . . . . 10,517
Elizabeth City, N. C. 8,412 Petoskey, Mich 4,778
East Cleveland, Ohio 9,179.


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In this same interval fifteen cities adopted the commission plan and three others gave it up. In fact the commission plan has practically stopped spreading where the new plan is available and the torch has been passed on to the new plan.
The new cities, like the old, have chosen their managers in most cases from out of town. There has been one more case of transfer of managers, i.e., Manager Carr of Cadillac, who was hired at increase of salary by Niagara Falls. There are several “lame ducks,” managers who for one reason or another are managers no longer. Two or three of the men have unmistakably failed on their jobs.
It is' still too early to tell what the average tenure of the managers is likely to be, but there is nothing to indicate that it is likely to be short or that cities will be disposed to change their managers frequently. No manager, I think, has yet lost his job as the direct or indirect result of a popular election in the town, but this may be largely due to the fact that most of the commissions have been re-elected.
Business men continue to take to the commission-manager plan like ducks to water. The old charters were subjects for lawyers to discuss. Here is something business men understand. One cannot imagine the rotary clubs all over the country discussing a charter of any other type than this.
There continues to be a tendency to make heroes of the managers. It is so much easier for the public to get a picture in their minds of one manager than of five commissioners. This tendency has its dangers. One manager, for instance, gets himself quoted at length in the daily papers nearly every day on some topic or other. Publicity is a good thing. The more a municipal government gets itself talked about, the better. But that manager would be less likely to be an issue in the next election if he would get the mayor to assume the glory—and the responsibility.
The city managers have now held their third annual convention. Of course the conventions are still small affairs but they are not as good as they ought to be. At present certain managers each take a subject, and with the aid of midnight oil and some reference books, prepare an essay, which if not actually amateurish, cannot honestly be claimed to be an authoritative contribution to the subject, for the managers are not specialists and do not pretend to be. The managers, however, can command the time and attention of the most eminent specialists in the country, and if they wish to discuss the problems of marketing municipal bonds, why waste time listening to Manager So-and-so’s efforts on that subject when they can get a good wall street financier who handles bonds for hundreds of cities. The discussions that result when the expert and the theorists clash with the practical managers, who are face to face with immediate problems, would constitute real municipal reference literature of the most important sort, and the proceedings of the city managers’


NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
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convention would become important, whereas now they are merely interesting. The governors’ conference has developed the same idea that no one is good enough to address them but another governor, with the result that the governors’ conferences have gone to seed.
The best feature of the managers’ conference is the calling of the roll of cities, when the managers rise in turn and report the achievements of the past year. To a modest manager the procedure may possibly be painful, but it is a good thing for the managers and undoubtedly does much to determine the spirit of service which inspires the new profession.
Outspoken and organized hostilities to the commission-manager plan may always be expected to survive for a few years in every city, at least until there has been more than one election. In some cases the opposition controls newspapers. A reasonable amount of such opposition is a good thing, for it makes municipal officers careful to see that everything is properly and carefully explained to the public. Dayton has a delightful sheet known as the Municipal Searchlight, devoted exclusively to throwing mud at the government of Dayton. It says that Dayton is afflicted with expertitis, a municipal disease which I, for one, fondly hope will prove contagious. This ill-tempered little publication with its slender store of specifications and its enormous store of billingsgate furnishes to any open-minded man indisputable proof that the opposition in Dayton is terribly hard up for ammunition.
In Phcenix, Arizona, the first city manager lost his job for reasons which seem to be on the whole creditable to him, and it seemed logical to expect that his successor would be a man more amenable to political control. It has not worked out that way, however. The new manager has achieved a list of reforms which demonstrate high ability.
At Niagara Falls before the plan went into effect, the newspapers and the local political lights talked about the city managership as if it were a fat job for some local man. But the commission was true to the traditions of the plan and engaged a non-resident expert, Manager Carr of Cadillac.
In Newburgh, a rather weak commission engaged a high-class man from Cleveland. There was a legal tangle in the charter which prevented the new manager from reorganizing the city employes, and the commission removed him after he had been in office only five months, before he really got going. There was considerable indignation among the citizens and a demand for a statement of the charges. No charges were forthcoming and the commission gave no explanation. Even the manager was only able to obtain trivial excuses and justification. It was said that there had been a stormy private meeting in the councils of the local machine a short time previous because the manager “had done nothing for the Republican party.” At any rate it was evident that the commission had another man in mind, a local business man and unsuccessful candidate in the election a few months previous, whom it promptly appointed.


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The new manager seems to be getting more action, but I think Newburgh is one of the cities to watch.
I have saved Ashtabula for the last—Ashtabula with the unique city charter that is the ultimate ideal, with its council elected by the Hare plan of proportional representation. At the first election, this method of election caused an Italian saloon-keeper named Nick Corrado, to forge ahead of a young attorney named Rinto. Professor Hatton, who studied the election on the spot, commented that “the election of Rinto would have improved the council, but the election of Corrado made it more representative.” The commission after quarreling long over the appointment of a manager, selected one of its own number who needed a job although he had no particular training for this one. He undertook at the same time to remain as a voting member of the commission. The town, of course, was properly indignant and mass meetings were held with the result that in a few days the manager withdrew, after which the commission compromised on the selection of the local postmaster, who had no special claims to fitness for the job, beyond good political connections, but who nevertheless is said to have proceeded to do well. Since this episode Corrado has been indicted for murder.
Proportional representation undertakes to guarantee to every citizen that he will have somebody of his own kind at the city hall to represent him. In achieving this purpose the Hare plan used in Ashtabula is unquestionably more scientific than the ordinary method, and its advocates have nothing to apologize for in Ashtabula. The tough element of a town is entitled to its due share of representation. But this first American demonstration of the plan in Ashtabula was almost too perfect!
NEW ORLEANS’EXPERIENCE UNDER COMMISSION
GOVERNMENT
BY ETHEL HUTSON1 New Orleans2
NEW ORLEANS has just re-elected, after its first four years, her commission council. There is but one change: E. J. Glenny, a cotton broker, nominated in place of W. B. Thompson, commissioner of public utilities, who declined to run again.
When, in 1912, amendments to the city charter and the education law allowed New Orleans to replace her aldermanic council of 17 ward lieutenants by a commission council of 5, and the Orleans parish school board of 14 ward representatives by a board of 5, chosen at large, it was believed that two steps forward had been taken.
1 Editorial staff, the New Orleans Item.
2 See National Municipal Review, vol. v, pp. 522, 705.


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True, the commission council charter had been frightfully man-handled in passage. Drawn up by the city attorney, when it became plain that some sort of commission government was demanded, it followed the old charter literally, except where it reduced the number of the council members, and made them administrative officers, elected at large. So it was painfully weak in many points, notably in its failure to give the council specific power to regulate public utilities, and in the ineffectiveness of its recall provisions.
Then, too, in electing its members and those of the school board, the reform party which had forced the passage of these laws went all to pieces. The “regular organization” (Democratic, of course) elected both bodies; but it had been forced by public pressure to nominate, instead of the old-line politicians originally slated for the posts, business men with little previous political experience, to serve both on the school board, and on the commission council with the mayor, Martin Behrman, re-elected for his third term.
The personnel of the school board has not been so constant as that of the council. Death, removals, and other circumstances have brought it about that not one of the men elected in 1912 was on the list of school directors endorsed by the regular organization for 1916; and elected, in spite of the new “non-partisan” school election law which, designed to prevent such control of the school board by the city “ring,” went into effect this year.
Thus, for the fourth time, Martin Behrman, “boss of the fifteenth ward” and of the city, becomes mayor, with a council and a school board friendly to his interests; with the state administration, the national committeeman, and the four New Orleans newspapers again apparently reconciled to his rule; and the city re-financed by a $9,000,000 fifty-year serial bond issue, against which no serious fight was made except by a few women who feared it would endanger the basis of the school finances. The strong opposition of four years ago, led by John M. Parker, Governor Luther E. Hall, the New Orleans Item, and the Times-Democrat, has completely melted away. To all appearance, New Orleans is in the trough of a reactionary movement. In the election, Mayor Behrman received more votes than President Wilson; and of the three commissioners re-elected, the ablest and most progressive received the smallest number of votes!
Yet it was the record of this commissioner, E. E. Lafaye, quite as much as the parlous situation in state politics, which enabled the commission council to go into the election absolutely unopposed.
Even with a reactionary governor at Baton Rouge, had the commission council had no constructive achievements to its credit, the latent discontent over mismanaged schools, heavy municipal debts, official subservience to moneyed interests, encouragement of racing, and police incapacity—or worse—might have crystallized into active opposition.


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But it was because one active, conscientious official has earned his $6,000 a year, attempted a number of genuine reforms, accomplished a few, held his colleagues in line on critical occasions, and now and then dragged them out of messes they have gotten into, that the record of the council as a whole shows up as well as it does.
Indeed, it has done better than any one dared hope. At least three of its members can point to flagrant abuses in their departments more or less rectified, and if they do not do more in the next four years, the community will be disappointed—far more than had they done nothing in their term just past.
For little was expected of any of them when they went into office in 1912. Four “shirt-front” commissioners put up at the last moment, when it was found that the heads of city hall departments originally slated to be the mayor’s colleagues had records too vulnerable—the general prediction was that they would give a few hours of their time each week to the city’s business, and that behind their backs the ward bosses would pull the wires and roll the logs as merrily as ever. But only one of the four—he who has dropped out this time—fulfilled this prediction. The other three have been on their jobs, kept office hours, made many obvious improvements; and one at least has achieved two big victories for the municipality and the people, against graft-entrenched corporations.
The hopeful part of the situation is that these agreeable surprises have been almost as unexpected by the commissioners themselves as by the public. They took office with the idea that they could satisfy the public and their own consciences, retain all their private business connections, and make $6,000 apiece with little personal exertion or sacrifice. Their first official act was to retain in office all the heads of municipal departments. Notoriously unfit men in the board of health, the city engineer’s office, the department of public works, were kept, at their original salaries, and are still in office. It seemed as though commission government would mean simply that $24,000 a year would be paid for the “shirt-fronts” while the same old bunch drew down their same old pay and ran things as usual.
Before the new government had been in office six months, two things had become plain. One was that the commission council legislated for the city as a whole, and was swayed little by local ward boss influences. The other, that the jobs were no sinecures, after all, and that at least three of the new officials realized this.
The succeeding months have shown that the commission form of government, even under such handicaps as here, has given a free hand to the active, honest, capable official; that, under it, even the less aggressive type of man has felt responsibilities he could not shirk; and that a professional politician like Mayor Behrman has been brought to support


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his more progressive colleagues even at the cost of certain valuable political alliances.
It has been the two younger members of the commission who have led the way, and won the admiration of the community, including political opponents. And the youngest and least politically experienced of all, like the youngest brother in the fairy tales, who wins the leadership by performing the despised and impossible tasks, has set the pace for the others.
Commissioner Newman, who has had (in the department of public safety) the fire and police departments and the board of health under him; and Commissioner Lafaye, who (as head of the department of public property) has had charge of streets, markets, parks, bridges, cemeteries, public buildings, the municipal repair plant, garbage disposal, and the city engineer’s and city architect’s offices, were both ambitious and energetic, as well as young. Mr. Newman is not yet forty-five, Mr. Lafaye but thirty-six. They belong to the type of young men going into politics in all parts of the country now, with a new vision of the possibilities of public service.
They responded like thoroughbreds to the public demand that the commission council should.give the city a “business administration” and set to work to bring efficiency and honesty out of the chaos of negligence— and worse—which they found.
When they went into office in December, 1912, each was asked by The Item how much time he expected to devote to the city’s work. Commissioner Lafaye, who as youngest had allowed the others to choose their portfolios, and had been assigned the most difficult and exacting, public property, replied:
“As much as may be necessary.” In August, 1913, he resigned his position with the wholesale grocery firm which had employed him for 20 years, and gave up other business connections, making a considerable financial sacrifice.
“ It was a matter of honor,” he explained to his friends. “ I had promised when I ran for office to serve four years, and to give such time as might be necessary. I did not know it would take all my time, but I see now it will.” None of the other departments have proved so exacting—but none of the other commissioners has accomplished so much.
At his office or on the streets, from 9 a.m. or earlier till 5 p.m. or later, every day, often on Sundays, and many times late into the night, this energetic young business man has card-indexed with his own hand all the facts and figures he needs to know, to keep each detail of his big department under his fingers.
“If I had some one else to do it, I should not learn my lesson,” is his excuse. Unexpected inspections of street-cleaning gangs or markets at midnight or at 5 a.m., long hours of figuring over electric rates, conferences with experts on city planning, or with market-gardeners and butchers on


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market conditions—these lengthen his hours of work far beyond routine requirements. His ’phone is always busy, his mail two or three times as great as that of the whole city hall used to be.
His native diplomacy has enabled him to put through measures in state and city legislation which would normally have roused opposition from one side or the other. “We hadn’t the heart to kill that clever young chap’s bill,” some of the country legislators who usually go gunning for all city measures are reported to have said. He is equally successful in enlisting the support of his colleagues in the council or on other boards when he has something constructive to propose, because he does not espouse a plan until he has looked into its details and is sure it is feasible.
In his subordinates, too, he inspires a new ambition and fresh energy. Suave, courteous to all, especially to his inferiors; eager, nervous, sensitive to praise or blame, yet able to hold his course in the face of unjust and violent criticism, he is by far the most promising of the five men who hold the destinies of New Orleans in their hands. Some say he is the most dangerous.
For, mercurial though he seems, he keeps his own counsel, schemes deeply, bargains shrewdly, waits his time like a cat, and has swept out of power influences that long swayed the city’s affairs. And this without active support from newspapers or any political ally.
Half a dozen herculean tasks has this young official undertaken; and in some he has been measurably successful.
“To pull New Orleans out of the mud,” as he put it, was the first: and this he is doing literally, by reforming the paving law, once an invitation to corruption; and by bringing the municipal repair plant, long a scandal, and the street-cleaning department, up to a certain efficiency. He has thrice routed the combined forces of the paving contractors and driven them to reduce their prices. His paving law, while still open to criticism, has accomplished, under his vigilance, nearly all that he expected, reduced the cost of paving, and relieved the city of a burden which it could no longer bear.
After three years’ bargaining, he has made a ten-year contract with the local lighting and power monopoly, by which the rates of small consumers are reduced about one-third, and the city secures its municipal lighting upon much more favorable terms, which will leave her, at the end of the ten years, able to dictate instead of being dictated to.
These are the two out-standing achievements. He has, besides, placed the departments of the city on a business basis in the purchase of supplies; kept the city noticeably cleaner than it has ever been kept before; handled the enormous accumulation of rubbish that was routed out by the cleanup campaign that followed the mild outbreak of bubonic plague here in 1914; revised the market ordinances so as to encourage the building of modern, sanitary markets.


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His attempts to improve the public markets have been hampered by lack of funds and of intelligent co-operation; yet he has done something, and New Orleans has six of its thirty-odd public markets screened and partly modernized.
He has improved the conditions under which the city’s waifs are cared for, but has not yet carried out his project of a permanent home for them along modern lines. Nor has he been able yet to beautify Canal street according to a plan he has for harmonizing the demands of present-day commercial life with the distinctive architectural features of the local past.
“A typical French creole,” men called him in the beginning—a phrase that on the lips of the New Orleans business man is synonymous with picturesque, polite inefficiency. They see now that he is a creole who has reverted to the type of those adventurous ancestors who followed Iberville and Bienville to build New Orleans in a morass, who legislated with Carondelet, who fought under Jackson and Beauregard. In their spirit, and with all their gay daring, he checkmates corporation lawyers, defies political bosses, outbargains business men, persuades legislatures and levee boards into big constructive plans.
Equally ambitious is Commissioner Newman, and he, too, has done much to make New Orleans better to live in. He also has a genial personality, and inspires the men under him to increased efficiency and enthusiasm. His first outstanding achievements were a successful two years’ fight to raise the assessment of the New Orleans railway and lighting company, and a reorganization of the methods and to some extent of the personnel of the recorders’ courts.
He has made the police and the fire departments more efficient and more self-respecting, and given active aid in the enforcement of sanitation and safety laws. In fact, he has been a conspicuous leader in the nationwide movement for securing better regulation of street traffic. But his reforms have been of the easy, superficial sort. He has made no real fight on fundamental evils.
Commissioner A. G. Ricks has been conscientious, but not aggressive, in the administration of the department of public finance. A modern system of book-keeping installed in the comptroller’s department has removed a number of the weird entries that used to make its reports funny as a page of Puck. It is now possible to compare consecutive annual reports and gain some idea of the state of the city’s finances. But there is not yet a complete account of the reserve fund, whose unaccounted-for balances, in the last eight years, must have totalled more than $200,-000. And the budget is made only to be ignored.
Whereas in other cities it is claimed that commission government has brought drastic economies, here the best that can be said of its financial results is that it has revealed the staggering debts piling up under its own and former administrations. Prior to 1913, these were concealed by de-


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ceptive book-keeping, which masked a deficit of $600,000 laid bare when the books were audited just after the commission council was elected.
That deficit has grown to $1,350,000. It will be refunded if the bonds recently authorized are sold, and the city will start next year, it is promised, on a cash basis.
If it is to remain so, however, the commission council will have to put into effect some economies, and not continue, as in the past four years, to boost payrolls year by year. Almost the only sums listed under the head of “salaries,” that have shown no increases under the commission council, have been those of the “inspector of prisons and asylums” and the “factories inspector”—who both happen to be women and not voters.
Tangles of litigation with the public belt and other bodies, strangling of the jitneys by an unreasonably high bond requirement, and a total lack of progressive activity in any field, make up the record of the commissioner of public utilities who dropped out this fall. His last important official act was to father a wholly ineffectual law creating a “public utilities commission” which so far has done just what it was expected to do—nothing!
Mayor Behrman, four times chosen by the electorate, is a typical ward boss: shrewd, generous with the people’s money (and his own, too, it is said), scrupulous to keep the letter of his word once given, but capable of ruthless double-crossing, he holds his own, though shorn of much political power by the commission form—holds it by his ability to use abler and more scrupulous men.
Ward boss power is still entrenched firmly in its ultimate stronghold, the board of assessors, and the result of the election, which gave enormous “instructed” majorities for measures of a reactionary character, is believed to place genuine equalization of taxation fully eight years off.
THE BUFFALO CHARTER
BY MELVIN P. PORTER Buffalo, N. Y.
HISTORY AND DESCRIPTION
THE long fight for a new charter for Buffalo became active in 1909 with the city’s request by referendum for the submission of a commission charter. Early in 1910 a bill was introduced at Albany which contained the following ten important provisions:
(a) power centered
(1) in a single council of five, executive as well as legislative,
(2) in each member as head of a department,


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(b) control by the voters
secured through, (Prior to Election)
(3) a short ballot, permitting intelligent voting,
(4) preferential voting, selection as well as election by the voters,
(5) election at large, control by all the voters,
(After Election)
(6) the referendum, voters’ veto for misrepresentative acts,
(7) the initiative, voters’ power to compel desired acts,
(8) the recall, voters’ earlier replacement of a bad official,
(9) publicity, of meetings, etc., involving simple rules of procedure,
(10) appointments subject to the merit system.
This request of the city was flouted by its representatives in Albany in 1910. The municipal league published their records and insisted upon charter pledges in each campaign, and the voters kept on replacing them until by 1914 three fourths of the legislators from the county were pledged to “do all in their power” for submission. Then the legislature submitted a charter stripped of preferential voting, the initiative and the recall. This charter was accepted'by the voters by 15,000 majority.
But we believe that good city government is based on two things: Centering of power permitting business to be done, or efficiency and control by the voters, insuring that business be done for the public interest, or democracy. Therefore, recognizing that our new charter is decidedly lacking in control by voters, the municipal league has kept right on fighting along the same old line of pledging candidates and submitting bills to give Buffalo the right to vote on the initiative, the recall and preferential voting. Last winter every assemblyman from our county begged the committee on cities to approve the bills, which had been indorsed by the city council and by 20 business men’s associations, but the committee obeyed the bosses who see in these bills peculiar danger to the invisible government. All but two of the twelve state legislators elected this month from our county are pledged to “ do all in their power” for these bills which will again be introduced at the opening of the next legislature and the fight will go on till victory is won and Buffalo has a charter with both centered power and control by the voters. Then it will rest with its citizens to make actual the good government thus made possible.
OPERATION OF CHARTER
January 1,1916, the new charter became effective with a mayor holding over for two years from the old charter and four new councilmen elected through a non-partisan direct primary from 46 candidates.
While it is too early to judge the operation of the new charter . I believe there is general satisfaction with the conduct of all the departments, except the schools, which have been widely criticized. They had been


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grossly mismanaged under the divided authority of the old charter and the lack of the merit system of appointment of teachers. The new charter provided for a board of education appointed by the council on nomination of the mayor, and removable by the council, but unfortunately failed to give the board the appointment of the superintendent of education. To this board the council delegated practically all the power it could over the schools.
Instead of using its large powers to put the schools on the merit system to encourage the wider use of the school buildings and to make adequate plans for the coming school year, the board indulged in quarrels among members, and sought more power for itself and for four months ignored the communications from the commissioner at the head of the department. Then the council last July transferred the business affairs from the board to the commissioner, but left the board in charge of educational affairs. Since then more progress has been made in the schools, but no solution is to be expected until the powers of the board are clearly understood, until many incompetents developed by the old system are dismissed and the supply shut off by applying the merit system of appointment. Last February the municipal league urged the council when making school ordinances to compel the appointment of teachers from the three highest on the eligible list, just as the law requires in all other city departments. The council avoided the issue by turning the question over to the board, which has failed to act.
Unless the board renders better service it may be wise to change to the St. Paul plan of managing the schools directly like any other department in a commission city.
Under the old charter the parks were largely under the control of a park board, which, like our other numerous unpaid boards, did not give sufficient time to the city to understand the public needs. Now the parks are controlled under the council by a commissioner, who at small cost has greatly increased public recreation through ball and tennis grounds, swimming and skating facilities, street dancing and improved band concerts.
For the health department a sanitary code is being adopted which had been held up for six years under the old council.
The department of public works controls the largest amount of patronage and was a source of great criticism under the old charter. The municipal league and the chamber of commerce had scored its head severely for causing the spending of several millions of money in an unnecessary pumping station, and for using patronage to control the board of aldermen and to build up a political machine. This machine was strong enough to re-elect him repeatedly under the old charter and to nominate but not to elect under the new charter.
For instance, he had many clerks listed as assistant foremen or laborers because they could not pass the civil service examination for clerks.- A
6


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few weeks after the new charter became effective, the new commissioner required the civil service commission to list those doing clerical work as clerks in so far as they had become competent through experience. The others, numbering about 70, he dismissed. He also abolished the useless waste and leak gang, of about 26 men. The old commissioner and the old council had grossly neglected the painting and repairing of several viaducts crossing railway tracks. The matter is now being taken up. This neglect will cost the city about $380,000 in replacing two viaducts.
It was found that various firms had been permitted by the old government to escape payment of their water tax for fire connections. Such firms are now being required to pay eight years’ back tax. Inspection has been made of water connections throughout the city as a basis on which to figure rates more equitably, in order to make the water bureau self-sustaining.
In the department of finance and accounts, the new charter has made possible a prompt completion of a careful examination of all real estate. Real estate is assessed on the basis of a modified Somers system. It is expected that the new assessment rolls this winter will show about $125,-000,000 increased valuation. About one fifth of it is made up of equipment and machinery heretofore untaxed, which the law requires to be taxed as real estate. The rest of the increase is due to more equitable assessments without any general increase throughout the city. In the last six years under our old charter the city tax rate increased 37 per cent and the bonded debt 65 per cent without adequate returns to the taxpayers. The tax rate had practically reached the legal limit. The tax rate under the new council for the fiscal year beginning last July maintained this high level of about 3 per cent on a valuation of perhaps 70 per cent. Much of this high tax rate was due to debts left over from the old government which had been in the habit of leaving large deficits from the preceding year, rather than facing them and making an honest tax rate. It is expected that the tax rate for the next fiscal year will be materially lower, due to the above increase in valuation, and to some saving in expenditures. Besides we expect to have a good deal more to show for our money.
The new council is paying off old bonds when they mature rather than reissuing them as had frequently been done under the old government. For several years all new issues of bonds have been in serial form.
The five city departments have co-operated without .evidence of the log-rolling so common under our old charter. There has been no criticism of lack of co-operation of the bureaus in any of the various departments except in the case of the schools.
I believe the public generally considers the new government a great improvement. Business is transacted much more quickly. For instance, in the morning, a call came to the commissioner for a 300-foot


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pipe extension. In the afternoon the city engineer examined the situation and within four days the council had approved and the work had been begun. Under the old charter such a matter would probably have gone the rounds of the board of aldermen, reference to a committee, return to the board, reference to the councilmen and possible committee action there, and then reference to the mayor. All new matters had to run this gauntlet. I found it no easy course when securing public playgrounds.
The new council holds weekly public hearings where any citizen may address the entire council sitting as a committee of the whole. Each commissioner is on duty daily and accessible to all. The old aldermen and councilmen were on duty only a few hours at meetings once or twice a week.
The council decides too many important measures in secret conference, subject to ratification at the public meeting. For instance, how can the voters know the real attitude of each councilman on the street car rate investigation below, as indicated in the discussion and votes in the secret conference'? How can they know whether the unanimous vote at the public meeting included a minority, who at the secret conference opposed a rate investigation and would still oppose if they had prospect of winning?
The new council has guarded the city’s interests much better than the old in dealing with public service corporations. The independent telephone company here has not prospered and has just made a deal to sell out to the Bell, which required the consent of the city. The new council in giving consent finally imposed conditions vastly more favorable to the city than it had been accustomed to get from the old common council, or than were asked for by the chamber of commerce and the newspapers, though some requirements were omitted which many citizens thought should have been insisted on.
Our referendum was first used this November through a large petition to veto the council’s action. This petition was secured by volunteer workers for the central council of business men’s associations and the central labor council and no money was spent for publicity. The telephone interests, after failing to get the courts to throw out the petition, spent large sums for' many half-page newspaper advertisements, for circulars to voters and for poll workers. They were aided by numerous editorials in all the local press and by the chamber of commerce. The voters sustained the council by 8 per cent majority in a vote which was 70 per cent of that cast for governor.
It would cost the city about $50,000 to defend before the public service commission, an action brought by the street railway company to secure a large reduction in its assessment. Our corporation counsel advised using the same evidence to convince the commission that the city was. entitled to a car fare of less than five cents. All proposals to reduce street,


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car fares were laughed out of court by the old aldermen. But the new council, after some hesitation, unanimously approved the plan of the corporation counsel, who believes he can prove that it does not cost the company two-thirds more to carry a street car passenger in Buffalo, than it does in her nearest neighbors, Toronto, Cleveland and Detroit.
THE PROPOSED NEW CHARTER OF ALAMEDA
BY WILLIAM J. LOCKE1 San Francisco, Cal.
OUT in California, a new charter was recently drawn for the city of Alameda, which contains a number of novel and interesting features worthy of the most thoughtful consideration. By way of introduction I will state that the constitution of California provides that any city of 3,500 population may elect a board of fifteen freeholders to frame a charter for its own government, or having a charter already, may, by the same method, frame a new one.
The present charter of the city was adopted in 1906. It was prepared without that care and consideration which the importance of such a matter requires, and time showing it to be defective in several particulars, a general demand arose about two years ago for a new instrument of more modern design, finally resulting in the council calling an election for fifteen freeholders to frame the desired instrument.
Profiting by past experience, the citizens decided to take every precaution against the election of incompetent men. Accordingly, an organization was formed, with the chamber of commerce and other civic bodies as a nucleus. Their efforts were so successful that there was practically no opposition to their candidates, with the result that a board of freeholders was secured of exceptionally high character and ability.
After their election, the board organized and went to work in a scientific manner collecting data, inviting the suggestions of experts, and proceeding with that system most conducive to the accomplishment of successful results. The charter was finally completed and signed October 25, and it will be submitted for adoption at a special election called for the eighth of January.
One of the most interesting features of the proposed charter is its brevity, the freeholders having taken special pains to avoid the use of all unnecessary verbiage. For example, the general powers of the city are expressed in a single paragraph, without enumeration or specification. Among other things it is provided that the city council shall consist of ve members, one of whom shall be chosen by his colleagues to preside,
1 Executive secretary of the league of California municipalities.


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serving also as ex-officio mayor, without any veto, however, or other additional powers except those of a ministerial character, such as are involved in the signing of warrants and representing the city in ceremonial functions, excepting also, however, that in case of riot or extraordinary emergency he shall be the executive head of the city with supreme control of the police department.
The charter provides also for the use of the preferential system of election. Members of the council are to hold office for four years except those first elected, in which case the two receiving the lowest vote shall serve for two years only. The only other elective officers are the auditor, who shall be ex-officio assessor, the treasurer, who shall be ex-officio tax collector, and a police judge; thus providing a short ballot, as not more than six' offices are required to be filled at any one time after the first election.
The council shall appoint a city clerk, also a city attorney, and in order to give a large assurance of continuity in office, provision is made that neither of the two officials mentioned can be removed except by a four-fifths vote.
The work of administration is to be under the supervision and control of a city manager appointed by the council. No residential qualification is required of the manager, and in order to safeguard as far as possible his dismissal for political reasons, it is provided that he cannot be removed except by a four-fifths vote of the entire council. It is also provided that no councilman shall in any manner attempt to influence the city manager in the making of appointments or purchase of supplies, a violation of this provision operating as a forfeiture of office.
The city manager is to appoint the city engineer, street superintendent and other subordinate officers of administration not otherwise provided for, #also the chief of police, fire chief, health officer, a board of social service, a board of public utilities, and director of parks and playgrounds.
Now then, there are two provisions contained in the Alameda charter which, so far as known, are absolutely without precedent in this country, provisions, the novelty of which is only exceeded by their value and importance. The first, for want of a better name, has been entitled “publicity of candidates” and it is designed to provide a means whereby the electors may ascertain from a reliable source something of the comparative qualifications of the different candidates.
Where nominations are made by political parties, it is understood that the party stands sponsor for its nominees, a responsibility, however, of rather uncertain value. Be that as it may, partisan nominations for municipal elections were abolished in California ten years ago, on the theory that a man’s views on the tariff or any other national question do not affect in any manner his qualifications for holding a municipal office. Consequently, candidates for municipal office in California have their names printed on the ballot without any party designation, and the


86 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January
electors are obliged to ascertain their comparative qualifications from newspapers more or less biased or from other unreliable sources.
In the proposed new charter of Alameda this defect is remedied by a requirement that every candidate shall furnish to the city clerk, at his own expense, printed copies of a verified statement as to his residence, place of birth, present occupation, what public office he has held, if any, and whether he is a taxpayer of the city. He may also give such other information regarding his experience and qualifications as might assist the electors to estimate his fitness to fill the office. Such statement shall contain also the names of not more than twenty residents of the city to whom the candidate refers the electors for further information as to his ability and character. Also, it shall have printed thereon a photo-engraving of the candidate, and he shall supply sufficient copies to the city clerk to enable one to be sent to each voter with the sample ballot.
This plan of publicity will, in the opinion of its proponents, enable the stay-at-home citizen to make a more intelligent selection. Moreover, it simply requires the candidate for an elective office to give the same character of information which would be required of him if he were seeking an appointment under the federal civil service or in a private corporation. Should not the public be entitled to know from the candidate himself something of his past experience and training? Heretofore the policy has been to let the people find it out the best they can.
Too well do we ail know that under our present system of election it is not the man of ability and training, but rather the “good fellow” who invariably wins at the polls, due in a large measure to the fact that heretofore the people have had no means of ascertaining the comparative qualifications of the various candidates. We believe that the average citizen wants good government and that he will vote for the best men whenever you provide him with a reliable method for ascertaining who are the best men.
The other novel feature of the Alameda charter relates to the provisions for exercising the “recall.” There has been much justifiable complaint against the “recall” from various parts of the country, and it will be universally conceded that some provision should be made to prevent a disgruntled minority from forcing a recall election against the wishes of the majority. In most states it is provided that upon the filing of a petition by a small percentage of the voters, a municipality is compelled to go through the turmoil and expense of a special election, and the official attacked is required to go through another political campaign and fight for his office all over again.
In California we have felt for some time that the basic machinery for invoking the “recall” is not set on a firm foundation. For illustration, it is provided that action shall be taken by the council upon the filing of a “petition,” and all of us know that the average “petition” is not a document of very much significance. People will sign petitions without reading them, often to accommodate a friend, sometimes to get


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rid of a bore, and again to enable the circulator to earn the ten cents frequently paid for each signature. In several California cities these objections have been overcome in a large measure by providing that copies of the petition shall be deposited for a stipulated period in certain public places to receive signatures, notice of the fact first being given by publication. It is conceded that if a citizen will take the trouble to go out of his way to the place where a petition has been deposited to receive signatures, it is a pretty good indication that such a petition will reflect the true sentiment of the signers. And after all, is there anything unreasonable in such a provision? Is there any more reason why we should circulate a petition than circulate the ballot box on election day? However, on account of the large number of commuters living in Alameda, it was felt that in that particular case the plan of depositing petitions would make the recall practically prohibitive, so it was provided instead that petitions should be circulated, but only by sworn verification deputies. In addition to this provision it is required also that all copies of the petition shall have a parallel column provided in which those who oppose the special election or favor the retention of the official, may also attach their signatures. In other words, the petition is so arranged as to enable the voters to sign for or against the recall; and it is provided that the proponents of the recall must not only secure the required percentage of signatures but they must also secure more signatures than those opposed to the proposition, otherwise no special election will be called.
In most of our states the recall law gives the minority a right which it denies to the majority. The signature of one citizen, like his vote, should have no more weight than the signature of another citizen; yet under present laws 20 or 25 per cent of the voters may call a special election, notwithstanding the fact that the remaining 75 per cent may be opposed to it.
The proposed new charter for Alameda has been indorsed by the leading political factions now existing in that city, wherefore its adoption on the eighth of January next is practically a foregone conclusion.
PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION IN ASHTABULA
BY WILLIAM E. BOYNTON Ashtabula, Ohio
WE HAD some rather unpleasant experiences in putting the city manager plan of government into operation in Ashtabula with our council of seven members elected by the Hare system of proportional representation. I do not believe, however, that we had any worse time if as bad, as that experienced in Sandusky with a commission of five members elected by the ordinary at-large plan.
While some of our Ashtabula people blame proportional representation, it is generally admitted that at bottom the cause of our trouble was


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that so few broad-minded, capable men were willing to become candidates for the council and that so few people took the interest they should have done in trying to get men of this kind to serve as councilmen. Perhaps one reason for this was that the people were not fully awake to the opportunity which the proportional method affords for the election of first-class men. I know of at least one very capable citizen, the superintendent of one of our largest industries, who has said, since the election, that if he had known that it only took about 300 or 400 votes to elect a member of the council he should have offered himself as a candidate, for he felt sure he would easily have received that many votes.
Another thing which stood in the way of the manager plan starting in at its best was that the people had not been educated up to the idea of putting the city managership on a professional basis. The fact is that the charter was adopted in Ashtabula without a single dollar being spent to educate the people as to the purposes and advantages of the new plan. The prevailing sentiment among all classes, business men as well as workingmen, was that we should not go outside the city for a manager. If public sentiment had favored going outside for a man who was an expert in municipal matters, I believe our representative council would have made a creditable selection without much trouble.
A further condition which was bound to cause more or less friction, regardless of the method of electing the council, was that numerous wet and dry elections had divided the people into opposing factions to such an extent that municipal elections had come to be in the main simply contests between the wets and drys for the control of the city government. In order that you may understand something of the extent to which this wet and dry factionalism entered into city matters in which it really had no part, I will mention an incident that occurred during the term I served as president of the council.
An ordinance had been passed by the council granting the Nickel Plate railway the right to put in a switch track for the use of a local coal dealer who happened also to be the chairman of the “county dry committee.” The interests of the city were fully protected by the ordinance but in order to injure the dry leader the wet element held up the ordinance by a referendum petition and succeeded in having it voted down at the election, thus causing the dry coal dealer a great amount of inconvenience and unnecessary expense.
It was this wet and dry strife which was the immediate cause of the trouble our council had in appointing a manager.
The council was divided on this basis into three drys, three wets or liberals and one socialist who claimed to be neutral but really favored the liberal side. The trouble started when the three drys held a caucus and decided that for manager they would support a local man then director of public service.


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Dr. Hogan, then president of the council and one of the leading members of the council-elect, was so incensed by the action of these three members in meeting by themselves and deciding on a man for manager instead of waiting for a meeting of all the council-men, that he blocked the appointment of the service director, when this meeting was held, by nominating Fred Briggs, one of the council-men-elect.
Briggs, who was badly in need of a job at the time, had been a member of the council for several years having been twice previously elected as councilman-at-large under the old form. It was well known in political circles that Briggs had aspired to the mayor’s office, but before his ambition was realized, the office was abolished by the adoption of the charter. The council was now deadlocked as the socialist member refused to vote with either faction until the night before the new council was to be seated when he voted with Briggs, Corrado and Hogan, who represented the liberal faction, for Briggs.
The people made such a vigorous and continued protest against Briggs getting the appointment by the aid of his own vote that he finally declined the appointment and retained his seat in the council. Another short period of deadlock now ensued which was broken on January 24 by the socialist member voting on the one-hundredth ballot with the three liberals for Warren Prine, a local man of considerable executive ability but with no training or experience in municipal matters.
The performance of the council in appointing a manager can hardly be said to afford an argument in favor of the method by which this council was elected, but it would be as unreasonable and unfair to condemn proportional representation on this account as it would be to condemn the referendum because of the use which was made of it in Ashtabula.
The factional spirit which appeared to dominate the council to a large extent during the making of appointments seemed to disappear with the appointment of Mr. Prine as manager by the vote of Briggs, Corrado, Earlywine and Hogan. From that time until the present not a single measure has been passed by the vote of these four councilmen with the other three opposing. Most of the important ordinances have been passed by a unanimous vote. On measures regarding which the council was divided the deciding majority has not been composed of the same members twice in succession. It can now fairly be said that the experience in Ashtabula has proved that it is entirely possible for a council elected by the proportional method and composed of representatives of the different and opposing elements in a community to work together for the best interests of the city as harmoniously as could be desired.


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The work of the council since the appointment of the manager has met with general approval. Only one ordinance has had any open opposition. This was an ordinance providing for the regulation and licensing of boxing exhibitions. In the past such exhibitions have been held without any authority of law and overlooked by the city authorities. Representatives of the ministerial association were present at the second reading of this ordinance and protested against its passage but it was passed by a vote of four to two, one member being absent.
The church people held up the ordinance by a referendum until the recent election when it was approved by the voters by a vote of 1,785 for and 1,432 against. This would seem to indicate that the sentiment of the people on questions of this character is pretty fairly represented in the council.
I have watched the proceedings of the council pretty closely and believe that it seldom if ever makes a decision on any question that would not be upheld by a majority of the people of the city.
Regarding the administration in Ashtabula I would say that our city manager is one of those men who have the faculty of getting things done. We had a good illustration of this during “clean-up week” last spring. Previous administrations had made attempts to carry out the clean-up day idea, but it had always been mostly a failure. Under Mr. Prine’s leadership the people entered into the spirit of the occasion and “cleanup day” was a great success, the idea being carried out on a scale never before known in Ashtabula.
For city solicitor, we have an able and experienced attorney, and this adds greatly to the strength and efficiency of our administrative organization. In the past, Ashtabula has nearly always had some young, inexperienced lawyer as city attorney, the people electing a new one every two years in order to give the young man a start in life.
Under the mayor and council plan there were quite a number of offices that did not afford an opportunity to earn the salary connected with the office. It was mainly the desire to remedy this condition that made the people of Ashtabula favor the adoption of the charter.
Some of these offices have been combined and others abolished so that the work which was formerly distributed among sixteen different offices is now covered by nine, including that of city manager.
While salaries have been increased to some extent, the net result has been a reduction of over 20 per cent in salary cost.
In common with other cities that have adopted the manager plan, Ashtabula has a good degree of efficiency and economy in city government and, may I add, Ashtabula has also secured democracy in government by adopting proportional representation and having a council of seven members.


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STATE MUNICIPAL LEAGUE MEETINGS1
BT WILLIAM PARR CAPES2 Albany, N. Y.
IF ORGANIZATION and co-operation will wipe out the stigma which has been placed upon American municipal government, we are in a fair way to make the city the most efficient unit of our government, for we are rapidly assembling and setting up the machinery which is linking together all American municipalities into one compact working force. We at least are determined to give the theory of co-operation a fair trial, and whether it fails or not we can never be accused by future generations of procrastination. Its success, however, is already being indicated by the results of the labors of the various organizations and the effects of-these results on individual municipalities.
During the past year the mobilization of municipal forces in the United States has gone steadily forward until now we have fifty municipal leagues —national, state, inter-state and intra-state. The activity of this organized force is now a prominent factor in the effort underway in all sections to raise the standard of municipal service.
Our municipal organization is not yet complete, but the progress we have made in the last seventeen years has been remarkable. The United States to-day has three national municipal organizations and Canada one.3 Thirty-two states have organized their municipalities into leagues or kindred bodies.4 With the exception of the New England states all sections of the United States have been quite thoroughly organized, those states which have not yet organized being scattered. But even in some of these the seed of co-operation has already been planted by the organization of either inter-state or intra-state associations.5 Of the fifty organizations now devoting their time and effort exclusively to city welfare, five were established during the last year, the Cloverland association, the leagues of New Jersey, North Idaho and New Mexico and the
1 See National Municipal Review, vol. v, p. 66.
2 Secretary, New York state conference of mayors and other city officials.
3 The National Municipal League, the League of American Municipalities, the American Society for Municipal Improvement and the Union of Canadian Municipalities.
4 Indiana, North Carolina, Texas, New York, South Carolina, Alabama, Ohio, Mississippi, Louisiana, North Dakota, Colorado, Tennessee, Arkansas, Kentucky, Massachusetts, Utah, Michigan, Montana, Illinois, Missouri, Kansas, CQnnecticut, New Jersey, Nebraska, California, Iowa, Minnesota, Oklahoma, Washington, Wisconsin, Virginia, New Mexico.
5 Association of commission-governed cities of South Dakota, league of third class cities in Pennsylvania, North Idaho municipal league, the mayors’ association of the South Atlantic and Gulf states, Cloverland association of municipalities embracing the cities of upper Michigan and the league of Northwest municipalities.


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mayors’ association of the South Atlantic and Gulf states. Canada has nine provincial leagues. All national bodies are active and the majority of the state and provincial leagues are alert and aggressive to help their cities. Only a few have not yet realized their opportunity. To complete our plan we need to prod these, to organize the cities in the few states which have no leagues and either to establish or to designate a central co-ordinating body which will act as a clearing house for all the organizations, especially the state bodies.
The general work of the organizations during the year has been about the same as in previous years, with the exception that here and there some extraordinary activity has been undertaken to meet some exceptional or local condition. All have held annual meetings at which almost every municipal activity and various phases of each have been discussed by experts and city officials. The reports of the committees working during the year on particular municipal problems have been received and acted upon. Legislation to meet municipal needs has been drafted and advocated, and some has been enacted into laws. The leagues have taken both the offensive and the defensive in their legislative work, and their effort to defeat objectionable legislation has been quite as important as the remedial legislation they have sought. It has also been more successful.
Most of the leagues have issued printed reports of their annual meetings and these have increased the volume of the municipal library which these organizations are gradually building up in America. Some leagues have-regular publications, Minnesota being added to this list during the year. These are Wisconsin, Minnesota, Washington, Texas, California, Carolina, Louisiana, Kansas, Iowa and New York and the Union of Canadian Municipalities and the National Municipal League. Two others contemplate the establishment of publications this year.
In addition to the propaganda and legislative work, sixteen leagues either have maintained bureaus of information or have co-operated with some university in operating such an institution. These are the leagues in California, Illinois, Iowa, New York, Kansas, Louisiana, Michigan, Nebraska, New Jersey, Texas, Washington, Northwest municipalities, Wisconsin, Minnesota and the League of American Municipalities and the National Municipal League. New Jersey’s bureau was established during the year, and the unique experiment begun in 1915 by the New York state conference of mayors and other city officials has been declared by the cities in that state to be a success. The state bureau of municipal information, which the empire state cities established to test the practicability of a co-operating plan of obtaining municipal data, has, therefore, become a permanent institution and is now being operated on an extensive scale. This is significant, for New York has demonstrated that cities will liberally use and support an institution of this kind, and that a bureau


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exclusively for the use of city officials can be made to stand on its own feet without outside support. The empire state cities have blazed an important trail. Oklahoma is starting the same way as did New York. The president, vice-president and secretary of that western league have perfected plans to make a tour of the cities of the state this year for the purpose of studying municipal conditions and gathering data for the establishment of a bureau of information.
The discussions at the annual meetings of the organizations have made available a vast amount of valuable data. A review of these and a comparison with the work of previous years shows that the variety of subjects and phases of general problems about which cities are thinking are increasing. Several new problems were added to the programs of the leagues last year, among them being proportional representation, traffic regulations, civil service and fire insurance rates. Each of these subjects has been discussed by one or two leagues in the past, but during 1916 consideration of them became quite general.
In almost every section of the country seven municipal problems have been discussed within the year. These are paving and paving materials, city planning, public health, taxation and assessment, home rule and municipal accounting and financing. During 1916 particular attention was given to paving, public health and taxation problems. A most pronounced gain in popularity was made by city planning. The western and some of the southern cities still continue to lead in the discussion of municipal ownership and public utility rates.
At least four states, Missouri, Wisconsin, Michigan and North Carolina, are studying commission government and have discussed this subject at their annual meetings. Nearly all of the Canadian organizations and all of the national organizations in the United States have considered the several forms of government under which cities are now working, particularly the commission and the commission-manager.
Home rule still occupies a prominent part of the discussion in Missouri, New Jersey, Michigan, Indiana, Iowa, Illinois and New York. And, judging by the legislation sought by leagues, the subject should receive serious consideration in several other states. When cities have to seek legislative authority to build stockades on municipally owned property outside their limits, it is about time that they thought about increasing their powers by constitutional amendment. New York again asked for legislative approval of a home rule constitutional amendment and failed. Its sponsors, however, were encouraged by the popular support which the measure received. Plans have been completed to renew the campaign this year.
Municipal accounting and financing are live problems in every state, but constructive work has been undertaken during the year in Missouri, Minnesota, Oklahoma, Idaho, California, Iowa, Kansas, New York, and


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Wisconsin. Uniform accounting systems and uniform bond laws are the remedial measures now being sought, New York, Kansas and Wisconsin being interested in bond legislation and several states in uniformity in accounting. The state comptroller, co-operating with the New York conference, perfected during the year an accounting system for the third class cities in that state, and he is now installing the system in the forty-eight municipalities in that class. When this work is completed all empire state cities, with the exception of the three first class municipalities, New York, Buffalo and Rochester, will be working under approved uniform systems, as a uniform plan is already in effect in the second class cities.
The national and state leagues have not been far behind the few progressive American cities which are investigating the practicability of the activated sludge method of sewage disposal. The American Society of Municipal Improvements had an exhaustive discussion of the process at its recent annual meeting. The leagues of Texas, California, Illinois and New York have also considered the plan and other recent developments in sewage disposal. An unique movement in connection with the sewage disposal problem was undertaken during the year by the Iowa league. As a result there has been established a league of American cities having sewage disposal plants to combat the claims for royalty on the septic process of disposal.
One of the newer subjects that is now commanding the attention of cities is the regulation of motor and other traffic. The New York state cities, through their conference, have decided to ask the legislature for a uniform code of regulations. The proposed code has been drafted by the state bureau of municipal information. The American Society of Municipal Improvements and the California league have also developed an interest in the problem.
In reviewing the reports of the year’s work the special efforts that most of the leagues have made to strengthen their organizations and to popularize co-operative municipal work cannot escape notice. Most of the leagues report an increase in membership and financial support and at least eight have attempted to convince the public of the value of municipal organization and co-operation.
While consideration has been given to peculiar conditions in Canadian cities resulting from the war, it was not so pronounced during the last year as in 1915. All of the municipal organizations in Canada have resumed consideration of the general problems, particularly of forms of government. One feature of all the annual meetings, however, has been the advocacy of municipal preparedness, indicating the farsightedness of the Canadian cities. If this campaign is continued as vigorously as it has been begun, the cities will be ready to meet emergencies when the great conflict is called off.


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95
Have the results of the year justified the existence of the leagues? The review of their work leaves no room for doubt that they have. It is not only what the organizations accomplish in any one year, but the accumulative effects of their efforts for a number of years that must be considered when judging the value of their labors.
SOME TENDENCIES OF RECENT MILK LEGISLATION
BY HARLEAN JAMES Baltimore, Md.
MANY of us can remember a time when, even in our large cities, milk was dipped or poured from cans into receptacles set out by purchasers. In that day the cows usually stood (when they were given shelter from pasture) in a general-purpose barn covered with dust and cob-webs. Cows were seldom groomed. The hired man, in soiled woolen clothes, milked into an open-top milk pail which had been rinsed with cold water from the well and poured the milk into cans which were transported by wagon direct to the consumer. Refrigeration was not dreamed of.
Since that day the bacteriological origins of many diseases have been discovered. Milk, the scientists tell us, is an ideal medium for the rapid multiplication of bacteria. By means of contaminated water used in washing utensils, through the introduction of particles of manure, through the handling of milk by “typhoid-carriers,” disease bacteria may reach the trusting consumer by the milk route. Milk has been in the past, and too often in the present is, exposed on its journey from cow to consumer to the deadly machinations of the house and barn fly.
The working hours of bacteria, however, are very irregular. A farmer may truly say that he and his wife and seven children have thrived on milk produced in the old way. But city health officials in recent years have realized that they must endeavor to protect the public from the possibility of disease carried by milk.
The first efforts of cities to control their milk supplies were mainly in the direction of preventing adulterations. The time-worn, farmer jokes concerning water in the milk reflected an all-too-prevalent custom. The tendency of milk to sour quickly in warm weather brought preservatives into common use. Some of these were distinctly harmful; others, less so, if we may believe certain chemists; but it is now generally against the law to put preservatives of any kind in milk. The federal pure food movement to insure proper labeling also has had its effect in local laws setting up chemical standards for whole milk in order that consumers


96 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January
may be informed concerning their purchases of whole and skimmed milk.
These precautions are all desirable and necessary to-day; but, in the light of recent scientific knowledge, they do not properly protect the public health. The city ordinances and regulations which have been put into effect during the past few years seem to indicate’distinctly new tendencies.
The larger cities have been compelled to draw their milk supplies from increasingly long distances. Since milk is peculiarly sensitive to deterioration due to age and high temperature, the long haul has multiplied the difficulties of protecting the health of the consumer.
There are two schools of sanitarians: those who believe that infants should be fed on pure raw milk and those who believe that pasteurization is a necessary form of insurance against disease. Most public health officials now agree, however, that the general milk supply of large cities must be pasteurized if the public health is not unnecessarily to be endangered. Pasteurization, little more than a decade ago, was in the public mind a sporadic business experiment, discredited by scientists. To-day, in many cities, it is a recognized requirement for some part of the milk supply.
Methods of pasteurization were at first crude. It was the custom to use the “ flash” method of heating the milk for a few seconds or few minutes. The temperature used was often so high that the cream line was destroyed and the taste affected. Later the “holding” process came into vogue. By this method the milk is heated to a temperature of some 145° for about thirty minutes. This kills practically all of the pathogenic organisms and greatly reduces the numbers of all bacteria.
By inspection and instruction of dairy farmers city health officials have endeavored to secure better practices on the farm. Clean cows, clean barns, clean milkers and clean utensils together with immediate cooling of the milk have operated to bring better milk to the city. Wherever possible, the word “clean” is used in its technical sense of “sterile.” Utensils, especially, are held to be “unclean” if they are not washed in boiling water or its equivalent.
When the practice of pasteurization came into general use, it was feared by some sanitarians that the producers of milk would become careless in their methods and argue that, since pasteurization would kill the disease germs, all the trouble and expense to secure cleanliness on the farm were wasted.
Experiments made by Dr. Park in New York city have shown that, even when recognizable disease germs are not present, large numbers of bacteria in raw milk (indicating dirt, age or high temperature) will, after pasteurization, often cause intestinal diseases in infants. For this reason, in addition to the elaborate systems of “farm scoring” and “city dairy scoring” based on equipment and practice as recommended by the


1917]
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97
bureau of animal industry of the United States department of agriculture, some of the large cities have adopted a system of “graded” milk, which divides the supply into two or more classes according to its sanitary character and the purpose to which it is safe to put it. By this method the dairy farmers are classified into groups with the result that good equipment and careful practice may command the price which it costs to secure them and poor equipment and careless practice will suffer an economic penalty.
The results of grading are even more satisfactory to the consumer. With the growth of large distributing companies, the practice of mixing all the milk—good,'bad and indifferent—in the same vat has immensely increased the dangers from bad milk. Typhoid fever germs in one farmer’s milk may easily contaminate the milk of a hundred farmers when mixed with it. It is true that effective pasteurization will kill these germs, but sanitarians are forced to realize that commercial pasteurization of large quantities of milk in bulk is not uniformly successful. If the commissioners of health in those cities that have tried “graded” milk may be believed, “grading” has stimulated the production of cleaner milk when pasteurization, though necessary, might easily have worked exactly the opposite result.
In smaller towns, publicity in the form of printed dairy scores and bacterial counts in the newspapers or health bulletins, or free access of the public to dairy examinations and records, has brought similar results. “Grading” is simply a device for meeting conditions in the large cities where the consumer would only be confused by the enormous mass of detail necessary for individual dairy publicity.
In September, when the newly organized milk producers in Maryland requested an increase in price for their product, the organized dealers of Baltimore made answer that they would be forced to pass any increase on to the consumer, which would bring them into further unequal competition with cheap raw milk of low sanitary quality. Both organizations approached the milk committee of the Baltimore women’s civic league for assistance.
The milk committee had made an intensive study of the cost of producing milk in Baltimore and Frederick counties in the summer of 1915. Since, at that time, the average cost of producing a quart of milk in Frederick county was 3.5 cents and the selling price was 3.8 cents, showing an average profit of s/10 cent, and since the average cost in Baltimore county was 4.5 cents and the selling price 4.2 cents, showing an average loss of 3/io cent, the milk committee felt justified in backing the request of the producers.
The committee also backed the request of the dealers in a hearing before the mayor, who promised to use bis best efforts to pass an ordinance excluding unsanitary milk from Baltimore and providing better
7


98
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[January
methods for handling the admitted supply. At the request of the milk committee, the mayor invited Dr. William H. Park of the research laboratories of the New York health department to address a hearing in his office. As a result of this the mayor appointed an advisory committee to recommend provisions for the proposed ordinance. This committee, headed by Dr. William H. Welch, has on it the city solicitor, representatives from the city health department, state board of agriculture, women’s civic league and seven councilmen.
The proposed Baltimore ordinance is not yet completely drafted, but it is hoped that its provisions will be in line with the recommendations of the national commission on milk standards and the 'tendencies of recent ordinances and regulations in other cities where similar conditions of climate and milk production prevail.
The following table shows the tendencies in pasteurization, grading and bottling of milk in six cities that have recently changed their ordinances or regulations:

City Ord. or regula- Pasteur- ization Bottling Grades Bacteria per cc. Chemical standards Farm score T-T * K O 0J O £ s'l a
tion Js — ■?. 3.2
Ch « S a.** Q
Albany Reg. pub. 158° 3 m. Selected A. 50,000 i 3.5% f. 80 t-t X
10/1/13. to Pasteurized. b. 500,000 3% fat
140°20 m Sealed container req. A-Raw. a. 50,000 11.5 sol. 88.5 wat.
Revised 9/1/15.

B. A-Past. B-Raw.

Dip’d milk B-Past.
prohibited C-Raw. 500,000
after 4/1/17. C-Past, 300,000 X
New York Reg. re- 142° to Req. A. A-Raw. 60,000 75 fc-t X 36 h. a. M.
vised to 145° not A-Past. / 200,000 b. 68 X 36 h. a. P.
3/30/15. less than Permitted 1 30,000 a. X do
30 m. forB. B-Past. / 500,000 b. 55
Grades re- Prohibited \ 100,000 a.
vised to for C. C-Past. 300,000 for 40 X 48 h. a. P.
12/21/15. or boiled 2 m. past.outside city
Newark Ord. Permit A. Req. Guar. Certified. / 13% sol.
12/2/13. Req. B. 140° 30 m. and A. Guaranteed. 30,000 3.5% f. 85 t-t
Permit B. A-Inspected 100,000 11.5 sol. 65 t-t
cooled to Prohibit C. B-Past. f 1,000,000 b, \ 3% fat 40
50°. 20 qt. min. C-Cooking 1 50,000 a. / 8.5% s.
(X . (C t-p tf- a. and Ind. heated 200°. Certified. A-Raw. 500,000 lyr. not f. 65


then 100,000
A-Past. / 200,000 b. \ 30 h. a. P.
\ 30,000 a. /
B-Past. / 1,000,000 b. 1 \ 50,000 a J 40
C-Boiled. 40
Philadel- 4/27/09 142° not Dip’d milk forbidden Raw—
phia Amend. ess than Inspected. 80 t-t X
6/9/11. 30 m. exc. dealers Certified.
dairy Pasteurized. 50,000 a. 88% wat. 50
products. 12% sol. 3.25% f.


1917]
COMPARATIVE POLICE COSTS
99
City Ord. or regular tion Pasteur- isation Bottling Grades Bacteria per co. Chemica standards Farm score T-T Phy.ex. OO WB jiti
Rochester Gov. St. Sanitary Code. Reg. effective 11/16/14. 145° not less than 30 in. Sealed container req. A. Certified. A-Raw. A-Past. B-Raw. B-Past. C-Prohibit’d. 60,000 / 200,000 b. \ 1 30,000 a./ 200,000 / 300,000 b. 1 \ 100,000 a. / 23 e 20 e f 25 equip. \ 50 meth. 43 meth. q. 37 meth. q. 35 meth. t-t X 36 h. 36 h. 36 h. 36 h.
Kansas City Ord. ap. 7/7/15. 140M450 20-30 m. Final container req. A-Raw. Certified. A-Raw. A-Past. B-Raw. B-Past C-Past. 100,000 50,000 a. 300.000 100.000 a. 8.75%s. 3.25%f. 125 equip. \50 meth. 20 equip 40 meth.
COMPARATIVE COSTS OF EUROPEAN AND AMERICAN POLICE
BY LE GRAND POWERS Washington, D. C.
IN THE April Review1 the writer presented some comparative statistics of British and American cities which indicated a much greater relative cost for the cities of the United States than for those of Great Britain. Since the publication of the article, the writer has received a number of inquiries as to the factors of this greater cost. Some of the correspondents have called attention to the different salaries paid all classes of employes in the two countries and inquired how far this difference explains the higher governmental costs noted. The answer to these inquiries .has come to hand, with reference to costs of municipal police, in two recent publications. They are (1) a book published by the Century Company of New York entitled “European Police Systems,” written by Raymond B. Fosdick, former commissioner of accounts of New York city, and (2) a volume on general municipal statistics issued by the census bureau as for the fiscal year of 1915, although most of the figures presented relate to the calendar year 1914. From the two publications is compiled the following table of minimum and maximum salaries of patrolmen of twelve European and thirteen American cities:
City
London:
Metropolitan force . City of London....
Liverpool...........
Manchester..........
Glasgow.............
Minimum Maximum salary salary $336.96 $436.80 355.68 549.12
336.96 449.28
336.96 449.28
313.04 436.80
City
New York.......
Chicago........
Philadelphia....
St. Louis......
Boston.........
Minimum Maximum salary salary $1,000.00 $1,400.00
900.00 1,320.00
821.00 1,095.00
780.00 1,080.00
730.00 1,400.00
1 See National Municipal Review, vol. v, p. 252.


Full Text

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW 1917 Editor CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF Associde Editors ALICE M. HOLDEN HERMAN G. JAMES HOWARD L. MCBAIN C. C. WILLIAMSON VOLUME VI JANUARY, PP. 1-200 JULY, PP. 449-555 MARCH, PP. 201-343 SEPTEMBER, PP. 586-658 WY, PP. 324-448 NOVEMBER, PP. 659-763 PUBLISEED FOB THE NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE THE RUMFORD PRESS CONCORD, N. H. I917 BY

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW VOL. VI, No. 1 JANUARY, 1917 TOTAL No. 21 MUNICIPAL PREPAREDNESS BY CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF Philadelphia RE the American people interested in municipal affairs? And if so, how are they manifesting that interest? Recent events, A and especially those connected with the late election, show conelusively that it is unwise to attempt to speak with positiveness and definiteness with regard to the beliefs and convictions of 100,000,000 people. The most that one can do is to study incidents and tendencies over a sufficiently wide area and during a sufficiently long period, and see what they disclose. One of the great services which an organization like the National Municipal League performs is to keep track from year to year of movements and tendencies in its chosen field; compare and measure them, and show their growth, development and significance. Since August, 1914, there has been a general impression, that public interest in the war was paramount. The recent national election clearly showed that the American people had not lost sight of their own problems, for several of the pivotal issues, and notably the Adamson bill, were of purely domestic concern. The civic secretaries committee of the National Municipal League published, in September, a summary of the topics discussed by local civic organizations during the year. It showed the following results: Number of addresses noted: Relating to war, 51; Politics and citizenship, 15; City planning, 14; Foreign relations and race problems, 13; Education, 13; Health, 12; City government, 11; Labor and industrial relations, 10; Public utilities, 9; Crime and delinquents, 7; Recreation, 6; Motion pictures, 4; Taxation, 3; Miscellaneous, 45. Total, 213. 1 Twenty-second annual review of the secretary of the National Municipal League, read at the annual meeting at Springfield, Maas., November 23, 1916. 1

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2 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January To state it differently, 24 per cent of these addresses related to the war; 6 per cent to foreign relations; 49 per cent to local questions, and 21 per cent to miscellaneous subjects, which heading more than likely includes general educational and popular topics. An examination of the popular and general periodicals discloses a similar distribution of interest, and likewise the columns of the daily press. More significant still is the fact disclosed in the new census bulletin on the financial statistics of cities that the total costs of 204 cities (with 30,000 or more population) for that year exceeded those of the government of the United States. The same volume shows that the relative burden of government costs is increasing much faster for municipalities than for the national government, although the cost of the latter is growing at a staggering rate. The total funded and floating indebtedness of these same 204 cities was $3,259,106,277 in 1915,2 another staggering figure, and a conclusive one, if we accept the time-honored dictum that the pocket nerve is the most sensitive one in the taxpayer’s makeupe3 Coincident with the period of the war there has been a searching of hearts; an examination of resources, moral, physical and governmental; a stock-taking, all as part of a far-reaching demand for preparedness. Beginning with thought for a national safety from outside attack, we have come to see true preparedness involves that, but, far more than that. A Canadian writer (R. 0. Wynne-Roberts) has pointed out that the ECONOMIC PREPAREDNESS Economic preparedness of our cities is a vast subject for it touches on every problem which confronts cities. . . . The term economic or economy implies the management, regulation and government of a family, community, city or state. This again involves the questions of judicious and frugal use and expenditure of money, so that the best results are obtained, without waste; it involves also the prudent management of all the means by which property is saved or accumulated; the judicious application of time, of labor and of instruments of labor. Economy then, has an intimate relation with everything which concerns our cities and human life. Domestic economy has to do with domestic life as state economy has with a nation. The Germans, prior to the war, coined another term, namely, ‘‘ world economy,” and their universities, colleges and institutes were enthusiastic in the promotion of education, organizations and international relationships, which would assist in establishing the idea. The world to-day is discussing how best to organize business and finance and the German conception of world economy may yet be realized, but .in a different manner. The thought which actuated this movement is identical with that necessary for the development of the best in our cities, namely, to establish economy in its true 2 See census volume, “Financial Statistics of States.” a A striking study of this question of municipal indebtedness was published in Municipal Research for July, 1916, entitled “The Purposes of the Indebtedness of American Cities, 1880-1912.”

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19171 MUNICIPAL PREPAREDNESS 3 sense. Such education, however, has often been initiated by the means of business-tradesmen, who have to bear a good share of the financial burden of a city. When a calamity comes to a city, such as an acute outbreak of disease, the tradesmen suffer severely, so that to protect themselves they must be pioneers in sanitation. The public, as a body, is not so ready to promote movements for public works which entail more rates and taxes. . . . Combining municipal economy and municipal preparedness we have the fundamental factors which are necessary for efficiency in city government, We, therefore, need a carefully thought out plan of government, a strong, efficient organization to carry it on, and a loyal patriotic body of citizens to support and encourage the administration of the laws and regulations, which have been formed for the welfare of the public. NEW YORK’S NEW POLICY Greater New York, the premier city of the new world, and possibly, as a result of the Great War, now of the whole world, has appropriately assumed a leadership which can wisely be followed by other cities. In this very matter of finance and economy, during the several years the fusion administration has been in office, there has been a gradual change from the previously extravagant method of financing, by the issuance of fifty-year bonds, known as corporate stock to defray the cost of improvements of a temporary character. It was obviously to the interest of administrations, whose main object was to show a comparatively low tax rate, and which had no regard for the future, to eliminate as much from the annual tax levy as possible. It was asserted that this policy had been carried to such an extreme in time past that perishable things such as pavements and brooms were paid for out of the proceeds of corporate stock issues, and so the people of New York city continued to. pay interest for 48 or 49 years after the purchased article had been used up. The fusion administration started in 1910 to transfer to the annual tax budget all expenditures which were not. properly chargeable to permanent improvements. The interest on these long-term bonds is carried annually in the debt service item of the tax budget, and as a result of the enormous public improvements since consolidation the debt service item amounts to upwards of $60,000,000 annually. To reduce this tremendous annuaI obligation, a radical step was taken about two years ago by the adoption by the board of estimate and apportionment of a resolution according to which all corporate stock issues for other than selfsustaining improvements are gradually to be absorbed into the annual tax budget; in other words, this measure aims to put the construction cost of all improvements, such as schools, hospitals, parks, reformatories, directly into the annual tax budget, and to issue bonds only for such improvements as water supply, docks, rapid transit, which are in the self-sustaining class, and will consequently pay the interest on

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4 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January their bonds. As was pointed out in a previous review (that of 1914), in order that this change might not be too drastic, it was resolved that all corporate stock issues for t,he year 1915 were to be financed in such manner that 75 per cent of the issue would be taken care of by fifteen-year corporate stock bonds, and 25 per cent of the amount to be placed in the budget; in the year 1916, 50 per cent by the issuance of fifteen-year bonds and 50 per cent in the budget; in the year 1917, 25 per cent by the issuance of fifteen-year bonds and 75 per cent in the budget, and thereafter the entire amount in the budgeL4 It would follow from this procedure, as the former president of the board of aldermen (George McAneny) pointed out at the time, that all non-sustaining improvements will tend to increase the tax rate quite materially, and the result will naturally be that they will be submitted to much closer scrutiny. This, of itself, is a great gain. PHILADELPHIA’S FINANCIAL PREPAREDNESS Philadelphia is another city that is making a substantial contribution to financial preparedness. Her controller, who has four times been reelected, has issued a report of which the Philadelphia bureau of municipal research has this to say: Let us look at some of the more important things in it. The news and editorial columns of the press discuss various topics touched upon in the report, but strangely enough do not even mention the fact that numerous new interpretations have resulted in a really revolutionary change in its form. What are these new interpretations and what do they signify? The most important new interpretation is that the city for the first time is regarded as a unit, i.e., its assets and liabilities are expressed in one statement-a proprietary balance sheet-and not merely in numerous disjointed statements, each showing only a partial picture. The proprietary balance sheet is in comparative form and shows the assets, the liabilities, and the resultant net worth of the city, as at December 31, 1914 and 1915, and the change in the net worth is accounted for by a supporting statement in two parts. The proprietary balance sheet and the net worth statement in turn are supported by detailed statements and schedules. This report indicates that Philadelphia is in the lead among American municipalities in the field of governmental accounting. Unlike former reports, the controller’s 1915 report accepts in principle that: 1. Payment of debt is not expense 2. Payments to the sinking fund in respect of future payment of debt are 3. Revenue of the sinking fund is revenue of the city 4. Assets of the sinking fund are assets of the city 5. Depreciation of property is expense not expense 4 See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol..iv, p. 6.

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19171 MUNICIPAL PREPAREDNESS 5 6. The net increase or the net decrease in the city’s net worth during a given period is the best single index of the city’s financial progress or regress during that period.& And this year Philadelphia is to have a modern budget, and a tax rate predicated upon the actual needs of the city, carefully ascertained, and not upon a precedent as inflexible as the laws of the Medes and Persians. Other cities all over the land are overhauling their accounts, establishing modern reports and budgets, and giving to their finances, both present and future, a measure of prudent consideration, that a generation ago would have been regarded as academic, if not idealistic.6 In another field, that of the machinery itself, there is a degree of preparedness that is equally encouraging. For 25 years there has been a steadily accelerating interest in the frame of our municipal governments, and the year just closing has been no exception. To-day the interest in the city manager form of government as represented in the National Municipal League’s model charter, is greater than ever. Embodying as it does e6ciency and preparedness, it is being considered in cities large and small, east and west, north and south. There are no unusual developments to record along these lines-but a steady, persistent, unremitting growth is, after all, the best of records to chronicle. DENVER’S NEW CHARTER Denver has furnished somewhat of a sensation, the permanent effect of which cannot as yet be forecast? Its new charter unquestionably was designed to promote a measure of efficiency, but save for the fact that it is still subject both to the initiative and the referendum, is far removed along other essential lines from direct, democratic control. In a way it represents an imposed, autocratic efficiency, subject to ouster through an initiated movement, little likely to be inaugurated in an election tired community. ELIMINATION OF POLITICS What is being done in the direction of a wise preparedness to eliminate politics from our municipal plans and from our municipal administrations? What are we doing in our cities to place public considerations above private and party interests? In a bulletin published in October (1916), the Dayton bureau of municipal research makes this pregnant comment : 6 The city controller will no doubt be glad to send copies of the 1915 annual report to those that ask for them, a~ long as his supply lasts. Requests should be sent to John M. Walton, Esq., 146 City Hall, Philadelphia. 6 For a review of the recent progress in accounting and budget making, see the article by C. E. Rightor, NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. v, pp. 403 and 631. 7 See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. v, p. 471.

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6 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January Rumor says that politicians are going to get hold of the city government in 1917,-and the November Metropolitan is not the only source of such “dope.” If they do, it will be your loss, and-it will be your fault. A politician has no more business taking care of your government than he has taking care of your baby. Physicians care for the sick; lawyers take care of legal matters. Management of public affairs should be placed with trained men. “The people get as good government as they deserve” is a trite saying, but it’s true because the people are the supreme power and can get what they want. If you do not want politicians to get hold of the city next fall, the time to get busy is now. The question is, what will you do? Organize; co-operate; do something. Learn what is being done; compare with what was done under former administrations; imagine what will result if the politician takes the government away from the present boss-the people. Next year you will spend ,$100,000, plus a lot of time, to beat the politician. How much less need you spend if you act now? Fight the politician with facts,-not with oratory and dollars. First get the facts about the city government, and then get as good government in the schools and county as in the city. What are the facts? . . . In short the people’s business is more important than that of the politicians; the public interest is paramount to party interest. To those who maintain that parties (meaning as a rule national parties) are inevitable in a city, one should point out that to-day nearly 500 American municipalities (those enjoying either a commission or a city manager form of government) have eliminated party designations from their local ballots, as have cities like Boston, Pittsburgh,’ Seattle, San Francisco and Los Angeles, and while the disappearance of the party name does not invariably imply the disappearance of the party spirit, it has nearly always been followed by a diminution of it, in many cases to a negligible quantity. And if this experience is insufficient one may point to our Canadian sister cities, where national party politics play no part at all, and have not for practically two generations. SOCIAL PREPAREDNESS It is not along financial, governmental and political lines, however, that the greatest changes and advances are to be noted. Prof. Ernst Freund, in an article on “Tendencies of Legislative Policy and Modern Social Legislation,” * shows how the last ten years have witnessed remarkable changes in the attitude of American courts toward social legislation. There has been an equally great change on the part of legislatures, city, state and national, and all these changes are but, the reflection and outgrowth of the changes in the conceptions and aspirations of the American people. In no other phase of municipal life has there been manifested a greater concern for the future, a stronger and more 8 International Journal of Ethics, October, 1916.

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19171 MUNICIPAL PREPAREDNESS 7 persistent demand for preparation. The recreation congress at Grand Rapids issued its program for (‘community buildings and character buildings through play” under the title ((preparedness for peace.” In the annual report of the director of the Dayton department of public welfare (Rev. D. Frank Garland) we find this statement: A probation system, entirely new in the history of workhoise administration, so far as we know, was established April 1, 1915, under which men and women were secured work in shops or factories or houses at regular wages. These persons received no liberties, except the liberty to work for pay outside the institution between the hours of 6.30 in the morning and 5.30 at night. The money thus earned was distributed by the prisoner and his wife (if married), under the supervision of the superintendent of corrections, in the payment of debts, in the support of wife and children or dependents, in the purchase of clothing, etc. The results have been eminently satisfactory. Thirty-six men during 1915 were thus put on probation, only three of whom violated our confidence, resulting in the withdrawal of the privilege. These men earned in eight months, $2,025.70. Following this test, a parole is granted and the prisoner is allowed to leave the institution. Truly, as the Philadelphia bureau of municipal research points out, the parole system is the most delicate task that government has assumed thus far. Although it is fairly new, this much has been definitely established: that it cannot be successfully operated except where “politics” are rigidly and uncompromisingly excluded and where parole and probation officers are appointed and hold their positions only by reason of fitness for this new kind of work. Where favoritism is shown or where respect for officers is lacking, the system collapses like a house of cards, so far as real results are concerned. In other words, political and social preparedness must go hand in hand if we are to make genuine progress that will last. Another impressive note is the proposition to utilize the police for parole and reformatory work. The time is coming when the value of a patrolman’s service will be determined, not by the number of men he starts on the way to jail or prison, but by the number he keeps out of such places, and starts on a career of usefulness. A Canadian official declares the best time to save the criminal is before he becomes one. It costs less in money, and infinitely less in some other things that are worth much more than money. Prevention is a greater word than reformation. (‘The highest achievement of the state or of the church is not a man rescued in mid-career from a life of vice and crime, but rather a child, strengthened in will and purpose, clean in hand and in heart, fitted by training and discipline for a whole long life of service and usefulness. . . . In our love for the spectacular we have called the former the greater service, but it is not, even though at times it appears to make a greater demand upon our faith. The problem of the criminal,

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8 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW 1 January when it is brought down to its final analysis, is the problem of the child. The hope of the future does not lie in the perfecting of our method for reaching the man, but in our making the most of our opportunity of winning the boy.” SOCIAL HYGIENE It may now be said, Dr. Snow of the American Social Hygiene Association tells us, that social hygiene is essentially a constructive movement for the promotion of all those conditions of living, environment, and personal conduct which will best protect the family as an institution and secure a rational sex life for the individuals of each generation. This is well shown by the forceful statement of Dr. Edward L. Keyes, Jr., descriptive of t-he aims and methods of such societies to-day. “The elimination of disease and prostitution cannot be attained solely by the enforced registration of venereal diseases, the raiding of disorderly houses, and the enactment of laws against procuration and solicitation. The real strength of the social hygiene movement of to-day lies in the co-operative activities of the great religious, social, and educational organizations. They are striking the evil at its source; not by driving the prostitute into the street and then out of it again, but by preventing our young girls from becoming prostitutes, and our young men from preying upon them. This they hope to achieve by informing the mind so as to banish prurient curiosity, by diverting the imagination to emotions joyous and clean, by exercising the body in playgrounds and dance halls that are safe, and above all by inspiring the soul with the highest religious and family and civic ideals. To turn lust into love, ‘into the enthralling love of mate for equal mate, into civic love for freedom, home, and state, into the eternal love of God and of all things create’-such is our aspiration.” Eventually it is possible that social hygiene may find its place as an inclusive designation for a group of organized and affiliated movements which deal with community problems in which social and moral factors as distinct from sanitary factors are of primary importance. In this sense it is logically a companion term to public hygiene, or public health, which is its popular equivalent. HEALTH PREPAREDNESS And what of public health? This is regarded largely as a state function but it is one in which the city is deeply concerned, both as agent and principal. Progress is to be recorded, but there is still greater emphasis laid on the health and lives of animals than upon those of human beings. The vice-president of a great insurance company tells this story to illustrate the difference. He calls it “The story of the little mother and the fat hog.” There was a little mother in -. She was only twentythree years old. She had four little children. One day she found that she was growing weary, and the calls of the children, for the first time in

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19171 MUNICIPAL PREPAREDNESS 9 her life, began seriously to tax her. She knew that she must be sick, but she kept up until finally one day she felt a sharp pain in her breast, a sudden cough. She put her handkerchief to her mouth and it was covered with blood; she had a hemorrhage. She immediately sat do’wn and wrote a letter to the secretary of the board of health of Indiana, saying: “My dear Mr. Secretary:-I have just had a hemorrhage. They tell me that tuberculosis, taken in its early stages, can be cured if one knows what to do and where to go. Won’t you be good enough to tell me what to do and where to go? I want to raise my little children to be good citizens of Indiana.” He immediately wrote to her on the official letterhead of the board of health. (‘My dear madam:-Your letter has just. been received. The state of has made no provision for cases such as you describe, but, in the event of your death, the state of has made arrangements by which it can take care of your children, until some good people can be found to take them off the hands of the state. Yours respectfully, Secretary.” I don’t want to die now. A fat hog squealed in the back lot. The hired man went out and looked at it. The man said, “Telegraph to Uncle JIM WILSON right away.” He did, and a man came with a little black bag in one hand and a bottle of serum and a syringe in the other, and he shot a lot of the serum into the hog and it got well right away. He said, “It has got the cholera.” it Moral: the vice-president]said, Be a hog, and worth saving.” HOUSING, TRANSPORTATION, CITY PLANNING Housing, transportation, city planning-all involve essential problems of preparedness. What of them-can progress be reported? Yesnot so great as it, should be, but still progress, These three movements are inextricably woven together and in turn are closely related to public health and to all the other social problems. Perhaps the most significant phase of their respective and related development is the fact that strong, vigorous state and local organizations are at work upon their solution. The National Housing Association, the utilities bureau, and the city planning conference, and their affiliated organizations, are doing yeoman, pioneer service-agitating, educating, legislating. Immigration has been a big factor in our previous history; the foreign element in our cities constitute a present problem; and after the war, who can doubt but there will be a full resumption of the suspended immigration, which is having so great an influence on labor conditions in American cities. Very little indeed is to be reported as accomplished or in the way of accomplishment in this field, and unless something soonis inaugurated, the ending of the war will find us totally unprepared to meet the situation. ’

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10 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January TRAINING FOR PUBLIC SERVICE “Training for public service” is a phrase we hear nowadays with encouraging frequency. paredness. Of the opportunity and urgency for such training little may be said before the National Municipal League, which has stood steadfastly for that idea from the beginning and which has embodied it in all of its-recommendations. The encouraging thing to note is not this longcontinued advocacy, which is no new thing, but the extension of the propaganda through organizations like the society for the promotion of training for public service, and through the extension of the actual application of the principle. J. L. Jacobs, for years at the head of the Chicago efficiency bureau, in an address on public service opportunity and preparedness19 prints a long list of the higher grade technical, professional or administrative positions in the Chicago service which have been filled by civil service competitive examinations, to which list he adds this comment: New and larger opportunities are being offered in our municipalities and in the larger states for men and women who are trained in the distinct professions and occupations and who have experience in problems of public administration. The administrative services of New York city and of New York state are additional examples of the larger divisions in this country where the increasing demands for additional governmental activities and effective administration have brought about marked changes for positive employment methods. As a result of perhaps the most intensive and scientific study of public employment yet undertaken in this country, standardization programs have recently been proposed for both the New York state and New York city services. The adoption of these will have a revolutionary effect upon these services, as it has in other private and public institutions where positive employment reform and standardization have been applied. The results will be the improvement of opportunities for trained men and women to find careers in the official service and the introduction of business principles in administration. There has been no diminution in the number and membership of civic organizations, national, state or city. Indeed, there has been a feeling on the part of some that there had been an undue and unnecessary creation of new associations, although the older ones do not seem to have suffered to any appreciable extent by their entrance into the field of organized civic endeavor. On the contrary there has been a greater correlation, and a more effective mobilization, with a more efficient attention to detail and organization. I think it can be said that never before in the history of the American civic movement has organized effort been more generally and more successfully sustained. The field of public service performed by these citizen agencies has increased with the growth of the functions of government. It marks a long step forward toward a real pre. 0 Printed in the Journal of the Western Society of Engineers, June, 1916.

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19171 MUNICIPAL PREPAREDNESS 11 Opportunities, as Mr. Jacobs points out, are not only offered for work in these organizations, but governmental officials have turned to them for men and women to fill official positions requiring training and experience of public administrative problems and the knowledge of the structure and operations of government. Increasing activities and cooperation of these civic agencies with governmental bodies is bound to create a further demand for trained workers in public administration. The more important organizations and associations, which have been developed and are active in this positive and growing field, are the following : Ballot associations, boards of trade, bureaus of municipal research, chambers of commerce, city clubs, civil service reform associations, commercial clubs, educational associations, foundations for special research, health associations, housing reform associations, industrial associations, juvenile associations, legal aid associations, legislative leagues, local improvement associations, merchants' associations, municipal leagues, real estate associations, recreation associations, tax associations, training schools for public service. Opportunities in the civil service are increasing faster than the supply of men and women who are trained and interested in the public service. The creation of a larger supply of men and women, who are trained and are genuinely interested in public affairs and wish to find a career in the official life, will go very far towards stimulating further demand for experts. This, Mr. Jacobs believes, will largely solve our problem of efficient and responsible public administration. INSTRUCTION IN CITY GOVERNMENT It is not only the public official, however, who is being trained for future service, but the citizen as well. In a report on instruction in municipal government, a committee of the National Municipal Leaguelo said: Twenty years ago it is altogether probable that not more than three or four of the largest educational institutions in the United States provided any independent instruction in municipal government. In the great majority of American colleges and universities this subject was either not touched upon at all or was dealt with as a small part of somegeneral course in political science. But this situation began to change about 1900 and during the next half-dozen years or more many colIeges began to recognize municipal government as a subject worthy of separate recognition. In 1908 it was found that 46 institutions offered independent instruction in municipal government; in 1912 the number had risen to 64; and in the course of the present inquiry the committee finds a further increase to 95. In eight years, accordingly, the number of institutions offering one or more courses devoted wholly to the study of municipal government has more than doubled. That affords significant testimony to the development of popular interqt in the subject. And this development is all the more worthy of remark when it is pointed out that nothing 10 NATIONAL W~UNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. v, p. 566.

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12 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January akin to it has taken place in any other country. The curricula of English and continental European universities do not indicate anything of the kind. Instruction in political science has been greatly increased everywhere abroad, but the expansion has been along the lines of new courses in colonial government, world-politics, constitutional law and political theory. It is not improbable, therefore, that the course of development in this country has been influenced by the increased earnestness with which the popular mind throughout the land has directed itself to the solution of our own municipal problems, The public schools are recasting their courses in civics, giving to them a practical turn and application. Know your city” is the motto of the educational committee of the Philadelphia chamber of commerce, which is gathering material to make every man, woman and child in Philadelphia better informed upon the life of the city. It is not content to work with adults only, but has planned a series of pamphlets which will come to the aid of the public and private schools of the city. Philadelphia has been backward, according to this body, in appreciating its history and industrial growth. Other cities, such as Chicago, New York, Cincinnati, New Orleans and Newark, have introduced into their schools regular courses of study in which the pupils are given an insight into the industrial life and historic development of those cities. These courses have uniformly tended to awaken a great interest on the part of pupils and parents. They have stimulated loyalty to the pupil’s home city and have made him appreciate the community of which he is a part. They have served a further purpose in that they have dissipated civic indifference and slothfulness, the greatest enemies of civic progress and preparedness. “Nothing will ruin the country if the people themselves will undertake its safety; and nothing can save it if they leave that safety in any hands but their own.” (I In the words of Wynne-Roberts already quoted: The public by timely action has unlimited authority over its own affairs and it is the people who can confer a blessing or a curse upon themselves. They are like the elements; when furious they smite everything regardless of who are guilty and who are innocent, and on the other hand they have capacity for great good. They are like the rain which, when uncontrolled, swells the brooks, overflows the banks, sweeping, as a deluge, everything which obstructs it, spreading devastation, waste and sorrow in its track. That is the penalty of unpreparedness. The rain rises as vapour from the ocean and is carried by gentle breezes to the hills and mountains where it condenses and falls like dew on the earth. It sparkles with iridescence in the sun and as the water trickles down the crags forms exquisite tapestries on the rocks. Under regulation and control it irrigates, fertilizes and refreshes the valleys and plains so to produce bountiful crops. It develops into rivulets and streams, generates power, light and heat for the service of man. It carries in its bosom the argosies which bring merchandise from all parts of the world. In every way it spreads beneficence upon all who contributed in the work of barnessing the powers of nature. These are the fruits of preparedness.

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SOME ADVANCE MUNICIPAL STEPS BY LAWSON PURDY New Yo& URING the past year three very important subjects have received The rapidly increasing D debt of cities and the fact that many cities have made no provision at all or inadequate provision for the payment of city bonds at maturity has led to the adoption by many cities of a plan of making bonds fall due in a certain proportion annually until all the issue has been paid. In a number of cities pension systems for employes were established in the past without adequate provision for meeting pension liabilities. The whole subject has been under investigation by many cities. It seems that in some form pensions for municipal employes are likely to be provided in the future. After more than three years) study, the city of New York adopted an ordinance last July regulating the height, bulk and use of buildings by districts. The regulations are elaborate and comprehensive. The city of New York was aided in this work by what had already been done in Boston, Baltimore, Los Angeles, Minneapolis and elsewhere. There is a growing need of such regulation and the sooner appropriate ordinances are adopted by every city, th6 better it would be for their future growth. much attention from municipalities. SERIAL BONDS City bonds arranged to fall due at regular intervals, usually of one year instead of at the expiration of a longer term, are commonly called serial bonds so as to distinguish them from bonds issued for ten, twenty or more years all of like tenor and date of maturity. There has been much discussion of late concerning the advantage of serial bonds as compared with the amortization of public debts by the creation of sinking funds. Statements have been made claiming that the serial bond plan necessarily effects a great saving to taxpayers. The saving has usually been greatly exaggerated, and in some cases the claims have been misleading because the facts presented have been incomplete. The sinking fund plan contemplates that an equal sum shall be paid annually on account of principal and interest, which shall be sufficient to pay the principal at maturity. If the annual payments on account of principal could be so invested immediately as to earn the same rate of interest as is paid on, the debt the cost to the taxpayer would exactly 1 Annual address of the president of the National Municipal League, Springfield, Mass., November 23, 1910. 13

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14 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January equal the cost if the same sum paid on principal were applied to the final payment of so much of the debt. The advantage of the sinking fund plan is that lenders have usually preferred a bond running for a long term and all bonds offered at one time were for the same period. It was assumed that under these conditions a loan could be obtained at the lowest rate of interest. The most serious defect in the sinking fund is not due to the plan but to poor administration. It has often happened that cities have failed to comply with the law and have not set aside annually the amount necessary to amortize the debt. Sometimes they have made a mistake in calculation and in good faith have saved too small a sum, and sometimes have wilfully or negligently refused to make the appropriation required. Again, by careless investment the earnings of the sinking fund have been reduced so much below the rate of interest paid on the debt as to cause great loss. It must be admitted that it is practically impossible so to invest a sinking fund that all of it, at all times, shall earn as much as the rate of interest on the debt. If other conditions remain the same and serial bonds can be sold at an equal rate of interest with bonds for a long term, there is, therefore, a saving by the serial plan of the difference between the interest earned by the sinking fund and the interest paid on an equal amount of the debt for the same time. Because of the failure of some cities to provide and maintain an adequate sinking fund, the plan has lost favor with investment bankers. So far we have considered only the payment of debt by the appropriation of an equal sum each year during the whole term of the debt. In the first years of the term, by either plan, most of this appropriation would be for interest and in the last years, most of the payment would be for principal. This fact has been ignored by advocates of serial bonds and their clsims of interest saving have been based upon the practice of issuing bonds of which an equal amount of the principal is to be paid annually. The results of this serial plan and the sinking fund plan, under these circumstances, may thus be compared. If $50,000 be borrowed payable in 50 years with 4 per cent interest, the annual cost would be about 5 per cent or $2,500 a year. . If the bonds were made payable $1,000 a year for 50 years, the cost would be $3,000 the first year, $2,600 the eleventh year, $2,200 the twenty-first year and only $1,040 the last year. If the serial plan were so arranged as to payment that $2,500 should be paid annually, only $500 of principal would be paid the first year and the amount applicable to principal would increase at an accelerating ratio until in the last year about $2,400 would be paid on account of principal. To this last plan no objection can well be made provided the bonds can be sold on satisfactory terms as to interest.

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19171 SOME ADVANCE MUNICIPAL STEPS 15 The usual serial plan of paying an equal amount of principal each year is unjust to the present generation of taxpayers whether the life of the bonds be long or short. Debt is incurred by cities, as a rule, to meet the needs of an increasing population. The increase in population causes the erection of more buildings and increases the value of land, thus the assessable value of real estate is enhanced. The increase in assessed value ought ordinarily to take care of the increased cost of administration as well as pay the interest and principal of the debt created for the benefit of the new population, without requiring any addition to the tax rate. The reason for borrowing money to pay for public improvements is not only that they will endure for the benefit of the citizens for a number of years. If R community were stationary in wealth and population, it would be better to pay for most public improvements without borrowing, but when it is growing in population and wealth it is only fair to put part of the burden on the increased values the public improvements have helped to create. CIVIL SERVICE PENSIONS Pension systems for city employes have been subjected lately to carefu1 analysis because nearly all such systems have broken down. They were started at a time when little was commonly known of what the cost would be. The provisions for pensions was totally inadequate. The same experience has attended pension funds as followed the efforts to establish life insurance by means of assessments. Nearly every assessment company has been transformed into an ordinary level premium life company. Most of these assessment companies made such a transformation at great loss to the policyholders. The city of New York embarked on pension plans fifty-nine years ago, but over 61 per cent of the disbursements of all city pension funds were made from 1905 to 1914. The city had paid more than 83 per cent of the total pension disbursements. On the basis of the disbursements in 1914, pensioners of the police pension fund received over 16 per cent as much as all of the active employes. Fire department pensioners received over 14 per cent. Others received much less because their funds have only recently been established. The pensions paid in 1914 were almost 5 per cent of the city’s total pay-roll. Cities that contemplate the establishment of pension systems must face the fact that the payment of pensions will add a large percentage to the pay-roll. London police pensions amounted in 1914, after 70 years of operation, to 30 per cent of the pay-roll. The present proportion of the active pay-roll paid in pensions in the French national civil service is 17 per cent; in the Austrian civil service 33 per cent and in the municipal civil service of Berlin 37 per cent. These statements are taken from the report of the commission on pensions of the city of New York.

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16 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January The worst feature of pension funds so far established is the fact that after many years of operation the proportion paid continues to increase and will continue to be a heavy proportionate burden, which will never grow less. If it be possible it would seem desirable to make a pension system an asset instead of a liability. If we are not in too great haste but are content to proceed slowly, we can make our pension systems an asset. Let us assume for the sake of illustration that 100 persons of the average age of 25 years enter a city service annually and that the number of persons now in the city service, who are not over 70 years of age, would be that number who would be living at the present time if 100 persons had entered the service annually for the last 45 years, and those persons had all been of the average age of 25 years. We start our system then with employes of various ages, the majority of whom are less than 45 years old. Create a capital fund the principal of which shall never be spent by making a contribution on behalf of every such employe to this capital fund annually. That contribution might be given in addition to present salaries or it might be deducted from present salaries, or the expense might be shared. Persons hereafter entering the service would enter on the basis of a certain sum received annually for themselves to spend now and a certain sum contributed to a capital fund for their benefit. The essence of this plan is the preservation of the capital fund intact forever and its constant increase. When an employe reaches 70 years of age he is entitled to retire and draw a pension. His pension would be the earnings of his own contributions, plus his share of the earnings of persons of the same age as himself who died before him. He would also b’e entitled to a per capita share, together with all other pensioners, of the income of the general endowment which would be created by the death of all persons of a year class. In order to make easy computations I have used the sum of $100 a year as the uniform contribution for every employe. The calculations were kindly made for me by an actuary of the Metropolitan life insurance company. If there are any mistakes they are mine and not his, but I think they are accurate. At the end of 50 years a person who was 70 years old would receive $1,228 a year; a person 75 years of age would receive $1,678 a year; a person 80 years old would receive $2,191. One who is 90 years old would receive over $15,000. At the end of 75 years the general endowment fund would amount to over twenty million dollars, and at the end of 100 years to over fortyseven million dollars. The increase thereafter would be ten million dollars every ten years. All this would be accomplished by the contribution of 100 persons entering the service annually and paying $100 a year. It is quite obvious that after the fund has been in operation for a moderate length of time, the annual income would be sufficient, not only

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19171 SOME ADVANCE MUNICIPAL STEPS 17 for pensions but to make the contributions for persons subsequently entering the service. Thereafter the income would be sufficient to pay pensioners and pay all contributions to the pension fund and still leave a large surplus for other purposes. The following table will show the amount which could be paid in pensions from the fund after 50 years, 75 years, and 100 years, at the ages of 70, 80 and 90. All computations are based on 4 per cent as the rate of interest. Income At Age of 70 80 80 After 50 years. ...................... $1,228 $2,191 $14,937 After 75 years. ...................... 2,971 4,564 36,890 After 100 years. ...................... 5,634 7,229 41,568 It might be deemed undesirable to have pension payments rise to such a high figure as $40,000 a year. The amount can be regulated in accordance with any contract that may be made with any employe entering the service. If a maximum sum is fixed as the payment to employes, the balance can be used to meet annual installments at an earlier date than would be the case if the entire fund were distributed to pensioners. If any city should start such a plan as this, it might well permit any employe leaving the service to continue to make the annual payments. And it might also permit any citizen to make such payments into the fund as he might desire provided the payments were in reasonable amounts and at regular intervals. Thus any citizen could share in the great advantages which would come to those entitled to pensions. For the purposes of this calculation the age of 70 years has been fixed as the retiring age. The retiring age might be made lower and the only effect would be to reduce the pension payments. Ultimately they would become so large that they would have to be reduced by law anyway. BUILDING REGULATIONS Since the adoption by the city of New York of an elaborate code of building regulations by districts, the city of Philadelphia and various others have started to study appropriate regulations for those cities. The need for height regulation has become imperative with the invention of the steel structure. Before that time, foundations and walls had to be so thick for a heavy building that economic considerations prevented the erection of buildings of more than eight or nine stories. With the erection of the steel frame it became possible to build forty stories or perhaps more. One forty-story building might be a thing of beauty although it probably would not be a thing of profit. When tall buildings are crowded together none of them are satisfactory as investments. All 2

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18 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January of them are unhealthful and the streets become intolerably congested. In the city of New York the failure to regulate the use to which property should be put has cost the owners of real estate hundreds of millions of dollars, and brought upon the community economic loss and great inconvenience. It behooves every city and village to make regulations controlling the height, area and use and to do it at the earliest possible day before more damage has been caused than has been done already. There is not a city in the country that has not suffered now from foolish building. It should be stopped for the benefit of owners and residents alike. As I see the problems which confront us, we must devote our immediate efforts to secure proper provision for the payment of the everincreasing city debt, so that our municipalities may not become bankrupt and discredited; to the establishment of a pension system, which shall neither burden the city nor its employes, but be an everincreasing asset and encouragement to the workers; and to the adoption of building regulations that will preserve health, safety and values and will tend to beautify our city. These three steps will do much toward the upbuilding and perfecting of our municipal life.

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THE EVOLUTION OF TYPES OF CITY GOVERNMENT IN THE UNITED STATES BY PROF. HOWARD L. MCBAIN Columbia University T WOULD be a difficult task to write a history of American city The materials for such a study, numerous as they The historian who might seek to assemble and marshal in review the data upon this subject would be in great danger of being utterly overwhelmed with details. There has been so much of aimless drifting, so much of hit or miss reform, so many slight and large variations in the organic structure of city governments that he would have supreme di5culty even in tracing tendencies and in setting these tendencies within the limits of even approximate dates. Indeed, the probability is that this paper could not be written at all if I knew very much about. the subject. The luckless historian who essayed this task would also be in danger of misinterpreting his innumerable facts. It is all too easy, in the absence of recorded debate and discussion, to read into a charter change, which in point of fact was perhaps born of practical expediency or political exigency or servile imitation, a reconditeness of meaning or a philosophy of government which the authors of the change little dreamed of. The probable truth of the matter is that it is only in comparatively recent times that we have had anything like a philosophy of municipal government. The meagreness of the literature dealing with the subject of city government in an analytical and theoretically constructive way prior to the middle of the nineteenth century is perhaps not astonishing; but it is none the less eloquent of the fact that in the early evolution of city government in the United States the architects of structural changes were guided by few, if any, well thought out principles. government. are, are widely scattered and by no means complete. THE COLONIAL TYPE As everybody knows, the earliest type of city government in the United States was modeled after that which prevailed in the English borough and which still survives with comparatively little change in the English city to-day. A single body-the board of mayor, 1 Paper read at the annual meeting of the National Municipal League, Springfield, Maas., November 25,1916. For further discussion of this question see the papers of Messrs. Cottrell, Childs, Porter, Locke, Boynton and Miss Hutson in this issue. It was simple in form. 19

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20 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January aldermen, and assistants-constituted the government of the city. These exercised judicial and legislative functions primarily. One or two other charter officers were usually provided, such as a clerk and a chamberlain; but such simple administrative functions as were performed were also carried on by or under the direct control of this single body. There was no separation of powers. There was complete group centralization of both power and responsibility. Although the doctrine of the separation of powers exerted a powerful influence in the philosophy of those who drafted our early state constitutions and our national constitut,ion, it is highly probable that in the immediate post-revolutionary period nobody thought of applying this principle of organization to the government of cities. The charters that survived from the colonial period were not at once overhauled to give expression to this principle, and I am by no means certain that it was consciously and clearly applied in any American city for more than half a century after the Revolutionary War. In my opinion, it was not until this principle was fairly applied that a new type of municipal organization may be said to have developed in the United States. MINOR MODIFICATIONS OF THE COLONIAL TYPE It is true that as this or that city increased in population the judicial powers of the mayor and aldermen were gradually sloughed off ;2 but this was due not so much to the application of the idea of a division of powers as to the necessity for a division of labor-a necessity arising out of the increase of city functions. It is true, also, that certain features of our state and national governments were early introduced into city governments; but I think it can scarcely be said that the introduction of thse features changed in any fundamental respect the colonial type of organization, the essence of which was the concentration of policy-determining and policy-executing functions in a single group of officers. Take, for example, the bicameral principle, which was early applied to the city c~uncil,~ although at no t,ime in our history has it prevailed in a majority of the cities of the country. The influence of the federal and state analogies is here apparent;4 but the point of importance is that 2 For example, the mayor of New York ceased to preside in the “mayor’s court” (for the trial of civil actions) early in the nineteenth century, but continued to preside in the “court of sessions” (for the trial of criminal causes) until 1821 (Daly, Historical Sketch of the Judicial Tribunals of New York from 1623 to 1846, pp. 60-65). In thr “courts of general sessions” two aldermen were required to sit as judges until 1846, while the mayor for many years enjoyed numerous judicial powers which in practice he seldom exercised (Kent, The Charter of the City of New York with Notes Thereon, pp. 186 ff J. 8 Norfolk, 1788; Philadelphia, 1796; Baltimore, 1798; Pittsburgh, 1816; Boston, 1822; New York, 1830; St. Louis, 1839. I In some instances, w in the case of Boston, the influence of the township form of government was unquestionably potent.

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19171 EVOLUTION OF TYPES OF CITY GOVERNMENT 21 even where this change was made the mayor did not become the chief of an executive branch of government. He was shunted to the upper chamber of the council; but the administrative activities of the city continued to be managed by one or both branches of the council through the medium of separate or joint committees. The introduction of the two-chambered council was a disastrous step in the direction of cumbersomeness of organization; but it did not in point of fact affect the fundamental principle of councilmanic domination and control. Individual responsibility became more difficult to locate; but group responsibility and concentration of authority remained. Of somewhat similar character was the application of the principle of popular election to the office of mayor. In all but four5 of the seventeen colonial cities the mayor had been subject to appointment by the governor K-a system which was introduced in a number of cities incorporated after the Revolution and which survived in numerous cities well into the nineteenth century. When this system finally yielded to the demand for a local selection of the mayor there followed in many places a transitional period during which the mayor was chosen by the city council of which he was a part.’ The principle of popular election was first applied to the office of mayor in the Nashville charter of 1806; but it was in the second quarter of the century that it gained rapid headway. By 1850 it had become the established method of choice in moat American cities.* But the election of the mayor was not accompanied by the establishment of an administrative branch of the government partially or completely independent of the council. In a few places, as in Boston under the charter of 1822, the elected mayor was an influential factor in the council, or one of its chambers, in both legislative and administrative activities. In other cities the mayor was, coincident with his becoming an elected 6 Elizabeth and the close corporations of Philadelphia, Norfolk, and Annapolis. 6 McBain, “The Doctrine of an Inherent Right of Self-Government,” 16 Columbia Law Review, 305, note 18. 7 In the following twenty-four cities at leaat the mayor was chosen by the council during the periods indicated: Philadelphia, 1701-1826; Annapolis, 1708; Elizabeth, 1740-1789; Norfolk, 1736-1788, and by the board of aldermen 1788-1832; Pittaburgh, 1816-1834; New York, 1821-1834; Albany, Schenectady, Hudson, and Troy, 1821-1840; Buffalo and Utica, 1832-1840; Brooklyn and Rochester, 1834-1840; Wilmington, 1832-1849; Camden, 1828-1850; Lancaster, 1818-1825; Savannah, 1789; Augusta (Ga.), 1798; Columbus (Ohio) , 1816-1834; Cincinnati, 1819-1827. 8 It was introduced in the following cities at the dates indicated: Boston, 1822; St. Louis, 1822; Detroit, 1824; Mobile, 1825; Hartford, 1825; New Haven, 1826; Philadelphia, 1826; Cincinnati, 1827; Middletown, 1829; New London, 1829; Norwich, 1831; Norfolk, 1832; Baltimore, 1833; Pittsburgh, 1834; New York, 1834; Columbus (Ohio), 1834; Cleveland, 1836; Chicago, 1837; Knoxville, 1838; Albany, Schenectady, Hudson, Troy, Buffalo, Utica, Brooklyn, Rochester, 1840; Richmond, 1842; Lancaater (Pa.), 1843; New Brunswick, 1844; Perth Amboy, 1844; Trenton, 1844; Milwaukee, 1846; Wilmington, 1849; Camden, 1850; Burlington (N. J.), 1851.

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22 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January officer, either ousted entirely from the council or reduced to the position of a mere moderator. For example, this was the position which the mayor occupied under the New York charter of 1830, after a constitutional amendment of 1833 and a statute of 1834 made him subject, to popular election. Describing the situation that existed under this charter, Mayor Morris in his annual message of 1843 said : “It is true that by the public who have read and understood the charter, but have been ignorant of the practice under it, the mayor is considered the chief executive officer of the cit,y and has been held responsible for the proper government of the city and the prudent expenditures of its funds, yet the operation and true effect has been that he has had less to do with the government and has possessed incomparably less power over expenditures than a chairman of one of the committees of the board of assistants.” Ousted from the council, and vested with no control whatever over administmtive officers, these being subject to appointment by the council, the elected mayor became in New York, as in many other cities, a receiver of distinguished visitors, a reviewer of parades, and a maker of speeches. It is simply a fact that when t.he mayor was made an elected officer it was the council (whether consisting of one or of two chambers and whether the mayor was a part of or no part of its organization) that carried on the administrative work of the city, either by the direct action of its committees or through the medium of officers appointed by and subject to the control of the council. Again may it be said, therefore, that thiq evolution of the office of mayor, whatever may have been its ultimate portent, did not introduce anything that might be called a new type of municipal organization-a type founded upon some understandable principle. THE APPLICATION OF THE PRINCIPLE OF THE SEPARATION OF POWERS So far as I have been able to discover-I cannot say that my search has been completely exhaustive-the St. Louis charter of 18389 was the first charter in the country to establish a really new organic type. In this charter the administrative officers of the city were made subject to appointment by the elected mayor I‘ by and with the advice and consent of” the upper chamber of the council. Here, at last, then, was an attempt to apply to the government of a city the principle of the separation of legislative and administrative functions, in much the same manner as that principle was applied in the nation and the states. It will be recalled that the second quarter of the nineteenth century was a period during which the spirit of democracy was waxing apace in the United States. It was finding concrete expression in constitutions and laws. One of its most striking forms of expression was an increase in the 0 Laws of Missouri, 1838, p. 155.

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19171 EVOLUTION OF TYPES OF CITY GOVERNMENT 23 number of elected officers. It was inevitable that this movement should make itself felt in the governments of our cities. The St. Louis charter to which I have referred survived only two years. In 184OLo it was fundamentally amended so as to provide for the popular election of four important officers in addition to the mayor. For other officers the system of mayoralty nomination and aldermanic confirmation was preserved. In 1843 the number of elected officers was increased to six,ll and ten years later an amendment provided for the election of five additional heads of departments.12 It is probably true that in most of our older cities the break from the type of government under which the council enjoyed almost complete control to a type embodying an administrative organization independent of the council was made not by the introduction of the plan of mayoralty nomination and aldermanic ratification but by the application of the principle of popular election to the heads of administrative departments. Chicago, for example, began her municipal history with a charter enacted in 183713 which, in spite of the fact that the mayor was elected by the people, was distinctly of the colonial type. In 185114 the charter was amended so as to provide for the election of eight heads of departments and three street commissioners. The council retained its power to appoint and remove a considerable list of minor officers. In 1857 two additional officers were made subject to popular election, while the system of appointing all other officers by the mayor with the consent of the council was substituted for the system nE councilmanic appointment.16 Five years later the members of a newly established police board were added to the number of elected officers.lB So also in New York the era of council supremacy under the charter of 1830 gave way, under the charter of 1849," to a type of government in which administrative independence was secured by the election, in addition to the mayor, of the heads of eight administrative departments. A few important officers18 were made subject to appointment by the 10 Laws of Missouri, 1840, p. 129. 11 Laws of Missouri, 1843, p. 113. 12Laws of Missouri, 1853, p. 247. Two years later there was in the case of three of these officers a return to the system of appointment by the mayor and the board of aldermen. Laws of Missouri, 1855, p. 128. 1s Laws of Illinois, 1836-37, p. 50. 14 Laws of Illinois, 1851, p. 132. 15 Laws of Illinois, 1857, p. 892. 16 Laws of Illinois, 1851, p. 151. 17 Laws of New York, 1849, ch. 187. 1s The chief of police, the city chamberlain, the receiver of taxes, and the members of the Croton aqueduct board. The aldermen's consent was also necessary for the appointment of bureau chiefs by the heads of departments and for the appointment of clerks by the bureau chiefs. The city marshall had been made subject to election in 1841. Laws of Illinois, 1841, p. 58.

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24 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January mayor by and with the advice and consent of the board of aldermen. It is a significant fact that during the years of agitation which led up to the enactment of this charter the proposition was definitely put forward that the evils of misgovernment under the charter of 1830 had been due primarily, if not solely, to the fact that the principle of the separation of powers was not recognized in that charter. Nine years later under the New York charter of 1857,19 the system of electing numerous heads of departments by a vote of the people was abandoned. In its place the system of mayoralty nominations and aldermanic confirmation was substituted.20 The type of government in which an independent executive branch was secured by the application of the principle of popular election to numerous officials is also illustrated in the history of the charters of San Francisco. It provided for the election of seven heads of departments in addition to the mayor. The same general principle of constituting the administrative branch of the government was embodied in the charters of 185122 and 1855;23 and when in 1856 the governments of the city and the county of San Francisco were merged into one, the consolidating charter provided for the popular election at large of seventeen different officers and for the election of seven additional officers in each of the twelve districts into which the city was di~ided.~4 Ten years later25 the number of officers elected at large was increased to the astounding number of twenty-one. I have cited St. Louis, Chicago, New York, and San Francisco merely as illustrations. The evolution of their governments, presenting so much of similarity and synchronization, may doubtless be taken as fairly typical. The first charter of the city was granted in 1850.21 THE MAYOR-AND-COUNCIL HYBRID It is only in recent years that we have given definite names to types of city government. For lack of a more satisfactory nomenclature for the older types, I shall exercise the prerogative of christening. I should like to call the government in which the administrative branch is constituted by mavoralty nominations and councilmanic confirmations the mayor-and-council hybrid. I do this with respectful seriousness. It is a hybrid. It embodies neither the principle of an independent executive department nor of one responsible to the council. It may be that the 19 Laws of New York, 1857, ch. 446. 2o Only the counsel of the corporation and the comptroller remained subject to popular 21 Stats. of California, 1850, ch. 98. A similar type of government was provided for election. other cities of the state; chs. 20, 30, 46,47, 60, 68. Stats. of California, 1851, Act of April 15. 2s Stats. of California, 1855, ch. 251. 24 Stats. of California, 1856, ch. 125. 2s Stats. of California, 1866, p. 718.

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19171 EVOLUTION OF TYPES OF CITY GOVERNMENT 25 system as found in our national and state governments is nothing more than an exception to the rule of the separation of legislative and executive powers. It is certain, however, that as applied in most, cities the exception was at once more obvious and more important than the rule. And the reasons for this difference might be easily pointed out if there were time. In spite of the fact that this type of government survives in a number of cities to-day, and in spite of the fact that in exceptional instances it has been measurably successful, 1 do not hesitate to say that it is indefensible in theory and unsupported by an overwhelming weight of experience. THE INDEPENDENT-DECENTRALIZED-EXECUTIVE TYPE I should like to call the government in which numerous heads of administrative departments are made subject to popular election the independent-decentralized-executive type. Wholly apart from the viewpoint of the voter with his absurdly long ballot, this type produced in operation many unhappy results. Harmonious co-operation in the work of the city was effected, if at all, only through the agency of political parties. The resulting alternative was either distressing lack of co-operation or government by the city boss. It was clearly founded upon the understandable principle of the separation of policy-determining and policyexecuting functions; but that principle is as bad as no principle if there is neither individual nor group responsibility which the electorate can locate. THE INDEPENDENT-BOARD TYPE Another type of government was introduced in a number of American cities with the advent of the board plan of departmental control. Where the members of these boards were elected by the voters of the city or, as in some cases, appointed by the governor or the legislature of the state, a strong tendency developed to vest in these boards independent or quasiindependent financial powers and a portion of the legislative power of the city. This wholly new kind of organization may doubtless be called the independent-board type of government. Both the council’and the mayor were stripped of all but their names, or were left at best with a pitiful remnant of power. The city was in fact governed by a number of commissions each independent of the other. A more extravagant and unworkable type of government could scarcely have been devised. There are numerous instances in which these popularly elected or state-appointed administrative boards survive in American cities with independent or quasi-independent powers over against the city government proper. I believe, however, that there is no city at the present time whose government as a whole may be said to be of this type.

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26 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January THE INDEPENDENT-CENTRALIZED-EXECUTIVE TYPE In spite of the perseverance of our inherited love for checks and balances we have come at last to realize that the dangers resulting from an abuse of large political authority are perhaps after all not so great as the dangers of misgovernment that result from the diffusion of authority and a consequent concealment of responsibility. This important truth we learned from the book of bitter experience. We stumbled upon it in the course of our childish search for the automatic in government, for a type of government so organically perfect that once established it would operate itself without bothering us. It was doubtless with reckless disregard of this truth that Mr. Tweed introduced into the New York charter of 1870 26 the principle of an elected mayor endowed with power to appoint the heads of the ten administrative departments independent of any confirmation by the board of aldermen. This inaugurated a new type of city government in the United States-the independent-centralizedexecutive type. It was founded upon the principle of the separation of powers, but it was unique in that the administrative branch of the government was organized under the complete control of a single elected chief executive. I do not believe that this feature of the Tweed charter was to any considerable degree responsible for the scandalous corruption that followed almost immediately. However that may be, the charter was short-lived. In 1873 it was replaced by a charter in which the confirmatory power of the board of aldermen was restored.27 In 1880, however, this type of government was reintroduced in the city of Brooklyn.28 It proved almost immediately successful and four years later it was again adopted for New Y0rk.2~ It has had and still has great vogue among the cities of New York ~tate.~O It was introduced into Quincy, Massachusetts, in 1888, in Louisville in 1893, in New Haven and Meriden in 1897, in Et. Paul, Duluth, and Fan Francisco in 1900, in Portland, Oregon, in 1903, in Denver in 1904, in all the cities of Indiana in 1905, in Kansas City, Missouri, in 1908, in St. Joseph, Missouri, in Boston, and in all the cities of Ohio in 1909. THE BOARD OF ESTIMATE TYPE The Tweed charter was responsible for the germ of another innovation which may perhaps be regarded as creating a distinctly new type of municipal organization. This was a board of estimate and apportion26 Laws of New York, 1870, chs. 137,383. 27 Laws of New York, 1873, ch. 335. z8 Laws of New York, 1880, ch. 377. 29 Laws of New York, 1884, ch. 43. It was established in Buffalo in 1891 and in all the cities of the second class in 1898. Rochester retained this type of government when it was taken out of the second class in 1908.

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19171 EVOLUTION OF TYPES OF CITY GOVERNMENT 27 ment. The essence of such a board is that the lion's share of the appropriating power of the city is vested in a group of administrative officials. Such boards are now found in New York city, in Rochester, in all the six second class cities and a few of the third class cities of New York, and in Baltimore. In every instance' they are constituted in major part of the mayor and a small number of important administrative official^.^' In consideration of the fact that wherever a board of estimate is found it invariably forms the most important feature of the government of the city, it may be that the few cities having such boards should be regarded as representative of a distinct type of organization. I say this in spite of the fact that such a board may, of course, be combined with more than one of the several types of government that I have referred to. In point of fact it has been introduced only in cities in which executive responsibility has been centered largely if not entirely in an elected mayor. In all that I have said I am well aware that I have made no mention of those cities which have enjoyed the luxury of a government in which every conceivable method of constituting official relationships has been woven into a splendid chaos of disorganization and irresponsibility. Of these monstrosities of American institutional genius perhaps it were as well to say as little as possible. Fortunately their number has rapidly diminished in recent years, and the end is not yet. THE COMMISSION AND CITY-MANAGER TYPES In the entire evolution of municipal government in the United States there has been nothing so unprecedented as the rapid development within the last decade or so of our two most recent and somewhat related types of government, the so-called commission and city-manager types. The principles underlying these types of organization are so well known as to require no explanation. I would call your attention, however, to one point which seems to me to be of interest in connection with this historical sketch. Both of these types of government in ultimate analysis represent an obvious return to something of our municipal beginnings-a return to the principle of concentrated power and responsibility for the entire government of the city in a single group. In respect to commission government this return is striking. However important to the succes3 of this plan of government may be its usual accompanying features] I can81 In a number of Connecticut cities there is.a board of finance with powers similar to those of boards of estimate. These boards of finance are composed of a small number of administrative officials, representatives from the city council, and citizen members. The Detroit board of estimate, an elected body, is in fact a sort of second chamber of the council in the matter of appropriations only. Mention should be made also in this connection of the few cities in which primary control over appropriations is vested in the mayor, aa in Boston and in Denver before the establishment of commission government] or in a kancial officer appointed by the mayor, as in the cities of Indiana.

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28 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW ' [January not regard them as vitally affecting the type of government. They are no more and no less essential to the success of commission government than they are to the success of any other type of organization in which responsibility for performance is fairly located, Stripped of these accessories, commission government is council government, the government of the colonial and post-Revolutionary city, with the single councilman as an administrator substituted for the administrative councilmanic committee, a government in which policy-determining and policy-executing functions are united in the same group. In respect to the city-manager type, the return to our beginnings may not be so manifest at a glance; but I think it is none the less a reality. It is the council that is completely responsible for the character of the administration. It is true that the method of exercising this responsibility is somewhat new. The council is empowered to direct the manager or his subordinates only through the medium of ordinances. They can legislate but they cannot actively participate in the administration. In other words they must exercise their control over actual administration by acting upon the manager per se and not upon his individual acts. It is easy enough to write this arrangement into law, but the actual operation of the letter and spirit of that law will of necessity depend upon the degree of co-operation that is maintained between the council and the manager. So far as the scheme itself is concerned, I can readily conceive of a manager who, by reason of his dependence upon the council for the retention of his position, would allow himself to become little more than a chief clerk for a council which actually dominated and controlled the entire administrative operations of the city. Such a result might be a violation of the spirit of the law; it would not be a violation of its letter. Even with a manager of ability and independence and a council imbued with a desire of realizing the spirit of this type of government, I can conceive of the development of a degree of councilmanic control over actual administration through the medium of warnings in advance of dismissal. The truth of the matter is that you cannot write into law a precise division of function between two authorities where the tenure of one is absolutely at the mercy of the other. The authority in control of the tenure can always, if it chooses, control the discretion of its subordinate even within the written sphere of that subordinate. I say this not in criticism of the city-manager plan of government. I consider it a type of government that has much to commend it. It has, indeed, so much of virtue in it that it seems to me unnecessary to ignore or gloss the facts about it. It does not of necessity involve a separation of policy-determining and policy-executing functions. It does not of necessity result in administration by experts. The degree of separation and the degree of expertness that result must be ascribed not to anything On the other hand, they can remove the manager at will.

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19171 EVOLUTION OF TYPES OF CITY GOVERNMENT 29 that inheres in the form of government but to the practice under that form as it has developed under the compelling force of enlightened public opinion. I do not wish to seem captiously legalistic; but there is certainly a difference between that which is law and that which is public opinion. From the viewpoint of the law, there is little that, is new in the citymanager type of government. It is a return to the system of councilmanic control. The only new feature is that the council must exercise that control through the agency of n single chief-subordinate instead of acting directly upon a number of subordinates. Under the New York charter of 1830 a city-manager plan of government might easily have been installed. When the Dayton charter of 1913 vested in a “governing body’’ known as a commission the power to “pass ordinances” and to appoint and remove a ‘‘ city manager who shall be the administrative head of the municipal government,” there was no reason why a partisan or corrupt commission might not have dominated the entire administration through the choice of a manager wholly subservient to their designs. It may be that neither the commission form nor the city-manager type of government is the last word in municipal organization in the United States. To my mind they are of less interest as types than as an expression of a manifest and compelling need, on the one hand, and the proof of a change of public mental attitude on the other. They express the need for simplicity in municipal organization. Democracy cannot function properly through a complicated organization which it cannot visualize and cannot comprehend. Pinning our faith to the catholicon of reorganization, we early began to emerge from simplicity in municipal organization. For more than half a century we reaped the reward that might have been expected from the complications we introduced. We are now in the era of a return to simplicity. It is a sign that is full of hope, whatever may be the specific type of government in which the movement finds expression. I do not ignore the importance of governmental form in a democracy. But 1 am profoundly convinced that we have laid and are laying too great stress upon this matter of form. This or that type of government is of importance only to the extent that it lends itself to the smooth functioning of democratic control. We cannot assume that any organic form will give the people of a city a better government than they desire. The fundamental assumption of democracy is that the people actively and positively desire the best government possible. The machinery of government is of interest and importance only in the degree that it facilitates or obstructs the realization of this desire. I am inclined to believe that had the commission or the city-manager type of government been established a generation or so ago it would have

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30 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January been a dismal failure. In an atmosphere of public indifference] of inactivity, of lack of heart or of interest] it would have lent itself admirably to the machinations of professional politicians and spoilsmen. We should hesitate to give to the genius of a designer credit that is in fact due to a new motive force-in this case to an awakened, vitalized, and actively operating public opinion. Unstinted laudation of the virtues of these types of government may be justified as a means for keeping public opinion upon its mettle; but is the danger not real that it may also result in convincing a busy and not too exacting people that here at last, after all the futile searching of the years, they have come upon their long-sought Eldorado-a super-government, a government so perfect in type that they can wind it up at periodical elections and, withsupreme confidence in its ability to run itself, turn their attention to other things?

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PUBLIC REGULATION OF WAGES, HOURS AND CONDITIONS OF LABOR OF THE EMPLOYES OF PUBLIC SERVICE CORPORATIONS N JUNE, 1915, the Consumers’ League, through its secretary, MFS. Florence Kelley, asked the National Municipal League to take up the questions of the eight-hour day and the minimum wage in connection with the granting of public utility franchises. Since the threatened strike on the railroads of the United States, followed by the enactment of the federal “eight-hour law,” and the actual strikes on the most important local transportation systems of New York city have brought this general subject into the limelight of public observation and have made its present consideration by the National Municipal League very timely. That there are three parties to labor disputes in public utilities, namely, the employes, the employing corporations and the public for whom the service is necessary, has been generally recognized for some time, but in most cases quite inadequate measures have been taken to protect the public’s interest. While we may, perhaps, assume that the Consumers’ League has taken the question up in a philanthropic spirit, aiming chiefly to secure justice to the employes, the events of the past summer have laid the emphasis upon the rights of the public as against both employes and employers. It is generally assumed that the employing corporations can look out for their own interests, but if the whole subject is to be brought under definite and comprehensive public regulation, the interests of all three parties will have to be correlated and given just consideration. What are these interests? First, as to the employes, their legitimate interests, without regard to excessive demands sometimes made by them, may be classified as follows: a. To secure fair living wages reasonably corresponding with the difficulty and the responsibility of the work they perform. b. To have their working day of a reasonable length, in consideration of the character of the work and the general labor standards of the com1 Submitted to the twentysecond annual meeting of the National Municipal League at Springfield, Mass., by the committee on franchises consisting of Dr. Delos F. Wilcox, chairman, New York; William M. Leserson, Toledo; Robert Treat Paine, Boston; Horatio M. Pollock, Albany; Charles Richardson, Philadelphia; Clinton Rogers Woodruff, Philadelphia. 31 I

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32 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January munity, and to have their hours of work as compact as the nature of their employment will permit. c. To have the conditions surrounding their work so organized as to be consistent with the reasonable safety, health, comfort and self-respect of the workers. d. To be assured of continuity of employment, appropriate advancement for efficiency and length of service and ultimate protection from want in case of sickness, injury or permanent disability. These interests might be worked out in great detail, as they sometimes are in the statement of grievances presented by the men in times of controversy with their employers, but for the purposes of this discussion it is unnecessary to elaborate them further. It is a matter of importance, however, to note that the number of employes whose interests are being considered probably exceeds 700,000 if all local public utilities under private ownership are included. Street railways alone account for over 300,000, and telephones for fully 200,000 more. Second, as to the employers, the public service corporations, it is clear that their ultimate interest is the financial one, although this may be translated through a process of enlightened selfishness to include other immediate interests which have the appearance of being more human and generous. But treating their ultimate interest as the controlling one, we may subdivide and classify its specific manifestations as follows: a. To get the necessary service performed at the lowest possible labor cost by keeping wages down and by limiting the number of employes. b. To have their property operated and cared for in such a way as to promote its efficiency, maintainits integrity and prolong its useful life as much as possible. c. To have continuity of service maintained so as to insure continuity of revenues and the protection of their franchises. d. To have their employes efficient in the collection of revenues and careful and honest about turning them in. e. To have the service as efficient as possible within given limits of cost so as to earn for the companies the good will of the public and thus secure for them protection from competition and from adverse governmental acts. This analysis of the companies’ interests must needs be qualified by the remark that wherever the motive for economy has been killed or crippled some of these interests cease to play any important part. This result may be in part effected by a cost-of-service franchise such as the Cleveland street railway settlement, under which economies in operation are automatically absorbed, within certain general limits, by a reduction in fares; or by a municipal subsidy-and-guaranty policy such as that which characterizes the new rapid transit contracts in New York city; or by a plan giving the city all of the net earnings above a fixed percentage, as in the case of the New York electrical subway contracts; or by the plan of frequent rate reductions upon the basis of allowing the companies a

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19171 REPORT ON PUBLIC REGULATION 33 fixed fair return upon their investment and no more; or by the plan suggested in connection with the federal “eight-hour law” and with the settlement of the original New York trolley strike, namely, of permitting an increase of rates to absorb any increase in labor costs; or even by the sliding-scale plan of adjusting rates, as in the case of the Boston gas company, as soon as the rate of dividends allowed has become high enough to excite public envy and threaten, if it goes any higher, to bring about a readjustment of the plan on a lower dividend base. The economic motive is the mainspring of private operation. For its sake the dominant public opinion of the country has been willing to forego the benefits of municipal ownership. But this motive is a very troublesome factor in the public utility problem. Third, as to the public, its interests are numerous and intense, and now are claiming to be in certain important respects preponderant. We may analyze them as follows: It is an elemental force. a. To have continuity of service. b. To have safety both in connection with the general use of the streets and in connection with the use of the service offered by public utilities. c. To have public utility employes intelligent, efficient and courteous in order that the service may be good. d. To have the labor cost of the service kept as low as possible and to have all the legitimate revenues of the utiIity collected without favoritism and accounted for without fraud in order that the prosperity of the company may lead to better service, lower rates or the sharing of the profits for the reduction of general taxation. e. To have the public utility plants maintained in a high state of efficiency so that they will be able to respond to the constantly increasing demands of service and, in case of acquisition by the city, not have to be sent to the scrap heap. f. To have the men and women engaged in the operation of utilities treated according to the best standards of public employment, as being semi-public employes engaged in rendering a necessary public service. We must consider not only the relative importance of the various divergent or conflicting interests, but also the means which lie in the hands of the several parties to protect themselves. The outstanding fact is that continuity is a fundamental interest of all three parties-for the employes, continuity of employment; for the companies, continuity of earnings; for the public, continuity of service. Continuity is life, and what will a man not give in exchange for his life? Yet it is well known that even life is sometimes sacrificed, because, without liberty, life itself may cease to be worth while. And so in this business, though all three parties have a primary and fundamental interest in continuity, they sometimes find that, mere existence is not worth while; the employes must have living conditions and a living wage; the companies, a living income; and the public a let-live rate. It is in the conflict of these necessities that continuity is sometimes given up, though it is the very life of the business 3

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34 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January to everybody concerned. Right here we get to the crux of the whole problem. More and more, continuity of service is coming to be of predominant importance to the public, something that it can afford to pay for by a sacrifice of its interest in a low rate. Public utility rates are generally determined with some relation to the cost of service, and in most cases are far below the value of the service to the people who get it. Therefore, if the cost of service is necessarily increased, the public can generally afford to “foot the bill,” if this is necessary to preserve to the two other parties the living wage and the living income, those essentials without which their life is not worth while and they are tempted to resort to the fatal interruption of continuity. But all three parties are likely to be contumacious in financial matters, and the employes in regard to conditions of work as well. The men may demand too much; the companies keep too much; or the public refuse to pay enough. We must now consider the means which the several parties have of protecting their respective interests. The employes individually may complain to the employers of the wages paid them or of the treatment they receive; they may even quit their jobs if they are dissatisfied. But long ago it became apparent that the individual employe bargaining with the great corporation for himself alone is in a hopelessly weak position. And so in public utilities, as in other industries, the employes learned that in union there is strength, and organization for collective bargaining has become their chief means of protecting their interests. Collective bargaining cannot be effective without the ultimate sanction of power to enforce its demands. And that power depends ultimately either upon the strike, which involves an enormous self-sacrifice, or upon an appeal to an authority superior to both parties, namely, the government. The strike is a dangerous weapon, but a direct one, and one that is within the control of the employes themselves. The interruption of service is effective as against the employers, not only because it stops their revenues, but also because it endangers their franchises, under which they have contracted with the public to render continuous service. The strike may also be effective because the temporary interruption of service causes enormous public inconvenience and may thus bring to the assistance of the strikers the pressure of an insistent public demand for the restoration of service. On the other hand, the appeal to the higher authority, without resort to the strike, is weak and generally ineffective if it hust take the slow and roundabout method of political agitation. It is the very core of our present problem, so far as the employes are concerned, to work out a method of appeal to public authority that will be e,tfectiue without the strike. The employers, in the case of public utilities, are in a peculiar position so far as the means available for the protection of their interests are concerned. Their position as compared with that of employers in competitive, unprivileged enterprises, has some elements of special strength and

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19171 REPORT ON PUBLIC REGULATION some elements of special weakness. On the one hand, as local monopolists they are in control of the opportunities of employment in their particular line in their particular community; they have the jobs togive. Also, as employers, they have the power of discipline and discharge, and the initial power of fixing wages, hours and conditions of employment, and as monopoly employers they can exercise these powers with greater freedom than other employers, who are subject to competitive influences. On the other hand, public utility employers are often subject to limitations of rates fixed by contract for long periods of years, and if not, then to rate regulation under the police power of the state. Very often, therefore, they cannot pass on to the consumer an increase in the cost of labor. Moreover, under their contracts with the government, they are usually bound to give continuous service on pain of the forfeiture of their franchises. Shutting down their plants can never be a blessing to them, unless they are prepared to go out of business entirely. Thus, they cannot oppose the lockout to the strike. But the obvious public necessity of the services they render and the enormous political and social influence they enjoy through the concentrated control of immense investments and revenues give them a prestige with legislative bodies and general administrative officials, and even with courts and commissions, that cannot easily be overcome even by the most powerful union of employes. The public also has certain means available for the protection of its peculiar interests, but these means are for practical purposes solely political. The rage of individual consumers over excessive rates or bad service beats in vain against public service corporations, for in spite of their rages the consumers have to come back to “the same old stand” to do their business. It is only through an appeal to the government for action by the control of public utility franchises and by the exercise of the regulatory powers of the state, that the consuming public can get protection. In most instances, individual bargaining on the part of a consumer is even more impotent than on the part of an employe. This discussion of the special interests of the three respective parties and of the special means available to each of them for the protection of these interests would leave us helpless in a welter of conflicting forces and an anarchy of practical results, if it were not for the fact that above the employes, above the corporations and even above the consuming public, stands the higher power of the community, which includes all three parties and which has a powerful interest in harmonizing as far as possible, and in compromising where harmony is out of the question, the subordinate individual interests of the three parties. Above all the community is interested in seeing that justice is done. Therefore, we may combine in our further discussion the several more or less divergent movements that have for their aggregate purpose to see not only that the employes, emAll other means are generally futile.

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36 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January ployers and consumers get their just rights but also that they perform their just duties. We have considered certain specific questions and have reached a general agreement as to the answers that should be given to them. These several questions will be now taken up in turn. Is the public interest in the continuous operation of any or all public utilities sufficient to warrant the adoption of legal measures to prevent strikes? We recognize that thus far the danger of the interruption of service is greatest in the case of transit, and, therefore, that the need of measures to prevent strikes is more pressing here than in other utilities. Indeed, the nature of the service and the dependence of the service upon the continuous co-operation of large numbers of trained employes, put transit and telephone communication in the forefront of local public utilities so far as the peril of interruption by reason of strikes is concerned. Our agreeme'nt that legal measures should be taken for the prevention of strikes does not mean, however, that these measures should in the first instance include the absolute prohibition of the strike. We are inclined to think that until effective substitute measures for the adjustment of the grievances of public utility employes have been worked out and tested, it would be unfair and impracticable to deprive the employes absolutely of the right to use their ultimate weapon of self-defense. If the right of public service employes to strike is curtailed, or denied altogether, then shall public guaranties be given that their legitimate interests will be protected? The proposal to limit or deny the right to strike has its basis in the recognition of the public character of the business, the same fact that justifies the regulation of rates and services. As the theory of rate regulation necessarily involves a recognition of monopoly and a partial or complete protection against competition, so the limitation of the right to strike necessarily involves the protection of the employes against those evils for which t.he strike has heretofore been the ultimate remedy. In so far as we deny to the public utility employes as a class the right to use their most effective means of self-protection, we must unquestionably provide an effective substitute. But this goes only to the protection and furtherance of legitimate rights. It does not mean that the employes shall be guaranteed means of aggression by which they can disturb the just balance of interests among the three parties and get more than they are entitled to. If the state curtails the use of the strike and assumes the protection of the interests of the employes, in what particular respects must control of their relations with their employers be assumed? Question 1. Our answer to this question is an emphatic affirmative. Question 2. Again, our answer is an emphatic affirmative. Question 3.

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19171 REPORT ON PUBLIC REGULATION 37 Speaking broadly, we may describe the vital interests of the employes for the protection of which the strike is now the ultimate weapon, wages, hours of labor and conditions of work. In “ conditions of work” we include not only provisions for physical safety and comfort, but also the rules relating to performance of duties, discipline, discharge and the hearing of grievances. Question 4. By what general method is public control of the relations between public utility employes and their employers to be established? Three methods suggest themselves as possible: (a) the inclusion of the necessary provisions in franchise contracts, as suggested by the consumers’ league; (b) the general regulation of all these matters from time to time by statute or ordinance, and (c) the fixing of standards by regulating commissions or tribunals. The franchise method is obviously subject to at least three very grave limitations. In the first place, franchises have already been granted for most of the utilities either in perpetuity, or for an indefinite period or for a long term of years. While it is true that at almost all times some important franchises are under consideration somewhere in the country, their aggregate effect, even in the course of twenty or thirty years, covers only a fractional portion of the utilities in which we are concerned. In the second place, a long-term contract is an unsuitable means for the specific regulation of wages and conditions of employment, which are properly subject to change from time to time. In the third place, a franchise is a contract between the community and the employers. The employes are not a party to it, and their relations with the employers can be controlled by franchise only indirectly and through the public’s control over one of the two parties to the labor agreements. In spite of these serious limitations upon the general usefulness of the franchise method, we are of the opinion that in cities where important franchises do come up for renewal, especially where the cities desire to share in the profits of the undertaking, or to provide for ultimate municipal ownership, the relations between employers and employes ought to be taken care of by the establishment of certain general standards, and more particularly by the establishment of a definite procedure for the settlement of disputes as they arise. We do not think that specific wages should be established by franchise contract; certainly not unless they are made subject to revision at frequent intervals. The peculiar conditions affecting the hours of labor on street railways arising out of the existence of two peak loads of traffic which cannot both be included within a consecutive period of less than twelve or thirteen hours, makes it difficult to establish the same rule as to hours for the employes of all classes of utilities. But as a franchise deals with a single utility and as the hours of labor are much less subject to necessary change than wages and conditions of employment,

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38 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January there is no serious objection to the fixing of maximum hours of work in the franchise itself. The type of franchise provision in regard to hours and wages to which we would be inclined to give our approval is illustrated by a section contained in the Minneapolis gas franchise of 1910, which reads as follows: No person employed by the company, in manual labor, shall hereafter be required or permitted by it to labor more hours in any calendar day, than shall be required or permitted by law upon work done under any contract, involving the employment of labor, made by or 0.n behalf of the state of Minnesota. And all laborers employed by the company shall hereafter receive wages which shall be just and reasonable, and not less than shall be customarily paid for labor of like character, and requiring like skill or experience. Another illustration of a type of labor provision suitable for a franchise contract is the clause in the new Kansas City street railway settlement franchise adopted in 1914, which provides that “in the employment of its employes and servants, the company shall not discriminate either in favor of or against any person because of his or her affiliations with any labor organization. ” The typical provisions just quoted are clearly designed to protect the employes, but have no direct bearing upon the protection of the public against strikes except as they tend to prevent the development, of certain grievances which frequently cause strikes. More important for this purpose would be the inclusion of a provision, of which no actual illustration has come to our attention, establishing a definite procedure for the settlement of disputes between the company and its employes. This might merely provide that under given circumstances the company should act or offer to act in a prescribed manner calculated to lead to a peaceful settlement of disputes, or it might even go to the extent of prescribing the form of contract to be entered into between the company and its individual employes, by which the latter, in accepting employment, would be bound to accept and abide by the terms of the franchise relating to the settlement of disputes. We are of the opinion that provisions affecting the physical conditions of work, such as the requirement of enclosed vestibules for motormen, may properly be included in franchise contracts in so far as they relate to matters which are not subject to frequent change. We favor the use of general laws and ordinances to establish standard conditions of employment where franchise provisions do not exist or are not applicable, and particularly to establish modes of procedure for the settlement of disputes and the limitation of the right to strike. We do not favor the appeal to legislative bodies to settle disputes directly, without full investigation, by the passage of laws fixing wages, hours or conditions of employment in a given utility or class of utilities. Legislation, especially state statutes, should be very general in character. It is

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19171 REPORT ON PUBLIC REGULATION 39 permissible for municipal ordinances to deal with details more specifically, as such ordinances apply to a single community and are adopted by legislative bodies to which the facts are relatively accessible. Indeed, in cities like Seattle and Los Angeles, where a utility department or board is maintained, one of whose functions is to draft and recommend regulatory ordinances, these may properly be both speciftc and detailed, though even in such cases they should concern themselves with the establishment of general rules, the application of which should be left to administrative officials. We believe that wherever well-equipped public service commissions exist, the duty of establishing detailed standards and rules relative to the relations of the public service corporations and their employes may properly be imposed upon such commissions. This is quite apart from the settlement of particular disputes and the fixing of specific wages, hours and conditions of employment in particular cases, as to which we shall speak later on. In brief, so long as the control of public utilities continues to be effected by different methods in different states and cities, we are of the opinion that the 'control of the relations between the utilities and their employes may properly be effected by the same methods. Thus, franchises, state laws and local ordinances and the orders of regulatory commissions may all be made use of for this purpose at different times, and in different places, according to the circumstances and the inherent possibilities of each case. Question 5. If the ultimate protection of the employes of public utilities is to be assumed by the community, what particular means ought to be adopted for dealing with them? Should the unions, with the right to strike curt,ailed, be continued as the most advantageous means of getting the grievances and demands of the employes formulated and presented to the employers, and when necessary, to the public authorities on appeal? In our opinion, the advantages of collective bargaining to all parties concerned are so great and so obvious that at the very least no public action should be taken to discourage the organization of the employes of public utilities for all legitimate purposes. We take this position fully recognizing the fact that the assumption by the community of the protection of the employes, like the regulation of rates and service, is a step in the direction of ultimate public ownership, and that any methods of settling labor disputes established with public approval under private ownership will he likely to be carried over into the public service if at a later time the community undertakes municipal operation. We believe that from the point of view of the public itself, the best results can be obtained when intelligent representatives speak for a group or union, rather than leave every individual employe to speak for himself. This

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40 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January will probably hold good even where complete municipal operation obtains. Question 6. Shall the ultimate adjustment of specific difficulties between public service employes and their empIoyers be referred to a tribunal established for the adjustment of similar questions between employes and employers generally, or to special tribunals improvised in each particular case, or directly to the public service commission or other regularly constituted authority, as such difficulties arise from time to time? We have more serious doubt as to the correct answer to this question than as to any of the preceding ones. The Cleveland street railway franchise and the latest New York rapid transit contracts provide for the settlement of disputes between the city and the company by reference to an arbitration tribunal to be established specially on each particular occasion. The efficacy of this plan has not been fully tested as yet, and moreover it does not form an exact precedent for compulsory arbitration between employers and employes. Permanent general tribunals for arbitration and conciliation, even if given authority to reach definite and binding decisions, have to deal for the most part with situations not quite analagous to those which prevail in connection with public utilities. It might readily happen that the reduction of rates by one tribunal and the raising of wages by another would subject a public service corporation to a ruinous squeezing between the upper and the nether millstones. On account of the intimate interdependence of rate regulation and wage regulation in the case of public utilities, a great deal can be said in favor of giving both functions to the same body. The advantages of this policy are emphasized when we reflect upon the fact that the performance of the wage-regulating function as well as the establishment of the hours of labor and the conditions of labor, requires the collection of data and statistics based upon continuous observation. For the collection of the facts the public service commissions are already fairly well equipped. For the reasons given, we are of the opinion that experimentally the power to fix wages and to settle disputes between public service corporations and their employes should be conferred by law upon the public service commissions, in terms calculated to secure promptness in the rendering of decisions and finality for definite though comparatively short periods of time.2 A very interesting memorandum was addressed by the National Consumers’ League to the joint legislative committee investigating the New York public service commissions on “The need of legislation empowering commissions to regulate hours of work and wages of employes of public utilities companies.” It wm prepared by Pauline Goldmark and Samuel J. Rossnsohn.

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THE CITY SECRETARY’S OFFICE OF FRANKFURT-ON-THE-MAIN BY MARTIN H. DODQE Columbia University HIGH official in American city government recently said: “After all there is no genius in German city government. It is different A to be sure, and interestingIy so for the American student; but beyond this it is only an historic growth, encompassed by ubiquitous German system, applicable only to German conditions, and without a solution for American municipal ills.” Such an opinion comes somewhat as a shock to the ardent city reformer of this country, who has seen in German municipal efficiency the incarnation of all the virtues of municipal administration. It has been generally believed that American cities have much to gain from German experience. But wherein the gain consists is a question which demands closer scrutiny of details and comparison of conditions than reformers have generally felt themselves obliged to consider. An interesting example of German municipal administration is found in the department known as the Stadtkanzlei, or city secretary’s office, of Frankfurt-on-the-Main. Although this department, in one form or another, is common to the governments of French and English cities, it is rare in Germany and practically unknown in the United States. From the American point of view, in fact, it stands as a novel device of municipal organization. It is Frankfurt’s “private secretary.” It opens the government’s mail, writes its letters, receives its visitors, oversees its employes, checks official inconsistencies, and supplies the qualifying adjectives as well as many of the data for official utterances. In short, the city secretary’s office is at once the agent, the clerk, and the critic of the city administration. To carry out its functions it is divided into seven bureaus and employs about 85 men. This somewhat extensive organization, however, is a matter of recent development. The office began its history in 1869, without special organization, employing less than a dozen men. The actual work was in charge of a director who was responsible to the mayor. The functions were simple, involving for the most part the care of the communications and accruing documents of the administrative board or magistrat and the mayor. In the thirty years following 1869, Frankfurt’s populat.ion increased by more 41 The development of the office came with the growth of the city.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January than 300 per cent (from 90,000 to 280,000). Its administrative problems increased accordingly, and by 1900 the enlarged demand upon the secretary’s office had crystallized this branch of the administration into a well organized department of four bureaus : Civil service and secretarial, clerical, accounting, and registration and correspondence. By 1904 further demands made it necessary to add two more bureaus: magistrat’s writing room, and messenger service. Two years later the seventh and final division was created-the book and document binding bureau. As the names of these various bureaus suggest, the work of the office during these years of development became identified with the essential elements of a German city administration-that is, with the complicated features of administrative routine. In this capacity the city secretary’s office performs three functions, which will be considered in turn. CLEARING HOUSE FOR ROUTINE The first and most striking function that the office performs is to act as a great clearing house for intra-governmental routine. Ordinary clerical operations, which in most cities are carried out separately in the various governmental departments, are in Frankfurt centralized in the city secretary’s office. Specifically under this head comes the handling of government mail. Every parcel of government mail of whatever nature is delivered first of all to the city secretary’s office and is received by the bureau of messenger service. That part of: it which is expressly addressed to a particular department is immediately delivered by the messenger service to that department. All other mail is turned over to the registration and correspondence bureau, which opens and classifies it, and with the aid of messenger service, delivers that part of it about which there is no question as to appropriate destination. The remainder (about 50 per cent of all mail) is turned over to the city secretary himself who answers about half of it on his own authority and refers the remainder to the mayor, or through the mayor, to the magistrat. In a similar manner the city secretary’s office disposes of all official documents. Legislative proposals, amendments, departmental reports, and all other official papers which naturally come to the magistrat, as the most important arm of the city government, are sent first of all to the city secretary. It is his personal duty to examine them as to form and substance, make necessary corrections, and set them up as the “orders of the day” for the magistrat’s meeting. Further, under the “clearing house” function may be cited the work of the magistrat’s writing room. The writing room is a central office to which all city departments go for official letter writing and multiple printing of circular letters and notices. Although not the most important bureau of the department, it employs twice as many men as any other, having a force of forty employes including a director and two assistants,

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19171 CITY SECRETARY’S OFFICE OF FRANKFURT 43 a clerk of the bureau, four lithographers, and thirty-two typists. The administrative procedure followed by the writing room is so typical of that of the whole department that it is perhaps worthy of somewhat detailed description. In the first place, whenever a department wants a letter written it sends a copy of the same either in long hand or shorthand to the writing room. Here it is stamped to show the exact time at which it was received. Next it is entered in a book of recQrd called the Kontrolle, and the following data are recorded: date of receipt, department for which work is to be done, number of pieces, short description of contents, and name of typist to whom the draft is now submitted for writing. Upon finishing the work the typist signs his name to the draft and submits the original and the finished copies to one of the two assistants to the director, whose business it is to inspect the finished work. If he finds it satisfactory, he signs his initials at the bottom of the original draft and then records these further data in the Kontrolle: The time at which the material was returned by the typist, number of half sheets written or time consumed for the work and the proofreading, and any remarks that are necessary. The finished work is then sent on through the messenger service to the department for which it has been done. This is the procedure for writing single letters. For multiple printing and lithographic work it is much the same. The form of the work, in all but special cases, is determined by ordinance specifications. Payment is made monthly to the city secretary’s office by the various departments, and the prices for different kinds of work are likewise determined by ordinance. From the standpoint of efficiency of the service, the work of every employe is carefully guarded and measured. This is accomplished largely through a system of reports. The typist who receives a piece of work must record in a special report folder or “assignment book” the following facts: time at which he receives the matter, department for which he writes, identification number of the letter or document, time at which he returns it to the inspector, and number of half sheets written or the time consumed. In addition to these items there must also be recorded a certification by another clerk as to the correctness of the statement. At the end of each week these facts must be summarized in a report in accordance with the specifications of the city ordinance. This report becomes the first basis for the measurement of work. A week’s work for the employe consists of five and four-fifths days, and each day the typist is supposed to deliver thirty-two half sheets of completed work. If he delivers more than this amount he is awarded extra pay; if less, he is reprimanded or perhaps dismissed. In either case it is essential that the exact amount be recorded. In case the employe’s work is such that it can be measured only by time, as is true of much of the lithographers’

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44 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January work, then the employe must fiil out a special blank which includes an equation method of transforming time into half sheets. At the end of every month the facts of the weekly reports are summarized into a monthly report, the relevant facts of which are in turn transferred to a general statement for the entire bureau. It is upon the basis of this last statement, drawn up in accordance with an ordinance classification, that salaries are paid. Before this statement is sent to the finance department, however, all employes to whom money is due are required to sign their names opposite the amounts accorded to them. The statement is then recorded by the accounting bureau of the city secretary’s office and from there sent to the finance department where it is recorded in a similar manner. Finally, when the finance department is ready to make payment, one clerk from the writing room is sent to the department. He signs a certificate for the receipt of all moneys and then delivers to each employe the amount which is due him. So much for the administrative procedure of the writing room. It is natural that the department which handles official documents and correspondence should be occupied also in preserving these materials. The office, through its document and bookbinding bureau, for instance, puts into permanent form the copies or the originals of correspondence, minor reports of committees, and stenographic or typewritten memoranda of all official conversations and interviews. This branch of the service employs fourteen book and document binders. The civil service and secretarial bureau, employing six men, administers the magistrat’s special library of documents and reports, as well as the circulating library of books of governmental and local interest. It is the custodian of the official “book of ordinances” (Biirgerbuch), and a book of record for all resolutions and actions of the magistrat’s deputations and commissions. It also gathers and files for reference copies of speeches, magazine articles, and newspaper clippings on matters of particular governmental interest. Finally, in connection with the clearing house function, the city secretary himself acts as the official recording secretary at magistrat meetings. In this capacity he becomes a confidential and authoritative center of information on all magistrat business. The secretary or one of his assistants acts likewise as the recording secretary at the meetings of the numerous magistrat commissions. Besides this work the office performs important administrative duties for all special committees on celebrations and municipal entertainments, the insurance commission, the general commission on charity and aid institutions, the art museum commission and the commission on the historical development of the city. CIVIL SERVICE FUNCTIONS The second general group of duties performed by the city secretary’s office may be summed up under the head of “civil service functions.”

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19171 CITY SECRETARY’S OFFICE OF FRANKFURT 45 Frankfurt’s civil service is regulated by both state laws and municipal ordinances. A commission on civil service examinations and another on courses of study for employes are appointed by the magistrat. But beyond such duties as the actual hearing and passing upon the examination and the teaching of the courses offered, the city secretary’s office performs all the routine work involved. It receives and answers inquiries concerning positions and employment, furnishes the somewhat elaborate blanks which are required to be filled out by applicants, examines these blanks on their return, accepts or rejects them as they measure up to requirements, and then arranges with the applicants for the time and place of their examination. In the examination itself the office has charge of similar routine duties, leaving no more work to the examination commission than is necessary to the exercise of its judgment as to the fitness of the candidates. But it should be added that the director of the civil service and secretarial bureau is also one of the five members who constitute the examination commission referred to above. Consequently the city secretary’s office is represented on the side of policy as well as that of administration of the civil service. Following the acceptance of the candidates into the government service, the city secretary’s ofice enters into further relations with them. The secretary himself, for instance, acts as the general supervisor of the entire civil service. By this it is not meant that he has power to interfere directly with the work of any department over the head of its chief; but rather that he is an efficiency expert whose business it is to establish and maintain an esprit de corps and a high order of service throughout the organization. In accordance with this object the secretary keeps in touch with the general standard of service as well as the work of the individual employe through the efficiency and service records already referred to. He also maintains an effective co-ordination of the whole through the shifting of clerks and office employes according to the changing needs of the different departments. This method of transfer tends to eliminate the stress and waste of seasonal variations of work and establishes an equilibrium of service. The secretary, through the different bureaus of his department, is also responsible for the following civil service functions : furnishing of necessary information upon which grades of compensation are established, securing proper publicity for the classifications determined upon, verification of the employment budget and city payrolls, and administration of accident and sickness insurance funds for city employes as well as widow and orphan moneys. Since insurance is such an essential factor in the life of the German citizen, this last operation constitutes an important service of the secretary’s office.

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46 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January EDITORIAL WORK AND DRAFTINQ The third, and from the standpoint of governmental policy, the most important function of the city secretary’s office is editorial work and legislative drafting. It was pointed out above that all government mail passes through the central office and that the secretary himself answers about one fourth of it and exercises some discretion in disposing of the remainder. This is an incidental authority, but it is none the less important; it is likewise exercised in the matter of official documents. The government is scrupulously careful about the form of its official utterances and communications, and the advantage for this purpose of having a central expert under whose inspection all such matters come is obvious. The gain is equally clear of having a central figure whose relation to the entire legislative and administrative activities of the city is such as to constitute him a competent critic of ill and well-advised proposals. The practical effect of his activity is seen in the fact that less than six per cent of the legislative proposals that reach the magistrat are rejected by that body. An examination of incoming documents shows that on an average 60 per cent of such matters are reports from the city department and other reports from committees and citizens sent in at the request of the magistrat. These reports are made out on forms furnished by .the secretary’s office or provided by the department itself. The city secretary, in transmitting them to the magistrat, does not alter their substance; he sees to it, however, that they are in proper form and classifies them to facilitate logical consideration. The remaining 40 per cent of the documents are matters of initiative and original suggestion, and as such require more careful attention. About one fourth of these are not acted upon by the magistrat at once but are made subjects of research and investigation by the secretary’s office, or through this office, by technical experts, as the case may require. As stated above, the secretary or one of his assistants acts as the recording secretary at magistrat-commission meetings. In this capacity the office writes up the minutes of such meetings and thus furnishes much of the material which constitutes the reports of these bodies. It performs similar functions for the Stadt-Bibliothek and the Stadt-Archiv, the two other departments, besides the secretary’s office itself, which are directly under t.he mayor’s supervision; it writes all reports and recommendations of the commissions on aid and charity institutions and on hospitals; and lastly, it puts into final form for the consideration of the magistrat, the annual budget proposals of the finance department and all reports pertaining thereto. These operations of the city secretary’s oEce relate to documents coming to the magistrat from outside sources. But a similar practice is followed in regard to those issuing from the magistrat. As is true of the incoming material, much of that which goes out is also of a routine nature and concerned with frequently recurring matters. To facilitate the

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19171 CITY SECRETARY’S OFFICE OF FRANKFURT 47 handling of such affairs, printed forms, known as Alcten or Protokolle, are provided. These are filled out by the secretary’s office and sent to their proper destination in accordance with directions from the magistrat. For some matters the forms are very complete, requiring the addition of only a few words; for others, they consist merely of an outline. Among the items for which they are used, the most common are formal announcements from the magistrat to the city council and notifications to individuals concerning election to office, appointments, pensions, and contracts. Work requiring somewhat more initiative and discretion on the part of the secretary’s office is that of investigation and research on legislative proposals coming from the magistrat or from individual magistrat members. In this connection the secretary, assisted by three officials from the civil service and secretarial and the clerical bureaus, prepares briefs, and signs the resolutions of the magistrat and magistrat-committees, and drafts the magistrat’s reports, communications and statements. Besides the actual work of composition, this involves ultimately the editorship of four publications. The first of these is the report of the magistrat to the city council. This report is concerned with the immediate affairs of government about which the magistrat thinks the council must or ought to be informed. It is issued whenever such matters arise, which experience shows to be about six times a month. The nature of the reports varies. Sometimes they are mere reproductions of ordinances passed by the magistrat; at other times they are paraphrased accounts given by the secretary on the magistrat’s procedure on a certain point. Sometimes they constitute pamphlets of twenty or thirty pages; at others they are only single sheets of one hundred words or less. THE “ANZEIGE-BLATT” The second publication edited by the city secretary’s office is the Anzeige-Blatt, a semi-weekly official announcement by the government to the people. It is concerned with those matters about which the magistrat decides there should be publicity. A copy taken at random, for instance, includes on the first page a notice to merchants and another to manufacturers requesting the proper observance of the occasion of the Kaiser’s expected visit. On the remaining dozen pages of the bulletin are found such matters as announcements of births, deaths, marriages, and engagements, notices from the magistrat and several of the city departments on matters relating to streets, municipal rooming and apartment houses, the city pawnshop, and the Romer Rathaus. The third and fourth publications edited by the secretary’s office are, respectively, the annual report of the magistrat to the city council (Jahresbem‘cht), and the official book of ordinances (Burgerbuch). The former is a comprehensive volume of some 450 large-sized pages, presenting a careful review of the entire activity of the government for the year. It is compiled from detail reports from the various departments, bureaus

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48 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January and commissions, with a general introduction by the mayor. The latter is a compilation of all the laws and ordinances governing the city, which are subject to constant change and are published in book form annually or biennially. The complete revised copy constitutes a book of 975 pages. The three general functions which have been sketched above are obviously of sufikient importance to bring the city secretary’s office into considerable prominence in city affairs. It remains to speak of one further activity which illustrates its unique and pivotal position. The city secretary’s office stands literally at the door of the city government; it is the administration’s “outer office.” If a visitor or citizen wishes to interview the authorities of Frankfurt he is directed first of all to the city secretary’s of.ce. And frequently he need go no further. If, however, the functionaries of this office cannot satisfy his needs, he is then escorted by one of the secretary’s city messengers to a more appropriate authority. At all events, the city secretary holds the keys to the offices of his fellow ofi.cials, including even that of the mayor. It seems, however, that his responsibility is such as to prevent any despotic use of the power involved. In the position of official “hand-shaker” for the city government, he stands as a man of business ability, of tact, and of allknowledge on city affairs; the city secretary is probably better acquainted with the detaiIs of Frankfurt’s administration than any other city official, not excluding the mayor. In conclusion, it seems obvious that the hand of genius is not apparent in the city secretary’s office. The department is unique and interesting. But it is not the deliberate invention of an all-seeing mind. Its present organization is not based on theory; it is the natural outgrowth of the exigencies of operation and management. The office has seven bureaus but it performs only thee general functions, It is an example of extreme centralization of activities generally administered by separate departments. But its success, for it is admittedly successful, and the lesson of German municipal government which it has to offer, lies neither in its organization nor its functions, but in its operation. The illustration from the magistrat’s writing room is sufficient to show the nature of its operation. Every detail of work is standardized that can be standardized. The administration becomes habitual and runs of itself. The energies of the directing staff are expended in inventing new methods of standardizing new duties. Though such a system does not preclude progress, it does not on the other hand encourage the initiative of the employe. It has been a success in Frankfurt; but that it might be a success in this country depends upon whether or not the character of the American rank and file can be reduced to the necessary calibre of the martinet. It is a splendid illustration of German method, German precision, German detail. Most Americans would regard with question a fabric woven so largely of red tape.

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MUNICIPAL RECREATION-A REVIEW OF RECENT LITERATURE BY GEORGE A. BELLAMY~ Cleveland, Ohio HAT recreation is grasping the minds of the thinkers is shown by the number of surveys being made throughout the country by recreation associations, private organizations, boards of commerce, etc. Gradually there is dawning the realization that ‘(recreation is stronger than vice and recreation alone can stifle the lust for it.” And now comes the survey“ Education through Recreation, ” a section of Cleveland’s school survey, with the statement that play is nature’s method of growth while recreation is the relief from exertion in some other line of activity. Play is more than the striking of a balance, but its educational value has not been utilized beyond the kindergarten because we did not know how to relate the play of children to the subject matter of the schools. Play has been defined as the rehearsal of the interests and activities of our ancestors, the records of which form the subject matter of the schools. Consequently play forms the logical approach to what the schools have to teach. Important facts regarding its weaknesses and accomplishments are brought out in this survey. Physical equipment and supervision for recreation were found to feature more prominently in the Cleveland school system than is usual elsewhere, but these features might be still further developed if the recesses were to be supervised and organized, if the rest periods assigned in the first five grades were to be taken out of doors, and if the apparatus were to have year-round usage. Athletic tests for boys are substituted in the elementary grades for inter-class and inter-scholastic games. Under present city conditions, athletic games are the only means of supplying an element of personal competition and of sudden crises which must be met by the supremest effort, physical and mental. It is considered most important that teams and games be organized in the elementaryschools since it is at exactly that age that hardygames should begin and no other agency exists capable of doing what needs to be done at this time. Similarly the importance of group games for elementary school girls cannot be over emphasized, for girls with adequate opportuT The schools occupy the largest field of municipal recreation. 1 Chairman of the public recreation committee, chamber of commerce. * “Education through Recreation, ” by George E. Johnson, Cleveland foundation, Cleveland, 0. 25 cents. 4 49

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50 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January nity come quite as readily under the moral and social influence of group games as do the boys. The Cleveland girl at this age fares no better than her brother. Play interests are the prototypes of achievements in adult life and educational Fork to-day. They have the same origin as those interests which determined the supremacy of the race and are fundamentally related to physical vigor. Baseball is social as well as physical and should be played on well organized elementary school teams. Rooting should give way to playing. Cleveland high schools do better by both the girls and boys than the elementary schools but some agency is needed to see that all children of ten and over have the opportunity for the right exercise of their social instincts, incidentally pre-empting the gang instinct in the constructive channels of creation, nurture and the other fundamental instincts, for the gang and the street do not wait for the high school age. The school is the only institution which reaches practically every child, and this responsibility falls naturally upon its shoulders. Competitive games and dramatic play, at present too little used, are suggested as an antidote for the street and the movies. The orchestra is cited as one of the easiest types of social activity for a school, both in organization and maintenance. Its special value lies in the complete co-operation demanded and in the subordination of self to the whole. There should be ample scope for the exercise of constructive interests. Children like to make things, for children, like primitive man, follow lines of human action by instinct long before they follow them as conscious work. Always in the history of the race play preceded work, supplying an interest by appealing to the emotions. It is the problem of play in education as the forerunner of work to find the basis for this emotional background in educational activities. The survey recommends for every city of Cleveland’s size, problems and opportunities : (a) A supervisor of play and recreation on the same basis as the superintendent of instruction, whose business it should be to correlate education and recreation. (b) A director with greater authority than now exists to organize and direct active plays, athletics and pastimes of the system in both elementary and high schools. (c) A duly appointed officer of the division of physical education to supervise the play of kindergarten and grade children up to 9 years of age. (d) Officers trained to organize and direct, each in his own field, the dramatic interests, the musical interests, the nature and nurture interests and the Esthetic interests. The monograph on ‘‘ Educational Extension, ” which is a part of the Cleveland foundation’s survey of Cleveland’s public schools, deals with 3 “Educational Extension, ” by Clarence Arthur Perry, Cleveland foundation, Cleveland, 0. 25 cents.

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19171 MUNICIPAL RECREATION 51 what is done for the child in the homes after school, with what is done for him in addition to giving him an acquaintance with the three R’s. Cleveland’s leisure time is unprovided for so far as organized recreation is concerned and consequently much of what is done even in the socially minded schools stands the chance of being negated after school hours. “The opportunity to realize, develop, and exercise special ability is one of the greatest safeguards against ill-spent leisure. ” The discovery of this special ability is more often than not the result of chance, and the more varied the opportunities given to an adolescent the greater the likelihood that he will find himself. Leisure is the time when the boy or girl does what he likes to do, the surest method of discovering his own special ability. The “wider use” of the school plant developed to the maximum of social center activity wherever this seems wise is encouraged, and this policy is incorporated in the newly created division of school extension which administers the use of the school buildings for all purposes other than night schools, this division to be eventually in the department of education since its function is to use the school facilities for educational and social ends. The evening school, coming at the close of the day and having similar aims and activities, should be combined with the community center for administrative economy. The monograph closes with a justificat,ion of the wider use of the school plant to extend to adults and children alike and to include all activities which prepare for useful citizenship since “to take any common but vital human activity that may be well performed by the few but is carried on imperfectly by the many and lift it universally to a higher plane is the essential function of public education.” The “Madison Recreational Survey is a commendable effort at (( preparedness for peace.” Armed with the conviction that proper play life for the child and proper recreational facilities for the adult mean better citizens and a more prosperous city in which to live as well as to work, the survey committee, by dint of painstaking observation and investigation, has pointed the way to a better Madison for employe as well as employer, for the taxpayer as well as for the city budget. Carefully prepared charts show the distribution of the entire population by wards and of the children by age periods. The prevalent mode of building as it affects the planning of the city is shown, the house near the street leaving large back yards now given over to chicken coops, sheds and trash heaps. This means lack of play spaces except in the street, with the consequence that the best kind of play is discouraged. The park and pleasure drive association now promotes whatever municipal recreational facilities and activities Madison now possesses, such as celebrations, open air concerts, and the maintenance of some park land 4 “Madison Recreational Survey,” Madison board of commerce, Madison, Wie. 50 cents.

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52 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January and playfields. A park board with authority to receive and expend public funds in developing and maintaining parks is recommended. Park playgrounds under single control should be developed and municipal gymnasiums and natatoriums established-facilities which would be supplied were there a department of city government as much interested in the study of the needs of adults as the board of education is in the needs of children. A series of charts compares Madison’s schools as to the density of the population served, the nature of the recreational equipment, the supervision of school recreation and its relation to other available facilities in the neighborhood. One hundred square feet per child was held to be a fair minimum for estimating space for Madison’s playground and one fourth of a mile suggested as the distance a child may be expected to travel to a playground. Fixed apparatus is important as giving opportunity for the development of personal achievement. There should be a variety and enough pieces to accommodate about one fourth of the children in school at the same time. The playground should be in a safe and wholesome environment and should at all times be supervised and organized, to an even greater extent during the summer than during the school year. Patronized by all classes, by the family as a unit and to a great extent on Sunday, the universal day of leisure, the “movies” fill a decided need in Madison’s recreational life. Out of 110 film stories studied, 68 contained features of good influence, 72 traces of bad influence, such as drinking, cigarette smoking, vulgar flirtation and the like. Cheap comedy films are the chief offenders while films of the white slave traffic, if greatly increased in number, would tend to become objectionable. The survey suggests a more enthusiastic support of the National Board of Censorship; a more careful supervision by exhibitors of their program films and greater emphasis on feature films, since these usually were found to contain fewer objectionable features; the institution of children’s days and children’s theaters, selections of films to be made by the exhibitor; a more extensive exclusion of children from programs suitable for adults and an enforcement of the 9 o’clock curfew. “Public dances, the roughest of them known locally as ‘pig races,’ are the worst single feature of commercial recreation in Madison. ” The inadequacy of the present ordinance and the carelessness of the police has resulted in failure to license halls. It is recommended that all halls rented for dances be considered as public dance halls and required by ordinance to be licensed, that pass-out checks be forbidden, that chaperons for each dance be appointed by the mayor, and that they report their suggestions to him, that mask balls, costume parties and shadow dances be forbidden at public dances, that a proper position in dancing be defined and enforcement provided and that families, churches and communities

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19171 MUNICIPAL RECREATION 53 supply unofficial chaperons. Fifty-eight per cent of the pool and billiard halls surveyed were loafing centers. In almost all of the halls some form of gambling is among the attractions. Cigarette smoking is almost universal among the patrons from 18 to 22 years of age. Profane and obscene language abounds. The most important single element of the problem is reported to be that of removing objectionable characters who operate places used for loafing. In the 33 loafing places observed, such as pool rooms, barber shops, fire stations, lunch wagons, switch houses and the like, 30 per cent of all the loafers were estimated to be under 21 years of age. The solution lies in the education of the public and the provision of proper supervised recreation for young men. Dr. Healy of the Psychopathic Institute of Chicago, in an article interpretative of local conditions, says : “Practically all confirmed criminals begin their career in childhood. ” Most of the time of the impressionable period is spent in the home with the parents stimulating the mental interest of the child. The condition of the homes, then, and the education of parents as to the proper mental pabulum to give their children becomes an immediate problem, for the mental vacuity of those showing criminal tendencies has been one of the most impressive findings in studying the causes of delinquency. Congested districts without outdoor play spaces were found to contribute the largest share of disease. Similarly those wards showing the presence of the laboring class and crowded housing also show much the highest death rate. Dr. Gillin states that an investigation of juvenile delinquency in Madison from September, 1912, to April, 1915, shows that those wards having least opportunity for proper recreation furnish the most delinquents. Sixty-two per cent of the cases resulted from lack of play and recreation facilities, 65 per cent had had bad home conditions and surroundings and 57 per cent show house congestion, lack of play space and supervised play. From a most able and complete summary of Madison’s conditions and needs, the following deductions are made. Madison needs more playgrounds under trained directors and winter gymnasiums for children, more athletic and aquatic facilities for the young men and women, more meeting places and better organization of the same for the constructive use of the leisure time of young people. A committee is suggested to consider the securing and conserving of more space in further city planning. For the recreation of adults, provision should be made for facilities, organization, promotion and direction of recreation if a large body, mainly of the untrained laboring class having no recreational agency outside of the saloon, are to be conserved for society. The public welfare demands an agency that will consider commercial recreation from the standpoint of the public good, not from the box office receipts. It demands a public agency to organize and co-ordinate the force for public good now

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54 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January existing less effectually among private philanthropic and social agencies. A play and recreation association operating with the park board in creating facilities and with the board of education in directing activities especially of children is urged until the city by statute appoint a permanent commission. Statistics taken in the Ipswich survey6 on two different days after school hours revealed that 40 per cent of the young people observed were idling, most of them in groups; that of 82 girls, eleven years of age and over, 81 were in the street; that 60 per cent of all the children observed were in the street. Given the athletic badge test only one of 172 Ipswich boys was able to fulfill the three requirements and 66 per cent failed to measure up to even the lowest passing mark in any of the events. As the boys grow older the records show them falling still farther below the normal standard, and in the pull up their records were from one third to one half of what the boys ought to do normally. When compared with statistics for the same grade in New York city, the city boy who had had definite physical training and properly guided play was found to far outstrip his Ipswich competitor. This defect can be remedied, the survey states, by extending physical training in the schools at least to the extent of requiring it for both boys and girls during the first two years of high school and supplementing this by a program of organized group games and team work as a part of the regular school work. The recess, at present a form of social leakage, should be turned to active account by organization and supervision. Ipswich, a typical ’New England industrial town showing a steady increase in the proportion of foreign born until at present one third of its population is composed of Greeks and Poles, has a problem of assimilation on its hands which merits serious consideration. The Greek Coffee House offers a unique type of recreation. To this room equipped with small tables, chairs and pool tables come groups of Greeks to play cards or pool while drinking their coffee and enjoying the music of the orchestra. Sometimes it is a native folk song sung by a girl and every one joins in the chorus; sometimes it is a folkdance and several of the men will dance the steps. The drinks served do not intoxicate and no discourtesy is evident. Community Drama and Pageantry. It treats of that most social of the arts, pageantry and pageant drama, not with the idea of professionalism but with the purpose of developing in a democracy steeped in industry a finer appreciation of art and of providing a sane outlet for the play spirit. Efficiency systems 6 “Play and Recreation in a Town of 6,000,” by Howard R. Knight, Russell Sage Foundation, New York. 25 cents. 8 “Community Drama and Pageantry, ” by Mary Porter Beegle and Jack Randall Crawford, Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn. There is a real contribution to recreation in $2.50.

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19171 MUNICIPAL RECREATION 55 and labor unions have demonstrated the value of co-operation in labor. Men have still to learn the art of playing together. The social value of pageantry lies in the opportunity it offers for individual and community self-expression. The educational value of the study preliminary to staging a pageant and the community co-operation in recreative work secured in the production are the very elements of social reform. Descriptions of the various types of pageants are included and the perplexed leader of this form of community celebration will do well to familiarize himself with the chapter dealing with the technique peculiar to the pageant in composition and production, for each page is teeming with concrete suggestions, the result of splendid labor by those who have won their spurs in pageantry. Perhaps the most noteworthy feature in a book abounding in them is the excellent bibliographies which it gives, listing books on such subjects as open air theaters, production and scenic art, dramatic] folk and festival music. “The Practical Conduct of Play”’ deals primarily with the technique of recreation, from the big wheels of the machinery needed to operate a city’s recreation system to the tiniest cogs in the individual playground. In a plan for laying out a city’s playgrounds such problems as dimensions, surfacing, lighting, equipment, division of children by sex and age, and kindred others are concretely handled. That most fundamental basis of any play system, the play director, is discussed in terms of what he should bring to his work by way of personality, training and education, and of what he should receive from it in the way of remuneration. Information is offered to prospective play leaders as to institutions now offering courses in play and to municipalities conducting their own play courses as to the ground which should be covered. Dr. Curtis advocates a committee of sociological, psychological and physical training experts to effect an evolution in our common games by a modification of their rules which would standardize them and make them “more of a game and less of a spectacle. ” This he would supplement by a play institute in charge of experts where new games could be tried and old ones modified. There is a short practical bibliography of books on play and related subjects. Appendix I gives the usual procedure in the formation of a playground and recreation association from the necessary initial survey to a provisional constitution for the association. Appendix I1 deals with the various methods of securing funds. Many individuals and organizations are now studying recreation not always municipal yet with play as a foundation. A most noteworthy book to be mentioned in this connection is “Play in Education. ” * Mr. Lee has studied thoroughly the foundation principles by which the life of the child should be moulded in order that he may develop tastes and $2.00. The book is well illustrated. 7 “Practical Conduct of Play, ” by Henry S. Curtis, Macmillan Co., New York. 8 “Play in Education,” by Joseph Lee, Macmillan Co., New York. $1.50.

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56 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January habits which, expressed as an adult, shall make him crave those forms of recreation helpful in fitting him into a useful life in a democracy. A highly constructive work on the moving picture is “The Art of the Moving Picture. ” To the community alive to the possibilities of the “movie” in a recreational program the chapters on “Progress and Endowment” and “The Movie, a Substitute for the Saloon,” will be of interest. A stepping stone in interesting the church element in the importance of recreation municipally directed is the book “ Character through Recreation. ” lU Ministers will find many chapters of value in dealing with the recreation problem of their local church groups. A book having its contribution to offer to the municipality while dealing with the technique of recreation is “The Playground Book. ” l1 More limited in scope than Dr. Curtis’s book, it deals more fully with games, dances, stories and books for recreational workers, but includes brief, excellent articles on ‘I The Meaning of Recreation, ” Value of Playgrounds to a Community,” and “Qualities for a Playground Director.” Communities interested in community centers will find it worth while to refer to the pamphlet on “Community Centers and to the article on “Organizing the Neighborhood for Recreation,” l3 both brief but valuable contributions to a concrete solution of a vital municipal problem. A remarkable compilation of statistics is given in the February issue of the Playg~ound~~ for this year. Four hundred and thirty-two cities reported supervised playgrounds and recreation centers, 182 were supported by municipal funds, 112 by private funds, 130 by municipal and private, 1 by county, 3 by municipal and county, 1 by private and county, and 1 by municipal, private and county funds. A total of $4,066,377.15 was reported, of which $1,922,687.20 was paid for salaries. One hundred and thirty-two cities report lighted playgrounds for evening use. Fifty-six cities showed buildings especially for recreation. Twenty-six cities set aside streets for play space. Eighty-four cities permitted coasting in streets. When compared with the meager beginnings twenty years ago, it indicates the position of importance play and recreation is assuming in our municipal life. There are many other valuable statistics given in this report. “The Art of the Moving Picture, I’ by Vachel Lindsey, Macmillan Co., New York. lo “Character through Recreation, ” by Howard Palmer Young, American Sunday $1.25. School Union, Philadelphia. “The Playground Book,” by Harry Sperling, A. S. Barnes, New York. $1.80. la “Community Centers, ” by Raymond V. Phelan, General Extension Division, University of Minnesota. “Organizing the Neighborhood for Recreation, ” by Lee F. Hanmer. 14 The Playground, 1 Madison Ave., New York City.

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HOW NOT TO PLAN CITIES T BY J. HORACE MCFARLAND’ Harrisburg, Pa. HIS title may be said to be neither sarcastic nor humorous, but instead simply descriptive. Its basis is certain work done in the federal Department of the Interior, in laying out a townsite in Alaska. The Alaskan engineering commission is the direct authoritative body whose work I had in mind in writing for the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW some months ago, at the request of its editor, a statement which was then headed ‘‘ City Planning-Minus.” To the editor of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW there came in due course, under date of September, 1915, a blue-print of a map entitled Alaskan Engineering Commission Map of Anchorage and Vicinity. ” It was accompanied by a courteous letter from Hon. Franklin Mears, the active commissioner in charge, who, explaining that Anchorage was to be the water terminal town of the new government railroad to make available some of the resources of Alaska, added: “It is, however, to the advantage of all that this is practically a made-to-order town, with the accompanying benefits that should accrue where all details are worked out and arranged on a uniform basis. . . . The town is now under the management of a townsite manager, Mr. J. A. Moore of the general land office, and a townsite engineer, Mr. J. G. Watts, a man who has had quite some experience in new town work; both of these officers coming under the final jurisdiction of this commission, acting for the secretary of the interior.” The letter and the map were sent to me for review, and accordingly I wrote concerning it as follows: It is apparent from the plan that Anchorage is to be, or now is, a replica of the very worst elements in town-making, having no consideration at all for the people who must live in it. The plan is platted on a rectangle, with a triangular extension on the west, giving an approximate length of about a mile and an approximate width of a little over half a mile. It shows 121 rectangular blocks, each about 300 feet square, bisected by a narrow alley. It shows two central streets 80 feet in width, running east and west; all the other highways being, apparently, 60 feet in width. The plan of Anchorage discloses to the astonished eye no such thing as a civic center, and not a single radial highway. The arrangement is wholly that of endeavoring to make the distance between the corners of the town as great as possible. 1 Address delivered to the National Municipal League, November 24, 1916, at its meeting in Springfield, Mass. 2 Resident, American Civic Association. 57

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58 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January In the extreme northwestern corner of the plan, two of the blocks abutting on a water front are marked ‘(city wharf reserve,” and certain of the blocks of the town also seem to have been calmly platted into the swampy ground appurtenant to the water course. Blocks nos. 73 and 74, lying between Sixth and Seventh streets and between A and C streets, are marked “city park reserve.” These blocks, having a street between them which seems not to have been vacated on the plan, include an area of approximately 300 by 700 feet, which is the total public reservation in the town plan, with one important exception. Off to the southeast there is a conspicuous reservation. It is marked cemetery reserve. Area 16.98 acres.” It is thus noted that Anchorage has been figured to be a place to die in, but not much of a place to live in, according to this plan. The recreational reserve is less than five acres in extent, whereas the cemetery reserve is 17 acres in extent. These words are written without any other data than that supplied by the blue-print. They are warranted, it is believed, by the endorsement that the plan comes from the Department of the Interior and has been proposed or approved by the Alaskan engineering commission. The point is made that there are no conditions admissible under which the federal government, in these days of knowledge concerning the importance of recreational provision, concerning the importance of radial highways, concerning the importance of planning a community for efficiency, should approve or permit on the public land the establishment of such a monstrosity of a town plan as this T-square community of Anchorage. L( It seemed wise to the editor of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW to submit this perfectly candid comment to Mr. Mears. Under date of December 30, 1915, Mr. Mears replied in a somewhat vigorous letter, from which I quote the essential paragraph: It is believed to be useless and inadvisable to attempt to comment upon this article. It was my understanding that the Municipal League was a serious-minded body, sincere in its effort to promote municipal improvement. The critical article on the Anchorage townsite, prepared without any first-hand knowledge of the subject, would tend to indicate that it is more the desire of your body to criticize in the matter of municipal planning than it is to assist towards the right end. Perhaps’ such articles “take” better. True, a man finds more enjoyment reading an article of this type than he does a plain statement of facts. It is the spirit of the times. Meanwhile, contact with another o5cial who has had much to do with Alaskan matters, brought out the interesting information that there had been no thought of using any modern town-planning methods in laying out Anchorage. This official, however, was concerned because Anchorage, established on land entirely owned by the government, had advanced so far as already to have, in its relation to the social evil, a “restricted district” !

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19171 HOW NOT TO PLAN CITIES 59 It had happened also that I had contact with other offices in the department having to do with laying out townsites on government lands, and I had found among many estimable and able officials the most naive ignorance as to town-planning. They simply did not know that there was anything more than a T-square method of laying out towns. I felt warranted, therefore, in declining to withdraw what I had written in respect to the map of Anchorage, upon which all my statements had been based ,only on the plan itself. Meanwhile, at Mr. Mears’ suggestion, reference was had to Hon. Clay Tallman, commissioner of the general land office, and in a letter dated February 16, 1916, Mr. Tallman both explained and defended the situation. I quote the essential parts from his extended communication: Whether the best has been made of the circumstances attending the creation of this townsite in the way of city planning, I am not prepared to state, as criticism from a technical viewpoint was hardly to be expected with respect to a site located in the interior of Alaska and planned under conditions almost emergent. It occurs to me that a knowledge of the conditions leading to the founding of the town is essential in determining whether its plan may justly be made the subject of critical controversy. By the act of March 12, 1914 (38 Stat., 305), congress authorized the president of the United States to locate, construct and operate railroads in Alaska, with the special purpose of opening up the coal fields, the cost sf the work authorized not to exceed $35,000,000. Following organization and determination of routes, withdrawals of public lands were made including tentative sites of towns to be established for the main and immediate purpose of accommodating the force to be employed in building the railroad. After definitely locating the site for a town, its survey into blocks, lots, streets, reservations, etc., was necessary for purposes of disposition. Anchorage was the first site surveyed and opened. The plans and their execution were accomplished as expeditiously as possible, but not before there had been an influx of persons seeking employment on the railroad and to establish businesses in the new town. These people located themselves in tents and other temporary shelters on lands needed by the commission for construction purposes, and with no adequate provisions for sanitation, police or fire protection. Right here I break in to call attention to the fact that seemingly full authority was possessed by the government in respect to the handling of Anchorage. Nevertheless, as may be noted, no least thought of modern town development entered into the action which followed, as explained in the remainder of Mr. Tallman’s letter: Under these conditions the work was pushed to the utmost limit and sales of lots in Anchorage commenced during the summer of last year, permitting the hundreds of “squatters” to move onto the site and erect permanent homes and places of business under more healthful conditions. The Alaskan engineering commission, anticipating the raising of funds for the purpose by assessment or otherwise, took prompt steps to main

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60 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January tain sanitation and fire and police protection, graded streets, and built a jail, school house, and water works. Additional land adjacent to the townsite has since been surveyed into larger lots for truck gardening and residence purposes. Legislation is being sought that will enable the commission in the future to supply these towns with more adequate and substantial municipal improvements in the way of public buildings and water works. In addition to topographic, climatic and general frontier conditions to be contended with, it must be remembered that the primary purpose of these particular townsite locations is to subserve railroad building and operation; as examples of the latest thought in municipal planning they may be lacking in many respects, but I can assure you that everybody concerned in their building has in mind the substantial interests of their dwellers, and will do as much to promote the same as the law and conditions will permit. Various other letters passed back and forth, including one from Mr* Mears, in which he pronounced himself thus: “I must again decline to consent to the publication of the review prepared by Mr. McFarland, and must also decline to consent to the publication of my letter of December 30, 1915.” Mr. Mears evidently overlooked the complete freedom of the National Municipal League and its workers. Later, a revised plan came, which showed distinctly the influence of the criticisms leveled at the T-square plan first promulgated. Notwithstanding the unwillingness of the Alaskan engineering commission, under existing federal departmental methods, really to do city planning as city planning is done in a modern way, its draftsmen, undoubtedly very excellent men, did pay some attention to the criticisms to which objection had been made. Occasion affording the opportunity, I submitted the correspondence and the plans to Warren H. Manning, of whose standing as not only landscape designer but city planner I need make no statement to this audience. Mr. Manning took the plans away with him and gave to them the adequate critical attention warranted by his knowledge of the needs of communities and by his ability to sense the conditions from the contour maps which had later been received. Indeed, Mr. Manning went so far as to make a tentative sketch of how the land might be subdivided so as to produce conditions which would tend much more nearly to the general public welfare than those probably already existing in connection with this Anchorage misfortune. I read Mr. Manning’s letter, which is distinctly entertaining: I regret my delay in sending you my comments on the Anchorage town plan. It seems to me that the comments which you have made on the townsite were fully justified by the conditions p sented on the plan gone far enough in your criticisms. You mentioned the rectangular arrangement of the roads, but you evidently did not realize that the proposed streets leading up from the which you submitted to me with your letter. You % ave not, however,

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19171 HOW NOT TO PLAN CITIES 61 valley over the bluffs which separate the valley land from the upland plateau, are laid down in places where the natural surface has slopes of as high as 40 feet in a hundred. While an 8 per cent grade is quite possible, the usual maximum grade on the main roads, as taken from eight American cities, is from 5 to 6 per cent. The maximum grade on the military highways over the Alps is from 44 to 6 per cent, and on French roads from 3 to 6 per cent. It might be possible to tear through these bluffs and fill into the valley far enough to secure the 5 per cent grades with the plan as laid down. Take K street, for example. If this bluff were graded to a 5 per cent grade, K street would extend 800 feet out into the valley and would have to be cut back 600 feet, or to the south side of the intersection of Fourth and K streets some 500 feet from the top of the bluff. This would involve cuts up to 25 feet deep through the bluffs and call for handling an average of 175 cubic yards of material per linear foot of road construction. If we were to figure out a mile of road at this rate and estimate that material could be handled for 20 cents per cubic yard, which is a low price, we should reach the astounding figure of $180,000, roughly, per mile for grading alone. To show that a practical system of roads can be designed for this site, I have outlined a small plan with quite an ideal layout, with the residential district on the plateau and the business district in the valley, both being separated by a belt of reservations which would embrace the steep bluff that gives so much character to the location. The roads connecting the two districts could well be laid down on grades not exceeding 6 per cent, and involving only surface work. You will observe from this sketch that it would be quite possible to reach the plateau from the valley by a 6 per cent grade with practically surface work from almost any point in the valley. Also you will notice that a road can easily be located so as to follow the top of the bluff, along which people could drive and get the view of the bay. On the gridiron plan this would be impossible. The road ends at the top of the steep bluff, and there would have to be a fence to prevent people from driving or dropping into the valley. From the contour of the plateau, I see no reason why a gridiron plan there would be objectionable, since undoubtedly it is the most economical in favorable situations. On the plan you have sent the main roads run east and west, so that half of the houses must face the north, whereas if the main roads ran north and south, as they could be just as readily run, the houses would have an easterly and westerIy exposure, which would give each house a much better average of sunlight, which, I would suppose, would be particularly important in Alaska. Again you will observe that the plan provides lots on the bluffs, where it will be quite impracticable to build. Such bluffs ought to be in reservations. The plan calls for 1,375 lots. Assuming that there are five people to each lot, this would represent a population of some 6,875 persons. The public reservations as outlined on the blue-print are about 10.33 acres, averaging one acre to every 666 persons. If these reservations were increased, as suggested in Major Mears’ letter, it would reduce these figures to 299 persons per acre. These figures include the area of the townsite as shown on the blue-print, and the changes suggested for that part only. The large area in the east addition, reserved by Major Mears for recreation purposes, has not been included, as the south and east addition has not been included when speaking of the townsite. The ideal

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62 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January proportion of park area to the population of an American city is considered by experts to be 50 to 100 persons per acre, which means that there was only adequate provision of parks for 10 per cent of the people in the first plan, and for 25 per cent of the people when the plan was ‘I revised.” Our sketch plan shows about 1,225 lots and 67.44 acres of park area. Assuming five persons to the lot, this would give an average of 88 persons. to the acre of public reservations, a proportion which more nearly reaches the ideal proportion. By eliminating the alleys alone, 15.8 acres could be added to public reservations or to salable land, or better still, the main thoroughfares could be made wide enough to give better circulation of air and more room for vehicles. On the original plan, the city wharves preserve is at the base of the bluff, with private lots abutting upon it, and no street indicated to give access. My sketch shows a road leading around the business district, and located so as to be between the wharves and business section. In the general arrangement of the streets and the location of the public reservations, they did not go so far as to accept the suggestions of Mr. Paul Witham in his pamphlet on the “Planning of Alaskan Ports,” in which he does show at least one road climbing the bluff and following along its edge for a ways, with a continuation of the road as a diagonal through the rectangular street system. He also shows a shore road between the lots and the warehouses and wharves. The first plan implies that the official colony may be reached only by aeroplanes. It looks as though they had discovered that it is so difficult to climb the 125-foot bluff upon which this colony is located that they would have to have some other expedient to get people there thanvehicles that use roads. I think I have gone far enough to indicate that there are several defects in this plan which make it wholly impracticable and unsuitable to meet the requirements of a modern town or city. Mr. Manning’s last paragraph is one which ought to be repeated. He finds “that there are several defects in this plan which make it wholly impracticable and unsuitable to meet the requirements of a modern town or city.” It is this conclusion of a man who knows what he is writing about which has warranted the title of this address. Obviously, in order to discover how not to do city planning, it is only necessary to observe the methods now being used by the federal bureaus which have complete control of the areas which Uncle Sam is arranging to have his children begin living upon in communities. It is well known that the federal government possesses no organized engineering department other than that included in the war office. The United States army engineers are the only men in the government service who are trained by it in engineering. That they are able and finespirited men I would be one of the first to insist, because I know that to be the fact. Their training, however, at West Point, is, if you please, as army engineers. They are concerned primarily with works of war

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19171 HOW NOT TO PLAN CITIES 63 rather than with works of peace. It is known that in the curriculum at West Point there is no teaching of city planning. How, then, should these men, when their services are availed of, succeed without knowledge or special training where the best volunteer skill, fully trained, finds it hard to succeed? I wish it clearly and distinctly understood that I am making no reflection whatever upon the spirit, ability, knowledge or achievements of the army engineers in these remarks. I have, indeed, every confidence in their rectitude and ability in those problems for solving which they have been trained. They are altogether too few in number, and the system under which they are handled is one which does not make for the greatest efficiency in arts of peace. That they can accomplish as much and do it as well under the conditions, is a commentary on their quality, spirit and industry. But if this government of ours is to conduct works of peace; if it is to build roads and dams and dig canals; if it is to plan townsites and do the other things which it might not be improper to expect to have the nation do, considering what it now does for the farmer at an expense of tens of millions annually, then why, in heaven’s name, can there not be established an engineering body in the federal service completely trained in the arts of peace and for the service of economic development, rather than primarily in the arts of war?

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SHORT ARTICLES RECENT CHANGES IN TOWN GOVERNMENT BY EDWIN A. COTTRELL' Wellesley, Mass. T HE original New England town retained the powers of government in the town meeting, composed of the freeholders of the town who acted as a deliberative body on all matters of town government. The administrative duties were vested in a small body of selectmen or overseers of the poor who were elected by the freeholders for short terms. Legislative and administrative discretion was lacking. The town meeting could act only upon the articles presented in the warrant and the administrative boards were limited in their actions to the directing votes of the town meeting. This form of government was applied to the small town unit and is described as the nearest approach to a pure democracy which has existed in this country. Political writers have extolled its virtues as the training ground of statesmen and despair over its decline in later years. Many influences have been at work in the New England town to cause changes in its form of government. Local interests, geographical situatidn, the changing character of population and industries, the influx of foreign elements, the centralization of financial, health and educational powers in the state, and principally the rapid increase in population, have all tended to make the old system unsatisfactory and more complex. With these changes came expanding functions, and the creation of more or less irresponsible officers, boards and commissions to perform these functions. The powers of deliberation, election of the principal officers, appropriating money, levying taxes and passing legislation were retained in the town meeting. Discretionary powers were delegated to the selectmen, supervisory boards, and some elective officers. These powers included the appointment of subordinates and determination of policies and methods of operation. With the increase in the size of the body of electors came the addition of an advisory committee of ten to forty members appointed by the moderator. The function of this committee is to go over the articles of the warrant before the town meetings and recommend 1 Lecturer in government, Wellesley College; efficiency expert, Newton, Mas. ; menber advisory committee, Wellesley, Mass. 64

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19171 CHANGES IN TOWN GOVERNMENT 65 reductions in the department budgets or the acceptance or rejection of legislative measures. It thus acts as an executive committee for the town meeting and presents the warrant in a more or less decided condition. This committee has also been called upon to advise the electors on questions submitted to them for decision by the legislature. The centralization of powers in state boards has made uniform the methods of operation of many of the functions of the towns. The most important and far-reaching is the unification of financial methods. This legislation includes the regulation of sources of revenue, issue of town notes under certification, and the uniform system of accounting and reporting of financial statistics. The first and more often found is the cut and dried caucus for the nomination of elective officers. This caucus also discusses legislative action and thus places the stamp of political party afiliation upon the free deliberation of the meeting. Many of the towns now hold their election on the day regularly appointed for the annual town meeting in March or April and keep the polls open the greater part of the day. The deliberative businass of the meeting is adjourned to a day one week later and in many cases three or four meetings are necessaryto finish the business presented in the warrant. The second influence is the general character of the board of selectmen. This board has too often been of the professional political element and bureaucratic in operation. There has been a lack of harmony and adkinistrative unity between the board and the other elective officers. The members of the board are not paid for their services and can devote but a small portion of time tp the town. They are usually men of no technical skill and cannot act in a supervisory capacity over their appointees. This general unpreparedness for office tends to inefficiency of operation and wasteful expenditure and leads us to the growing belief that we should first, either find a better class of men for supervisory officers, or second, abolish the election of administrative officers and place the selection of experts in the hands of the board of selectmen. Both of these methods find expression in recent changes made in Massachusetts towns. Brookline has attempted to meet the increasing number of voters and apathy of the population by the installation of the limited town meeting. Norwood is the only town to meet the need of more efficiency by installing a town manager. Wakefield has consolidated its many boards and commissions into smaller working units. Attleboro, Leominster, Marlboro and Peabody have recently become cities and accepted ode of the optional charter plans but rejecting the one providing for a city manager. Framingham is now planning to become a city. Needham and Winthrop have voted against the town manager plan. Wellesley and Winchester have well defined plans with this feature included which will be submitted for a decision in the near future. AnTwo other influences have acted upon this form of government. 5

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66 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January dover. Hudson. Lexington. Longmeadow. Lynnfield. Milton. Walpole. Watertown. and West Springfield have committees at work and seem favorably impressed with the town manager plan . A population and elector summary of the smaller cities and larger towns of Massachusetts will show the great need of immediate action along either the limited town meeting. town manager or optional municipal charter type of government . Total number of towns in MassachusettsUnder 1. 000 voters ................ 147 1.000-1. 500 voters ................ 27 1.500-2. 000 voters ................ 20 2.000-2. 500 voters ................ 7 2.500-3. 000 voters ................ 5 Over 5. 000 voters ................ 1 207 . Towns having over 2. 000 voters-13 . Arlington .......... 2. 701 12. 000 Brookline .......... 5. 478 30. 000 Clinton ............ 2. 500 15. 000 Framingham ....... 2. 832 15. 000 Gardner ........... 2. 000 16. 000 Greenfield ......... 2. 119 12. 000 Milford ............ 2. 025 15. 000 Natick ............ 2. 149 10. 000 Wakefield .......... 2. 167 12. 000 Watertown ........ 2. 609 15. 000 Westfield .......... 2. 524 18. 000 Weymouth ......... 2. 461 15. 000 Winthrop .......... 2. 318 12. 000 Voters Population Total number of cities-38 . Under 3. 000 voters ................ 6 3.00 04. 000 voters .............. 9 4.00 05. 000 voters .............. 2 5.000-10. 000 voters .............. 11 10.000-20. OOO voters .............. 8 20.000-30. 000 voters .............. 1 Over 50. 000 voters .............. 1 Cities having less than 3. 000 voters-6 . Attleboro ......... 2. 745 18. 000 Leominster ........ 2. 535 19. 000 Marlboro ......... 2. 777 15. 000 Newburyport ...... 2. 497 15. 000 Peabody .......... 2. 670 17. 000 Woburn .......... 2. 715 16.000 Voters Population Other towns proposing changes in form of government: Voters Population Voters Population Andover ........... 1. 400 7. 900 Walpole .......... 796 5. 000 Hudson ........... 1. 200 7. OOO Watertown ...... 2. 609 15. 000 Lexington ......... 1. 000 5. 000 WeUesley ......... 1, 184 7. 000 Longmeadow ....... 200 1. 800 West Springtield ... 1. 500 11, 400 Lynnfield .......... 400 1. 000 Winchester ....... 1. 797 11. 000 Milton ............ 1. 500 8. 600 None of the towns mentioned have town halls large enough to hold more than five to nine hundred voters and a small percentage of the population might easily control the deliberations of the annual meeting . Brookline has met this problem of accommodating 5. 478 voters in a hall which seats 900 by the adoption of the limited town meeting . This plan was proposed many years ago and received its trial in Newport. Rhode Island. where it displaced a small council and for ten years has struggled along

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19 171 CHANGES IN TOWN GOVERNMENT 67 in an indifferent manner. Newport as a municipality has gone backward gradually under this system and has one of the most expensive and inefficient governments of eastern cities. Brookline starts with the reduction of a large body by the selective process and might be more successful in operation. This town is unique in that its population of 30,000 with 5,500 voters makes it the largest town in the country. It votes 18.3 per cent of its population as compared with 14.5 per cent average for Massachusetts. It has an assessed valuation of one hundred and sixty millions of dollars and an annual budget of approximately one million dollars. An act of the legislature in 1915 divided the town into eight to twelve voting precincts (nine used) and provides for the election of twenty-seven members of the limited town meeting from each precinct, nine to be elected annually for three-year terms. This makes an elective body of two hundred and forty-three precinct members to which is added twenty ex-officio members at large, consisting of the two representatives in the legislature from this town, the moderator, town clerk, five selectmen, treasurer, and the chairmen of the board of assessors, school committee, trustees of the public library, trustees of the cemetery, water board, park commission, planning board, planting trees committee, gymnasium and bath committee, and registrars of voters. This body of two hundred and sixty-three requires a majority quorum for action. It must hold open sessions at which any resident of the town may speak but not vote. The members are nominated by petition with thirty signers and a written acceptance of the candidate and serve without compensation. This body elects its own moderator, fills its own vacancies by precinct vote, and determines all the articles of the warrant. There is a provision for a referendum upon expenditures of more than twenty-five thousand dollars if the petition is filed within five days and carries the signatures of twenty voters in each precinct. I have estimated that the average town meeting attendance is between two hundred and fifty and three hundred and the limited town meeting of Brookline will undoubtedly be as representative and certainly more responsible than those usually found. The opposite tendency of preventing inefficiency by the consolidation of functions in a town manager is found in operation in Norwood and will probably be accepted by Wellesley and Winchester during this next year. It is needless to mention the expensive and haphazard methods employed in many towns to-day. The conditions of high prices, obsolete tools, false economy, overlapping department functions and lack of skill and training are acknowledged in practically every town. The consolidation of functions and centralization of organization with the installation of good business methods seems to be the logical solution of these problems. Norwood found itself in the worst possible condition and determined on the adoption of the town manager for the expressed purposes of in

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68 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January citing public interest in town affairs and of obtaining greater results for the town, at the same time reducing what was then the highest tax rate in the state. The board of selectmen is retained as the representative of the town meeting and serves without compensation. Many boards and commissions were abolished. The advisory committee continues to discuss the budget and audit the accounts. The general manager is appointed for an indefinite period by the board of selectmen. As in the city manager type of government, he may be chosen from outside the town if he be a man of merit and fitness to perform the public work and standardize the organization of the town departments. He is given full power to choose subordinates, install accounting and efficiency records, regulate wages and working conditions in the departments of highways, water, sewer, engineer, cemetery, forestry, electric light, police, fire, purchasing, school and library buildings, and supplies. Large savings have been made during the first year of operation and the manager has the expenditure of approximately one hundred thousand dollars exclusive of notes and interest out of a budget of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars. A perusal of the accomplishments of the first year is somewhat misleading to one who does not know the condition of Norwood before this system was installed. Results obtained in Norwood in more efficient operation and plans for future development are of far more importance than savings in expenditures. Wellesley proposes to return to the original form of town government by decreasing the elective or appointive officers, boards and commissions, and by concentrating the authority and responsibility of administration in the selectmen. This board is increased to five and the length of term from one to three years. The main purposes are to have a short ballot, a concentration of town records in one office, fewer salaried officers, and a single operating head all tending to a saving in operating expenses and a gain in efficiency. The main provision of this proposal is the creation of a superintendent of public works who shall be the administrative head of all the departments except fire and police, health, school and library. His functions will cover the construction, maintenance and repair of streets, parks, town buildings, playgrounds, water, light, sewers, and purchasing all supplies except library books. He is vested with power to organize the departments and divisions, appoint and remove subordinates, fix salaries and wages, and must submit estimates, an annual report and inventory. Winchester takes the same step of consolidation of officers and boards and the addition of town manager and a finance commission. Only the selectmen, finance commission and school committee are to be elective. All other officers are appointed. The town manager has the same position and duties as the Norwood and Wellesley plans but expressed in more detailed terms. For instance, he is to keep record of all acts and publish

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19171 THE COMMISSION-MANAGER PLAN 69 an annual report which shall be “succinct and comprehensive.” The finance commission is the advisory committee in another form. It is elected by the voters instead of being appointed by the moderator. It appoints the auditor, prepares and publishes the warrant, considers it and reports its recommendations. It collects and compiles the department estimates of income and expenditures for the budget and estimates the tax rate. It may make investigations of departments and compel attendance and testimony, and hire experts and counsel. It may investigate excessive or doubtful payrolls, bills and claims, and recommend action thereon. Walpole is working out a plan to bring back the “cracker-barrel” discussion of the town grocery store. It is proposed to have sectional forums to discuss the matters coming before the annual town meeting and thus interest all the inhabitants of the town in its affairs. The installation of a town manager is also being favorably considered. These changes bring the town government into direct comparison with effective business organization. The town meeting represents the shareholders, the advisory or finance committee-the executive committee, the selectmen-the directors, and the town manager-the superintendent. Scientific and business principles of budget making, accounting, reporting, records, purchasing, modern equipment and interchange of equipment and labor are possible. The expert and skilled administrator will bear the responsibility of the town’s burdens by dependence upon his previous education, training and experience. Responsibility is centralized, continuity of ofice is possible, and more service may be obtained for the same amount of labor, equipment and expenditure. Training schools are thus established for perfecting young men in the business of public administration and inciting them to success and promotion to positions in large cities. HOW THE COMMISSION-MANAGER PLAN IS GETTING ALONG, NO. 81 BY RICHARD S. CHILD5 New York N THE year and a half that have elapsed since my last article on this That fact “Happy is the The commisIn several cities it has survived subject, very little of new significance has happened. in itself, while uninteresting, is rather important. land that has no history.” sion-manager plan is now five years old. The situation continues to be more than satisfactory. 1 See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL RE VIE^, vol. iv, p. 371.

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70 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January elections without causing any earthquakes in the city halls. From all the cities come specific and circumstantial reports of economies effected, taxes reduced, new functions undertaken, politics eliminated and popular approval made manifest. Some of the older cities have now reached that most interesting stage where they present the fruit of their sowing in most impressive fashion. Dayton, especially, is beginning to reveal what good government really means. After you have got the politicians out of the city hall, after government ceases to mean a parcel of jobs to be contested for, after you have developed a public agency sensitive to the desires of the electorate and at the same time efficient and clean in administration; then what? The city having obtained at last a first class automobile instead of a stage-coach, where shall we drive? Does it mean merely a lower tax rate? Dayton is just beginning to answer that question by exhibiting a government which delights in undertaking high social service. Here is a city government which is beginning to undertake the responsibility of looking after the people of the city. It frankly and definitely proposes to abolish private charity within the city by gradually taking over every tested and necessary philanthropy. It tries to do something about the cost of living. It reduces infant mortality 40 per cent. It undertakes to restore human derelicts. It develops wholesome occupation for children in little farm gardens. It abandons the laissez faire policy and assumes responsibility for trying to make Dayton a nice place to live in. German cities look after ‘their citizens in this way to conserve the national sinew. The job-holders in a typical American city hall have no such vision. Dayton seems likely to show how much, in human terms rather than in financial statistics, good government means. The other commission-manager cities are still busy cleaning house, getting their finances in order, catching up with their public works problem, repairing old neglect. When they get this done, what will they do? Gild the dome on the city hall? Or will they call in the social worker and follow up their surveys of the administration by surveys of the people in the alleys? We know at least that Dayton, the pioneer city, is leading in the right direction, a fact which is due, I understand, largely to Dr. Garland, head of the department of public welfare under Manager Waite. In this year and a half fifteen more cities have joined the list of commission-manager cities, i.e.: Grand Rapids, Mich.. ........ 130,000 Webster City, Iowa. ......... 5,208 Alpena, Mich., .............. 12,706 San Jose, Cal.. .............. 28,946 Santa Barbara, Cal.. ......... 11,659 Watertown, N. Y.. .......... 26,730 San Angelo, Tex.. ............ 10,321 Portsmouth, Va., ........... 33,190 St. Augustine, Fla.. ........... 5,494 Albion, Mich.. .............. 5,833 Westerville, Ohio.. ........... 1,903 Brownsville, Tex.. ........... 10,517 ElizabethCity, N. C.. ........ 8,412 Petoskey, Mich.. ............ 4,778 East Cleveland, Ohio. ......... 9,179.

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19171 THE COMMISSION-MANAGER PLAN 71 In this same interval fifteen cities adopted the commission plan and three others gave it up. In fact the commission plan has practically stopped spreading where the new plan is available and the torch has been passed on to the new plan. The new cities, like the old, have chosen their managers in most cases from out of town. There has been one more case of transfer of managers, ie., Manager Carr of Cadillac, who was hired at increase of salary by Niagara Falls. There are several “lame ducks,” managers who for one reason or another are managers no longer. Two or three of the men have unmistakably failed on their jobs. It is.still too early to tell what the average tenure of the managers is likely to be, but there is nothing to indicate that it is likely to be short or that cities will be disposed to change their managers frequently. No manager, I think, has yet lost his job as the direct or indirect result of a popular election in the t,own, but this may be largely due to the fact that most of the commissions have been re-elected. Business men continue to take to the commission-manager plan like ducks to water. The old charters were subjects for lawyers to discuss. Here is something business men understand. One cannot imagine the rotary clubs all over the country discussing a charter of any other type than this. It is so much easier for the public to get a picture in their minds of one manager than of five commissioners. This tendency has its dangers. One manager, for instance, gets himself quoted at length in the daily papers nearly every day on some topic or other. Publicity is a good thing. The more a municipal government gets itself talked about, the better. But that manager would be less likely to be an issue in the next election if he would get the mayor to assume the glory-and the responsibility. The city managers have now held their third annual convention. Of course the conventions are still small affairs but they are not as good as they ought to be. At present certain managers each take a subject, and with the aid of midnight oil and some reference books, prepare an essay, which if not actually amateurish, cannot honestly be claimed to be an authoritative contribution to the subject, for the managers are not specialists and do not pretend to be. The managers, however, can command the time and attention of the most eminent specialists in the country, and if they wish to discuss the problems of marketing municipal bonds, why waste time listening to Manager So-and-so’s efforts on that subject when they can get a good wall street financier who handles bonds for hundreds of cities. The discussions that result when the expert and the theorists clash with the practical managers, who are face to face with immediate problems, would constitute real municipal reference literature of the most important sort, and the proceedings of the city managers’ There continues to be a tendency to make heroes of the managers.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January convention would become important, whereas now they are merely interesting. The governors’ conference has developed the same idea that no one is good enough to address them but another governor, with the result that the governors’ conferences have gone to seed. The best feature of the managers’ conference is the calling of the roll of cities, when the managers rise in turn and report the achievements of the past year. To a modest manager the procedure may possibly be painful, but it is a good thing for the managers and undoubtedly does much to determine the spirit of service which inspires the new profession. Outspoken and organized hostilities to the commission-manager plan may always be expected to survive for a few years in every city, at least until there has been more than one election. In some cases the opposition controls newspapers. A reasonable amount of such opposition is a good thing, for it makes municipal officers careful to see that everything is properly and carefully explained to the public. Dayton has a delightful sheet known as the Municipal Searchlight, devoted exclusively to throwing mud at the government of Dayton. It says that Dayton is afflicted with expertitis, a municipal disease which I, for one, fondly hope will prove contagious. This ill-tempered little publication with its slender store of specifications and its enormous store of billingsgate furnishes to any open-minded man indisputable proof that the opposition in Dayton is terribly hard up for ammunition. In Phcenix, Arizona, the first city manager lost his job for reasons which seem to be on the whole creditable to him, and it seemed logical to expect that his successor would be a man more amenable to political control. The new manager has achieved a list of reforms which demonstrate high ability. At Niagara Falls before the plan went into effect, the newspapers and the local political lights talked about the city managership as if it were a fat job for some local man. But the commission was true to the traditions of the plan and engaged a non-resident expert, Manager Carr of Cadillac. In Newburgh, a rather weak commission engaged a high-class man from Cleveland. There was a legal tangle in the charter which prevented the new manager from reorganizing the city employes, and the commission removed him after he had been in office only five months, before he really got going. There was considerable indignation among the citizens and a demand for a statement of the charges. No charges were forthcoming and the commission gave no explanation. Even the manager was only able to obtain trivial excuses and justification. It was said that there had been a stormy private meeting in the councils of the locel machine a short time previous because the manager “had done nothing for the Republican party.” At any rate it was evident that the commission had another man in mind, a local business man and unsuccessful candidate in the election a few months previous, whom it promptly appointed. It has not worked out that way, however.

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19171 NEW ORLEANS’ EXFERIETU’CE 73 The new manager seems to be getting more action, but I think Newburgh is one of the cities to watch. I have saved Ashtabula for the last-Ashtabula with the unique city charter that is the ultimate ideal, with its council elected by the Hare plan of proportional representation. At the first election, this method of election caused an Italian saloon-keeper named Nick Corrado, to forge ahead of a young attorney named Rinto. Professor Hatton, who studied the election on the spot, commented that “the election of Rinto would have improved the council, but the election of Corrado made it more representative.’’ The commission after quarreling long over the appointment of a manager, selected one of its own number who needed a job although he had no particular training for this one. He undertook at the same time to remain as a voting member of the commission. The town, of course, was properly indignant and mass meetings were held with the result that in a few days the manager withdrew, after which the commission compromised on the selection of the local postmaster, who had no special claims to fitness for the job, beyond good political connections, but who nevertheless is said to have proceeded to do well. Since this episode Corrado has been indicted for murder. Proportional representation undertakes to guarantee to every citizen that he will have somebody of his own kind at the city hall to represent him. In achieving this purpose the Hare plan used in Ashtabula is unquestionably more scientific than the ordinary method, and its advocates have nothing to apologize for in Ashtabula. The tough element of a town is entitled to its due share of representation. But this first American demonstration of the plan in Ashtabula was almost too perfect! NEW ORLEANS’ EXPERIENCE UNDER COMMISSION GOVERNMENT BY ETHEL HUTSON’ New Orleans2 N EW ORLEANS has just re-elected, after its first four years, her commission council. There is but one change: E. J. Glenny, a cotton broker, nominated in place of W. B. Thompson, commissioner of public utilities, who declined to run again. When, in 1912, amendments to the city charter and the education law allowed New Orleans to replace her aldermanic couiicil of 17 ward lieutenants by a commission council of 5, and the Orleans parish school board of 14 ward representatives by a board of 5, chosen at large, it was believed that two steps forward had been taken. 1 Editorial staff, the New Orleans Item. 2 See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. v, pp. 522, 705.

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74 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January True, the commission council charter had been frightfully man-handled in passage. Drawn up by the city attorney, when it became plain that some sort of commission government was demanded, it followed the old charter literally, except where it reduced the number of the council members, and made them administrative officers, elected at large. So it was painfully weak in many points, notably in its failure to give the council specific power to regulate public utilities, and in the ineffectiveness of its recall provisions. Then, too, in electing its members and those of the school board, the reform party which had forced the passage of these laws went all to pieces. The “regular organization” (Democratic, of course) elected both bodies; but it had been forced by public pressure to nominate, instead of the old-line politicians originally slated for the posts, business men with little previous political experience, to serve both on the school board, and on the commission council with the mayor, Martin Behrman, re-elected for his third term. The personnel of the school board has not been so constant as that of the council. Death, removals, and other circumstances have brought it about that not one of the men elected in 1912 was on the list of school directors endorsed by the regular organization for 1916; and elected, in spite of the new ((non-partisan” school election law which, designed to prevent such control of the school board by the city (‘ring,’’ went into effect this year. Thus, for the fourth time, Martin Behrman, “boss of the fifteenth ward” and of the city, becomes mayor, with a council and a school board friendly to his interests; with the state administration, the national committeeman, and the four New Orleans newspapers again apparently reconciled to his rule; and the city re-financed by a $9,000,000 fifty-year serial bond issue, against which no serious fight was made except by a few women who feared it would endanger the basis of the school finances. The strong opposition of four years ago, led by John M. Parker, Governor Luther E. Hall, the New Orleans Item, and the Times-Democrat, has completely melted away. To all appearance, New Orleans is in the trough of a reactionary movement. In the election, Mayor Behrman received more votes than President Wilson; and of the three commissioners re-elected, the ablest and most progressive received the smallest number of votes! Yet it was the record of this commissioner, E. E. Lafaye, quite as much as the parlous situation in state politics, which enabled the commission council to go into the election absolutely unopposed. Even with a reactionary governor at Baton Rouge, had the commission council had no constructive achievements to its credit, the latent discontent over mismanaged schools, heavy municipal debts, official subservience to moneyed interests, encouragement of racing, and police incapacity-or worse-might have crystallized into active opposition.

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19 171 NEW ORLEANS’ EXPERIENCE 75 But it was because one active, conscientious official has earned his $6,000 a year, attempted a number of genuine reforms, accomplished a few, held his colleagues in line on critical occasions, and now and then dragged them out of messes they have gotten into, that the record of the council as a whole shows up as well as it does. At least three of its members can point to flagrant abuses in their departments more or less rectified, and if they do not do more in the next four years, the community will be disappointed-far more than had they done nothing in their term just past. For little was expected of any of them when they went into office in 1912. Four “shirt-front” commissioners put up at the last moment, when it was found that the heads of city hall departments originally slated to be the mayor’s colleagues had records too vulnerable-the general prediction was that they would give a few hours of their time each week to the city’s business, and that behind their backs the ward bosses would pull the wires and roll the logs as merrily as ever. But only one of the four-he who has dropped out this time-fulfilled this prediction. The other three have been on their jobs, kept office hours, made many obvious improvements; and one at least has achieved two big victories for the municipality and the people, against graft-entrenched corporations. The hopeful part of the situation is that these agreeable surprises have been almost as unexpected by the commissioners themselves as by the public. They took office with the idea that they could satisfy the public and their own consciences, retain all their private business connections, and make $6,000 apiece with little personal exertion or sacrifice. Their first official act was to retain in office all the heads of municipal departments. Notoriously unfit men in the board of health, the city engineer’s office, the department of public works, were kept, at their original salaries, and are still in office. It seemed as though commission government would mean simply that $24,000 a year would be paid for the “shirtfronts” while the same old bunch drew down their same old pay and ran things as usual. Before the new government had been in office six months, two things had become plain. One was that the commission council legislated for the city as a whole, and was swayed little by local ward boss influences. The other, that the jobs were no sinecures, after all, and that at least three of the new officials realized this. The succeeding months have shown that the commission form of government, even under such handicaps as here, has given a free hand to the active, honest, capable official; that, under it, even the less aggressive type of man has felt responsibilities he could not shirk; and that a professional politician like Mayor Behrman has been brought to support Indeed, it has done better than any one dared hope.

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76 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January his more progressive colleagues even at the cost of certain valuable political alliances. It has been the two younger members of the commission who have led the way, and won the admiration of the community, including political opponents. And the youngest and least politically experienced of all, like the youngest brother in the fairy tales, who wins the leadership by performing the despised and impossible tasks, has set the pace for the others. Commissioner Newman, who has had (in the department of public safety) the fire and police departments and the board of health under him; and Commissioner Lafaye, who (as head of the department of public property) has had charge of streets, markets, parks, bridges, cemeteries, public buildings, the municipal repair plant, garbage disposal, and the city engineer’s and city architect’s offices, were both ambitious and energetic, as well as young. Mr. Newman is not yet forty-five, Mr. Lafaye but thirty-six. They belong to the type of young men going into politics in all parts of the country now, with a new vision of the possibilities of public service. They responded like thoroughbreds to the public demand that the commission council should give the city a business administration” and set to work to bring efficiency and honesty out of the chaos of negligenceand worse-which they found. When they went into office in December, 1912, each was asked by The Item how much time he expected to devote to the city’s work. Commissioner Lafaye, who as youngest had allowed the others to choose their portfolios, and had been assigned the most difficult and exacting, public property, replied : In August, 1913, he resigned his position with the wholesale grocery firm which had employed him for 20 years, and gave up other business connections, making a considerable financial sacrifice. “I had promised when I ran for office to serve four years, and to give such time as might be necessary. I did not know it would take all my time, but I see now it will.” None of the other departments have proved so exacting-but none of the other commissioners has accomplished so much. At his office or on the streets, from 9 a.m. or earlier till 5 p.m. or later, every day, often on Sundays, and many times late into the night, this energetic young business man has card-indexed with his own hand all the facts and figures he needs to know, to keep each detail of his big department under his fingers. “ If I had some one else to do it, I should not learn my lesson,” is his excuse. Unexpected inspections of street-cleaning gangs or markets at midnight or at 5 a.m., long hours of figuring over electric rates, conferences with experts on city planning, or with market-gardeners and butchers on “AS much as may be necessary.” “It was a matter of honor,” he explained to his friends.

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19171 NEW ORLEANS’ EXPERIENCE 77 market conditions-these lengthen his hours of work far beyond routine requirements. His ’phone is always busy, his mail two or three times as great as that of the whole city hall used to be. His native diplomacy has enabled him to put through measures in state and city legislation which would normally have roused opposition from one side or the other. “We hadn’t the heart to kill that clever young chap’s bill,” some of the country legislators who usually go gunning for all city measures are reported to have said. He is equally successful in enlisting the support of his colleagues in the council or on other boards when he has something constructive to propose, because he does not espouse a plan until he has looked into its details and is sure it is feasible. In his subordinates, too, he inspires a new ambition and fresh energy. Suave, courteous to all, especially to his inferiors; eager, nervous, sensitive to praise or blame, yet able to hold his course in the face of unjust and violent criticism, he is by far the most promising of the five men who hold the destinies of New Orleans in their hands. Some say he is the most dangerous. For, mercurial though he seems, he keeps his own counsel, schemes deeply, bargains shrewdly, waits his time like a cat, and has swept out of power influences that long swayed the city’s affairs. And this without active support from newspapers or any political ally. Half a dozen herculean tasks has this young official undertaken; and in some he has been measurably successful. “To pull New .Orleans out of the mud,” as he put it, was the first: and this he is doing literally, by reforming the paving law, once an invitation to corruption; and by bringing the municipal repair plant, long a scandal, and the street-cleaning department, up to a certain efficiency. He has thrice routed the combined forces of the paving contractors and driven them to reduce their prices. His paving law, while still open to criticism, has accomplished, under his vigilance, nearly all that he expected, reduced the cost of paving, and relieved the city of a burden which it could no longer bear. After three years’ bargaining, he has made a ten-year contract with the local lighting and power monopoly, by which the rates of small consumers are reduced about one-third, and the city secures its municipal lighting upon much more favorable terms, which will leave her, at the end of the ten years, able to dictate instead of being dictated to. He has, besides, placed the departments of the city on a business basis in the purchase of supplies; kept the city noticeably cleaner than it has ever been kept before; handled the enormous accumulation of rubbish that was routed out by the cleanup campaign that followed the mild outbreak of bubonic plague here in 1914; revised the market ordinances so as to encourage the building of modern, sanitary markets. These are the two out-standing achievements.

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78 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January His attempts to improve the public markets have been hampered by lack of funds and of intelligent co-operation; yet he has done something, and New Orleans has six of its thirty-odd public markets screened and partly modernized. He has improved the conditions under which the city’s waifs are cared for, but has not yet carried out his project of a permanent home for them along modern lines. Nor has he been able yet to beautify Canal street according to a plan he has for harmonizing the demands of present-day commercial life with the distinctive architectural features of the local past. “A typical French creole,” men called him in the beginning-a phrase that on the lips of the New Orleans business man is synonymous with picturesque, polite inefficiency. They see now that he is a creole who has reverted to the type of those adventurous ancestors who followed Iberville and Bienville to build New Orleans in a morass, who legislated with Carondelet, who fought under Jackson and Beauregard. In their spirit, and with all their gay daring, he checkmates corporation lawyers, defies political bosses, outbargains business men, persuades legislatures and levee boards into big constructive plans. Equally ambitious is Commissioner Newman, and he, too, has done much to make New Orleans better to live in. He also has a genial personality, and inspires the men under him to increased efficiency and enthusiasm. His first outstanding achievements were a successful two years’ fight to raise the assessment of the New Orleans railway and lighting company, and a reorganization of the methods and to some extent of the personnel of the recorders’ courts. He has made the police and the fire departments more efficient and more self-respecting, and given active aid in the enforcement of sanitation and safety laws. In fact, he has been a conspicuous leader in the nationwide movement for securing better regulation of street traffic. But his reforms have been of the easy, superficial sort. He has made no real fight on fundamental evils. Commissioner A. G. Ricks has been conscientious, but not aggressive, in the administration of the department of public finance. A modern system of book-keeping installed in the comptroller’s department has removed a number of the weird entries that used to make its reports funny as a page of Puck. It is now possible to compare consecutive annual reports and gain some idea of the state of the city’s finances. But there is not yet a complete account of thereserve fund, whose unaccountedfor balances, in the last eight years, must have totalled more than $200,000. Whereas in other cities it is claimed that commission government has brought drastic economies, here the best that can be said of its financial results is that it has revealed the staggering debts piling up under its own and former administrations. Prior to 1913, these were concealed by deAnd the budget is made only to be ignored.

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19171 THE BUFFALO CHARTER 79 ceptive book-keeping, which masked a deficit of $600,000 laid bare when the books were audited just after the commission council was elected. It will be refunded if the bonds recently authorized are sold, and the city will start next year, it is promised, on a cash basis. If it is to remain so, however, the commission council will have to put into effect some economies, and not continue, as in the past four years, to boost payrolls year by year. Almost the only sums listed under the head of “salaries,” that have shown no increases under the commission council, have been those of the “inspector of prisons and asylums” and the “factories inspector”-who both happen to be women and not voters. Tangles of litigation with the public belt and other bodies, strangling of the jitneys by an unreasonably high bond requirement, and a total lack of progressive activity in any field, make up the record of the commissioner of public utilities who dropped out this fall. His last important official act was to father a wholly ineffectual law creating a “public utilities commission” which so far has done just what it was expected to do-nothing! Mayor Behrman, four times chosen by the electorate, is a typical ward boss: shrewd, generous with the people’s money (and his own, too, it is said), scrupulous to keep the letter of his word once given, but capable of ruthless double-crossing, he holds his own, though shorn of much political power by the commission form-holds it by his ability to use abler and more scrupulous men. Ward boss power is still entrenched firmly in its ultimate stronghold, the board of assessors, and the result of the election, which gave enormous “instructed” majorities for measures of a reactionary character, is believed to place genuine equalization of taxation fully eight years off. That deficit has grown to $1,350,000. THE BUFFALO CHARTER BY MELVIN P. PORTER Bufalo, N. Y. HISTORY AND DESCRIPTION HE long fight for a new charter for Buffalo became active in 1909 with the city’s request by referendum for the submission of a T commission charter. Early in 1910 a bill was introduced at Albany which contained the following ten important provisions : (A) POWER CENTERED (1) in a single council offive, executive ae well ae legislative, (2) in each membm as head of a department,

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80 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January (B) CONTROL BY THE VOTERS secured through, (Prior to Election) (3) a short ballot, permitting intelligent voting, (4) preferential voting, selection as well as election by the voters, (5) election at large, control by all the voters, (After EEection) (6) the referendum, voters’ veto for misrepresentative acts, (7) the initiative, voters’ power to compel desired acts, (8) the recall, voters’ earlier replacement of a bad official, (9) publicity, of meetings, etc., involving simple rules of procedure, (10) appointments subject to the merit system. This request of the city was flouted by its representatives in Albany in 1910. The municipal league published their records and insisted upon charter pledges in each campaign, and the voters kept on replacing them until by 1914 three fourths of the legislators from the county were pledged to “do all in their power” for submission. Then the legislature submitted a charter stripped of preferential voting, the initiative and the recall. This charter was acceptediby the voters by 15,000 majority. But we believe that good city government is based on two things: Centering of power permitting business to be done, or efficiency and control by the voters, insuring that business be done for the public interest, or democracy. Therefore, recognizing that our new charter is decidedly lacking in control by voters, the municipal league has kept right on fighting along the same old line of pledging candidates and submitting bills to give Buffalo the right to vote on the initiative, the recall and preferential voting. Last winter every assemblyman from our county begged the committee on cities to approve the bills, which had been indorsed by the city council and by 20 business men’s associations, but the committee obeyed the bosses who see in these bills peculiar danger to the invisible government. All but two of the twelve state legislators elected this month from our county are pledged to (‘do all in their power” for these bills which will again be introduced at the opening of the next legislature and the fight will go on till victory is won and Buffalo has a charter with both centered power and control by the voters. Then it will rest with its citizens to make actual the good government thus made possible. OPERATION OF CHARTER January 1,1916, the new charter became effective with a mayor holding over for two years from the old charter and four new councilmen elected through a non-partisan direct primary from 46 candidates. While it is too early to judge the operation of the new charter, I believe there is general satisfaction with the conduct of all the departments, except the schools, which have been widely criticized. They had been

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19171 THE BUFFALO CHARTER 81 grossly mismanaged under the divided authority of the old charter and the lack of the merit system of appointment of teachers. The new charter provided for a board of education appointed by the council on nomination of the mayor, and removable by the council, but unfortunately failed to give the board the appointment of the superintendent of education. To this board the council delegated practically all the power it could over the schools. Instead of using its large powers to put the schools on the merit system to encourage the wider use of the school buildings and to make adequate plans for the coming school year, the board indulged in quarrels among members, and sought more power for itself and for four months ignored the communications from the commissioner at the head of the department. Then the council last July transferred the business affairs from the board to the commissioner, but left the board in charge of educational affairs. Since then more progress has been made in the schools, but no solution is to be expected until the powers of the board are clearly understood, until many incompetents developed by the old system are dismissed and the supply shut off by applying the merit system of appointment. Last February the municipal league urged the council when making school ordinances to compel the appointment of teachers from the three highest on the eligible list, just as the law requires in all other city departments. The council avoided the issue by turning the question over to the board, which has failed to act. Unless the board renders better service it may be wise to change to the St. Paul plan of managing the schools directly like any other department in a commission city. Under the old charter the parks were largely under the control of a park board, which, like our other numerous unpaid boards, did not give sufficient time to the city to understand the public needs. Now the parks are controlled under the council by a commissioner, who at small cost has greatly increased public recreation through ball and tennis grounds, swim: ming and skating facilities, street dancing and improved band concerts. For the health department a sanitary code is being adopted which had been held up for six years under the old council. The department of public works controls the largest amount of patronage and was a source of great criticism under the old charter. The municipal league and the chamber of commerce had scored its head severely for causing the spending of several millions of money in an unnecessary pumping station, and for using patronage to control the board of aldermen and to build up a political machine. This machine was strong enough to re-elect him repeatedly under the old charter and to nominate but not to elect under the new charter. For instance, he had many clerks listed as assistant foremen or laborers because they could not pass the civil service examinat.ion for clerks.. A 6

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January few weeks after the new charter became effective, the new commissioner required the civil service commission to list those doing clerical work as clerks in so far as they had become competent through experience. The others, numbering about 70, he dismissed. He also abolished the useless waste and leak gang, of about 26 men. The old commissioner and the old council had grossly neglected the painting and repairing of several viaducts crossing railway tracks. The matter is now being taken up. This neglect will cost the city about $380,000 in replacing two viaducts. It was found that various firms had been permitted by the old government to escape payment of their water tax for fire connections. Such firms are now being required to pay eight years’ back tax. Inspection has been made of water connections throughout the city as a basis on which to figure rates more equitably, in order to make the water bureau self-sustaining. In the department of finance and accounts, the new charter has made possible a prompt completion of a careful examination of all real estate. Real estate is assessed on the basis of a modified Somers system. It is expected that the new assessment rolls this winter will show about $125,000,000 increased valuation. About one fifth of it is made up of equipment and machinery heretofore untaxed, which the law requires to be taxed as real estate. The rest, of the increase is due to more equitable assessments without any general increase throughout the city. In the last six years under our old charter the city tax rate increased 37 per cent and the bonded debt 65 per cent without adequate returns to the taxpayers. The tax rate had practically reached the legal limit. The tax rate under the new council for the fiscal year beginning last July maintained this high level of about 3 per cent on a valuation of perhaps 70 per cent. Much of this high tax rate was due to debts left over from the old government which had been in the habit of leaving large deficits from the preceding year, rather than facing them and making an honest tax rate. It is expected that the tax rate for the next fiscal year will be materially lower, due to the above increase in valuation, and to some saving in expenditures. Besides we expect to have a good deal more to show for our money. The new council is paying off old bonds when they maturk rather than reissuing them as had frequently been done under the old government. For several years all new issues of bonds have been in serial form. The five city departments have co-operated without .evidence of the log-rolling so common under our old charter. There has been no criticism of lack of co-operation of the bureaus in any of the various departments except in the case of the schools. I believe the public generally considers the new government a great improvement. Business is transacted much more quickly. For instance, in the morning, a call came to the commissioner for a 300-foot

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19171 THE BUFFALO CHARTER 83 pipe extension. In the afternoon the city engineer examined the situation and within four days the council had approved and the work had been begun. Under the old charter such a matter would probably have gone the rounds of the board of aldermen, reference to a committee, return to the board, reference to the councilmen and possible committee action there, and then reference to the mayor. All new matters had to run this gauntlet. I found it no easy course when securing public playgrounds. The new council holds weekly public hearings where any citizen may address the entire council sitting as a committee of the whole. Each commissioner is on duty daily and accessible to all. The old aldermen and councilmen were on duty only a few hours at meetings once or twice a week. The council decides too many important measures in secret conference, subject to ratification at the public meeting. For instance, how can the voters know the real attitude of each councilman on the street car rate investigation below, as indicated in the discussion and votes in the secret conference? How can they know whether the unanimous vote at the public meeting included a minority, who at the secret conference opposed a rate investigation and would still oppose if they had prospect of winning? The new council has guarded the city’s int,erests much better than the old in dealing with public service corporations. The independent telephone company here has not prospered and has just made a deal to sell out to the Bell, which required the consent of the city. The new council in giving consent finally imposed conditions vastIy more favorable to the city than it had been accustomed to get from the old common council, or than were asked for by the chamber of commerce and the newspapers, though some requirements were omitted which many citizens thought should have been insisted on. Our referendum was first used this November through a large petition to veto the council’s action. This petition was secured by volunteer workers for the central council of business men’s associations and the central labor council and no money was spent for publicity. The telephone interests, after failing to get the courts to throw out the petition, spent large sums for many half-page newspaper advertisements, for circulars to voters and for poll workers. They were aided by numerous editorials in all the local press and by the chamber of commerce. The voters sustained the council by 8 per cent majority in a vote which was 70 per cent of that cast for governor. It would cost the city about $50,000 to defend before the public service commission, an action brought by the street railway company to secure a large reduction in its assessment. Our corporation counsel advised using the same evidence to convince the commission that the city was entitled to a car fare of less than five cents. All proposals to reduce street

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84 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January car fares were laughed out of court by the old aldermen. But the new council, after some hesitation, unanimously approved the plan of the corporation counsel, who believes he can prove that it does not cost the company two-thirds more to carry a street car passenger in Buffalo, than it does in her nearest neighbors, Toronto, Cleveland and Detroit. THE 'PROPOSED NEW CHARTER OF ALAMEDA BY WILLIAM J. LOCKE~ San Francisco, Cal. UT in California, a new charter was recently drawn for the city of Alameda, which contains a number of novel and interesting 0 features worthy of the most thoughtful consideration. By way of introduction I will state that the constitution of California provides that any city of 3,500 population may elect a board of fifteen freeholders to frame a charter for its own government, or having a charter already, may, by the same method, frame a new one. It was prepared without that care and consideration which the importance of such a matter requires, and time showing it to be defective in several particulars, a general demand arose about two years ago for a new instrument of more modern design, finally resulting in the council calling an election for fifteen freeholders to frame the desired instrument. Profiting by past experience, the citizens decided to take every precaution against the election of incompetent men. Accordingly, an organization was formed, with the chamber of commerce and other civic bodies as a nucleus. Their efforts were so successful that there was practically no opposition to their candidates, with the result that a board of freeholders was secured of exceptionally high character and ability. After their election, the board organized and went to work in a scientific manner collecting data, inviting the suggestions of experts, and proceeding with that system most conducive to the accomplishment of successful results. The charter was finally completed and signed October 25, and it will be submitted for adoption at a special election called for the eighth of January. One of the most interesting features of the proposed charter is its brevity, the freeholders having taken special pains to avoid the use of all unnecessary verbiage. For example, the general powers of the city are expressed in a single paragraph, without enumeration or specification. Among other things it is provided that the city council shall consist of ve members, one of whom shall be chosen by his colleagues to preside, The present charter of the city was adopted in 1906. 1 Exacutive secretary of the league of California municipalities.

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19171 PROPOSED NEW CHARTER OF ALAMEDA 85 serving also as ex-officio mayor, without any veto, however, or other additional powers except those of a ministerial character, such as are involved in the signing of warrants and representing the city in ceremonial functions, excepting also, however, that in case of riot or extraordinary emergency he shall be the executive head of the city with supreme control of the police department. The charter provides also for the use of the preferential system of election. Members of the council are to hold office for four years except those kst elected, in which case the two receiving the lowest vote shall serve for two years only. The only other elective officers are the auditor, who shall be ex-officio assessor, the treasurer, who shall be ex-officio tax collector, and a police judge; thus providing a short ballot, as not more than six‘ offices are required to be filled at any one time after the first election. The council shall appoint a city clerk, also a city attorney, and in order to give a large assurance of continuity in office, provision is made that neither of the two officials mentioned can be removed except by a fourfifths vote. The work of administration is to be under the supervision and control of a city manager appointed by the council. No residential qualification is required of the manager, and in order to safeguard as far as possible his dismissal for political reasons, it is provided that he cannot be removed except by a four-fifths vote of the entire council. It is also provided that no councilman shall in any manner attempt to influence the city manager in the making of appointments or purchase of supplies, a violation of this provision operating as a forfeiture of office. The city manager is to appoint the city engineer, street superintendent and other subordinate officers of administration not otherwise provided for, also the chief of police, fire chief, health officer, a board of social service, a board of public utilities, and director of parks and playgrounds. Now then, there are two provisions contained in the Alameda charter which, so far as known, are absolutely without precedent in this country, provisions, the novelty of which is only exceeded by their value and importance. The first, for want of a better name, has been entitled “publicity of candidates” and it is designed to provide a means whereby the electors may ascertain from a reliable source something of the compa3ative qualifications of the different candidates. Where nominations are made by political parties, it is understood that the party stands sponsor for its nominees, a responsibility, however, of rather uncertain value. Be that as it may, partisan nominations for municipal elections were abolished in California ten years ago, on the theory that a man’s views on the tariff or any other’national question do not affect in any manner his qualifications for holding a municipal office. Consequently, candidates for municipal office in California have their names printed on the ballot without any party designation, and the

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86 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January electors are obliged to ascertain their comparative qualifications from newspapers more or less biased or from other unreliable sources. In the proposed new charter of Alameda this defect is remedied by a requirement that every candidate shall furnish to the city clerk, at his own expense, printed copies of a verified statement as to his residence, place of birth, present occupation, what public office he has held, if any, and whether he is a taxpayer of the city. He may also give such other information regarding his experience and qualifications as might assist the electors to estimate his fitness to fill the office. Such statement shall contain also the names of not more than twenty residents of the city to whom the candidate refers the electors for further information as to his ability and character. Also, it shall have printed thereon a photo-engraving of the candidate, and he shall supply sufficient copies to the city clerk to enable one to be sent to each voter with the sample ballot. This plan of publicity will, in the opinion of its proponents, enable the stay-at-home citizen to make a more intelligent selection. Moreover, it simply requires the candidate for an elective office to give the same character of information which would be required of him if he were seeking an appointment under the federal civil service or in a private corporation. Should not the public be entitled to know from the candidate himself something of his past experience and training? Heretofore the policy has been to let the people find it out the best they can. Too well do we all know that under our present system of election it is not the man of ability and training, but rather the “good fellow” who invariably wins at the polls, due in a large measure to the fact that heretofore the people have had no means of ascertaining the comparative qualifications of the various candidates. We believe that the average citizen wants good government and that he will vote for the best men whenever you provide him with a reliable method for ascertaining who are the best men. The other novel feature of the Alameda charter relates to the provisions for exercising the “recall.” There has been much justifiable complaint against the “recall” from various parts of the country, and it will be universally conceded that some provision should be made to prevent a disgruntled minority from forcing a recall election against the wishes of the majority. In most states it is provided that upon the filing of a petition by a small percentage of the voters, a municipality is compelled to go through the turmoil and expense of a special election, and the official attacked is required to go through another political campaign and fight for his office all over again. In California we have felt for some time that the basic machinery for invoking the “recall” is not set on a firm foundation. For illustration, it is provided that action shall be taken by the council upon the filing of a “petition,” and all of us know that the average “petition” is not a document of very much significance. People will sign petitions without reading them, often to accommodate a friend, sometimes to get

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19171 PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION 87 rid of a bore, and again to enable the circulator to earn the ten cents frequently paid for each signature. In several California cities these objections have been overcome in a large measure by providing that copies cf the petition shall be deposited for a stipulated period in certain public places to receive signatures, notice of the fact first being given by publication. It is conceded that if a citizen will take the trouble to go out of his way to the place where a petition has been deposited to receive signatures, it is a pretty good indication that such a petition will reflect the true sentiment of the signers. And after all, is there anything unreasonable in such a provision? Is there any more reason why we should circulate a petition than circulate the ballot box on election day? However, on account of the large number of commuters living in Alameda, it was feIt that in that particular case the plan of depositing petitions would make the recall practically prohibitive, so it was provided instead that petitions should be circulated, but only by sworn verification deputies. In addition to this provision it is required also that all copies of the petition shall have a parallel column provided in which those who oppose the special election or favor the retention of the official, may also attach their signatures. In other words, the petition is so arranged as to enable the voters to sign for or against the recall; and it is provided that the proponents of the recall must not only secure the required percentage of signatures but they must also secure more signatures than those opposed to the proposition, otherwise no special election will be called. In most of our states the recall law gives the minority a right which it denies to the majority. The signature of one citizen, like his vote, should have no more weight than the signature of another citizen; yet under present laws 20 or 25 per cent of the voters may call a special election, notwithstanding the fact that the remaining 75 per cent may be opposed to it. The proposed new charter for Alameda has been indorsed by the leading political factions now existing in that city, wherefore its adoption on the eighth of January next is practically a foregone conclusion. PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION IN ASHTABULA BY WILLIAM E. BOYNTON Ashtabula, Ohio vv E HAD some Tather unpleasant experiences in putting the city manager plan of government into operation in Ashtabula with our council of seven members elected by the Hare system of proportional representation. I do not believe, however, that we had any worse time if as bad, as that experienced in Sandusky with a commission of five members elected by the ordinary at-large plan. While some of our Ashtabula people blame proportional representation, it is generally admitted that at bottom the cause of our trouble was

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88 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January that so few broad-minded, capable men were willing to become candidates for the council and that so few people took the interest they should have done in trying to get men of this kind to serve as councilmen. Perhaps one reason for this was that the people were not fully awake to the opportunity which the proportional method affords for the election of firstclass men. I know of at least one very capable citizen, the superintendent of one of our largest industries, who has said, since the election, that if he had known that it only took about 300 or 400 votes to elect a member of the council he should have offered himself as a candidate, for he felt sure he would easily have received that many votes. Another thing which stood in the way of the manager plan starting in at its best was that the people had not been educated up to the idea of putting the city managership on a professional basis. The fact is that the charter was adopted in Ashtabula without a single dollar being spent to educate the people as to the purposes and advantages of the new plan. The prevailing sentiment among all classes, business men as well as workingmen, was that we should not go outside the city for a manager. If public sentiment had favored going outside for a man who was an expert in municipal matters, I believe our representative council would have made a creditable selection without much trouble. A further condition which was bound to cause more or less friction, regardless of the method of electing the council, was that numerous wet and dry elections had divided the people into opposing factions to such an extent that municipal .elections had come to be in the main simply contests between the wets and drys for the control of the city government. In order that you may understand something of the extent to which this wet and dry factionalism entered into city matters in which it really had no part, I will mention an incident that occurred during the term I served as president of the council. An ordinance had been passed by the council granting the Nickel Plate railway the right to put in a switch track for the use of a local coal dealer who happened also to be the chairman of the “county dry committee.” The interests of the city were fully protected by the ordinance but in order to injure the dry leader the wet element held up the ordinance by a referendum petition and succeeded in having it voted down at the election, thus causing the dry coal dealer a great amount of inconvenience and unnecessary expense. It was this wet and dry strife which was the immediate cause of the trouble our council had in appointing a manager. The council was divided on this basis into three drys, three wets or liberals and one socialist who claimed to be neutral but really favored the liberal side. The trouble started when the three drys held a caucus and decided that for manager they would support a local man then director of public service.

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19171 PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION 89 Dr. Hogan, then president of the council and one of the leading members of the council-elect, was so incensed by the action of these three members in meeting by themselves and deciding on a man for manager instead of waiting for a meeting of all the councilmen, that he blocked the appointment of the service director, when this meeting was held, by nominating Fred Briggs, one of the councilmen-elect . Briggs, who was badly in need of a job at the time, had been a member of the council for several years having been twice previously elected as councilman-at-large under the old form. It was well known in political circles that Briggs had aspired to the mayor’s office, but before his ambition was realized, the office was abolished by the adoption of the charter. The council was now deadlocked as the socialist member refused to vote with either faction until the night before the new council was to be seated when he voted with Briggs, Corrado and Hogan, who represented the liberal faction, for Briggs. The people made such a vigorous and continued protest against Briggs getting the appointment by the aid of his own vote that he finally declined the appointment and retained his seat in the council. Another short period of deadlock now ensued which was broken on January 24 by the socialist member voting on the one-hundredth ballot with the three liberals for Warren Prine, a local man of considerable executive ability but with no training or experience in municipal matters. The performance of the council in appointing a manager can hardly be said to afford an argument in favor of the method by which this council was elected, but it would be as unreasonable and unfair to condemn proportional representation on this account as it would be to condemn the referendum because of the use which was made of it in Ashtabula. The factional spirit which appeared to dominate the council to a large extent during the making of appointments seemed to disappear with the appointment of Mr. Prine as manager by the vote of Briggs, Corrado, Earlywine and Hogan. From that time until the present not a single measure has been passed by the vote of these four councilmen with the other three opposing. Most of the important ordinances have been passed by a unanimous vote. On measures regarding which the council was divided the deciding majority has not been composed of the same members twice in succession. It can now fairly be said that the experience in Ashtabula has proved that it is entirely possible for a council elected by the proportional method and composed of representatives of the different and opposing elements in a community to work together for the best interests of the city as harmoniously as could be desired.

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90 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL ItEVIEW [January The work of the council sincg the appointment of the manager has met with general approval. Only one ordinance has had any open opposition. This was an ordinance providing for the regulation and licensing of boxing exhibitions. In the past such exhibitions have been held without any authority of law and overlooked by the city authorities. Representatives of the ministerial association were present at the second reading of this ordinance and protested against its passage but it was passed by a vote of four to two, one member being absent. The church people held up the ordinance by a referendum until the recent election when it was approved by the voters by a vote of 1,785 for and 1,432 against. This would seem to indicate that the sentiment of the people on questions of this character is pretty fairly represented in the council. I have watched the proceedings of the council pretty closely and believe that it seldom if ever makes a decision on any question that would not be upheld by a majority of the people of the city. Regarding the administration in Ashtabula I would say that our city manager is one of those men who have the faculty of getting things done. We had a good illustration of this during “clean-up week’’ last spring. Previous administrations had made attempts to carry out the clean-up day idea, but it had always been mostly a failure. Under Mr. Prine’s leadership the people entered into the spirit of the occasion and “cleanup day” was a great success, the idea being carried out on a scale never before known in Ashtabula. For city solicitor, we have an able and experienced attorney, and this adds greatly to the strength and efficiency of our administrative organization. In the past, Ashtabula has nearly always had some young, inexperienced lawyer as city attorney, the people electing a new one every two years in order to give the young man a start in life. Under the mayor and council plan there were quite a number of offices that did not afford an opportunity to earn the salary connected with the office. It was mainly the desire to remedy this condition that made the people of Ashtabula favor the adoption of the charter. Some of these offices have been combined and others abolished so that the work which was focmerly distributed among sixteen different offices is now covered by nine, including that of city manager. While salaries have been increased to some extent, the net result has been a reduction of over 20 per cent in salary cost. In common with other cities that have adopted the manager plan, Ashtabula has a good degree of efficiency and economy in city government and, may I add, Ashtabula has also secured democracy in government by adopting proportional representation and having a council of seven members.

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19171 STATE MUNICIPAL LEAGUE MEETINGS 91 STATE MUNICIPAL LEAGUE MEETINGS BY WILLIAM PARR CAPES^ Albany, N. Y. F ORGANIZATION and co-operation will wipe out the stigma which has been placed upon American municipal government, we are in a fair way to make the city the most efficient unit of our government, for we are rapidly assembling and setting up the machinery which is linking together all American municipalities into one compact working force. We at least are determined to give the theory of co-operation a fair trial, and whether it fails or not we can never be accused by future generations of procrastination. Its success, however, is already being indicated by the results of the labors of the various organizations and the effects of5these results on individual municipalities. During the past year the mobilization of municipal forces in the United States has gone steadily forward until now we have fifty municipal leagues -national, state, inter-state and intra-state. The activity of this organized force is now a prominent factor in the effort underway in all sections to raise the standard of municipal service. Our municipal organization is not yet complete, but the progress we have made in the last seventeen years has been remarkable. The United States to-day has three national municipal organizations and Canada Thirty-two states have organized their municipalities into leagues or kindred b~dies.~ With the exception of the New England states all sections of the United States have been quite thoroughly organized, those states which have not yet organized being scattered. But even in some of these the seed of co-operation has already been planted by the organization of either inter-state or intra-state association^.^ Of the fifty organizations now devoting their time and effort exclusively to city welfare, five were established during the last year, the Cloverland association, the leagues of New Jersey, North Idaho and New Mexico and the I 1 See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. v, p. 66. 2 Secretary, New York state conference of mayors and other city official?. 3 The National Municipal League, the League of American MunicipaIities, the American Society for Municipal Improvement and the Union of Canadian Municipalities. 4 Indiana, North Carolina. Texas, h'ew York, South Carolina, Alabama, Ohio, Mississippi, Louisiana, North Dakota, Colorado, Tennessee, Arkansas, Kentucky, Massachusetts, Utah, Michigan, Montana, Illinois, Missouri, Kansas, Cpnecticut, New Jersey, Nebraska, California, Iowa, Minnesota, Oklahoma] Washington, Wisconsin, Virginia, New Mexico. 6 Association of commission-governed cities of South Dakota, league of third class cities in Pennsylvania, North Idaho municipal league, the mayors' association of the South Atlantic and Gulf states, Cloverland association of municipalities embracing the cities of upper Michigan and the league of Northwest municipalities.

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92 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January mayors’ association of the South Atlantic and Gulf states. Canada has nine provincial leagues. All national bodies are active and the majority of the state and provincial leagues are alert and aggressive to help their cities. To complete our plan we need to prod these, to organize the cities in the few states which have no leagues and either to establish or to designate a central co-ordinating body which will act as a clearing house for all the organizations, especially the state bodies. The general work of the organizations during the year has been about the same as in previous years, with the exception that here and there some extraordinary activity has been undertaken to meet some exceptional or local condition. All have held annual meetings at which almost every municipal activity and various phases of each have been discussed by experts and city officials. The reports of the committees working during the year on particular municipal problems have been received and acted upon. Legislation to meet municipal needs has been drafted and advocated, and some has been enacted into laws. The leagues have taken both the offensive and the defensive in their legislative work, and their effort to defeat objectionable legislation has been quite as important as the remedial legislation they have sought. It has also been more successf ul. Most of the leagues have issued printed reports of their annual meetings and these have increased the volume of the municipal library which these organizations are gradually building up in America. Some leagues have regular publications, Minnesota being added to this list during the year. These are Wisconsin, Minnesota, Washington, Texas, California, Carolina, Louisiana, Kansas, Iowa and New York and the Union of Canadian Municipalities and the National Municipal League. Two others contemplate the establishment of publications this year. In addition to the propaganda and legislative work, sixteen leagues either have maintained bureaus of information or have co-operated with some university in operating such an institution. These are the leagues in California, Illinois, Iowa, New York, Kansas, Louisiana, Michigan, Nebraska, New Jersey, Texas, Washington, Northwest municipalities, Wisconsin, Minnesota and the League of American Municipalities and the National Municipal League. New Jersey’s bureau was established during the year, and the unique experiment begun in 1915 by the New York state conference of mayors and other city officials has been declared by the cities in that state to be a success. The state bureau of municipal information, which the empire state cities established to test the practicability of a co-operating plan of obtaining municipal data, has, therefore, become a permanent institution and is now being operated on an extensive scale. This is significant, for New York has demonstrated that cities will liberally use and support an institution of this kind, and that a bureau Only a few have not yet realized their opportunity.

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19171 STATE MUNICIPAL LEAGUE MEETINGS 93 exclusively for the use of city officials can be made to stand on its own feet without outside support. The empire state cities have blazed an important trail. Oklahoma is starting the same way as did New York. The president, vice-president and secretary of that western league have perfected plans to make a tour of the cities of the state this year for the purpose of studying municipal conditions and gathering data for the establishment of a bureau of information. The discussions at the annual meetings of the organizations have made available a vast amount of valuable data. A review of these and a comparison with the work of previous years shows that the variety of subjects and phases of general problems about which cities are thinking are increasing. Several new problems were added to the programs of the leagues last year, among them being proportional representation, traffic regulations, civil service and fire insurance rates. Each of these subjects has been discussed by one or two leagues in the past, but during 1916 consideration of them became quite general. In almost every section of the country seven municipal problems have been discussed within the year. These are paving and paving materials, city planning, public health, taxation and assessment, home rule and municipal accounting and financing. During 1916 particular attention was given to paving, public health and taxation problems. A most pronounced gain in popularity was made by city planning. The western and some of the southern cities still continue to lead in the discussion of municipal ownership and public utility rates. At least four states, Missouri, Wisconsin, Michigan and North Carolina, are studying commission government and have discussed this subject at their annual meetings. Nearly all of the Canadian organizations and all of the national organizations in the United States have considered the several forms of government under which cities are now working, particularly the commission and the commission-manager. Home rule still occupies a prominent part of the discussion in Missouri, New Jersey, Michigan, Indiana, Iowa, Illinois and New York. And, judging by the legislation sought by leagues, the subject should receive serious consideration in several other states. When cities have to seek legislative authority to build stockades on municipally owned property outside their limits, it is about time that they thought about increasing their powers by constitutional amendment. New York again asked for legislative approval of a home rule constitutiona1 amendment and failed. Its sponsors, however, were encouraged by the popular support which the measure received. Plans have been completed to renew the campaign this year. Municipal accounting and financing are live problems in every state, but constructive work has been undertaken during the year in Missouri, Minnesota, Oklahoma, Idaho, California, Iowa, Kansas, New York, and

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94 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January Wisconsin. Uniform accounting systems and uniform bond laws are the remedial measures now being sought, New York, Kansas and Wisconsin being interested in bond legislation and several states in uniformity in accounting. The state comptroller, co-operating with the New York conference, perfected during the year an accounting system for the third class cities in that state, and he is now installing the system in the forty-eight municipalities in that class. When this work is completed all empire state cities, with the exception of the three first class municipalities, New York, Buffalo and Rochester, will be working under approved uniform systems, as a uniform plan is already in effect in the second class cities. The national and state leagues have not been far behind the few progressive American cities which are investigating the practicability of the activated sludge method of sewage disposal. The American Society of Municipal Improvements had an exhaustive discussion of the process at its recent annual meeting. The leagues of Texas, California, Illinois and New York have also considered the plan and other recent developments in sewage disposal. An unique movement in connection with the sewage disposal problem was undertaken during the year by the Iowa league. As a result there has been established a league of American cities having sewage disposal plants to combat the claims for royalty on the septic process of disposal. One of the newer subjects that is now commanding the attention of cities is the regulation of motor and other traffic. The New York state cities, through their conference, have decided to ask the legislature for a uniform code of regulations. The proposed code has been drafted by the state bureau of municipal information. The American Society of Municipal Improvements and the California league have also developed an interest in the problem. In reviewing the reports of the year’s work the special efforts that most of the leagues have made to strengthen their organizations and to popularize co-operative municipal work cannot escape notice. Most of the leagues report an increase in membership and financial support and at least eight have attempted to convince the public of the value of municipal organization and co-operation. While consideration has been given to peculiar conditions in Canadian cities resulting from the war, it was not so pronounced during the last year as in 1915. All of the municipal organizations in Canada have resumed consideration of the general problems, particularly of forms of government. One feature of all the annual meetings, however, has been the advocacy of municipal preparedness, indicating the farsightedness of the Canadian cities. If this campaign is continued as vigorously as it has been begun, the cities will be ready to meet emergencies when the great conflict is called off.

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19171 RECENT MILK LEGISLATION 95 Have the results of the year justified the existence of the leagues? The review of their work leaves no room for doubt that they have. It is not only what the organizations accomplish in any one year, but the accumulative effects of their efforts for a number of years that must be considered when judging the value of their labors. SOME TENDENCIES OF RECENT MILK LEGISLATION BY HARLEAN JAMES Baltimore, Md. ANY of us can remember a time when, even in our large cities, milk was dipped or poured from cans into receptacles set out M by purchasers. In that day the cows usually stood (when they were given shelter from pasture) in a general-purpose barn covered with dust and cob-webs. Cows were seldom groomed. The hired man, in soiled woolen clothes, milked into an open-top milk pail which had been rinsed with cold water from the well and poured the milk into cans which were transported by wagon direct to the consumer. Refrigeration was not dreamed of. Since that day the bacteriological origins of many diseases have been discovered. Milk, the scientists tell us, is an ideal medium for the rapid multiplication of bacteria. By means of contaminated water used in washing utensils, through the introduction of particles of manure, through the handling of milk by " typhoid-carriers," disease bacteria may reach the trusting consumer by the milk route. Milk has been in the past, and too often in the present is, exposed on its journey from cow to consumer to the deadly machinations of the house and barn fly. A farmer may truly say that he and his wife and seven children have thrived on milk produced in the old way. But city health officials in recent years have realized that they must endeavor to protect the public from the possibility of disease carried by milk. The first efforts of cities to control their milk supplies were mainly in the direction of preventing adulterations. The time-worn farmer jokes concerning water in the milk reflected an all-too-prevalent custom. The tendency of milk to sour quickly in warm weather brought preservatives into common use. Some of these were distinctly harmful; others, less so, if we may believe certain chemists; but it is now generally against the law to put preservatives of any kind in milk. The federal pure food movement to insure proper labeling also has had its effect in local laws setting up chemical standards for whole milk in order that consumers The working hours of bacteria, however, are very irregular.

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96 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January may be informed concerning their purchases of whole and skimmed milk. These precautions are all desirable and necessary to-day; but, in the light of recent scientific knowledge, they do not properly protect the public health. The city ordinances and regulations which have been put into effect during the past few years seem to indicate distinctly new tendencies. The larger cities have been compelled to draw their milk supplies from increasingly long distances. Since milk ii peculiarly sensitive to deterioration due to age and high temperature, the long haul has multiplied the difficulties of protecting the health of the consumer. There are two schools of sanitarians: those who believe that infants should be fed on pure raw milk and those who believe that pasteurization is a necessary form of insurance against disease. Most public health officials now agree, however, that the general milk supply of large cities must be pasteurized if the public health is not unnecessarily to be endangered. Pasteurization, little more than a decade ago, was in the public mind a sporadic business experiment, discredited by scientists. To-day, in many cities, it is a recognized requirement for some part of the milk supply. It was the custom to use the “flash” method of heating the milk for a few seconds or few minutes. The temperature used was often so high that the cream line was destroyed and the taste affected. Later the “holding” process came into vogue. By this method the milk is heated to a temperature of some 145’ for about thirty minutes. This kills practically all of the pathogenic organisms and greatly reduces the numbers of all bacteria. By inspection and instruction of dairy farmers city health officials have endeavored to secure better practices on the farm. Clean cows, clean barns, clean milkers and clean utensils together with immediate cooling of the milk have operated to bring better milk to the city. Wherever possible, the word “clean” is used in its technical sense of “sterile.” Utensils, especially, are held to be “unclean” if they are not washed in boiling water or its equivalent. When the practice of pasteurization came into general use, it was feared by some sanitarians that the producers of milk would become careless in their methods and argue that, since pasteurization would kill the disease germs, all the trouble and expense to secure cleanliness on the farm were wasted. Experiments made by Dr. Park in New York city have shown that, even when recognizable disease germs are not present, large numbers of bacteria in raw milk (indicating dirt, age or high temperature) will, after pasteurization, often cause intestinal diseases in infants. For this reason, in addition to the elaborate systems of “farm scoring” and “city dairy scoring” based on equipment and practice as recommended by the Methods of pasteurization were at first crude.

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19171 RECENT MILK LEGISLATION 97 bureau of animal industry of the United States department of agriculture, some of the large cities have adopted a system of “graded” milk, which divides the supply into two or more classes according to its sanitary character and the purpose to which it is safe to put it. By this method the dairy farmers are classified into groups with the result that good equipment and careful practice may command the price which it costs to secure them and poor equipment and careless practice will suffer an economic penalty. The results of grading are even more satisfactory to the consumer. With the growth of large distributing companies, the practice of mixing all the milk-good,’bad and indifferent-in the same vat has immensely increased the dangers from bad milk. Typhoid fever germs in one farmer’s milk may easily contaminate the milk of a hundred farmers when mixed with it. It is true that efective pasteurization will kill these germs, but sanitarians are forced to realize that commercial pasteurization of large quantities of milk in bulk is not uniformly successful. If the commissioners of health in those cities that have tried “graded” milk may be believed, “grading)’ has stimulated the production of cleaner milk when pasteurization, though necessary, might easily have worked exactly the opposite result. In smaller towns, publicity in the form of printed dairy scores and bacterial counts in the newspapers or health bulletins, or free access of the public to dairy examinations and records, has brought similar results. “Grading” is simply a device for meeting conditions in the large cities where the consumer would only be confused by the enormous mass of detail necessary for individual dairy publicity. In September, when the newly organized milk producers in Maryland requested an increase in price for their product, the organized dealers of Baltimore made answer that they would be forced to pass any increase on to the consumer, which would bring them into further unequal competition with cheap raw milk of low sanitary quality. Both organizations approached the milk committee of the Baltimore women’s civic league for assistance. The milk committee had made an intensive study of the cost of producing milk in Baltimore and Frederick counties in the summer of 1915. Since, at that time, the average cost of producing a quart of milk in Frederick county was 3.5 cents and the selling price was 3.8 cents, showing an average profit of cent, and since the average cost in Baltimore county was 4.5 cents and the selling price 4.2 cents, showing an average loss of cent, the milk committee felt justified in backing the request of the producers. The committee also backed the request of the dealers in a hearing before the mayor, who promised to use his best efforts to pass an ordinance excluding unsanitary milk from Baltimore and providing better 7

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98 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January methods for handling the admitted supply. At the request of the milk committee, the mayor invited Dr. William H. Park of the research laboratories of the New York health department to address a hearing in his oflice. As a result of this the mayor appointed an advisory committee to recommend provisions for the proposed ordinance. This committee, headed by Dr. William H. Welch, has on it the city solicitor, representatives from the city health department, state board of agriculture, women's civic league and seven councilmen. The proposed Baltimore ordinance is not yet completely drafted, but it is hoped that its provisions will be in line with the recommendations of the national commission on milk standards and the'tendencies of recent ordinances and regulations in other cities where similar conditions of climate and milk production prevail. The following table shows the tendencies in pasteurization, grading and bottling of milk in six cities that have recently changed their ordinances or regulations : City Albany --New York -Newark Ord. or regulation Reg. pub. 10/1/13. Revised 9/1/15. Reg. revised to 3/30/15. Grades re. vised to 12/21/15. Ord. 12/2/13. tainer req. 3. Dip'd milk prohibited after 4/1/17. A-Raw. A-Past. B-Raw. B-Past. C-Raw. C-Past. ~~~~ij~ G~~~~~ Bacteria Om. $?.L.L B-Past. 'errnit A. 18 B. 4830~. ioled to 0'. 500,000 300,000 --Req. Gum. Certified. and A. Guaranteed Permit B. A-Inspectec Prohibit C. B-Past. 20 qt. min. C-Cooking and Ind. heated 200". Certified. &Raw. A-Past. B-Past. C-Boiled. --II I +----I13% sol. 30,000 { 3.501, f. { 50,000 a. } 832;;. ion,ooo 11.5 SOL 1,000,000 b. not f. 85 40 65 I. I or Dolled !L I -Amend. 3/4/14. 500,000 1 yr. 200,000 b. then 100,000 past.0utslUe city.1 I 65 40 40 .12' not w than I m. Di dmilk Rawforgdden Inspected. exc. dealera Certified. dairy Pasteurized. products. Philadelphia I Lo 4/27/09 Amend. 6/9/11. 3.25% f. .c P X X -x 35 h.a. M. x 36 h. a. P. x do x 48 h.a.P. -36 h. a. P. -X

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19171 COMPARATIVE POLICE COSTS 99 Rooheater Gov.St. 145’ not Sealed Sanitary leen than container Code.Reg. 30 m. reg. A. effective 11/16/14. ---Certified. A-Raw. A-Paat. B-Raw. B-Past. C-Prohibit’d 60 000 { Z00:OOO b. 30,000 a.} 200 000 { 300:OOO h. ~00,000 a. } I 25 equip. 50meth. t-t 36 h. 43 meth. 36 h. 23 eq.37meth. I 36 h. 20 eq. 35 meth. 36 h. I---100,000 50,OOOa. 300,000 100,000 a. 25aqUi. 8.75%~. { 50 met!. 3.25%f. 20 equip 40 meth. COMPARATIVE COSTS OF EUROPEAN AND AMERICAN POLICE BY LE GRAND POWERS Washington, D. C. N THE April REVIEW‘ the writer presented some comparative statistics of British and American cities which indicated a much greater relative cost for the cities of the United States than for those of Great Britain. Since the publication of the article, the writer has received a number of inquiries as to the factors of this greater cost. Some of the correspondents have called attention to the different salaries paid all classes of employes in the two countries and inquired how far this difference explains the higher governmental costs noted. The answer to these inquiries .has come to hand, with reference to costs of municipal police, in two recent publications. They are (1) a book published by the Century Company of New York entitled “European Police Systems,” written by Raymond B. Fosdick, former commissioner of accounts of New York city, and (2) a volume on general municipal statistics issued by the census bureau as for the fiscal year of 1915, although most of the figures presented relate to the calendar year 1914. From the two publications is compiled the following table of minimum and maximum salaries of patrolmen of twelve European and thirteen American cities : City Minimum Maximum City Minimum Maximum Metropolitan force . $336.96 $436.80 New York . . . . . $1,000.00 $1,400.00 City of London. . . . 355.68 549.12 Chicago. . . . . . . . 900.00 1,320.00 Liverpool. . . . . . . . . . . 336.96 449.28 Philadelphia. . . . 821 .OO 1,095.00 Manchester.. . . , . .. . 336.96 449.28 St. Louis.. . . . . . 780.00 1,080.00 Glasgow.. . . . .. . ... . 313.04 436.80 Boston.. . . . . . . 730.00 1,400.00 London: salary salary salary salary See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. v, p. 252.

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100 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January Minimum Maximum Berlin.. ............ $333.20 $499.80 Cleveland.. .... $1,ooO.00 $1,218.00 Hamburg.. ......... 464.10 666.40 Baltimore.. .... 780.00 1,040.00 Dresden., .......... 404.80 499.80 Pittsburgh ..... 960.00 1,200.00 Paris.. ............. 405.30 482.50 Los Angelea.. .. 900.00 1,200.00 Vienna.. ........... 283.18 503.44 Milwaukee.. ... 960.00 1,140.00 Amsterdam.. ....... 292.60 344.85 Washington .... 900.00 1,200.00 Rome.. ............ 231.60 231.60 Minneapolis.. .. 900.00 1,080.00 Madrid.. ........... 180.00 225.00 Seattle.. ....... 1,020.00 1,200.00 salary salary City salary salary Minimum Maximum City From the foregoing exhibit it may be seen that the salaries of police patrolmen in the European cities were the highest in Hamburg and next highest in London. They were lowest in Rome and Madrid being less than one half as great M in the two cities first mentioned and not much more than one half of those of most other cities referred to in the table. It may be mentioned, however, that they were equally low in other Italian, Spanish and Portuguese cities. The salaries paid'by the American cities mentioned in the table, all with populations exceeding 300,000, may well be studied in connection with those of the minor cities, with populations between 30,000 and 300,000. In none of them did the minimum salary of patrolmen fall below $700, and in but few was it less than $800. In Oakland, California, the maximum salary was $1,404, and in Jacksonville, Florida, it was $1,460, or more in both cases than in any large municipality. For the minor cities as a whole the average salary was not greatly different from that of St. Louis, Baltimore and Minneapolis. In turn comparing the salaries of European and American patrolmen, itis to be noticed that the highest paid policemen of the largest European cities receive only about one half the compensation of those of the average American city. Further, it is to be seen that the patrolmen of Italian and Spanish cities receive as a whole not more than from one fourth to one sixth of the policemen of the American city of the same population. The salaries quoted are in all cases cash. In British cities and in some other European municipalities, unmarried policemen are lodged, either without expense or with small expense to them, and married and unmarried men are provided with some if not all their meals at cost. In these and other ways, the purchasing power of police salaries in Europe, as compared with American salaries, is somewhat larger than is indicated by the figures of the exhibit. As the compensation of patrolmen constitutes for all cities, European and American, from one half to three fourths of all expenses of police departments, it can readily be seen that the different compensation of police employes is the principal, if not the only material cause of the greater cost of police service in American cities to which I called attention in the April NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW.

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19171 THE TAXATION OF BILLBOARDS 101 THE “AREA OF PROJECTION” AS A BASIS FOR THE TAXATION OF BILLBOARDS BY BERNICE v. BROWN^ HE problem of regulating billboards, especially in the larger communities, is one that deserves all the consideration it has T been receiving in recent years. Legislators have tried to solve it by law, city councils by ordinance and administrative officials by a stringent exercise of their regulating power. This medium of advertising, although once little used, has grown in our day to gigantic proportions. Every form of merchandise and business appears to be adaptable to the bill-poster’s art and every meadow, vacant lot, public square and park offers possibilities for the location of new billboards. The more frequented the spot the more it is desired by the advertiser and a billboard that obstructs a natural vista is regarded as a particularly valuable one. Advertising is a legitimate business and to it may be attributed the initial success of many a worthy enterprise. It would be unwise and futile to seek the abolition of the billboard. Within proper bounds it serves a useful purpose, and a genuine demand for it exists at the present day. There is no reason why publicity should not have its due place in modern business enterprise. But regulations may well be imposed upon any form of publicity which thrusts itself upon us at all hours of the day and night, which hampers all efforts to make our streets, parks and public places more attractive, and which. virtually takes from the citizen his constitutional guarantee of the ‘(pursuit of happiness ”-his right to enjoy in peace the beauties of nature. Of the many attempts at the regulation of billboards such as taxation, local option, zoning and licensing, taxation is by far the most effective. Its use tends to reduce the number of billboards and enables the city to regulate more effectively their size, construction, location and genera1 character. Most of the commissions which have investigated the subject advise some such measure and the American Civic Association has endorsed taxation as a ‘(fair and effective method of regulation.” But the problem arises: how may the tax best be levied? The common method has been to tax the billboards at so much per square foot. In most cases the tax has been so heavy as to be declared confiscatory or unreasonable and the ordinances imposing the taxes have been decIared illegal. St. Louis once proposed a tax of three cents a squarcfoot per 1 Miss Brown was graduated from Rac’cljffe College in 1916 ard is now bibliographer in the Rarvard bureau of municipal research. As an urdergraduate she was in two successive years the winner of the William H. Baldwin prize, offered by the National Municipal League. The present article is an excerpt from her essay on “Effective Billboard Regulation” which was awarded this prize in 1916.-EDITOR.

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102 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January year on billboards, New York one of twelve cents, and Los Angeles one of fifty cents. The square foot of area, however, is not a good basis for the billboard tax. The value of a billboard to the advertiser is determined not so much by its size as by its location. A flat tax of so many cents per square foot neglects altogether the vast differences in the revenuevalue of billboards arising from differences in location. Ten cents a square foot may be an unreasonable tax per annum upon billboards in unfavorable locations which yield only a dollar or less per foot in annual rental; but several times that tax would be quite within the limits of reasonability when imposed upon billboards which stand at the head of a great business thoroughfare and bring in annual revenues running into the thousands of dollars on relatively small surface areas. The chief factors determining what a billboard brings in revenue, which, again, determine its value and in consequence the reasonability or otherwise of a tax laid upon it-the chief factors are the number of people passing it whether on foot 01 in trains, the area over which a sign may be projected, due to the height at which it is placed, and the amount of open space in front of it. In point of value per foot frontage for advertising use (not for business or residential use), there might be a great difference between a lot at the head of a long broad avenue and its unseen neighbor right alongside. In levying the tax on a billboard the size, height above the street level, amount of traffic and area of projection should all be considered. A system which allowed for variations in these factors would prove a far more equitable way of securing revenue from billboards than a tax levied at a flat rate per square foot and would be far more likely to stand the test of constitutionality. In a word, the value of a billboard is not appurtenant to the land on which it is erected. The board may occupy a space only two feet wide on the edge of a lot and yet project its reading matter a hundred feet or more across a public street or square. This area of projection is at least quasi-public property. If the sign were painted on the inside of the board toward the lot it would be worthless. The increment of value comes from the use of a public area and if the billboard pays no tax or a tax which is levied without reference to this factor, it is using public property without adequate compensation. How great this projection area is in the case of illuminated signs on high buildings would be hard to estimate. It must often cover several square miles. Such a use of public or private property without the consent of the people affected would not be tolerated in the case of over-hanging eaves, underground tunnels or like encroachments. If this point were fairly recognized, a tax levied by the city in return for the use of its property would seem a perfectly natural thing. Care should be taken to make the system of assessment as workable and free from complication as possible. To insure payment, such a tax should be levied in advance of the period during which the sign is to be displayed.

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19171 ELECTORAL REFORM 103 It should be, in other words, of the nature of a license. A label of some kind should be attached to the billboard when the tax is paid and all unstamped advertising reported by the local patrolmen to the proper authorities. The area of the sign as reckoned for assessment should be the extreme height multiplied by the extreme length. Otherwise advertisers might attempt to reduce the tax by round or irregular shaped signs which would make the skyline even more unsightly than at present. Billboard companies make use of what is virtually public property, that is to say, the landscape, skyline, vista, an area of projection or whatever you like to call it, and there is no reason why they should not be taxed as are other users of public property. We have been too apt to take as our basis of billboard taxation the area or the structural value of the billboard or the enhanced value of the land upon which it is located. By so doing the whole matter becomes one of taxing private property and the levy must be kept within strict limits. Would it not be better to urge the “area of projection” basis, to take the ground that the projection of advertisements or of light from signs into the public thoroughfares is a use of public property, and should be paid for on that basis? ELECTORAL REFORM Through one of those mistakes which are inexplicable and which tend to add to the burdens of the editor, the author of the article on ‘(Election Reforms” in the October issue of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW (page 611) failed to give credit to MeIvin P. Porter, the secretary of the Buffalo municipal league, for the outline reproduced under the heading, ((Ten city charter essentials.” This article was printed in the Civic Searchtight of Detroit (March, 1916) as was stated in the article, but the credit to Mr. Porter was omitted. Mistakes have one advantage, however, in that they enable the editor to call attention again to important material, and he is glad to avail himself of this opportunity to call to the attention of students and charter reformers the very interesting suggestions of Mr. Porter and widely distributed by the Buffalo 1eague.EDITOR.

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104 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January EDITORIAL After five years of the most helpful sort of co-operation, Professor John A. Fairlie of the University of Illinois has resigned as an associate editor of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW. The editor takes this opportunity of paying tribute to the work which Dr. Fairlie has done for the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW during its formative period. Thoughtful, accurate and courageous, he has been a valued adviser and an industrious collaborator. A multiplicity of other duties including the editorship of the American Political Science Review has made his withdrawal imperative, but it is a pleasure to be able to announce that he will continue as a member of the advisory board. Dr. Fairlie will be succeeded as associate editor by Dr. C. C. Williamson, the municipal reference librarian of New York city, who brings to the performance of his task not only a wide experience and a careful training, but a deep interest in the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW which has been manifested in many ways in the past. Miss Adelaide R. Hasse, who has been an associate editor since July, 1912, and who during all of that period has prepared the admirable bibliography which has been. one of the features of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, has felt it necessary to retire from all duties outsidaBf her official ones at the New York Public Library. The editor desires to take this opportunity to say publicly what he has many times said privately, that Miss Hasse has been one of the most effective of the regular contributors to the pages of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW. It is with regret that he notes her retirement as associate editor. Miss Alice M. Holden, for a number of years an assistant to Professor William Bennett Munro of Harvard and connected with the bureau for research in municipal government, and now instructor in municipal government at Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, N. Y., will succeed Miss Hasse as associate editor and will prepare .the bibliography. In this connection it is interesting to note the new names on the advisory editorial board: W. S. McNeill of the Richmond, Va., bar, a member of the faculty of the Richmond Law Schoo1;Charles Mulford Robinson of the University of Illinois and author of sundry works dealing with questions of municipal improvement; L. D. Upson, director of the Detroit bureau of municipal research and formerly director of the Dayton bureau; Frederick Trigg of the Kansas City Star editorial staff, and Dr. Fairlie. These new members of the board, of which Professor L. S. Rowe of the University of Pennsylvania is chairman, will bring to the editorial management a deep interest in municipal government and intelligent suggestions from widely differing points of view. Dr. Clyde L. King of the University of Pennsylvania, after a helpful service as a member of the board since its creation in 1912, has resigned.-THE EDITOR. .

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NOTES AND EVENTS I. GOVERNMENT AND ADMINISTRATION Charter Revisions.-Alameda County. A local government document of unusual significance has recently been issued by the city and county government association of Alameda County, Cal. It contains a plan for a charter to put into effect a federated city and county government in Alameda county and its cities. For the past five years the waste of public funds, owing to duplication of officers and services in Alameda county, have been under discussion. The strong local feeling of the various constituent municipalities in the city seems heretofore to have stood obstinately in the way of any very thoroughgoing readjustment of local government. The proposed charter undertakes to preserve the identity of the various units and at the same time eliminate the duplications of officers. The plan which the charter proposes is therefore that of federation rather than consolidation. Each of the municipalities within the proposed city and county, comprising all of Alameda county, in certain instances with the addition of certain territory at present unincorporated, will preserve its name and identity a borough, &s for instance the borough of Oakland, the borough of Alameda, the borough of Berkeley. Each of these boroughs would exercise, through an elective borough board, extensive legislative powers which would include the police ordinance power and exclusive power of appropriation for purposes of street and sewer construction and maintenance, control of parks and playgrounds and of police and fire departments within the borough. Under the proposed charter, all powers not specscally imposed upon boroughs, are reserved to the city and county. The governing body of the city and county would be a council of twenty-one members nominated and elected by districts. It is to be noted that the powers of the several boroughs are exclusively legislative in the broad sense of that term, while the administration of both' borough and city and county policies would be in the hands of the city and county organization. At the head of the centralized organization would be a city and county manager whose relations to the city and county council would be similar to that of the city manager in cities where that office has been erected. There would also be a mayor to be elected by the people of the city and county who would act as the ceremonial head of the city government and appoint, subject to confirmation by the council, certain oEcers and boards whose independence of the administrative organization is deemed desirable, e. g., the auditor, civil service and efficiency commission, judges of the municipal court, etc. For the present system of justices of the peace and police courts, the charter substitutes a municipal court of five well paid judges appointed for long terms. The welfare functions of the city and county would be in charge of a director of public welfare. All positions except boards and commissions, the manager and the employes in his immediate office and certain heads of departments and teaching forces, are included in the classified civil service. It will be noted that the Alameda county plan has elements in common with the government of the metropolitan district of London where the most important functions of local government are entrusted to the county council while at the same time the identity of the historical boroughs composing the city is not by any means obliterated. City Manager Movements in California. -While the city and county government association was promulgating its county charter, the city council of Berkeley submitted to the voters a proposition to incorporate the office of city manager into the city government. This amendment was voted on November 7 and lost by 105

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106 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January about six hundred votes. No campaign for the adoption of the amendment wm made, nor is the result seriously regretted by those citizens who have at heart the larger scheme of city and county federation. During January, 1917, the citizens of Alameda,’ Cal., will vote upon a straight city manager charter, the drafting of which was begun some time before the county plan. On November 21, the citizens of Pasadena voted upon an amendment similar in purpose to the one rejected by the people of Berkeley I The Pasadena amendment was also defeated by a vote of 4,640 to 4,041. A local correspondent states that it was felt by many of the business men of the city that the regular commission form of government had not been given R thorough trial since it had not been in force more than four years. No Commission Plan for Bridgeport.A commission gtivernment charter was voted upon in Bridgeport, Conn., on November 25 and was defeated because the vote of 6,603 for to 839 against was insufficient to comply withthelaw requiring 60 per cent of theregisteredvoteto becast. St. Paul.-Two amendments of St. Paul’s charter were voted on November 7, one pertaining to a method of paying for improvements in parks and playgrounds, and the other providing for a repeal of the civil service chapter of the charter. The former was adopted by a small majority and the latter was defeated. The St. Paul association of commerce was particularly interested in retaining the merit system. This chapter was prepared in the main by Elliot H. Goodwin, who at the time of the adoption of the charter was secretary of the Nat,ional Civil Service Reform League. In the opinion of one correspondent: “A mistake was probably made in designating the comptroller, who is an elective official, ex-officio civil service commissioner, and vesting in him considerable discretionary power. Aside from this possible defect the charter conforms to the accepted principles of administering the merit plan. Up to the present time ’See article by Wm. J Locke on p. 84. the chief examiner has been given a free rein, and therefore the criticisms that might arise because of outside interference were not a point at issue in the movement to repeal the charter. The petitioners who were primarily interested in its repeal were the representatives of organized labor. Opposition from this source appears somewhat unusual. The charter and the administrative rules of the bureau are in every way consistent with the principles of trade unionism. The charter provides for classification of employes into vocations, standardization of work, and pay, uniform salaries for the same work, appointment, promotion and removal on ascertained merit. What more could organized labor ask for? The investigation that the association made of the department showed very clearly that the bureau was honestly and efficiently administered.” Springfield’s Attempted Charter Rewisim.2 -At the November 7 election the federal form of charter wm preferred to the city manager plan by a slight majority, and at the municipal election on December 5 the existing form was preferred to the federal form by a vote of 7,344 to 4,425. H. S. GILBERTSON. * Proportion a1 Representation8 An amendment to the St. Louis city charter providing for a non-partisan ballot in city elections, nominations by petition, preferential voting for the three adminis2 See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. V, p. 304. I Apropos of MI. Werner’s article in the October isaue of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, Mr. C. G. Hoag writes as followa: “ The description, on page 629 of the October REVIEW, of the ayatem of proportional representation voted on in St. Louis was, unfortunately, not quite correct. It would have been correct if the firjt sentence on the page were changed to rsad as follows: “ ’ Members of the board of aldermen ar8 to be elected upon lists, each list to be ahown a’.parately on the ballot, to be designated only by a number, and to be entitled to have declared elected ita proportional share, according to the number of votes cast for its candidates, of the fourteen aldermen being chosen. For example, a list supparted by more than six-fourteenths of the voters would have six of its candidates declared elected.’ ”

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19171 NOTES AND EVENTS trative officers elected by the people, and proportional representation for the board of aldermen, was submitted to the people at the regular election November 7. A month's active campaign was conducted by a general citizens' committee, known as the non-partisan ballot committee. The proposal was defeated by a vote of 47,416 for it to 62,051 against it. The total vote cast in the election was about 150,000. It would have been necessary to get a threefifths favorablevote of those voting on the proposition to carry, The advocates of the measure did not expect to win at an election with prohibition on the ballot. Furthermore, the subject was practically new to the voters. It had never been actively agitated before. Although the non-partisan feature was emphasized most, in the effort to free city elections from national party politics, proportional representation was given the next big emphasis. In a city controlled by the Republican party organization it was felt that all the other groups wouId unite in support of an amendment which would give them representation in the law-making body. The Socialists, organized labor, improvement associations, some commerciaI bodies, the civic league and many among the Democratic party organization supported it. Of the newspapers, two afternoon dailies supported it and one mildly opposed it. The GlobeDemocrat (Republican) was openly hostile, and the Republic (Democratic) noncommittal. The German newspapers and the foreign-language press were heartily in favor of it. The form of proportional representation embodied in the amendment was the list system. The amendment was prepared by a committee of the civic league with the assistance of the secretary of the American proportional representation league. The movement for non-partisan city elections and proportional representation will be continued. The Committee may ask the legislature, which meets in January, to provide for proportional representation, submitting the other features later tit the citv election in Auril. Progress of Preferential Voting.-The progress of the preferential ballot (Bucklin system) to date (December 1, 1916) can be seen from the following list of fifty-two cities which have already adopted it : Preferential voting adopt ed-primary supplanted : Dab Cities 1909 Grand Junction, Colo.. . . . . . . . 1910 Spokane, Wash.. . . . . . . .. . . . . . 1911 Pueblo, Colo.. . .. . .... . ... . .. 1912 New Iberia, La.. . . . . . . , . . . . . . 1913 Duluth, Minn.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1913 Denver, Colo.. . . 1913 Colorado Springs, 1913 Portland, Ore.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1912 Nashua, N. H.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1913 Cleveland, Ohio.. . . . . . . . . . . . . 1913 Fort Collins, Colo. . . , . . . . . . . . 1913 St. Petersburg, Fla.. . . . . . . . . . 1913 Cadillac, Mich.. . . . 1914 Vieland, N. J. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1914 Ridgewood. N. J.. . . . . . . . . . . . 1914 Nutley, N. J.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1914 Millville, N. J.. . .. .. . .. 1914 Long Branch, N. J.. , . . 1914 Phillipsburg, N. J.. . . . . 1914 Thirteen cities of New Jersey, each under 5,000 population 1914 Union, N. J.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1914 Orange, N. J.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1914 Atlantic City, N. J., , . . . . . . . . 1914 Paasaic, N. J.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1914 Trenton, N. J. 1914 Jersey City, N. J.. . . . . . . . . . . . 1915 Asbury Park, N. J.. . . . . . . . . . . 1915 Irvington, N. J.. . . . . . . . . .. . . . 1915 New Brunswick. N. J.. . . . . . . . 1915 Bayonne. N. J.. . . . ., .. . .... . 1915 Hoboken, N. J.. . . . . . . . . . . . .. 1915 Paterson, N. J.. . . . . . ..... . .. 1915 Portland Water District, Me. 1916 Montclair, N. J.. . . . . . . . . . . . . 1916 Newton, Maas.. . . . . 1916 San Francisco, Cal.. . ... (Portland and So. Portland) Population in 1910 7,754' 104,402* 44,395"t 7.49Wt 78,466' 213,381* 29,078' 207,214*t 26,005 560.663$ 4.843t0 8,210t 4,127 8,375t0 5.282* 5.416* 6,009' 12,541' 13,298* 13.903* 13,955* 21,023' 29,630' 46,150* 54,773' 96,815* 267,779* 10,150' 11,877* 23,388* 55,545' 70,324' 125,600* 66,042 21.550' 39,806 416,912 isi,sasii 2,913.728 * Commission form charter. t Restriction to one vote in the third column for each oflice to be filled. The provisions in this respect of La Grande and Fort Collins ars not quite clear. $ Twenty-five hundred signatures required for nomination of mayoralty candidate. $ Commieaion city manager plan. 11 Applied only to mayor, city attorney and auditor. ROGER N. BALDWIN. 1 See NATIONAL MUNICIPM, REVIEW, vol. iv, p. 483.

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108 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January Preferentialvoting adopted aa adjunct to primary: 1913 Houston, Texas. ............. 78,800* 1915 Toledo, Ohio. ............... 168,497t Total population of cities using preferential voting. ................ 3,161,025 No city once having adopted the Bucklin system has ever voluntarily given it up. Duluth was forced to give it up by a divided decision of the state supreme court declaring it to be in violation of the Minnesota constitution. LEWIS J. JOHNSON. 6 Owensboro, Ky. (population about 20,000), at the election on November 7, 1916, voted to be organized and governed by a commission of three commissioners, and the county of Daviem (having a population of about 40,000), of which Owensboro is the county seat, voted at the same time to be organized and governed in its fiscal affairs by a board of three commissioners to be elected by the county at large, and a county judge in lieu of eight magistrates elected from separate magisterial districts, and a county judge as heretofore. The changes will be effective January 1, 1918. 6 The New York Trolley Strike.-The succession of trolley strikes during the past year, added to the threatened nationwide railroad strike, makes more urgent than ever the need of legislation to prevent the tying up of public utilities while labor disputes are being settled. Even where wages and working conditions are not wholly fair to employes, there appears to be ample machinery in existence to-day to get matters improved, through public service commissions, state arbitration boards, responsive public officials and legislative bodies, and numerous citizens always alert to take up the cause of the laboring man. Continual interruption of public transit facilities simply must not be tolerated; and for this reason even those who are generally in sympathy with the workingman must view with satis*Commission form charter. t Toledo u8es preferential ballot both in the primary and final eleotion. faction the collapseLof the New York trolley strike. The amalgamated association of street and electric railway employes of America had long desired to get a foothold in New York city, but never got further than organizing one or two of the suburban companies until the strike fever struck the city last summer. The refusal of the Yonkers company to arbitrate a dispute, followed by a walkout of their men, gave the amalgamated association the opportunity to organize the New York city employes; and a series of sympathetic strikes started to spread throughout the city with alarming rapidity, checked only by the prompt intervention of Mayor Mitchel and ChairmanStraus of the public service commission. The companies, not being prepared for such an emergency, were obliged to arbitrate the amalgamated, but chafed under the restraint; and, when the men, flushed with their first success, broke their arbitration pledges and initiated a second strike, the companies declared unrelenting war on the unions, refusing all further dealings with them. Although winning once, the strikers lost out completely the second time. After alienating public sympathy by the second tie-up, they next tried violence, including an attempt to blow up the subway; but the splendid efficiency of the New York police reduced the disturbance8 to a minimum, and service was gradually restored on all lines, except in one town where police protection waa refused, and in Yonken where the unions had obtained the passage of an ordinance preventing the running of cars by strike breakers or any outsiders. The value was again demonstrated of immediate intervention by the public authorities. Chairman Straus of the public service commission had the strike leaders and the company officials on the investigating stand before each strike was hardly a day old, and Mayor Mitchel was equally energetic in effecting the ht settlement and suppressing the final disorders, adding more than ever to the record of his remarkable administration.

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19171 NOTES AND EVENTS The final defeat of the amalgamated association in New York city may turn the tide against union interference with public service. Even the municipal tramway systems of England, where labor conditions are ideal, had to fight unionism a few years ago, with the use of strike breakers, public bonuses to loyal employes, and the assistance of public-spirited citizens to keep the fires going in the power houses. If unions wish to avoid public interference, they would do well to consider the attitude of the municipal trolley employes of Toronto, who unanimously passed the following resolution last spring when the question of a wage increase was under consideration. “While there has been a large increase in the cost of living in Toronto since the present standard of wages was fixed, we realize that any increase that we would receive at this time would mean increased taxation on the ratepayers, who are at present heavily taxed, many of them being working men like ourselves, struggling to maintain those dependent on them and to hold their homes which they were forced to buy during the time of the boom in order to keep a roof over their heads. Therefore, we WilI refrain from making any requests at the present time for increased wages. We pledge our loyal support and cooperation to make the service as congenial for the public as circumstances will permit, and as efficient and inexpensive to the municipality as careful operation and attention to duty can accomplish, with a view that developments will later warrant an acceptable readjustment.” JOHN P. Fox.’ 5 Discriminatory Water Rates.-A special water rate to St. Louis manufacturers, established by ordinance last spring, was recently held to be discriminatory by the Missouri public service commission in a case brought by the civic league, which contended that not only were the rates to manufacturers three times less than the rates for the same amount of water to 1New York aity, transportation expert of the New York city club. other users, but that the city was selling water to manufacturers below cost. The manufacturers’ rate, however, hae not been suspended. The commission, when the matter was first presented, questioned the rate, but, for some unexplained reason, allowed it to go into efiect. A recent decision gives the city time in which to change the rates. The city has announced that it will test the commission’s decision in the courts, if necessary taking it to the supreme court. St. Louis manufacturers enjoyed a special rate for many years, protected by a decision of the supreme court, but the new public service commission act of 1913 prohibited discriminatory rates between the consumers for the same service by any utility, whether publicly or privately owned. The St. Louis water works are publicly owned. This is one of the cases in which water users of a municipally-owned utility had no protection against an unfair rate except by an appeal to the state commission. It raises an interesting question as to the value of state control over the rates of a municipally-owned utility. Relief to water users might have been secured by use of the referendum, but it would have involved not only expense, but a bitter public controversy over a complicated question of rate-making, not best settled at the polls. ROGER N. BALDWIN. 5 A Municipal Electric Light Plant in St. Louis.-An engineering survey to determine whether a municipal electric light plant is practicable in St. Louis has been authorized by the board of aldermen, which appropriated $12,500 for the purpose. The investigation will be made by the department of public utilities. It is expected that the complete report will be ready in nine or ten months. The agitation for a municipal electric light plant in St. Louis has been going on for four years. It was undertaken first by the St. Louis Star, an independent afternoon newspaper. It was an issue in the last municipal campaign; all local parties and candidates being pledged to it.

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110 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January The policy of the city in lighting public streets must be determined very shortly, for the present ten-year contract for gas lighting expires in 1920, and there is strong opposition to the renewal of any franchise for street lighting by gas. One result of the agitation has been to make electric light rates an issue; and there have been successive reductions in residence rates by the electric company. The city already owns a small lighting plant for lighting public buildings. R. N. B. 5 City Planning Progress.-Under the Pennsylvania act of 1913 (P. L. 752), cities of the third class in that state are required to establish city planning commissions. Sixteen of the thirty-one such third-class cities have complied with the requirement. A state organization of the represehtatives of these cities has been effected, with A. B. Farquhar of York as president, and J. Herman Niceley of Harrisburg, secretary. The first conference on city planning in the state of Washington was held at Everett, October 12-14, in conjunction with the seventh annual convention of the league of Washington municipalities. The third California conference on city planning was held at Visalia, October 1113, 1916. Well defined city planning movements are on foot in the following cities: Sacramento, Cal.; Walpole, Mass.; Kingsport, Tenn.; Ojibway, Ontario; West Duluth, Minn.; Kistler, Pa.; Bridgeport, Conn.; Langeloth, Pa.; Camden, N. J.; Ottawa, Canada; Westchester County, N. Y.; Akron, Ohio, and Allwood, N. J. There are also extensive housing developments in the following places: Kenosha, Wis.; Waterbury, Conn.; Bridgeport, Conn.; Indian Hill, Worcester, Mass.; Kahkwa Park Realty Company, Erie, Pa.; Acipco, near Birmingham, Ala.; Irving Park, Greensboro, N. C., and Marcus Hook, Pa. 5 Philadelphia Commission on Districting and Zoning the City.-The mayor of Philadelphia has appointed by authority of councils a commission on districting and zoning the city. It consists of the directors of the departments of public works, public safety and health, the president of the Fairmount park commission, the chief of the bureau of surveys, a representative of the bureau, of the comprehensive plam committee and of the following organizations: real estate board, operative builders association, the Philadelphia chapter of the American institute of architects, the Philadelphia housing association and the Philadelphia chamber of commerce. * Instruction of Policemen.-In 1915 Raymond B. Fosdick of New York gave a course of six lectures to the police of Washington. There were two lectures to sergeants and patrolmen on methods of patrol, use of weapons, methods of supervision, etc., two were devoted to the detectives on matters relating to their department, and two to the higher offices of the department, all illustrated throughout with references to European methods. Mr. Fosdick has been invited by Professor William Bennett Munro of Harvard to deliver the same addresses to the policemen of Cambridge, and especially to consider criminal identification, methods of patrol and supervision, and the scientific detection of crime. This course has been inaugurated at Harvard at the suggestion of Mayor W. D. Rockwood of Cambridge. Plans for the establishment of a school for policemen and another for firemen of San Jose, Cal., are being made by City Manager Thomas H. Reed. The courses for the firemen will include lectures by prominent fire chiefs and experts from the coast, and will include administration and practice in climbing, jumping and rescue work and study of the lighting methods. The policemen will be required to make a study of the ordinances of the city and the laws of the state and of the whole penal code, and will also be given a thorough training in first aid work. One of the most important parts of the course will be the study of criminal identification, including finger prints, the

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19171 NOTES AND EVENTS 111 Bertillon system and the modus operandi system. The faculty of the law school of Northwestern University has offered a course of systematic evening instruction to the members of the Chicago police force. * Smoke Abatement: It Can Be Done.The smoke abatement week in Pittsburgh is without precedent. Never in the history of the city has there been more plain, straightforward talking on a municipal problem than was done during the week October 23-28, 1916. The object of the smoke and dust abatement league, under whose auspices the events took place, was to show that it is both possible and feasible to burn bituminous coal without smoke, and to demonstrate to industrialists how greater efficiency could be secured in their establishments. It was a call to all citizens to persevere in demanding that Pittsburgh be freed from this unnecessary and expensive nuisance. The league, which is composed of twelve of Pittsburgh‘s most representative civic, commercial and educational organizations, reviewed the five years of important work already accomplished. A supplementary report of an investigation which was made by the league to check up the work of the smoke bureau was made public at this time. The findings did not differ materially from that presented by the chief of the bureau. This review of the past revealed startling facts regarding the decrease in the number of violations, and the vast improvements being made. There are a few who never will remedy the conditions unless they are taken into court, and it is the purpose of the city to resort to the only course open to insure their co-operation. Every day some phase of the smoke abatement wag presented by Osborne Monnett, who spoke on the engineering side of the question, and J. W. Henderson, chief of the bureau of smoke regulation, who presented the situation as it exists in Pittsburgh, and named without fear or favor the firms violating the ordinance in the most vivid, scathing, and at the same time, humorous manner imaginable. Pictures “before and after” and “it can be done” were thrown upon the screen followed by violations and the homes of the chief violators. As they prtssed in succession they kept the majority of those present on edge not knowing whose turn would be next. The most notable event of the week was the meeting of the manufacturers, held under the auspices of the smoke bureau, the principal feature of which was the announcement made by Chief Henderson that prosecutions will be entered after December 15, 1916. Very attractive leaflets giving the objects and accomplishments of the league were distributed by the thousands, and the press gave columns of publicity. A display in five windows in the city was arranged by the Allegheny county civic club. There was not an hour of the day or evening that the space in front of these windows was not crowded. The committee in charge of this week were: Dr. A. A. Hammerschlag, president of the league and clirector of the Carnegie institute of technology; 0. P. Hood, chief mechanical engineer of the federal bureau of mines; John O’Conor, Jr., Mellon institute, University of Pittsburgh; Miss H. Marie Demitt, secretary of the civic club, and J. W. Henderson, chief of the bureau of smoke regulation, department of health, Pittsburgh. ?I? Chicago Commissions.-The following is a list of the municipal commissions now at work in Chicago: Chicago plan commission; citizens’ traffic and safety commission; commission on downtown municipal improvements; special committee on gas litigation; railway terminal commission; traction and subway commission; committee on municipal taxation; the liquor problem; municipal art commission; commission for the encouragement of local art; harbor and subway commission; commission on public ownership of public utilities; public safety commission; city council crime commission and neighborhood centers and residential districts. We are not certain of the status of the

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112 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January commission on the encouragement of local art and it is possible that the latter is no longer in existence, having failed to be reappointed by the city council in April, 1916. The foregoing are all temporary commissions. We also have a board of election commissioners, a small parks commission and a civil service commission, but these commissions are permanent bodies, having all the functions and prerogatives of city departments. FREDERICK REX.~ * Dallas Municipal Farm.-The department of public welfare has been pushing a propaganda for a municipal corrections farm for about a year. This has been going on quietly, but effectively, and finally there was a full week of publicity definitely directed toward such an institution. L. A. Halbert of Kansas City spent a week in Dallas and after several lunch-. eons with various interests, there was a citizens’ mass meeting in the municipal auditorium, presided over by Mayor Lindsley, and in addition to Mr. Halbert who was the principal speaker, Mayor Ben Campbell of Houston spoke of the practical value of the municipal farm established there in October, 1915. This meeting WM very excellently attended by perhaps 500 interested citizens; and the general opinion is that public opinion is quite favorable toward the establishment of this farm. The only difficulty now is the question of finance. It is believed that a sale of the present city jail property may yield sufficient not only to establish the beginninga of a correction farm, but also to provide for a hold-over. IP Engineers in Dayton, Ohio.-City Manager Waite has found it difficult to obtain a sufficient number of engineers because some of the temporary men have returned to universities and in other cases outside firms have offered them more money than the city can pay. He therefore got in touch with the dean of the engineering school connected with the University of Cincinnati, and as a result has secured two engineering students to act as inspectors of public improvements now in progress. It seems that these are all that will be needed for the present. They will alternate between inspection and studies every two weeks. 11. POLITICS * State’s Attorney Re-elected in Chicago. -The power which independent voters hold in reserve for future use, Graham Taylor points out in the Chicago News, was nowhere shown to be readier at hand and more effectively used than in the vote for state’s attorney. The city administration staked all its interests upon adding the public prosecutor’s great power to its own fast and loose use of the police department for partisan political purposes. Although State’s Attorney Hoyne in some particulars had conspicuously failed to regard and administer his office as a great public trust, yet he gave promise of so much more 1 Municipal reference librarian. ‘Unlesa otherwiee indicated, the items in thin department are prepared by Clinton Rogers WoodId. improvement and independence that independent Republicans joined with the Democrats in giving him the great plurality which snowed under and buried out of sight not only his opponent, but also city administration’s political influence. If any one would meaaure the balance of power ready for use in the hands of independent voters let him contrast the plurality of 147,477 votes cast for Mayor Thompson with the 40,000 or more plurality of votes for Hoyne and many more thousands of votes cast for Cunnea, all against Mayor Thompson’s candidate for state’s attorney. Add to this aggregate the votes cast against the park consolidation, the waste disposal proposition and the bathing beach bond issues, which were defeated by the friends of these measures rather than have them fall into

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19171 NOTES AND EVENTS 113 the hands of the city administration, and you will see what independent voters are determined to do with officials who play personal and partisan politics with the public trusts committed to their care. Our national, state, county and city administrations may one and all reckon upon just such use of the balance of power as independents hold and wield at will, either within their respective parties or, if need be, between the parties. The disappearance of the Progressive party, so far from reducing independence in American politics, demonstratessuch growth and reserve power of the independent movement within each party, that this third party was regarded by most of its members as less effective than for independents to swing the balance of power within and between the parties as occasion requires. * The Proposed Removal of Memphis Officials.-A reliable correspondent writes that: “No one questions the integrity and efficiency of our city government. Our mayor is probably more popular than he has ever been. The prdsecution under the ouster bill is politics pure and simple. Our mayor has, however, laid himself open to such action by failing to enforce the liquor laws. He lets it be understood that since the ouster bill was passed he has been endeavoring to enforce them, but I cannot believe that he has been endeavoring to enforce them as actively as he might. You must bear in mind that prohibition does not exist in Tennessee. For perhaps a generation we have had a fourmile law, that is, a law prohibiting the sale of liquor within four miles of a church or school, but this law did not apply to incorporated cities. All that the so-called prohibitionists have recently done in Tennessee, was to repeal that exception, so that if you can find in Tennessee a place which is four miles from a church or school, liquor can be legally sold. “The repeal of the exemption has never been popular in Memphis and until recently I have believed that the mayor was carrying out the wishes of the people in ignoring the prohibition law. While today I do not believe the people of Mem8 phis would vote for prohibition if the question were submitted to them, I do think that an overwhelming majority would vote for the enforcement of the law, a they are becoming very tired of the political annoyances due to its non-enforce ment. The mayor takes this view I think and will hereafter enforce the law to the limit. In this trial the question was raised to whether the defendanta were entitled to a jury. The trial judge decided in the negative, thereupon the mayor said that for the purpose of getting the matter before the supreme court, he would plead guilty. The lower court entered a decree of ouster and the case is now before the supreme court. The mayor was anxious to have this court pass upon the question because he ww reelected last summer aa mayor for four years beginning January 1 next, and I suppose he wants to understand just what power his political enemies will be able to hold over him for the future. IP he were to enforce the liquor laws he would by no means be safe unless the supreme court holds that the case would have to come before a jury; for there are many other laws, such &9 selling cigarettes, printing a Sunday newspaper, movies and theatricals on Sunday, etc., which this community would be opposed to the rigid enforcement of and yet which a judge might feel compelled to oust the mayor for failing to enforce. A jury, of course, would feel that it possessed wider latitude. “While these proceedings, which had been instigated by the governor for the purpose of lessening the influence of the city government on the senatorial primaries, were pending, some fifty prominent business men of the city went to Covington, where the governor happened to be, and presented a petition requesting the abandonment of the ouster proceedings, pledging themselves in that event to see that the liquor law was thoroughly enforced. The governor declined to take any action, claiming, among other things, that he had no power, but if the enforcement of the law had been hls only motive, I think he would have received our petition in a very different manner.

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114 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January “The mayor and the police commissioner were the persons ousted and their places were filled by the three other commissioners aa follows: The commissioner of streets and sewers was made mayor, his position and that of the commissioner of police being filled from outsiders-friends of the administration, so that the control of the mayor over the city government is aa great to-day as it has been at any time. The liquor law is being rigidly enforced and I understand it is the intention to continue such enforcement. I sincerely trust he will enforce all other reasonable prohibitory laws, thereby making his case before the publicopinion of the stateso strong as to dissuade his political opponents from attempting to use the ouster against him after he has taken his seat in January. “Some weeks before these ouster proceedings were brought by the attorneygeneral at the suggestion of the governor, ten citizens filed an ouster bill alleging all manner of irregularities. That suit was never brought to trial; in spite of the most vigorous protest by the mayor who wished an opportunity of introducing proof in reference to these allegations, the bill was withdrawn and the state’s allegations were purely with reference to the non-enforcement of the liquor and similar laws. “The supreme court decided that any violation of law committed after the officer had been given his certificate of election-even though the term had not begun-could be made the basis of ouster from such term. Having admitted in the previous trial (to get the cme to the supreme court!) that he and the police commissioner were guilty, the court said that admission could be used. These officers were sworn in and resigned before ouster proceedings could be brought. We now have good officers and peace and the liquor law is well enforced. “The prosecuting attorney-called attorney-general-and the criminal court judge were impeached and found guilty and better men have their places but the city government had nothing to do with choosing the old officials. The net result of the upheaval is distinctly good and the governor has just been re-elected. “The former mayor was elected to one of the most lucrative county offices in an election of great bitterness in which he had very unsatisfactory newspaper support. The feeling was that he had made a good mayor, had sacrificed his interests to those of the community, and should have an opportunity to recoup.”. $ The Taxpayers’ Association of Poughkeepsie, N. Y., was organized June, 1915. The continued increase in the assessed valuation of real estate, tremendous increase in the yearly budget, and the general unbusinesslike methods employed in the conduct of the city business, proved that there was much work for such an association. From the very start the common council refused to recognize the association, contending that they were legally elected to conduct the business of the city; that the taxpayers have no right to interfere with their work; that the only alternative is to elect, or defeat, the man you desire to conduct your business at the annual election. The common council of Poughkeepsie is elected from the several wards. One‘of the early efforts of the association was the defeat of a proposition, presented by the administration at a taxpayers’ election, for the expenditure of $260,000 for the laying of new water mains; also to defeat a proposition to bond the city for the purchase of a defunct private school property. The climax was reached when the city budget for 1917 was before the council. The association made several suggestions relative to this budget, sending them to the council, and advising that a committee from the association would attend the October session to discuss the proposed budget. The council, recognizing the presence of this committee at their meeting, decided immediately to go into executive session, ordering the committee from the room. The association, viewing the situation, decided to rebuke this attitude of the council. For nearly a week the association ran half-page advertisements in the newspapers, telling the true condition of the city government. This proved effec

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1917 NOTES AND EVENTS 115 tive in crystallizing public opinion. A committee of ten citizens was appointed to secure counsel, and stop, if possible, the expenditure of $25,000 for making over an old city hall; and finally a committee was appointed by the association to investigate the different forms of government. The time seems ripe, and the association is determined to educate the people of Poughkeepsie to the importance of a change in the present form. * Judge Lindsey’s Re-election in Denver. -Apropos of Judgg Lindsey’s reelection on November 7, 1916, the woman’s nonpartisan juvenile court association issued the following statement: The woman’s non-partisan juvenile court aasociation wishes to inform the friends of the juvenile court that after one of the hardest contests ever waged against Judge Lindsey and his court, he again triumphed on November 7, 1916, by the magnificent majority of 10,000. On account of this office being the very last on the ballot, and due to the terrible storm that raged on election day, the vote for juvenile judge was several thousand less than that cast for president and governor. Notwithstanding this great disadvantage, Judge Lindsey received nearly seven thousand more votes and majority than the aggregate vote cast for the other successful county candidates. This election thus completes what is perhaps one of the most unusual records in the history of municipal politics: out of nine elections through which Judge Lindsey has had to pass-which does not include the very expensive effort to force him to one recall election, and the three appointments-he has, in every single instance, received the largest vote and majority given any candidate for a county office. In view of the bitter attacks made upon him by the powerfuI interests he has opposed in Denver’s community struggles, it is only fair that the general public throughout the country should know of his magnificent victory and how Denver has always stood by Judge Lindsey, his activities and his work. ?I: Suggested Recall of City Manager Reed.-Petitions having for their object the removal from office of City Manager Thomas H. Reed of San Jose, Cal., with his assistant, Paul Eliel, are being circulated. The basis of the petition is that Mr. Reed was not a resident of the city at the time of his selection. Those backing the petition are also working for an amendment to the charter making it necessary for all city office holders to have lived in the city for three years before being eligible for positions. * The Oakland Recall.1-The superior court of Oakland has decided that a recount of the ballots cast on August 1, 1916, is permissible. At that election, according to the count then, the majority voted that there should be no recall of the commissioner of health and safety. * Public Spirit in Jacksonville, F1a.A very striking illustration of public service has developed in Jacksonville, where nineteen prominent citizens have signed a statement declaring ‘their willingness to serve on the board of bond trustees, provided they are so honored by the city manager. The statement with the names of the men is published in full because it represents such an unusual action. To the President and Members of the City Council of Jacksonville, Fla.: Gentlemen: Having been informed that the opinion has become prevalent in the city of Jacksonville that citizens having Iarge interests in the city are unwilling to serve the city, and having been requested to state whether or not, if elected, we would ferve, we, the undersigned citizens of Jacksonville, bearing in mind the duties of good citizens, having at heart the welfare of the city of Jacksonville to render such services as they may be called on to perform, hereby consent and agree that if your honorable body should deem it advisable to elect any of us to the office of bond trustees, we will render to the city in that capacity our best services. Respectfully submitted, George B. Foster, J. G. Boyd, C. B. Rogers, Charles Blum, Jay H. Durkee, E. M. SfLnderson, George W. Parkhill, H. B. Minium, W. D. Jones, George 0. Holmes, F. MP erheim, W. A. Bours, H. Drew, Charles $. Mann, Frank Richardson, Edward E. Spencer, J. W. Brice, George L. Drew, Paul J. Saunders. p. 674. 1 See NATION& MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. v,

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116 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL ’ REVIEW (January The bond trustees are a far more important body than their name would indicate, corresponding in a way to a board of public works and in certain other aspects to a city commission. 47 The Commission Form in Columbia, S. C.-For the last three yeam quite a little dissatisfaction has been expressed by fhe citizens of Columbia, S. C., about the failure of the commission form of government to carry forward constructive work. An effort was made to recall the mayor but the petitioners were unable to get the requisite number of signatures. Another group of dissatisfied citizens then undertook to recall two members of council, but they also failed to get the recall election ordered, on the ground that they did not have enough signatures. Thereupon all dissatisfied elements combined and under a section of the commission act which provided that after six years upon groper petition the question of recalling %he form of government could be voted on, effort was made to recall the government. They secured the election. A vigorous short campaign was put on by .both sides, and the commission form won out four to one. This ratio was obtained in every ward of the city except one, where a large cotton mill vote was against the present form of government. “The retention of the commission government is a strong testimonial to the belief that our people think,” a correspondent writes, “the commission form is vastly superior to the old aldermanic form. There is a great deal of dissatisfaction here about the actual working of the commission form, but the voters properly took the view that they should look to the members of council and recall them if necessary rather than give up the entire form of government. The Columbia State in a strong editorial two days after the election warned the members of council that the retaining of the commission form was an expression of confidence in the form of government and not in the members of council and that the feeling was very strong in the city that unless council got together on constructive matters, some if not all of the council, including the mayor, should be recalled.” s Boston’s City Election.-Concerning the election on December 19, 1916, a well known correspondent writes aa follows: The 6rst superficial impression of our Boston election on Tuesday is somewhat confusing. First, with reference to the council: the good government association lost its grip undoubtedly and elected only two of its four candidates. One of the other two elected, Mr. MacDonald, can be explained on the basis of the strong city hall Democratic machine of which Mayor Curley is undoubtedly the head; With a growing feeling of resentment against the continued success of the good government association, which is after aII a very close corporation and not a democratic body of citizens in any sense, it is not surprising that the machine should put over a candidate. But why the voters should give the second place in the list to Jerry Watson, the cheap dema ogue, who was not earnestly supporte8 by the Democratic machine, is one of the hardest things to explain. Of course there may have been a good deal of underhanded politics in the matter. My impression, as an outsider, is that the good government association has been trying to split hairs too much over men who were not supremely good instead of striking out boldly for mere men of large calibre like Storrow. It is obvious that they will have a big fight on their hands next ear when they have a mayor as well as tLee councilors to choose. The license vote is,still more difiicult to explain. Here again it was not at all surprising that there should have been a great effort on the part of the liquor interests and that the city should have been held for license. But why there $muld have been actually 1,500 fewer no” votes this year than last, when there was no campaign last year in. the interest of “no,” and when this year there was a general campaign not only by Mr. Sunday’s cohorts but by the concerted action of many other rou s, is difficult to answer. Is it possible tkat funday has so overdone the business of consigning bar keepers and drunkards to hell that people have sided with the under do in the fight? One salesman at a popufar counter remarked to me that he voted “yes” merely because he did not want to see the town go dry at the dictate of Eugene Foss and Billy Sunday. There must have been many others who had something of the same sort of feeling because the majority of

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19171 NOTES AND EVENTS 117 23,000 for license is far greater than the li uor men had any reason to expect. In the election of school committee the very large vote for Mr. Abrahams, the representative of the central labor union, shows the trend of interest in many minds. We have always made a sort of an effort, in this city to divide our five school committee members on the basis of two Protestants, two Catholics and one Jew. This ratio is accomplished again by the election this year. The public school association is satisfied so we may put that ,part of the vote down on the side of intelhgence. 111. JUDICIAL DECISIONS 1 Virginia Optional Charter Act.-The optional charter act,* passed by the legislature of 1914, allows the voters of any city under 100,000 inhabitants to select one of three plans for their city government. These plans are known as the “general council plan,” the “modified commission plan” and the “general manager plan.” In each case, the voters determine also, within certain limits, the number of members of which the city council is to be composed, whether they are to be elected at large or by wards, and whether or not they are to be compensated. This is much more far-reaching than the alternative charter act of Massachusetts and gives the electors considerable discretion. The act has not yet been tested in the supreme court but the circuit courts of Portsmouth and Newport News in ordering an election pursuant to the act thereby passed upon its constitutionality and declared it valid. $7 State Regulation of Municipal Labor.The United States Supreme Court has decided in Heinz v. McCalP that the general power of a state over its municipalities extends to the regulation of the kind of laborers who may be employed in the construction of public works. The New York lad provides that only citizens of the United Stntes, and preferably citi1 We are happy to be able to announce that Robert Emmet Tracy, Esq., secretary of the Philadelphia bureau of municipal research, has taken charge of the department of judicial decisions, succeeding Thomas H. Reed, who by reason of his duties as city manager of San Jose, California, hae been unable to conduct that department. Mr. Traey is a graduate of Harvard. receiving his A.B. degree in 1906 and LL.B. in I~IL-EDIToR. .I Acts of Assembly 1914, chapter 81. 3 36 Supreme Court Reporter 78. 4 Chapter 31, $14 N. Y Consol. Laws. Eens of New York, may be employed. The case came up in connection with the building of the subway after the public service commission had declared certain contracts void for non-compliance with the labor law. In the case of Crane v. New York,a the court sustained that portion of the same &ct making it a misdemeanor to employ aliens on public worh, saying that it does not offend against the fourteenth amendment as violating the principle of classScation.6 This law makes one think somewhat of the exclusion of non-residents by some civiI service commissions. * Eight-Hour Day for City Labor.-In Elkan v. State,’ the judgment of the court of appeals of Maryland that a state law* limiting the hours of all laborers, workmen or mechanics employed by or on behalf of the city of Baltimore, except in emergencies, to eight hours was ahed. The law also provided for increased pay in the same proportion if longer hours were required. Although there had been a number of decisions the other way, the case was decided largely on the basis of Atkin v. Kansas0 where an eight-hour law applying both to state and municipal labor was sustained. The question involved was obviously a federal question, and the decision of the United States supreme court was, therefore, properly followed. $7 Abolition of Office by Changing Title.A new city administration in Oakland, Cal., passed an ordinance abolishing cera 36 Supreme Court Reporter 85. 0 Lee v. Lunn, 223 Mass. 109, follows this case. 7 239 U. 9. 634. 8 Acts of 1910, chapter 94, $2-3. 8 191 U. El. 207.

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118 NATIONAL. MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January tain old positions in the classified civil service and creating new ones. The incumbents were notified that their employment was terminated. Application was then made to the civil service commission for classification of the new positions. Investigation showed that the duties of the new positions were the same as the old, though different titles were used. In the case of Barry v. Jackswn,l the old incumbents got a peremptory writ restoring them to office. It is distinctly encouraging to find the courts standing by civil service and guarding it against raids which come so often with political changes. * Distinction between Officer and Employe.-The office of stockkeeper was created by a resolution of city council and later the mayor appointed the plaintiff in the case of Jones v. Battle Creek2 to fill the place. The next year Jones was reappointed and a few days before his year was up a new charter was adopted. This provided that appointive officers, whose terms had not expired, should continue until their successors were appointed by the commission. The court ruled that Jones was only an employe, that his employment ceased when the charter was adopted, and that he was not entitled to salary for service after that time. * De Facto and De Jure Officers.-In Thompson v. Denver,s the court held that an officer de jure cannot recover from a municipal corporation for a period during which he has been deprived of his office and a de facto officer has been receiving pay. This is the general rule. In Cleveand v. LuttnerI4 however, the court reached an opposite conclusion on much the same set of facts. There was a strong dissenting opinion, calling attention to the line of decisions against this view. This was the case of a number of policemen who had been wrongfully dismissed and were suing for back pay. Possibly this decision, if followed, will have the effect of arousing 1 157 Pacific 828. a159 N. W. 145. a 158 Pacific 309. 4 111 N. E. 280. public opinion against unwarranted discharges from the public service and of protecting civil servants from losses which they least of all can afford to bear. * Initiative and Referendum.-An attempt was made to enjoin the hoIding of an election under the new St. Louis charte+ on the ground that the provision for the initiative was invalid. In the case of Pitman v. Drabelle,~ it was decided that the charter provision was not invalid, first, because it was permitted by the constitution, and second, because the single-chambered city council was given the powers of legislation in the first instance. In Perrault v. Robinson,’a petition, bearing the requisite number of signatures of qualified voters, was presented to the city council of Boise asking for the opening of moving picture shows on Sunday nights. An ordinance permitting this was passed and approved. Later a petition for a referendum was filed. The plaint8 asked for a writ of prohibition to prevent an election. The lower court refused to grant it but the upper court reversed the judgment. A vigorous dissenting opinion argued that the calling of an election is a political thing and outside the jurisdiction of ti court of equity. * ~ -Zoning Ordinances.-In two recent cases, zoning ordinances failed to run the gauntlet of the courts. In State v. Houghton,8 an ordinance establishing a residential district and forbidding the erection of stores within it was held not to prevent the building of a store. This, the court felt, was not a harmful use of the property although it said that the ordinance might apply to other buildings whose character would bring them within the police power. There was a very able dissenting opinion in this case, cautioning against following precedents with too much obedience, urging that judicial notice be taken of some of the 6 Article 501-6. 8 183 S. W. 1055. 7 15s Pacific 1074. 4 1% N. W. 1057.

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19171 NOTES AND EVENTS 119 things about property which everybody knows by experience and that the vested right of other owners not to have their values destroyed should be respected. Largely on the same grounds as in the fist case, a zoning law in Baltimore failed to prevent the building of houses closer together than ten feet because the court said, in Byrne v. Maryland Realty Company,' that there was nothing inherently menacing to the public health or safety in such houses and that since property rights, guaranteed by the constitution cannot be invaded purely for aesthetic purposes under the guise of the police power, the law was unconstitutional.2 * Civil Service and Home Rule.-The case of State v. George* is consistent with the attorney general's ruling that Ohio cities having a home rule charter are not amenable to the state civil service law.4 Section 19 of this act provides for the appointment by the mayor of a civil service commission. If the mayor fails to act within sixty days, the state commission may do so. In the case in point a commission was appointed after the sixty day period by one mayor who was followed in a few months by another who tried to appoint his own commission and oust the first on the ground that their appointment was void. The court held that the act was directory, not mandatory and that the first commission should remain. The court felt that statutes passed pursuant to the home rule amendment should be construed liberally. This is in line with the theory that good civil service must come through a popular desire for it and cannot be handed down from above. * Special Assessments.-An ordinance requiring two water mains in exceptionally wide streets and in streets occupied by car tracks was held in Chicago v. Hirschls 198 Atlantic 547. a Laws of 1912. Chapter 693. 01. a 110 N. E. 951. + 103 Ohio Laws 708. * 113 N. E. 899. not so unreasonable as to constitute an abuse of discretion by the council or an arbitrary imposition of an unjust burden upon the owners of property. The confirmation of the special assessment by the county court was affirmed. f Municipal Wheelage Tax.-In view of the increasing cost of keeping up city streets the case of Park v. Duluthe is interesting. The court therein sustains a municipal ordinance, under a home rule charter, imposing a wheelage tax on vehicles, with automobiles especially in mind, the proceeds to be used in repairing and improving the city streets. * Abandonment of Commission Form of Government.-That there is a decided reaction in some quarters against the commission form of government is shown by the case of State v. Lanierl in which the Alabama court had before them a petition for a mandamus to the president of the commission of Huntsville to require him to submit at an election the question of abandoning the commission form of government and of returning to the aldermanic form. An act of 19158 provides a mode by which commission-governed cities might go back to the old form. The lower court sustained a demurrer to the petition, but the upper court reversed it on the ground that the act in question was not unconstitutiona1.Q f Recall of City Commissioners.-A writ of prohibition was sought to prevent the operation of the recall under an Alabama actlo providing for the recall of commissioners of Mobile under the commission form of government. This act was adjudged void in Williams v. State,11 as violating a section of the constitution's which provides that municipal officers * 159 N. W. 627. 772 Southern 320. 8Acts of 1915 770. *See NnTIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, VOl. V, P. 662. 10 Acts of 1911, p. 345, 714. 11 72 Southern 330. 11 Constitution 1901, 0175.

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120 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January may be removed by certain courts for causes specified in section 173. The court’s reason was that the act fixes the term of office at three years and the additional phrase “until his successor is elected and qualified” does not make the term indefinite or uncertain, nor does section 14 operate on the term to cut it down to an indefinite or unfixed term, but operates only upon the individual commissioner. Three judges signed a lengthy dissenting opinion, sustaining the law, largely on the. grounds that under the rules of statutory construction, the subsequent provisions must control; that of conflicting provisions, the general must give way to the specific. * Regulation of Milk Supply.-In Chicago v. Chicago & N. W. Railway Co.,‘ an ordinance was declared unreasonable and invalid which penalized a carrier for transporting into the city milk of a temperature of more than 55 degrees, The court held that there must be some logical connection between the object sought by the ordinance and the means to accomplish the end. It appeared that much milk was collected at stations where there was no other business for the railroad and that it was left there some time before the arrival of the milk trains.* ROBERT EMMET TRACY. * Duluth’s Grant of Municipal Power.Duluth, Minn., adopted a second homerule charter on December 3, 1912, which contains probably the briefest stated, and at the same time the most inclusive, grant of municipal power of any city in the United States. The supreme court of Minnesota sustained the validity of the grant, in a decision handed down November 3, 1916, in the case of State ex rel. Isidor Zien v. City of Duluth, the syllabus of which reads: “The present charter, after continuing in force all powers previously possessed by the city, granted, in addition thereto, ‘all municipal powers . . . of every name and nature whatsoever.’ Held that ‘all municipal powers’ includes all powers generally recognized as powers which may properly be exercised by municipal corporations.” Duluth adopted its present home-rule charter primarily to install the commission form of government; but while doing it undertook to bring its municipal government strictly up-to-date, and adopted the preferential system of voting and the broad grant of power hereinabove referred to. The supreme court, in a reactionary decision, but by a divided court, held the preferential system of voting unconstitutional; but it has now, by a unanimous court, upheld the broad grant of power which in fact as well as in name makes it possible in Minnesota for “home-rule cities” really to have a homerule administration of their government. If this decision of the supreme court establishes a precedent which other state courts generally will foUow, it plainly points a way to draft city charters in the future in order to avoid interference by the legislatures and courts with the local affairs of our municipalities. The law books are full of cases where the insufliciency of some specific grant of power, or the necessities of Stare decisis in the construction of some specific grant of power, has thwarted the desire of the people of our municipalities to legislate on their own local questions in their own way. All such difficulties may be obviated by abandoning the old phraseology in making specific grants of power and adopting the phraseology of the Duluth charter. IV. MISCELLANEOUS Fifth National Conference on Housing. intelligent, wideawake men to whom the -There was a time not so many years words “housing problem” were nothing back when it was not uncommon to find more than words. That time has now gone by. The conference on housing held in Providence October 9-1 1 has given I113 N. E. 849. 9 See article by Miss Harlean James, 95.

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19 171 NOTES AND EVENTS 121 unmistakable evidence that people are becoming more keenly aware that to provide good, sanitary houses with enough light and air for the working classes of our cities is a big undertaking that demands the earnest attention of all public-spirited men. The attendance waa larger than ever before with a single exception. There were delegates from 17 states and 64 cities in the United States, as well as representatives of England and Ireland. Prominent among the new tendencies brought out was the interest in the question of constructing houses for workingmen, at low costs. Manufacturers and large employers of labor are coming to realize that they CaMOt get efficient, loyal service from employes who are compelled to live in shacks unfit for respectable human beings, and therefore they are giving careful attention to the advisability of undertaking to build attractive but inexpensive homes. Ample proof of the awakening is manifested in the large number of enterprises of this kind launched during the past year. Then, too, the hitherto unparalleled development in manufacturing in New England cities since the beginning of the war, gave rise to a particularly distressing housing situation. The population of these cities increased by leaps and bounds and the workers attracted from all over the country by the almost fabulous wages offered, have had to huddle together with their families in cellars, shacks, improvised tenements-anything that would hold them. Delegates from these cities and representatives of large manufacturing plants came to find out what housing experts had to tell them about building low cost homes. This demand was anticipated, and the program furnished a remarkable series of papers on the subject by such wellknown authorities as Grosvenor Atterbury, designer of the Forest Hills gardens; John Nolen, the well-known expert on city planning; Perry R. MacNeille, one of New York’s prominent architects; Owen Brainard, architect, engineer and advisor to the U. S. Steel corporation; Lawrence Veiller, director, National Housing Association, and Arthur C. Comey, city plan expert of Cambridge, Mass. Construction is but one of the many vital phases of housing and although at the conference this year it was given unusual prominence, the other phases were by no means neglected. It was the aim, as in the past, to give a place on the program to each phase of the problem that interests particular groups of delegates. At one of the afternoon sessions devoted to the question of government and housing, Dr. Francis E. Fronczak, health commissioner of Buffalo, discussed the housing evils that confront almost every town and city in the country-the windowless room, the privy vault, the damp cellar, the filthy toilet, overcrowding, and so on through all the long list. Dr. Froncxak has had wide experience in the housing field and his efforts have met with uniform success. Hia discussion of ways and means of remedying the common evils in housing proved to be most effective. A scholarly paper on “Housing and disease,” by Professor Ford of Harvard, may perhaps be best summed up in this sentence, “Housing legislation is most effective in the prevention of disease in all probability, not because it provides means of reducing contact or destroying germs, but because of the part it may.play in the building up of resistance.” On one subject at least there proved to be a practical unanimity of opinionthat the so-called “three-decker” is a serious menace and is doomed to take its place among the tabooed evils in housing construction. The “three-decker” has come to mean a frame building with wooden walls and built for more than two families-& type of construction peculiar to New England. Prescott F. Hall of Brookline, Mass., in his paper, themenace of the “three-decker,” referred to the building of these wooden tenements as “only a habit based on a superficial study” of building construction. He presented the case so strongly that not a voice was raised in the defense of this form of building. In marked contrast to the section meet

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122 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January ing on the threedecker, Bernard J. Newman’s paper on “Shall we encourage or discourage the apartment house” stirred up a lively debate, which clearly showed that “there is much to be said on both sides.” Considerable attention was given to the housing problem of Providence where a recent housing survey had unearthed a situation that well merited all the attention the conference devoted to it. It would be impossible to conclude any description of the conference at Providence without calling attention to the masterful address of Lawson Purdy, president of the National Municipal League, the well known tax expert and a member of the New York commission on building districts, on “The districting of cities.” It proved to be one of the most popular subjects discussed at the conference and points clearly to the growing interest in districting rn a means of preventing haphazard building and of helping to safeguard the health, safety and general welfare of our cities. BLEECKER MARQVETTE.~ * Social Hygiene Meeting.-The annual meeting and conference of the American Social Hygiene Association was held jointly with the St. Louis social hygiene society and the committee of one hundred in St. Louis, November 19, 20 and 21, 1916, the first meeting of the association to be held west of the Allegheny mountains. There were four public meetings. The fist was presided over by George R. Dodson, Ph.D., president of the St. Louis SOciety, the subject being the new public conscience. William A. Evans, M.D., professor of sanitary science in Northwestern university, spoke on public health and public morals. The subject of the second meeting was health aspects of social hygiene. At the third meeting the subject discussed was ways and means of public education regarding social hygiene. The fourth meeting was devoted to a 1 histant secretary, tenement house oommittee, chanty organization society, New York oity. discussion of the repression of commercialized vice. Addresses were made by the attorney-general of Iowa, George Cossen, the author of the injunction and abatement law; Samuel P. Thrasher, superintendent of the Chicago committee of fifteen; Very Reverend Robert K. Massie, D.D., chairman of the vice commksion of Lexington, Ky., and by Abram W. Harris, LL.D., president of the American association. It was significant that physicians, lawyers, educators, clergymen and publicists joined in a frank and public discussion of social vice and diseases and suggested methods of prevention and attack. The public meetings were crowded and eager men and women listened for hours to what a few years ago would have been considered a subject to be shunned. Prostitution was condemned from the point of view of medicine, morals and religion, and the methods of attacking its ravages were explained by those most competent to speak. The key note was prostitution is not a necessary evil, but that education, public health measures, better living and working conditions and the constant repression of commercialized vice can and will prevent or reduce much of it. If there was any shadow of a doubt about the inadvisability of attempting to segregate vice it was dispelled by the most vigorous condemnation of the policy of segregation by every speaker. Out of the meetings came the formation of the Missouri state social hygiene association, of which J. Lionberger Davis was elected president, which was organized to co-ordinate the efforts of the several local societies in Missouri and to cooperate with the American association. Throughout the meeting of the association the press of the city was generous of space and intelligent in reporting the various addresses and the message of the speakers was carried to thousands who were awakened to the importance of the vital subjects discussed. J. LIONBERGER DAVIS. Q Urban Universities.-The association of urban universities held its third con

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19171 NOTES AND EVENTS 123 vention in New York city, November 15, 16 and 17. At the organization meeting in Washington (under the auspices of the Bureau of Education), the discussion centered around such fundamental topics as: the need for universities maintained as part of the system of public education in cities; the functions of such universities; and the forms of service to the cities which they and the privately endowed universities of urban location should undertake. At the second meeting, in Cincinnati, in 1915, training for public service was the principal subject treated, while the New York meeting November 15-17, 1916, was given over primarily to a discussion of various aspects of field work. The field work committee, appointed last year, made its report in ten sections, presented as ten papers as follows: Nature of field work, President Charles W. Dabney of the University of Cincinnati; Grade of student employed in field work, President Hollis Godfrey of the Drexel Institute; Method of assigning field work, Professor J. Q. Dealey of Brown University; Methods of supervising field work, Professor Augustus R. Hatton of Western Reserve University; Training and assistance to public employes, Professor Clyde L. King of the University of Pennsylvania; Limitations on co-operation in field work, Professor Charles A. Beard of Columbia University; Agencies suitable for cooperation in field work, Miss Edith Abbott, Chicago school of civics and philanthropy; Methods of accrediting field work, Professor P. A. Parsons of the Syracuse University; Results obtained in field work, Dean 0. W. Caldwell of University College, Chicago University; Financial remuneration for field work, Dean Everett W. Lord of Boston University. The papers clearly indicated that field work is being used more and more by city institutions of learning as an instrument of education, but the pedagogy of the matter has by no means been standardized. The report will be further elaborated and published later. Another topic of great interest was the training of employes in the civil service of the city. The work of New York city and the College of the City of New York were considered in some detail. There are nearly 100,000 persons employed in the New York city public service. They are admitted in the lower grades of the service and are advanced by promotion examinations. Since persons are recruited for the higher grades from the lower, it becomes obvious that the city or its college must do something to educate the advancing public servant if men of high calibre and training are to be secured for important places. The College of the City of New York courses conducted in the municipal building and in the college itself have approximately 1,000 students. The courses are designed to improve the efficiency of persons in service from the lowest to the highest in the clerical, accounting and engineering divisions. Western Reserve University has just inaugurated courses simiIar in aim but more general in content. It is probable that colleges in large cities throughout the country will give some attention to the training not only of persons who expect to enter public service, but also of those who are already in that service and who look forward to advancement. The general impression one gets from the convention is that colleges in urban centres are devoting themselves more and more to a study of the real needs of their communities and are trying to adapt their work to meeting those needs. Furthermore, conscious of the necessity for aggressive work for the public good, they are creating new departments to train public servants and also to elevate the general intelligence of the adult population of the cities. FF~EDERICK B. ROBIN SON.^ * Conference on Universities and Public Service.-An important set of topics for discussion, speakers of national reputation-an announced program of unusual interest. Attendance, on the other hand, surprisingly small, and entirely too local. Such in the main was the condensed im1 Secretary-trewurer, association of urban univeraities,

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124 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January pression on the mind of the observer, of the Third National Conference on Universities and Public Service, held November 15 and 16, at Philadelphia. The meeting wa~ by no means a side show of the civil service reform circus, nor yet was it a group meeting of the “vocational guiders.” Teachers and those primarily concerned with public administration met here on common ground, and the tone of all the meetings was refreshingly constructive and optimistic. The most striking addresses were those of Mr. Wehle, of Louisville, Ky., who pointed out the need of the introduction of the social viewpoint in legal education, and of Dr. McCarthy, of the Wisconsin legislative reference library, who closed the sessions with a stirring plea for keeping our halls of learning pure and undefiled as laboratories of the social sciences. The Philadelphia newspapers gave the meetings excellent treatment, and ample space was allowed by each of them for description and comment. It is too bad that the advance publicity was not so successful. Possibly a larger attendance might have been secured, also, had there not been a conflict of dates with those of the annual meeting of the association of urban universities. FREDERICK P. GRUENBERQ. * Indiana City Planning Tour.-While presidential candidates were scurrying back and forth over Indiana, in a mad rush for votes, another presidential tour was conducted in that state, which, for results to Indiana, may safely be said to be of equal if not of more importance to that state than the political tours. It was a presidential tour by the president of the Indiana real estate associations to include a visitation to all of the local real estate boards in that state. Lee J. Ninde, of Fort Wayne, Ind., was the president. For years Mr. Ninde has been actively engaged in the development of new residential districts in Fort Wayne. Three or four years ago he became greatly interested in city planning and since that time has become one of the recognized leaders in its exploitation with especial reference to the participation in the movement of the real estate profession. In arranging a visitation to his boards he wanted to carry some message of great importance to them, and he selected as the theme the general subject of city planning with a speciiic objective in view, namely, the passage by the Indiana legislature of an act to create city planning commissions in cities of 10,000. His idea was a. new and brilliant one and while it W&B developed in a comparatively short time, it was successfully carried out with benefits to all of the cities visited and to the entire state through newspaper publicity. The initial meeting waa held at Fort Wayne, on Monday, October 9, and from there a party composed of members of various real estate boards, together with speakers especially invited from the east, left for a ten days’ tour including stops at Ellchart, South Bend, Michigan City, Hammond, Gary, Kokomo, Logansport, Terre Haute, Crawfordville, Evansville, New Albany, Indianapolis, Muncie, Anderson and Marion. At each city arrangements had been made for either a luncheon or dinner meeting to which were invited all local real estate men and other citizens. Mr. Ninde made the opening address in which he set forth the purposes of the tour and emphasized the appeal that was to be made directly to the real estate men as to their responsibility affecting the extension of city planning. Other speakers at these meetings were Flavel Shurtleff, secretary of the National Conference of City Planning, Richard B. Watrous, secretary of the American Civic Association, Tom S. Ingersoll, secretary of the National Association of Real Estate Boards, and John C. Lathrop, director of the American city bureau. At every city visited marked interest was shown in the subject. It was truly a missionary campaign carrying a real gospel to a people who were ready to receive it. Whether Indiana, at the next session of its legislature, passes a city planning law, great impetus has been given to comprehensive city planning in that state. RICHARD B. WATROUS.

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19171 NOTES AND EVENTS 125 The Oberlin College Civic Club undertook a unique investigation, the new primary law in Ohio affording them the opportunity. Those familiar with the workings of the primary system realize at once the need of getting the numerous candidates and their views before the people, especially when &B high as thirteen candidates run for the one office of sheritf, as was the case in Lorah County, Ohio. The club, under the guidance of Professor Karl F. Geiser of the political science department, attempted to meet this need and it is generally felt that they succeeded in no mean way. In fact this biennial investigation has given a new turn to Lorain county politics, and candidates with questionable records have been taught to think twice before placing their names before the voter. The investigations covered eight to ten weeks, the candidates being interviewed and hundreds of referenc& secured. The results obtained were not the opinions of the men making the investigation, but the prevailing opinion of all the people talked to. Every statement made in the reports was backed up by evidence in black and white. The club is again organized and it is going to take up some work in the second semester; thus far it has not decided upon any definite program. 4, National Social Unit Association.-Announcement has been made of the selection of Cincinnati, Ohio, &B a field for a national experiment in social organization, which will be conducted under the auspices of the National Social Unit Organization, of which Mr. GifTord Pinchot, former chief of the Federal Bureau of Forestry, is president. The aim of the experiment is to ascertain how far it is possible to develop within a small district of not more than twenty thousand, nor less than ten thousand people, an organization democratically representative of the people who live therein and which is able to study and set in motion programs for meeting its social needs on an approximately 100 per cent basis. Through a corps of neighborhood social workers at first arbitrarily chosen, but eventually to be selected by small units of population (possibly four or five hundred people), continuous, sympathetic and intelligent contact will be established gradually with all the people living in the district. A system of municipal statistics would thus be rendered possible which later may be extended to the entire community. Various social activities, public and private, will be grouped at a central headquarters which will seme as a local city hall. An attempt will also be made gradually to centralize the work of separate private organizations engaged in similar fields of social endeavor, with a view to increasing efficiency an< economy and reducing overhead charges. All of the leading social agencies in Cincinnati have pledged their support to this plan. Each special department of work within the district will be supervised by a committee of specialists, elected by and responsible to its appropriate city organization. The medical work, for example, will be supervised by the medical profession; the social work by the profession of social workers; the nursing work by the nursing profession, etc. Heads of city departments, such as the health department, department of charities, etc., will be found on appropriate committees. These committees will be united, through their chairmen, into a city council which will conduct the experiment. The National Social Unit Organization was created on April 11, 1916, in New York city. Realizing that the co-operation of social workers in the city selected for its experiment would be essential to the success of its plan, it made no attempt to go to the cities of the country with its plan, but waited for those cities to come forward and avail themselves of the aid which it was willing to offer. Sixteen communities wrote in making inquiries or asking for information. Among these were, Baltimore, Washington, Newark, New Haven, Kansas City, Providence, St. Paul, Syracuse, Poughkeepsie, Worcester and Santa Barbara. Cincinnati waa selected because of its readiness for

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126 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January the idea, as evidenced by the quick understanding and remarkable co-operation which it extended and which came from Mayor Puchta, the heads of city departments, business men, social workers, women’s organizations, educators and the public in general. The estimated cost of the work for three years is $135,000. A portion of this budget will be devoted to the travelling and hotel expenses of national experts who will be called in to advise in the formulation of the local plans. The organization of the work will begin some time in December and will be carried on by the executives of the organization, Mr. and Mrs. Wilbur c. Phillips. CL! The Civic and Vocational League of Cincinnati.-In 1915 the Cincinnati chamber of commerce instituted a civic and vocational league. It brought a number of clubs existing in the public schools together into a federation under the above name. Since that time other similar clubs have been steadily formed and taken into the federation. The purpose of the federation as set forth in its constitution is: (1) to study the civic and vocational life of the city by firsthand observation; (2) to learn what opportunities the industrial life of the city offers to young people; (3) to teach its members to think seriously and wisely concerning various vocational studies; (4) to assist in preparing its members to take an active and efficient place in these vocations; (5) to connect more closely the work of the public schools with the life of the community; and (6) to teach its members to aid effectively in meeting the civic needs of the community and to assist the civic institutions in promoting the general welfare of the city. As an incident, the members of the federation are required to commit to memory the Athenian oath. Under the auspices of the league, meetings and lectures have been conducted, industrial and civic excursions as well as free sight-seeing trips made, to stimulate the study of city affairs. In the latter part of September, a dinner was arranged for the federation which was attended by 140 principals m$ teachers, the superintendent of schools, members of the board of education, the president and directors of the chamber of commerce, and representatives of the woman’s city club, with the object of bringing about a close co-operation between the business men and the schools of the city. This undertaking of the chamber of commerce of Cincinnati is not only a movement in the right direction but one that deserves general attention. It promises to afford a channel for a lively interchange of views between business men and teachers, and may be expected to do much to assist the schools in developing an ardent body of citizens equipped with sufficient knowledge to pass with understanding upon the civic problems of Cincinnati. MURRAY GROSS. f Public Service Exhibit Bureau.Chicago is a central point for expositions, conventions, conferences. Over 475 were held there last year and national associations are establishing permanent quarters in the West. As a consequence the demand for exhibit service in the West to supply pictorial and threedimension presentation of data has grown apace. To meet this, and at the same time, to serve as a central clearing house for educational material on civic and social activities, a public service exhibit bureau has been incorporated recently under the laws of Illinois, by Edward L. Burchard, secretary of the community center conference of Chicago and by Messrs. Leo Ranney and J. R. McFarland, managers of the former national exhibit bureau (nowre-organized). The new bureau has invented a photographic process for preparing exhibits, examples of which were shown at the recent Springfield conference of the National Municipal League. The process has interested many civic organizations because the use of linen cloth for the half-tones of photographs does away with the expensive heavy board or cardboard backgrounds heretofore necessary for exhibits. The new exhibits have been

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19171 NOTES AND EVENTS 127 used very successfully by the Chicago tuberculosis institute for its exhibits traveling about Chicago. The bureau will shortly have a complete exhibit on recreation prepared by this process with the editorial co-operation of leading authorities in the recreation field, and other exhibits are under way that will be of interest to civic and social workers. Exhibits and exhibit installations seem to be the main function of the new bureau. It has installed exhibits for some of the leading associations in Chicago and elsewhere. At the same time, it is forming a bureau of information relative to lantern slides, motion films and interpretive literature on community subjects. * A Public Kitchen Experiment.-This is a statement of the work of Mrs. James A. Burden, Jr., and Mrs. William K. Vanderbat, Jr., and a group of well-known women who comprise the committee on public kitchens of the New York association for improving the condition of the poor. In 1915 when we first felt the industrial effect of the war, these two ladies proposed the establishment of a public kitchen where simple, wholesome foods expertly selected and prepared could be sold at cost particularly to be taken home for family use. While this is the first public kitchen experiment in America, it was modeled somewhat after similar depots known to Norway since 1858 and Vienna since .1872. It was intended that the kitchen would meet the needs of those who, owing to unemployment, were compelled to live on less than was consistent with efficient life; those who, owing to reduced incomes and high living costs, were compelled to retrench on foods, thus endangering health and vitality; mothers who were compelled to go to the factory to supplement the famiIy income and who are, therefore, unable to prepare food properly for themselves and for their families; mothers who, through illness, were unable to minister adequately to the needs of the household; housewives incapable of preparing properly E. L. BURCHARD. the food for their families +nd themselves; pregnant mothers who, unable to prepare food for themselves, often endanger the life of the prospective child by improper nutrition. The committee faced the fact in the beginning that it would be a matter of educating the people to patronize such a venture because of its extraordinary character. The committee wat~ conscious of the fact that there would be no justification for such public kitchens unless they ultimately became self-supporting from the sales, thus catering to selfrespecting families. It was intended to utilize, in so far as the resources of the committee allowed, the kitchen as a unit of public education in matters of food selection, preparation, sanitation, etc. Certain conclusions have been forced upon us as a result of nearly two years’ operations. We find that while in the beginning from 20 to 80 per cent of the patronage was home patronage, this percentage dropped off until at the present time only 25 per cent of the output of the kitchen goes to the home. Having located in a combined factory and tenement district, it WM found that the demand for restaurant facilities for industrial workers was so great that the demand had to be met. As a result, the home trade was considerably decreased. The summer showed a greater demand for home trade than the winter owing to the fact that fires are out and the expense and inconvenience of stove fires make the kitchen facilities specially attractive to housewives. The kitchen has never been quite selfsupporting although at times it almost reached that point. The generosity of the group behind this interesting and important experiment has made possible the continuation of the work over an experimental period of approximately three years. The kitchen has been open 543 days during which $13,084 worth of food was sold, averaging 12.8 cents per patron; 101,129 customers came to the kitchen and 303,387 portions of food have been sold. Some of the interesting by-products of

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128 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January the people’s kitchen development have been the stimulus given to factory owners in the district to provide facilities in the factories for the preparation and dispensation of food to their employes. EDWARD F. BROWN.^ * The Voters’ League of Milwaukee has just completed a successful campaign for finances by raising a fund of $11,000 a year for a period of three years, with which to enlarge and make more effective its work. Like similar civic organizations the Milwaukee voters’ league has constantly been confronted with the problem of securing sufficient finances adequately to meet the plans laid out by those in charge. The men who direct the affairs of the organization were too busy to devote ‘any considerable time to the raising of funds, and on several occasions resorted to solicitation by paid solicitors, but this also was found to be unsatisfactory. Having given considerable of their time and financial support to this work, the members of the league decided to take up another plan of raising funds. This was done by making a contract with the Town Development Company of New York city, whereby it was agreed to have two men of their campaign staff come to Milwaukee to assume charge of the work of raising a fund for three-year annual subscriptions. During the campaign some 125 prominent and public-spirited men of the city were invited to luncheons in groups of from twenty-five to forty each, and the work of the organization was explained, as well as the need for additional finances. All of these men were enthusiastic over the results accomplished so far, and those who were able to devote the time to it agreed to call upon the citizens who probably would be interested in supporting the movement. Much literature was sent out to the gentlemen who were to be called upon, augmented by a bulletin explaining the work of the organization in 1Executivesecretary. committee on publio kitchens, association for improving the condition of the poor. detail and the results accomplished. Letters of well-known citizens also were sent endorsing the work, and practically every person who was approached became a subscriber. The campaign was a success in every way, and with funds of old subscribers added to those obtained from new ones, the Milwaukee voters’ league expects to place its pamphlet reports on candidates in the hands of the majority of the voters of the city. The league also has started issuing a monthly publication, Municipal Afairs, which deals with the transaction of public business in the city hall and court house. The object of this publication is to get the public officials and the public in closer touch with each other, and to keep the electorate informed of the actions of their public servants. W. J. BOLLENBECK? t Activities of the New York Bureau of Municipal Research.-As a result of the 1 per cent tax law, Columbus found itself in 1916 in serious financial straits. There was approximately a $300,000 deficit from 1915, and the city council was confronted with a $600,000 deficit in 1917’s budget. Therefore, they asked the New York bureau of municipal research to send its men to Columbus and assist the council in solving the local problem. The bureau has assigned ten of its specialists to the undertaking. They have proceeded along three main lines: (1) reduction of expen: ditures, (2) increasing revenues, and (3) giving more and better service for money now spent. In October the bureau completed a survey of the city and county of San Francisco for the real estate board there. The results were so encouraging that the citizens of San Francisco immediately raised a fund of $20,000 a year for five years and established a local bureau of municipal research to co-operate with their government along the same lines as have been followed by similar bureaus in other communities. The new bureau begins work January 1, 1917. 9 Secretary. Milwaukee municipal voters’ league.

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19171 NOTES AND EVENTS 129 Since September 1 the New York bureau to the Tacoma Ledger. It is divided into has been engaged in making an audit and three parts: Part 1, charter revision; survey for the city government of Kansas . part 2, recent tendencies in charter City. It has also been making a survey of Jamstown, N. Y., for the board of commerce there, and a five-year audit for the city council of Jamestown. Similarly the bureau is making an audit and survey of Nassau County, N. Y., for a commission of prominent citinens there. Among the other undertakings which are now under way may be mentioned a survey of the four hospitals of Rochester, N. Y., which care for city patients; the preparation of schedules and procedures necessary to place the sinking funds of Buffdo, N. Y., on an actuarial basis; the preparation of critical report on the charter of North Adams, Mass., and co-operation in revising the new accounting system of Plainfield, N. J. HERBERT R. SANDS.^ s A National Single Tax League is in process of formation to take up the work of the Fels fund commission and to co-ordinate all the various movements working for the single tax. Mrs. Fels is convinced .that further subsidy from her will be a detriment to the movement, that “it has now grown up and its future development depends upon the double stimulus of self-government and entire self-help in finance.” Her judgment was approved at a recent single tax conference at Niagara Falls and by the board of the Fels fund commission. s Largest City in the United States.-The recent municipal election brought Los hgeles into first place in the United States in point of area. Westgate, containing 48.67 square miles, and Occidental with 1.04 square miles were annexed, making the total area 337.92 square miles. New York, formerly &st, now is second, with 314.72 square miles, Chicago is third with 198, and Philadelphia fourth with 129. 9 Charter Revision.-Under this title John B. Kaiser, librarian of the Tacoma library, has contributed a series of articles 1 Aseiatant director in superviaion of field work. 9 revision; part 3, list of references on charter revision and the city-manager form of government. They make a good working bibliography of the subject. s A National Public Ownership League for the public ownership, e5cient management and democratic control of public utilities and natural resources has been organized with Carl D. Thompson, 4131 North Keeler Avenue, Chicago, Ill., as secretary. s The Cambridge Business Development and Publicity Bureau is a serious attempt to place before the country the advantages of Cambridge as a city of business opportunities as well as cultural potentiality. The campaign is carried on from the headquarters in the city hall. * Mrs. Bertha Leach Priddy of Ypsilanti, Mich., has been appointed chairman of the department of civics by President Cowles of the General Federation of Women’s Clubs. * Louis W. Myers, a judge of the Los Angeles superior court, has been elected president of the city cliub there. This is the first time so far as we recall that a judge on the bench has been chosen as president of such an organization. * Prof. Howard L. McBain has been appointed by Mayor Mitchel a member of the board of education of New York city. C. R. W. 5 Samuel H. Crosby has been chosen city manager of Grinnell, Iowa. s Sherman C. Kingsley, who has been director of the Elizabeth McCormick memorial fund in Chicago for four years, has resigned that position to become head of the Cleveland welfare council in succession to Charles Whiting Williams.

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DEPARTMENT OF PUBLICATIONS 130 I. BOOK ALCOHOL AND SOCIETY. By John Koren. New York: Henry Holt’& Company. $1.25. The thesis of the author is that prohibition cannot be justified and that, since the “ curse of alcoholism flows from spirits and not from beers and light wines,” temperance reform can be had by attacking whiskey and discriminating in favor of the fermented drinks. Many other aspects of the alcohol problem are dealt with but as subsidiary to this major thesis. Mr. Koren’s attack on prohibition as a wise method of temperance reform is unqualified. Some of his pleas are familiar. Society cannot break long-continued habits of drinking in the fashion that prohibition requires. The result is that prohibition does not prohibit, a fact which leads to an extraordinarily bad effect on our legal institutions. A particularly unjust feature of prohibition is that the rural voters impose their will on the city dwellers. This is an unfair method of democracy and leads to lawlessness on the part of the cities. He also suggests that the conditions of city life may indeed occasion a greater psychological need of drinking than found in the rural districts. A more novel argument is his advocacy of more than a majority vote, perhaps a two-thirds vote, to settle an issue of local prohibition, a8 is the custom in other countries, particularly in the Australian colonies. Another interesting feature of the prohibition situation is found in his chapter on national prohibition. The recent elections with the great additions of “dry” REVIEWS territory and the. consequent flirting of some of the political leaders with the national prohibition issue makes this chapter peculiarly timely. National prohibition, carried by an amendment to the federal constitution, is perilousIy near, he shows. As there are now twenty-two “dry” states only fourteen more are necessary to carry a national prohibition amendment. These fourteen could be secured even though the amendment is voted against by the states with the great urban populations, namely, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connectticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Ohio, Illinois, Missouri, and California, 68 per cent of whose population is urban. It is possible, therefore, to vote prohibition on these states against their will, whose population together with that of the District of Columbia is nearly forty-five million, almost one half of the population of the United States. If it is assumed that one third of the population of the prohibition states is opposed to forced abstinence and if these thirds are added to the number in these twelve states one must anticipate as opposed to prohibition, the total number opposed to prohibition might be as high as sixty-three million. In other words, national prohibition might be adopted against the will of nearly two thirds of the population. The open-minded reader will be impressed with the truth of the foregoing arguments; but he will also remember that certain good things do flow from prohibition. His problem is to put the good in one scale pan and the bad in the

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19171 BOOK REVIEWS 13 1 other and see which tilts the scales the most. The author, however, claims that it is not necessary thus to choose between the issues. There is a way out. The way out is to banish whiskey and to substitute light wines and beers. Since the drinking of whiskey is bad and since the consumption of light wines and beers has not been proved harmful, genuine temperance reform can be had without incurring the evils attending prohibition. He devotes a number of pages to a consideration of the evidence, chiefly from physiological experiments, that the consumption of small quantities of alcohol is injurious and finds that the case is not proven. Such men as Rosemann, Santesson and Holst are quoted in his support. The well-known experiments of Kraepelin and his disciples tend to show that moderate doses of alcohol are slightly injurious, although these scientists themselves do not claim to have reached final conclusions. Mr. Koren points out, however, that these experiments were conducted under conditions quite different from those under which small quantities of alcohol would be consumed in the actual conditions of life. Also, that about all they show is that work and alcohol do not belong together; but this is far from saying that small quantities of alcohol are injurious. Because sleep and work do not belong together is far from saying that sleep is injurious. (The analogy between alcohol and sleep need not be pushed further.) Mr. Koren does not himself produce evidence to show that small quantities of alcohol are not harmful; he simply contends that the other case has not been proven. The strongest evidence in support of his thesis is gathered from the experience of other countries, particularly of Norway and Sweden. These two countries have grown from very intemperate nations, to the most temperate countries of Europe, with the .possible exception of Finland. The author thinks that these reforms are due mainly to two measures. One is the progressive hedging about with difficulties the sale of distilled liquors and the progressive lightening of taxation on the fermented drinks, culminating in recent legislation exempting from taxation beers containing less than 2.25 per cent (weight) alcohol. The other reason for the success of real temperance reform in Norway is the development of the samlag or company which takes over the sale of all alcoholic drinks, all of whose profits above a limited per cent go to the state, to the municipality, or to certain charitable institutions. The samlag system has divorced drink selling from politics and made it a distinctly reputable business. Mr. Koren’s analysis of the Norwegian experience seems sound, although it is naturally very difficult to single out the causes of a social phenomenon like the diminution of drink, for there are so many causes to which it may be ascribed. The question naturally arises, How can the reform indicated by the author be developed in the United States? The closing chapter develops a program, in general outline, with an occasional detailed consideration. The first suggestion is new and highly significant it seems to me, namely, that the federal government impose a heavy tax on whiskey and let the light wines and beers escape with a light tax. Theoretically this seems excellent. Practically, the internal revenue system of the United States has proven so successful as compared with the tariff and the income tax that in this day of costly preparedneea the federal government may hesitate to tamper with it. It is also suggested that the selling places pay local license fees in proportion to the amount and kind of beverages sold. His second suggestion concerns the licensing system; the licensing authority should be either a state agency or the local judiciary. The latter seems slightly preferable. Thirdly, the local option system is favored, with perhaps a two-thirds vote necessary :to carry, a submission every three years, and with local option units so chosen as not to permitlthe domination of the city vote by the rural. The fourth suggestion is nove1. The local community should have the permission to grant a monopoly of drink selling to a private organization, which shall be conducted not for private profit but for

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132 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January public good, a plan very much like the samlag system of Norway. This latter experiment would probably work better atifirst in the smaller towns than in the cities. To the mind of the reviewer these suggestions are all ultimately practical. To become immediately practical, we ahodd have to revise our mental attitude on many issues, such as the two-thirds vote, the taxation idea, and the private monopoly conception. Our social mind is set around the “for or against prohibition” point-of-view, and set with some degree of emotion. We should have to unset our minds, which would require a vast amount of propaganda, many times as much as this volume has accomplished. It is to be regretted the author did not give more consideration to the psychology of alcohol drinking. He quotes a few excellent paragraphs from Professor Patrick’s “Psychology of Relaxcttion.” The reviewer is inclined to think that the psychological factors are likely to prove the most important in determining the particular type of temperance reform to be adopted. Closely connected with and indeed a part of this psychological consideration is the question of substitutes for drinking. The author devotes no space to this aspect. There is something of the mob mind about the present prohibition propaganda, and for this reason, whether we are for or against prohibition, a wide reading of Mr. Koren’s book can do nothing but good. At the recent initiative and referendum election held in Oregon, the citizens voted on an amendment permitting the sale and manufacture of 4 per cent beer in Oregon, a measure much like the recommendations of Mr. Koren. The measure lost decisively and a measure prohibiting even the importation of alcoholic beverages into the state was adopted. Inasmuch as Mr. Koren’s book was quoted often during the campaign, the election affords sort of a rough test of how his theories are likely to be received at the present time. WILLIAM F. OGBURN. Reed College, Portland, Oregon. PWLIC ADMINISTRATION AND PARTISAN POLITICS. Annals of the American Academy of Social and Political Science, March, 1916. This issue of the Annals deals with a number of political and administrative problems, and with proposed plans for eliminating irresponsible and partisan government and for securing responsible and efficient methods of dealing with public affairs. After an editorial foreword and some extracts from Mr. Root’s address on (‘the invisible government,“ there follows a series of articles in three groups: (1) the cost of partisan politics in the work of government; (2) movements to free public administration frdm partisan politics; and (3) public policies in a responsible government. Some of these articles are general in character; while others deal more specifically with the problems of national, state or local government. Of most direct interest to the readers of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW are the articles on municipal and local problems. John A. Dunaway of the University of Pennsylvania discusses “Some efficiency methods of city administration,” as illustrated by recent practice in the government of Philadelphia. William H. Connell, chief of the Philadelphia bureau of highways and street cleaning, in an article on ‘I Public works and engineering services on a public service basis,” describes some of the methods of keeping records of public works in that city. Henry Moskowitz, president of the municipal civil service commission of New York city compares “Old and new problems of civil service,’’ with special reference to efficiency records, training for the public service and pensions. H. S. Gilbertson of the National Short Ballot Organization discusses the “Movement for responsible county government,” and also presents “A practical guide to responsible government,” in which he notes that cities are pointing the way out in the city-manager type of government. These and other articles give useful information and suggestions on the subjects discussed. But the volume as a

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19171 BOOK REVIEWS whole lacks in unity and coherence. No clear relation is shown between the criticism of irresponsible government and spoils politics and the rather technical discussions of such matters as eEciency records. The writers of the various articles do not seem to have any distinct conception of a common purpose; though Professor Beard in his article on “Training for efficient public service” points out, what might well have been made more emphatically the keynote to the whole number, that the great problem of government in this country is the reconciliation of liberty and efficiency. Jom A. FAIRLIE. * THE PEOPLE’S GOVERNMENT. By David Jayne Hill. New York and London: D. Appleton and Company. 287 pp. Dr. Hill’s book is a discussion of the interrelations of the state, the law and the citizen-three concepts that are “fundamental to the realization of any high ideal of human society.” He maintains that there is no proper sanction for unlimited sovereignty but that government is instituted primarily for the protection of the individual rights of life, liberty and property. Therefore, these rights must control government, not be controlled by it. The author denies the validity of the theory of absolutism no less when power is exercised by the majority than when it is exercised by a monarch. The constitution of the United States and the constitutions of the several commonwealths are the American expression of the “hN of mutual obligation,” which is the basis of the democratic state and the unique power of the American judiciary to declare statutes void when they are found to be inconsistent with this fundamental law, is the guaranty of constitutional democracy. Dr. Hill regards the development of the citizen, whose charter of liberties and certscate of existence the constitution is, as America’s chief contribution to political science. He sees in all efforts to make the amendment of the federal constitution easy, or to blur over or remove the disUniversity of Illinois. tinction between statutory and constitutional law, or to deprive the courts of the power to declare statutes unconstitutional, a menace to freedom and a tendency to turn back toward absolutism. Although Dr. Hill is obviously an exponent of the political philosophy of the conservative group which includes such men as William Barnes, Nicholas Murray Butler, William Howard Taft and many others, a radical can read his book without finding so very much to disagree with in it and can lay it down with the impression that the distinguished author’s polemics are for the most part directed against men of straw. As an exposition of conservative American political philosophy, the book stimulates and invigorates thought. As an attack upon the practical program of the radicals in this country, except aa to a relatively few extremists, the book has very little significance. DELOS F. WILCOX. * New York City. THE VOTER IN COMMAND. By J. Albert Stowe. Newark, N. J.: The Upward Society. 62 pp. This little brochure is an analysis of the “ Walsh act,” so-called, under which commission government has been made availabIe for the cities of New Jersey which adopt it. The author criticizes the referendum provisions of the act on the theory that they are unworkable. He thinb that the referendum is of much greater practical importance than either the initiative or the recall, but maintains that ten days is altogether too short a time to be allowed for the filing of’referendum petitions. The booklet is local to New Jersey, although it has a wider interest for the illustrative material it supplies to the general discussion of commission government and direct legislation. DELOS F. WILCOX. Ib AMERICAN GOVERNMEET AND MAJOBITP RULE. By Edward Elliot. Princeton, N. J.: Princeton Press. $1.25 net. The purpose of this volume, according to its preface, is to point out the fact New York City.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January “that the people of the United States have been hindered in the attainment of democracy, or the rule of the majority, by the form of government through which they have been compelled to act.” While it deals with the form of our national government, it is pregnant with suggestions to the student of municipal democracy, especially in his suggested remedies of centralized executive responsibility in the states, unicameral state legislatures and the abolition of the residence qualifications for representatives. * AN ELEMENTARY CIVICS. By Charles McCarthy, Flora Swan and Jennie McMullin. New York: Thompson, Brown 6 Company. 75 cents. “On the whole the teaching of civics in our public schools ha been disappointing,” says President Vincent of the University of Minnesota in his introduction to this book designed for the upper grammar grades. The aim has been to break away from the traditional text book which has until recently “dealt with the technicalities of political machinery.” Under the title “Living together” the text begins with a chapter on the origin of the state, and proceeds to show how England worked out representative government. In this connection an entire chapter is given over to a discussion of the “Industrial revolution and the ballot” and another to “Why we vote in parties. ” Then without any of the preliminaries of our early history, the authors begin immediately to explain how, in 1916, the American city does its work. One third of the remainder of the text is devoted to this chapter and to other chapters on “How the city pays its bills,” “The city’s health,” and “The city beautiful.” A number of exhibits and photographs help to visualize the material in these pages. There is also valuable information on the work and business methods of German cities. A series of suggestive questions follow each chapter. The remaining chapter headings are “How the state does its work,” “How the United States does its work, ” II Justice, ” “Education, ” and “Efficiency. ” Some of the subjects discussed in these chapters are: conservation, marketing, efficiency in the school, the Gary system, vocational education, old age insurance, employer’s liability, the federal courts, federal protection of health, the American tariff to protect manufacturers, the Australian tariff to protect the laborer, the federal income tax, the responsible ministry in England, the irresponsibility of the administering bodies in the United States, the administrative commission, suggestions for reform of state government, the short ballot, the continuing appropriation, the budget and state finance. The authors were a bit careless with respect to a few facts and statements. For example, they state, on page 12, that the voting qualification in England was lowered in 1867 and “again in 1864,” when they probably meant 1854. Speaking of the recall, on page 36, they say, “If the policy of any officeholder did not please the citizens, on petition of 25 voters, an election could be held to see if they would dismiss him.” What wag. meant was 25 per cent and not 25 voters. Speaking of the first budget exhibit in New York city in 1910, page 51, the statement ia made that “the purchasing department dis’cussed their methods of buying, the cost and the required standard for coal, oats and other supplies bought.” There is not now and never has been a purchasing department of the government of the city of New York. A committee on central purchasing was appointed November, 1914. On page 78 the statement is made that “In some states the governor also has a right to veto laws passed by the Assembly and Senate.” The facts are that he has such power in every state with the exception of North Carolina. On the same page the language, with reference to the duties of the secretary of state, conveys the impression that it is in this office that the “bookkeeping of the state” is done. One wonders (page 82) what states have improved their budget procedure so that “the legislature votes on the various items and then on the whole budget,” and also whether it is much of an improve

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19171 BOOK REVIEWS ment for the legislature merely to vote “on the various item and then on the whole budget.” In regard to national administrative commissions, the statement is made (page 106) that “the United States has turned over to its interstate commerce commission the details and the carrying out of all its laws in regard to railroads. ” The wide-awake pupil will want to know about the use of the word “all” when he reads on page 108 that the “federal health service also has charge of the sanitation of interstate trains and the exclusion of dangerous or infected merchandise from transportation.” The description of the federal courts (page 112) may mislead some students. The authors say “The United States is divided into nine circuits with a court in each circuit. These circuits are divided into districts with a court in each district.” The distinguished head of the Wisconsin reference library is doubtless aware of the fact that the circuit courts of the United States were abolished in 1912, and that only the circuit courts of appeal remain. It must be admitted that grown-up men and women face a diEcult problem when they attempt to write a text book for grade pupils. It is evident that the authors were quite conscious of this difficulty. At times the material is clothed entirely too much in the language of the kindergarten, and at other times too much in the language of the university professor. On the whole, however, current materials are presented in a way to excite interest and invite the student to make further inquiries for himself. Certainly the cause is a worthy one and this attempt to teach citizenship in the grades through a discussion of current problems of government should be welcomed by all interested in the efficient teaching of civics. BIRL E. SHULTZ. New YOT~ Training School for Public Service. * CIVIL GOVERNMENT IN CALIFORNIA. John Richard Sutton. New York: American Book Company. This volume, which was published in 1914, has recently been revised with certain changes and additions, particularly with respect to progress in governmental affairs since the appearance of the first edition. As originally prepared the book dealt very largely with the organization of government as provided in statutes and constitutions. It follows consequently the line which is characteristic of texts of the past decade rather than the newer viewpoint which is evidenced in some of the texts recently published. From the standpoint of the analysis of government organization, the duties of officers, the outline of functions prescribed by statutes and constitutions, the work is well done, and undoubtedly fills a place in the teaching of civics in the state of California. Among the noteworthy chapters me: the selection of public officers, which deals largely with the California direct primary law; a chapter on the state school system, and a series of chapters dealing fully with the organization and functions of city government. An appendix is added containing among other things some model county charters as well as special city charters. From the standpoint of recent progress in the teaching of civics in the high school, this volume falls short of the best standard which has been set, particularly in its failure to stress sufficiently the functional phases of government and to give emphasis to the practical methods which are now in use by m 1. teachers of government. * HIQH SPOTS IN NEW YORE SCHOOLS. By William H. Allen and others. New York: Institute for Public Service, 1916. Pp. 128. Whatever else may be said of this little book, there is a marvelous amount of data packed between its covers,-an almost bewildering array of facts regarding the varied activities of the New York schools. Nor would there be any possibility of accusing the author of prolixity. The short, terse sentences, the omission of articles, verbs, and all other words that could be supplied from the context, the frequent change of subject, and the abundant use of illustrations and diagrams to convey ideas without the employment of

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136 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January any words whatever, combine to give an impression of haste, of breathlessness, of nervous compression and condensation that tends to make the leisurely reader fairly gasp. But the book wm not intended for the leisurely reader. It was compiled for distribution at the New York meeting of the N. E. A. last July, and in order to catch the attention of the hurried visitor the author has made use of a variety of devices that would do credit to the modern “movies.” Hence the aptness of the title. Of course, the picture does not pretend to be complete. A band of people from the institute for public service visited over 3,000 classrooms, noted everything that they considered worthy of comment, and grouped these comments under nine headings. The result is not unlike a mail-order catalogue. The many interesting things observed will surprise even those who have been long in the system, and they will be a revelation to those outsiders whose ideas of the New York schools have grown out of the adverse criticisms of the last few years,criticisms, by the way, in which the author has had no small share. Noteworthy high spots are the sytematic teaching of patriotism, the “civic league,” the pupils’ complaint bureau, the current events classes, pupil self-government (which is found is some form in over 200 schools), the use of assemblies for the discussion of health and other civic problems, home making in the grades, construction and repair work in manual training, courses in business practice, visits to the c‘zoo’’ and to museums, part-time cooperative classes (in which pupils spend one week in school and the next at work), dramatization in class teaching, the use of tests and scales to determine the efficiency of school work, school gardens, adjustment of school work to the capacities of pupila, correlation of athletics, physical training and hygiene,-but why continue? The list is inexhaustible, and we find ourselves trying to make a catalogue of a catalogue. It would be a profitable investment for the board of education to place this book in the hands of every teacher and parent in New York city, and if any outsider wants a list of the good things to be found somewhere in New York city schools he now knows where to look forit. J. CARLETON BELL. Brooklyn Training School for Teachers. * STATE CONSTITUTION-MAKING, WITH EsPECIAL RXFERENCE TO TENNESSEE. By Wallace McClure. Nashville: Marshall and Bruce Company. This book is a gathering into narrow compass of the ripe fruits of American thought and experience as to state constitution-making, with special reference to the political problems of Tennessee. In the author’s own words: Its object is to provide a manual for the use of those people, especially Tennesseans, who are interested in revising the constitution of their state to the end that it ma be brought more nearly in accord witi the state’s needs and with the progressive democratic ideas that me found elsewhere in current practice and in the writings of students of political science. The book contains three geneml divisions. The fist is R historical sketch of constitutions1 development in Tennessee; the second is styled ‘I current thought and action upon constitutional problems”; while the third is devoted to Tennessee problems. An appendix contains the North Carolina constitution of 1776 and the three Tennessee constitutions, printed in parallel columns. The table of contents is well adapted to the book; but the index is entirely too scant, since the chief utility of the book must be as a reference manual. An immense amount of detailed information has been relegated to the numerous footnotes which accompany the text. No one can reasonably expect that the book will be of general interest, inasmuch as it was written largely for a particular state and for a particular emergency. At the time of the book’s publication the question of calling a constitutional convention was before the voters of Tennessee; and it is greatly to be regretted that the majority vote was against a convention, thus excluding the book from its chief and immediate field of usefulness.

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19171 BOOK REVIEWS 137 For students of the constitutional history of Tennessee, Joshua W. Caldwell’s work on that subject covers the field much more exhaustively than the present work, which contains a condensation of the former. The brief concluding survey of Tennessee problems is the only part of the entire book wherein the author protrudes his own opinions. These are in hearty accord with the present-day striving after simplicity, directness and responsibility in government. What the author chiefly lacks is assimilation and perspective. Page after page consists merely of excerpts, more or less cleverly patched together. That he has selected his authorities wisely for the most past, few will gainsay; but it is very unfortunate that a book which gives so many indications of sound thought and painstaking investigation should become merely a transient and limited work of secondary authority. ROBERT S. KEEBLER. Memphis, Tennessee. * WHAT THE EPISCOPAL CHURCH IS DOIXQ IN THE SOCIAL FIELD. The Joint Commission on Social Service of the Episcopal Church. Church Missions House, New York City. 141 pp. This book is valuable for three reasons, First, because it will set forth to those who are either uninformed or sceptical the fact that the Episcopal Church throughout the United States is seriously undertaking work for social betterment, and consistently and constructively facing the problems of our day. Secondly, because it is an intensely interesting collection of “personal testimonies” of what many different groups are endeavoring to accomplish. Thirdly, because it leads one to consider in what better arrangement of material a pamphlet, designed to express such a comprehensive title as “What the Episcopal Church ia doing in the Social Field,” could have been issued. As the introduction succinctly sets forth, the Episcopal Church has now “a fivefold organization for social service.” 1. The joint commission on social service (so-called because of the appointment of members jointly by the two houses of gereral convention). This is the general commission for the whole Church. 2. Eight provincial social service boards and commissions. 3. Eighty diocesan commissions. 4. Many individual parish organizations and committees. 5. VoIunteer agencies, such as the Church association for the advancement of the interests of labor, the Church mission of help, etc. Such an enumeration of bodies shows careful planning and adequate organization. There are those who look askance at “machinery” in church life and work and question its value. But the great contribution of the nineteenth century to the progress of society was the machine, and its value and necessity have been adequately demonstrated. Two factors, however, are essential in addition to a machine, namely, that it be designed for efficiency, and that it he tended with skill and experience. Organizations are also machines for doing work, and it is not too much to say that the organization for social service in the Episcopal Church has been efficiently designed, and the memhers appointed in accordance with their fitness, ability and interest in social matters. One’s attention then turns to the results of such organizing, and it was therefore natural that the executive secretary of the joint commission, the national body, should write to each board, commission, parish group, and volunteer agency, and ask: “What has your group done?” The answers, and a great many organizations answered, form the pamphlet under discussion. It is thus a collection of human documents, set forth at first hand, without further editing or comment. It is just because the response has been 80 widespread that we wish the pamphlet had been issued in better form. If one has a local interest, wishes to find, for instance, what the diocese of New York is doing in social service, one may turn to sub-section I11 under letter N, and find an excellent summary from the executive secretary of the commission of that diocese. But we think that the average reader will hardly have patience to peruse

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138 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL EEVIEW [January 136 pages of letters, and even this would not help him very much towards a clear and concise answer to the question, “what is the Episcopal Church doing in social service?” And if his mind was set, for instance, on gaining an answer as regards the subject of child labor (the letters show on careful consideration that a great deal is being done), to determine its extent the reader would have to take his pencil and note down for himself the data that appear on page after page. Therefore we conclude this review with a suggestion to the editor of the pamphlet that he rearrange his material to show more readily the nature of the social work which the letters prove is being done. The industry in gathering material has been so well rewarded that it deserves to be set forth so that any one could see almost at a glance the vast amount of work that the Episcopal Church has done, is doing, and plans to do, for the cause of social service. (REV.) EDWIN S. LANE. Philadelphia. Ir THE SOCIAL SURVEY. By Carol Aronovici, Ph.D. Bureau for Social Research of The Seybert Institution. Philadelphia: The Harper Press. $1.25. The purpose of this volume is not to give the history of the social survey, nor to indicate its value, but to explain how to make one. The value of a social survey is, however, clearly evident as an incident to the explanation; and the book, with its practical aim and concrete suggestions, is far more valuable than if it were merely an abstract or academic discussion. As a result of the author’s wide experience, the book contains many helpful and striking statements that go far to clarify and simplify a difficult undertaking. He defines a social survey as “a stock taking of social factors that determine the conditions of a given community.” He urges that in its prosecution intensiveness of work is essential to effectiveness-“ a survey that is superficial, that is open to question or without sufficient backing as to facts, may defeat not only the end of the particular survey in question, but may cast doubt upon the social survey as a means of achieving a desired social end.” For this reason he advocates expert assistance and a limitation of its scope rather than a weakening of intensity. Excellent also is the warning, “An ounce of discretion is frequently worth a ton of publicity.” There is much in the little book which the reviewer would like to quote approvingly, and there are a few statements which some of us would question and which seem not to have been as carefully thought out as most of the text. But these are generally unimportant points, as regards the main argument, while the book’s general trend is most helpful and inspiring-notably the chapter entitled, “the facts and the people.” An extensive bibliography is a valuable feature of the volume. The index, however, is hardly adequate for a work of such potential usefulness for reference. CHARLES MULFORD ROBINSON. Rochester, N. Y. * THE EFFICIENT SECRETARY. By Ellen Lane Spencer. New York: Stokes. 191 pp. To develop the efficiency of municipal employes it is necessary to keep them contented and there is no more effective method of keeping employes contented than by.providing for each advances in salary and promotion in rank. With the introduction of standardization of salaries and grades such advances and promotion can take place only when additional or more important duties are assigned to the employe. In municipal service the clerical service, the members of which perform mechanical routine duties involving little initiative, is the most dscult to galvanize, and to keep contented and efficient and of the clerical service the stenographers present the most difficult problem in this respect. The office boy or girl may be advised to learn typewriting to qualify for promotion to the position of typist and the person typing may be counseled to study stenography with a view to becoming a stenographer. But although the salary of a stenographer may at first be gradually

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BOOK REVIEWS 139 increased as seniority increases her value to her employer, she soon reaches a grade when no further salary increase is justified and where there appears to be no opportunity for promotion. This leads to stagnation, loss of ambition and lack of efficiency. Miss Spencer’s book will show the municipal official how to guard against this loss of efficiency in his stenographic force. By gradually increasing the responsibilities of the stenographer, by assigning to her details of routine administration without direction, a threefold object will be accomplished. The time and energy of higher salaried executives will be saved, the interest of the stenographer will be stimulated in her work which is always a powerful incentive for efficiency, and she will be prepared for promotion to the rank of secretary,-a position of great importance in modern office organizations. In this book the author points out the responsibilities of the secretary, her interest and her loyalty. She also emphasizes the value of ideas and the importance of proper food, dress and recreation and gives much practical information regarding the performance of office duties, such as filing, mimeographing, telephoning and the like. This book is written in very simple and easily understandable language and the typographical arrangement is pleasing to the eye and convenient for purposes of reference. LEONHARD FELIX FTJLD. * WATERWORKS HANDBOOK. Compiled by A. D. Flinn, R. S. Weston and C. L. Bogert. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company. Flexible leather; pp. 824; 411 illustrations. $6. A reference book “for the waterworks engineer, and superintendent, the designer, constructor, operator and inspector,” says the preface, based on material “accumulated by the compilers in the course of their practice in various branches of waterworks engineering.” Users are “assumed to have some familiarity with mathematics, hydraulics, the natural sciences and waterworks construction, operation and maintenance.” The contents are grouped under such broad general topics as sources of water supply, collection, transportation by aqueducts, pipes, etc. ; distribution; hydraulics; treatment by filtration, etc. The essential features of specifications for various kinds of material and workmanship are presented. Numerous waterworks data are presented in usable form. The volume is essentially a technical reference book. It deserves a place in every municipally or privately owned water department, but is not designed for the lay official or citizen. * THE CONSTRUCTION OF ROADS AND PAVEMENTS. By T. R. Agg, C.E. New . York: McGraw-Hill Book Company $3. HANDBOOK FOR HIQHWAY ENGINEERS. By Wilson G. Harger, C.E., and Edmund A. Bonney. Second edition, revised and enlarged. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company. $3. Primarily, Professor Agg’s book is a college text, but numerous tables, typical designs and specifications are believed to add to the value it otherwise possesses for highway engineers. The volume can be readily grasped by the intelligent city official or general student of roads and pavements, for whom it contains much useful information. The development of highway systems, surveys, and the various classes of roads and pavements are passed in review. A glossary adds to the value of the book. Besides the revision of much of the material in the 6rst edition of Harger and Bonney’s “Handbook” (noted briefly in the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW for January, 1913) about a hundred pages of new matter have been added. The volume is essentially one for engineers engaged in the design and construction of the better class of improved country highways, costing from $5,000 to $30,000 per mile. This range of object and cost brings within its covers many data of use to those charged with the task of improving streets in villages, small cities and the outlying districts of some of the larger cities.

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140 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January ADDRESSES ON GOVERNMENT AND CITIZENSHIP. By Elihu Root. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. $2 net. Robert Bacon and James Brown Scott, Mr. Root’s one-time assistants in the department of state, have brought together in this volume Mr. Root’s various contributions to the discussion of the citizen’s part in government (being the Dodge lectures at Yale); experiments in government and the essentials of the constitution (being the Stafford Little lectures at Princeton); his addresses in the New York constitutional conventions of 1894 and 1915, and a long list of addresses on government and the administration of justice, concluding with his stimulating address as president of the American Bar Association for 1916 on “Public Service by the Bar.” These addresses constitute a significant and stimulating contribution to the chcwsion of governmental problems and his friends, the editors, have done a worthy piece of work in bringing them together. Whether one agrees with Mr. Root’s conclusions, one is impressed by his graap of facts, by the clarity and cogency of his reasoning, and by his statecraft. * LAW AND ORDER IN INDUSTRY. By Julius Henry Cohen. New York: The Macmillan Company. $1.50. Several years ago a strike in the shirt waist trade in New York was settled by a protocol, which was generally regarded a8 one of the most significant attempts “ever made in the United States to harmonize the conflicting interests of employers and employes.” Mr. Cohen (who by the way has been for a number of years a member of the council of the National Municipal League) was attorney for the manufacturers, and he gives in this volume not only an account of the inception and construction of the protocol, but a fair and discriminating account of how it worked out in practice. * AMERICAN PATRIOTS AND STATESMEN FROM WASRINQTON TO LINCOLN. Edited by -4lbert Bushnell Hart. The Collier Classics. 5 volumes. New Yorlr: P. F. Collier & Son. Dr. Hart, the versatile and encyclopedic Dorman B. Eaton professor of the science of government at Harvard, has added another substantial ground for gratitude in this interesting and inspiring collection of the utterances “by Americans with power of literary expression who have voiced their hopes and aspirations for the welfare of their country.” While the selections do not deal with municipal problems, they do “ discuss with eagerness the part which the form of government and the kind of liberty enjoyed by each have played in equipping it for the strife and in determining the issue.” 11. BOOKS RECEIVED ACTUAL GOVERNMENT OF NEW YORK. By Frank David Boynton. Boston: Ginn & Company. CARNEGIE ENDOWMENT FOR INTERNATIONAL PEACE. Year Book for 19113, 2 Jackson Place, Washington, D. C. CENSUS OF IOWA FOR TEE YEAR 1915. Compiled and Published under Direction of The Executive Council of the State of Iowa, Des Moines, Iowa. CITY PROBLEMS. Proceedings of the Seventh Annual Conference of Mayors and Other City Officials of New Tork State. 1916. CITY RESIDENTIAL LAND DEVELOPMENT: STUDIES IN PLANNING. Edited by Alfred B. Yeomans. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. ETHICS OF DEMOCRACY. By Louis F. Post. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Company. $I .50. THE JOINT COMMISSION ON SOCIAL SERVICE OF THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH. Second Triennial Report, 1916. KEY TO AMERICAN CITIZENSHIP. The result of three years’ teaching in the Citizenship School of the City of Oak$3 net.

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land. By Lyman Grimes. Published by the author, 613 Holbrook Bldg., San Francico, Cal. $1. MEDIATION, INVESTIGATION AND ARBITRAGeorge E. Barnett and David A. McCabe. New York: D. Appleton & Company. $1.25. MISCELLANEOUS LABOR LAWS OF NEW YORE STATE, 1916. Prepared by the Bureau of Statistics and Information, New York State Department of Labor. MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT OF THE CITY OF NEW YORE. By Abby Gunn Baker and Abby Huntington Ware. Revised edition. Boston: Ginn & Company, 90 cents. NEQRO YEAR BOOK, 1917. Edited by Monroe N. Work. Tuskegee Institute, Ala.: Negro Year Book Publishing Company. 35 cents. NEW YORE CITY’S ADMINISTRATIVE PROGRESS, 1914-1916. A Survey of Various Departments under the Jurisdiction of the Mayor. Conducted by Henry Bruhre, Chamberlain, City of New York. May, 1916. OUR AMERICA. By John A. Lapp. Indianapolis: The Bobbs-MerrilI Company. $1.25. TION IN INDUSTRIAL DISPUTES. By PARKS: THEIR DESIGN, EQUIPMENT AND USE. By George Burnap. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company. $6. PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF CHARITIES AND CORRECTION. Forty-third Annual Meeting, Indianapolis, Ind., May 10-17, 1916. Published by the Conference, 315 Plymouth Court, Chicago. PROCEEDINGS, TENTH ANNUAL CONTENTION, SMOKE PREVENTION ASSOCIATION. Cincinnati, Ohio. Skpt. 8-10, 1915. RIDER’S NEW YORE CITY: A GUIDE-BOOK FOR TRAVELERS. Compiled and edited by Fremont Rider. New York: Henry Holt & Company. $3.10 net. THE SLAVERY OF PROSTITUTION. By Maude E. Miner. New York: The Macmillan Company. $1.50. THE UNDERSTANDING HILLS. By Livingston L. Biddle. New York: Dodd, Mead & Company. WOMAN’S SUFFRAGE BY CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT. By H. St. George Tucker. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. $1.35. WOMEN;WORKERS AND SOCIETY. By Annie M. Maclean, Ph.D. Chicago: A. C. McClurg & Company. The National Social Science Series. 50 cents. 19171 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 141 111. REVIEWS OF REPORTS TraBic Regulation.-A copy of the proposed “act providing for the dorm regulation of vehicles, animals and pedestrians on public highways in the state of New York” was sent me by the secretary of the New York state conference of mayors, Mr. W. P. Capes, for criticism. The proposed act contains about 8,000 words. Most of it is verbose, much superfluous, some contradictory, impractical or untried, and some already discarded. The New York city regulations, consisting of about 1,500 words, including d&nitions, cover in concise form absolutely everything of value contained in the proposed act, except such things as cannot as yet be standardized, are of bcal application, or are needed only for occasional reference. These should not be permitted to pad the pocket folders or placards of street traffic regulations, but should be contained in a local pamphlet, to which I will refer later. Each state should have a traffic act, and it should be alike in each state, so that it may finally become a national act, I, therefore, strongly recommend that the act consist of, and be confined to, the following limitations: First-That the police department (or in towns which have no police department, the board of selectmen, town managers or other proper authorities) are hereby authorized, empowered and ordered: To adopt and enforce the standard police street traffic regulations‘ and to direct, March 20. 1916. ‘The New York city regulations, revision of

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142 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January control and regulate, and when necessary, temporarily divert or exclude (in the interest of public safety, health and convenience) the movement of pedestrian, animal and vehicular traffic of every kind in streets, roads, parks and on bridges. Second-That every city shall, and every town may, issue a small pamphlet setting forth the laws governing speed, lights, sound signals and other equipment,' information as to how drivers' licenses or permits and vehicular registration may be obtained; the regulations for approach to and departure from each local theater or important place of public assembly, cab fares, etc. Third-That it be attempted, through proper channels, to have appointed by the President of the United States a national road traffic regulation commission with power to adopt or reject any changes or additions suggested by the state road traffic regulation commission (see next paragraph) of any state, to the end that standard uniformity be preserved throughout the whole country. (To cover this, each state should appoint a road traffic regulation commission to suggest changes when thought advisable, when it shall send a delegate to a national road traffic regulation commission to be appointed by the President of the United States, with power to adopt or reject.) Fourth-That all special traffic regulations be enforced by local signs, and that these signs be uniform in shape and color and briefest in wording. Those for warning and directing the movement of traffic, vivid yellow letters or arrows on a black background. Those for designating public parking spaces, cab stands, car and bus stops, etc., should have the colors reversed, i.e. black on yellow. These colors contrast best of all in the day the and when illuminated at night. Fifth-That uniform police signals be adopted, &s used by the New York city police. 'The present New Yorlc laws on speed, light, sound signals, etc., should be allowed to stand a8 they are for the present, and until we can give them further study, with a view to simplification and reaaonableness. Undoubtedly, the gentlemen who have been delegated to compile the proposed traffic act for the state of New York have worked hard, but they have lacked the necessary experience. The same criticism pertains to those who compiled the traffic regulations for the safety first society, of which you wanted my opinion. The regulation of traffic has grown to be an almost exact science, and as such, itiis as important to know what to omit as what to include. The New York city regulations have been the basis of all other sets officially adopted or proposed. They date from October 30, 1903, and each revision has shown progressive improvement. They were given official standing in Paris, July 10, 1912. Following this, London also codified similar regulations, so that now the New York police street traffic regulations are practically identical with the most important cities of the world. In a word, the adoption of the proposed traffic act would be a misfortune, and a step in the wrong direction. Traffic regulations must, above all, be short and clear, or they will not be read, and therefore ineffective. They must be reasonable or they cannot be enforced. They must not attempt to overregulate, or they will result in confusion. WILLIAM P. ENO. Washington, D. C. * Standardization of Public Employments. -Any one who is especially interested in the movement toward standardization of public employments will find the two numbers of Municipal Research for November 1915 and August l9lG well worth his reading. Both numbers have been prepared by Mr. Arthur W. Proctor of the staff of the New York bureau of municipal research, who is one of the pioneers in this comparatively new movement. The first number treats of the more general aspects of the subject while the second number deak specifically with four of the most important studies and experiments thus far made in personal service standardization. These studies and experiments are those of Chicago, Pittsburgh, New York

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19171 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 143 city and New York state. The distinctive value of both numbers is that they are at once readable and helpful in a practical way to specialists themselves. WILLIAM C. BEYER.~ * The Houses of Providence.-If one would read a formal report which is at the same time a love story, a call to service and a scientific dissection of a living organism, he can find these in “The Houses of Providence.” The love story is between the lines-that of the worker who is gloriously in love with his job; the call to service is to those who would make life richer, more abundant for all men; the scientific picture is that of t,he housing conditions of Providence. The “practical” issues have been met and threshed out. To those who would lightly dismiss the housing troubles of the immigrant with the thought that he is better off here than he was in Europe, comes this challenge point-blank: The native born build and own houses inhabited by the immigrant. These houses set a standard which the newcomer naturally accepts as American. What if the Pole, the Italian, the, Portuguese, finds these dwelhngs superior in some respects to those from which they came? Will it satisfy Providence that its forei n quarters are somewhat better than tfe slums of Lisbon and Naples; that its sanitation is somewhat superior to that of the villages of Russian Poland? . , Why do French-Canadians, Italians and Poles push Americans, English, Irish out of the unskilled trades? Have we no profit-making part in that? How do they come to live in houses unsanitary, dila idated, out of repairs? Have we no pro&making part in that? If there were no such houses they would not be lived in. Those who would blame the congestion of our cities on the immigrant’s craving for profit have this to answer: Here again comes the responsibility of the native born of American ancestry. It was they who erected the first threedeckers. It was they who said what is 1 Bureau of municipal research of Phindclphia. 8 A Study of Present Conditions end Tendencies, with Notes on the Surrounding Communities and some Mill Villages, by John Ihlder. Madge Headly, Udetta Brown, Associated, 1916. 93 pp. and appendix. permissible and what is not when they enacted the Providence building code. The Italian and the Jewish builders are but following American precedents-and going a little further, are but doing what Americans have said is proper, when they build double three-deckers and large brick tenement houses, erect dwellings on the rear of lots, open windows within three,feet of another dwelling and in so doing mcidentally close most of the windowe in that other dwelling. What they are doing Americans have done before them and said it was good. The difference is they are doing more of it, so much more of it that we cannot avoid seeing the results, and we see that they are bad. Tenement rentals were investigated and compared with those of small houses. We call attention to the following figures taken from the schedules made out in the inspection districts. These indicate that in the districts where land is most overcrowded, where there is the greatest number of families per house, rents inrline to be higher, not, lower, than in the other districts. After one has finished reading, he feeh that he knows Providence, a bit of its history, its general character, its atmosphere, its appearance, its colors, its people, its relations with the rest of the world, its weakness, its future, its needs. Hereafter one cannot help being interested in what happens there, even though he may live on the other side of the continent. The many illustrations, the attractive printing, the short chapters, the “readableness” of it, the reasonableness of its recommendations make this report an unusually effective instrument of publicity. It is bound to prove a powerful agent in the creation of that broad basis of popular support which housing codes, like other social laws, need for their successful operation. Philadelphia. * Massachusetts Homestead Commission.3-There can be few more encouraging public documents in existence than this series of three annual reports by the 3 Third annual report of the homestead commiasion (Maasrtchusetta). Paper cover, 100 pp., illustrated. Public Document No. 103, 1916. For the year 1915. NEVA R. DEARDORF.

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144 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January Massachusetts homestead commission. Beginning as the commission did, some four or five years ago, with comparatively little knowledge of its subject, but inspired with determination to do something to change a condition that had grown intolerable to all thinking people, its efforts not only have clarified its own mind, but have clarified that of the commonwealth as well. The present report, like the first one, contains a valuable summary of what is being done and thought in regard to housing in all parts of the world. But the present report has the great advantage over its predecessor that those who wrote it have now digested the results of others’ experience and so are able to present them more compactly, forcefully and directly. Moreover, having once presented, in the first report, a mass of information that is valuable for the student but probably overwhelming to the legislator who has neither the time nor the inclination to sift what is pertinent from what is not, the commission now does this for him and drives the point home by evidence from Massachusetts cities. For thirty years and more Boston has known of its slums. Its progress toward better things has been infinitesimal. As the report says, in more diplomatic language: “The sum of all these publications (reports of various organizations) leaves the question in doubt as to whether, on the whole, the housing conditions of the poor in Boston have materially changed for the better.” Admitting that there may be doubt as to the change, the illustrations prove beyond controversy that the present conditions are abominable, and that it is high time for a change about which there can be no doubt. As with Boston, so with the other cities of the state. The time for change is due, and overdue, “rotten ripe” might be an apt quotation. But the important part of the report deals with the method of bringing about the change. And in that even more than in the report itself is evidence of the commission’s growth in knowledge and experience. Its first proposal, briefly, was to use state money for the building of workingmen’s dwellings. This proposal the highest court in the state declared to be unconstitutional. The commission then drafted an amendment to the constitution giving the legislature authority “to take land, and to hold, improve, subdivide, build upon and sell the same for the purpose of relieving congestion of population and providing homes for citizens, etc.” The changing of “workingmen” into “citizens” met the chief objection of the court, but the passing of the amendment removed all doubt. It is at this point that the present report takes up the story. The amendment was approved by 284,568 votes to 95,148, at the November, 1915, election. The legislature, at two preceding sessions, had approved the purpose of this amendment, but now with full constitutional authority, came a hitch. One house passed a bill which would put the amendment into effect and provide $50,000 to start the work. The other house, however, failed to do so by one vote. So the commission has drafted a new bill which will be introduced this winter. Meanwhile, however, it has secured the enactment of another measure that may have far-reaching results. On the score that “great waste would result, and possibly danger to the homestead movement might arise, if many persons inexperienced in the care and management of the soil were put in possession of ‘small houses and plots of ground,’ as contemplated in the act under which the homestead commission was created,” a second bill was drafted. This is entitled “an act to provide for the establishment and maintenance of agricultural instruction for families.” This act, for it was enacted, does what the title indicates and in addition empowers the school committee to “make provision for houses and plots of ground for the temporary use of families attending the school, etc.” The last section provides that the act shall he submitted to the voters of every city and town of Massachusetts at the next state

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19171 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 145 election, for their acceptance or rejection. It was so submitted this fall and at least 23 towns accepted the law. How much use they will make of it remains to be seen, but if the plan takes hold it may be the beginning of the garden city movement which has been several. times vainly launched under the imported title. Three years is a short time in which to accomplish results in so conservative a state as Massachusetts. The proposals of the homestead commission will not solve all of Massachusetts’ housing problems even if carried out in full. But they mark a definite step forward in a state that, with one exception, so far has done little except investigate, report and resolve. The one exception waa the enactment of the optional tenement house laws, which now have been adopted by about twenty-five towns and one city. The chief effect of these laws is to prevent the building of wooden tenement houses. If the tom that have adopted the agricultural instruction act really put it into force, and if as a result even a small stream of families begins to trickle away from crowded city centers to the more spacious suburbs, not only will these families be benefited, but perhaps the pressure of population in the crowded districts will be relieved, and certainly the consciousness of something definitely achieved will hearten those who have waged the long, discouraging fight for urban housing reform. In this connection it is appropriate to say a word of appreciation of the man who has borne the burden of what has been done. There is credit due all the members of the commission, but most is due to its secretary, Henry Sterling, to whom Massachusetts owes a debt of gratitude. JOHN IHLDER. * The Twelfth Annual Report of the Henry Phipps Institute (Philadelphia) deals with the storage, handling and sale of food in Philadelphia. It is divided into two parts-part one presents the conditions found in a survey of over 1,000 10 stores and about 200 push-carts and street stands; part two deals with the general food inspection service of the city. Ln part one, 4 pages are given to an introduction, about 33 pages to a statement about the area surveyed and the method of scoring, 10 pages to an interpretation of 30 pages of statistics and maps and a little over a page to legislation that failed of enactment, the need for a health committee and a food exhibit; while 10 pages of excellent cuts visualize the abnormal conditions found. In part two, dealing with governmental aspects of food inspection, there are 28 pages of text and 10 pages of tables and maps explanatory of the text. The report states that conditions under which foods are exposed for sale in Philadelphia are bad; that the inspection service of the city is inadequate, insufficiently supervised and poorly paid; and that the appropriations for such health work are woefully deficient, “gentle persuasion” being largely relied on for the enforcement of pure food laws and ordinances. The comparison made between Philadelphia and other large cities of the country is to the discredit of Philadelphia. One wonders, as he reads the report, for whom it was prepared and for what purpose. It is neither scientific nor popular in method of presentation. A just criticism would be that it is not properly balanced, too much attention being given to over-elaborate and confusing tables of data upon which the writer has failed to throw the light necessary to reveal their significance. 14 such a comprehensive survey undoubtedly much material was collected that should have found its way into the report on some other basis than that of a system of scoring, itself arbitrary and difficult to grasp. When a scoring system is employed, as here, the reader has a right to know not simply how the score wm made but the qualifications of those who collected the data. In a food survey, analyzed on the basis of sanitation and health, where field ratings are given, the value of deductions largely depends on

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January expert knowledge, but nothing in the report indicates that the investigators were trained in the subjects they were studying. The absence of any physical, chemical or bacteriological analysis of the food described as for sale under filthy conditions further weakens the reliability of the conclusions drawn. The accuracy of the conclusions might also be called into question solely on the evidence presented in the report. It is to be regretted, moreover, that the Phipps institute, which is a part of the University of Pennsylvania, did not utilize the excellent laboratory facilities available in the school of public hygiene. Such laboratory methods would undoubtedly have furnished complete evidence of food contamination, the lack of which leaves the deductions offered scarcely more than hypotheses. Minor evidences of careless work appear in the phraseology; for instance, individual workers are classed as “groups” (page 13), and the “food question,” instead of contaminated food is given as a cause for ill health (page 9). Philadelphia is credited with 14 milk inspectors on one page (pRge 10) and on another with 16 inspectors (page 61), and with 68 slaughter houses in one paragraph (page 63), and 69 in another (page 66). Such slips, which should have been caught by the proofreader, when taken in connection with the other evidences of inaccuracy might raise doubts as to the trustworthiness of the data presented in the report. In the discussion contained in the introduction relative to diseased food and the need for an efficient inspection service, the examples cited are wholly at variance with the requirements of the United States bureau of animal industry. Dr. Melvin (23d report of the bureau) states that an inspection for trichiniasis similar to that carried on for the export trade some years ago would cost, if made at the slaughter houses, $3,700,000 a year. Dr. Melvin maintains further, that even under this most intensive inspection the dangers are not wholly removed so that the public would have to resort to thorough cooking. Likewise the recommendation relative to the condemnation of cattle or pork for food use, if in any way infected with tuberculosis, has been called into question. The bureau wisely takes the ground (regulation 13, principle B) that there is little, if any, reason for discarding cattle where the “lesions are localized and not numerous, if there is no evidence of distribution of tubercle bacilli thru the blood, or by other means, to the muscles, etc., and if the animal is well nourished and in good condition.” Part two of the report, prepared by the bureau of municipal research, presents clearly the inadequacy of the food inspection service of Philadelphia, and is suggestive of numerous ways whereby the city might raise its standards to protect the health of the public. BERNARD J. NEW MAN.^ * Construction of the Los Angeles Aqueduct.*-This is the almost romantic story of a typically American municipal project, conceived on a large scale and executed in record time. Los Angeles in 1905, then a city of 200,000 population, found itself dependent for water upon a supply diminishing in quantity while increasing in cost. Further, the population was growing in leaps of 10 to 15 per cent a year and upon investigation it was found that all neighboring sources of adequate water supply had been pre-empted by other communities for either potable or higation purposes. Foreseeing clearly the danger of the city’s growth being effectively throttled unless there was an immediate solution to the dilemma, the authorities very wisely and bravely acquired at private sale options on essential water rights to the dependable and ample flow of the Owens river over 230 miles distant from the city, and proceeded to make this supply available. As a record of municipal enterprise the history of the scheme continues unique. 1 Director, Pennaylvanis school for social service. %Final Report on the Construction of the LOB Angeles Aqueduct, with Introductory Historical Sketch. Lo8 Angeles, Calif.: Department of Public Service. Cloth: 8 x 11 in.; pp. 319; illustrated with maps, drawings and photographs. $1.95.

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19171 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 147 The voters quickly ratified the issue of nearly $25,000,000 of 40-year bonds to consummate the execution of the plans. The financial problems involved in the selling of the bonds and the legal issues arising out of the city’s appropriation of lands and water rights are all dealt with in separate chapters. The maih features of engineering design and construction are also dealt with separately and covered in a way which subordinates local interest and emphasizes the principles sought for and applied. Excellent examples of the methods of computing bonus payments to the laborers, as well as of cost accounts, are described. Those interested in municipal ownership and operation of public utilities will read with interest and profit how LOS Angeles, confronted with an artificially high price set by local mills for the cement of which some 900,000 barrels were required, with typical energy procured the necessary quarries and plant and built a large mill from which the work was almost entirely supplied at a comparatively low cost. Unique for a municipal undertaking of the size described was the decision to do the work by direct account throughout, eliminating all contractors. The results were most gratifying, the total cost of the work falling within the preliminary estimate and the speed being even more satisfactory. The bonus system developed during the course of the work for the routine work of tunneling and of riveting the large pipes of steel plate are thoroughly described and the success of the policy adopted in setting the bonuses is amply vindicated by the demonstrated savings secured not only in money but in time. In fact, the report claims for the Los Angeles aqueduct the American record for monthly progress in hard rock tunneling. To facilitate the project the national authorities at Washington were prevailed upon to withdraw federal lands from prospective homesteaders as well as to abandon various irrigation projects which would have diverted the desired water. Finding itself in need of trails across the desert to carry on construction work, the city made successful arrangements with the Southern Pacific railroad by which this company constructed the necessary tracks in the desired location without cost to the city. Arrangements were also made by which local freight destined for the aqueduct via other railroads received a rebated rate. The report is unique in that it covers a variety of topics, the principal of which have been dwelt upon, in a concise manner so well written as to interest both students and managers of civic affairs. Besides a profuse number of handsome half-tone plates and a few drawings in the body oi the book, a pocket in the back contains the maps, profiles and “graphs” needed to illuminate the few technical chapters. It is very fortunate that the city authorities properly appraised the value of their experiences and saw fit to make publicly available, at nominal cost, this complete record of the profitable execution of a large municipal project. JULIAN RICEMON~.~ d, Street Railway Matters.-While the people of Cleveland, Ohio, are enjoying the fastest and best trolley service in the country in the cleanest and most modern cars for a three-cent fare, certain street railways in Massachusetts have been trying the experiment of six-cent fares, with such ill-success that one of them petitioned the public service commission for a still further raise in rates. But it remained for the Bay State railway company, operating 897 miles in the cities and IAssistant engineer, board of water supply, New Yorkaity. 3 Boston Elevated Railway Company. Statement . . . made before the special commission appointed under authority of chapter 158 of the Resolves of 1916, entitled Resolve “providing for a special commission to consider the financial oondition of the Boston elevated railway company.” By Gaston, Snow and Saltonstall, general solicitors. September, 1916. 86 pp. Set of exhibits accompanying statement . . . made before the special commission . . ’ . 1916. Exhibits A-T, charts, maps. Massachusetts. Public Service Commission. The Bay State rate case: report and order, Aug. 31, 1916. (P. 9. C. 1085.) 1916. 116 pp.

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148 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January towns of eastern Massachusetts, to make the most determined effort of any railway in the country to increltse its fares. Without question the Bay State railway was most ill-advised in petitioning for a six-cent fare over its entire system. By so doing it antagonized every city and town through which it passes, no less than 65 municipalities officially represented by counsel in opposing the fare increase. While the company is entitled to a measure of sympathy because of the burden of unprofitable lines which should never have been built, of interurban routes too crooked to be entitled to so dignified a name, of a collection of obsolete cars which should long ago have been consigned to the scrap heap, at the same time all these handicaps have been apparent since the consolidation of lines began, about seventeen years ago, and there has been ample time to evolve a modern railway. Instead of that, the company neglected both maintenance and depreciation. It adopted a type of car about ten years behind the times. It operated single cars where trailers or trains would have saved some of the greatly desired income, showed a lack of efficient operation and management throughout the system, and on top of all these deficiencies, it adopted a course certain to alienate the sympathy of the entire riding public. The company was treated with remarkable fairness by the public service commission, whose report is well worth a careful study. The commission pointed out the shortcomings of the company, and made constructive suggestions as to possible economies and means of obtaining more revenue. While denying the right to raise fares over the entire system, it decided to permit certain fare increases on interurban lines. Following the decision of the public service commission, the Bay State railway has not improved matters in any way at the time of the present writing. It has tucked in fare increases wherever any loophole was afforded by the report. It cut out stopping places without well defined plan. The commission had wisely stated its belief that the co-operation of the public was of more real value to the company than an increase in fares. But this invaluable suggestion was wholly ignored. What the company should have done was to employ Peter Witt of Cleveland to effect real co-operation with the public and undo the injury caused by the attempted raise in fares. Mr. Witt ww called into the case by the city of Lynn, and could have done wonders for the company, without question, by repeating his Cleveland success in winning public support for a skip stop plan and the speeding up of the cars; and in adopting one-man cars on poorly paying lines, and up-todate cars and trailers on routes with heavy travel. The Boston elevated railway company is also before the public for financial relief, and is under investigation by a special commission composed of officials of the state government, the public service commission, and the Boston transit commission. While the Boston elevated management, like the Bay State management, must accept responsibility for some of the burdens of the past for which relief is desired, the Boston company has much the stronger case for public support, aa shown by the statement submitted to the special investigating commission. The company has been far more progressive in recent years than the Bay State. Schedules have been speeded up; stops eliminated; fare boxes introduced; power production increased; track reconstruction kept up on most modern lines; and electric switches and signals installed to save time and expense. The new standard car of the Bay State railway is practically the same type which the Boston company has given up building, in favor of center entrance motor cars and trailers, which are loaded much quicker, are safer and more convenient for passengers, and are far more economical of operation. The financial burdens of the Boston elevated company appear to be due largely to over expansion in rapid transit construction, and the company must admit that it went into these matters with its eyes open, and that the Cambridge sub

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19171 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 149 way and East Cambridge viaduct were costly investments. The public was largely insistent, too, on the building of the Boylston street subway and the Dorchester tunnel; and while the company could not have been forced against its will to lease these lines, at the same time it can well be excused for having undertaken the financial burden. If Boston and its surrounding municipalities desire a constantly expanding rapid transit system, whether profitable or not, the time has evidently come for the public to stand behind the system financially, just as New York is doing with the dual system, whose new lines are far more likely to be self-supporting than some of those in Boston. The Cambridge subway, again, might well have been built by assessing the cost on the property benefited, as is proposed for the Utica avenue line in Brooklyn. One thing is certain about the Boston elevated case: there will be no real demand to raise fares. The present Boston management is too progressive to require such a drastic form of relief, and too wise to follow the Bay State company in such an unpopular move. New York City. ?i! Standards for Electric Service is the title of a publication (“Circular” No. 56) recently issued by the United States Bureau of Standards, which, because of its field of usefulness, deserves notice outside the technical circles to which such publications are usually confined. All existing statutes and regulations which have been enacted to control the supply and sale of electric service by public service utilities are classified and reviewed. The applications of these regulations as they affect the standards for service are discussed, and clear definition given of what should be both the duties and limitations of regulation. From the review of rules and recommendations for electric service as they exist throughout the country, the Bureau has undertaken to outline model sets of regulations to serve as a starting point for JOHN P. Fox. commissions or legislative bodies whose duties may require the formulation of such regulations. The Bureau of Standards has acted in an advisory capacity to many public service and municipal bodies, and the result of its experience should be of material value to commissions and officials who heretofore have been able to obtain this information either incompletely or as a result of much labor. 1. Rules and recommendations for the regulation of electric service companies by state commissions; 2. Three specimen ordinances suitable for cities or towns not having regulation by commission; 3. Specifications governing the approval of. types of electric meters by commissions. The first, which is most important and embraces the greater part of the publication, is based on careful studies of the subject, and embodies the results of conferences with operating companies and others qualified to express opinions. Comparatively few towns and cities at present possess regulating ordinances covering the supply of electric service. The examples given are intended to cover the probable needs of the average city or town which does not possess commission form of regulation. A brief description of the testing equipment provided by each of the state commissions for the calibration and standardization of working tests standards, and for the testing of meters upon complaint to the commission should be of interest to operating companies and to commissions considering the equipment of similar laboratories. The appendixes contain reprints of sections of state public service commission laws concerning safety and data of technical value to both commissions and operating companies. The public is indebted to the Bureau of Standards for placing in available form valuable data which heretofore could be had only as a result of much individual effort and research. Circular No. 32, treating in a similar manner of the supply of gas service, is now The circular contains:

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January in its third edition and has received a wide circulation. HARRY V. ALL EN.^ * Recent Tax Reports.-The three interesting documents under review differ very radically in their character. One is a letter to the mayor of Philadelphia outlining the local municipal revenue situation.* The second is an account of the session of the commonwealth club of California at which the radical land-tax amendment was the subject of debate.3 The third is the 1916 tax report of the city of New York.4 They will be discussed in inverse order. The New York report is the regular annual publication of the department of taxes and assessments. This bureau, headed by Mr. Lawson Purdy, has won widespread recognition by the excellence of its work. No better advice can be offered the American tax official who desires to improve the administration of his department than to familiarize himself with New York practice and certainly no better model for a municipal tax report is to be found than this document. This is no mere statement of total assessed values. It is a well-analysed historical exhibit. The assessment data are split into their constituent classes and redivided geographically into assessment districts. The boundaries of these districts are made clear by maps. Side by side with figures for the current year are presented those for the preceding three years, with percentages of increase and decrease and the portion of the total value represented by the various classes of 1 Assistant engineer of light and power, department of water supply, gzs and electricity, oity of New York. 3Taxation and New Sources of Revenue. A Letter addressed to Hon. Thomas B. Smith, Mayor of Philadelphia, and the Presidents and Members of Select and Common Councils. By Joseph P. Gdney, Esq., chairman of the finance committee, October 24, 1916. 22 pp. transactions of the Commonweslth Club of California, vol. xi, no. 7, October, 1916. The Lmd Tar Amendment, San Francisco, California, 1916. 329-367 pp. ‘Report of the commissioners of taxes and agaessments of the city of New York, 1916. 98 pp. property. From these tables it is possible by a moment’s inspection to ascertain the general movement of land values in the various sections of the city or the areas of building activity and stagnation. There are also comparative and detailed statements of property exempt from taxation and of the number and value of vacant lots. Much material other than assessment data is given, such, for instance, as the rates of taxation for a series of years, a summary of the changes in the tax laws and of the judicial decisions in the field and a general discussion of the problems and accomplishments of the department during the year. In short, it is a satisfactory statement of all the pertinent facts which might properly appear in an annual report of this type. Unfortu-. nately the excellence of the report is somewhat marred by the presence of a number of slight arithmetical inaccuracies. Ih view of the many unusual circumstances present in the real estate situation, the 1916 assessment data are of particular interest. The war has had an effect here, for the population of New York appears to have decreased rather than increased for the first time in a long series of years. The tax rate in Manhattan, moreover, exceeded 2 per cent, which has not occurred since 1902 at which time property was not so fully assessed as today. Rapidtransit facilities have been developed on an enormous scale. Plans for building restrictions and zoning, after a long period of discussion, were about to be adopted when the report was written. Because of these factors and others, the assessments reveal very striking changes. The total value of real estate in the city has increased about one hundred million dollars, but nearly three-fourths of this increase is in improvements. “Ordinary land value” actually decreased more than thirty million dollars. In Manhattan alone the decrease was more than fifty millions, the other four boroughs showing slight increases. The per capita land value in Manhattan has shown a steady decrease for six years. In 1911 it was $1,303. Today it is $1,200. In certain sections of Manhattan the de

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19171 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 15 1 creases have been disastrously great largely because of changes in the location of business centers. The new sections, however, have not increased sufficiently in value to counterbalance the decreases in the abandoned regions. “It seem evident,” reads the report, “that such a decrease in value would not have occurred had the city been districted years ago in accordance with the use to which t&e property may be put and the height to which buildings may be permitted to be erected.” That this is substantially true, no one will doubt. But it will be interesting to observe whether high tax rates and improved rapid transit will permit a full recovery of land values in Manhattan even with intelligent zoning restrictions in force. Real estate assessments in New York appear to be now somewhat above full cash value, the table of sales presented in the report showing that the consideration in 5,003 sales averaged 103 per cent of the assessed value of the parcels. It would be a very fortunate situation if every city had as the chairmen of its finance committee a man capable of addressing to its mayor as intelligent a letter as that submitted by Joseph P. Gaffney to Mayor Smith of Philadelphia last October. Mr. Gaffney displays a comprehensive @asp of the history of taxation in Philadelphia and an accurate appreciation of the limitations under which the city must work in its efforts to improve its financial situation. The bulk of the report consists of a historical sketch of the development of the present revenue system but he also makes some very definite suggestions for changes. Most of the suggestions are of local interest only. For none of them does Mr. Gaffney claim originality. Several are unusual, however. For example, Mr. Gaffney argues that because the automobile is the “legitimate successor” of the horse, automobile taxes should be local rather than state. He also stamps as essentially “local in their character” both the mercantile license tax and the collateral inheritance tax. As a means of securing improvement in the administration of the real estate tax, he suggests that a more direct control be established over the board of revision of taxes. That Pennsylvania antique, the threefold classification of real estate, is condemned as is also the exemption of the real estate of quasipublic corporations. Special privileges granted by the city should be made the basis for the imposition of special charges. He displays no affection for personal property taxes but he remarks that “if they are to prevail . . . proper and efficient machinery [for their collection] cannot be supplied too quickly.” It will be seen that the recommendations are made from the point of view of what is immediately practicable rather than of what is fundamentally desirable. In California this fall there was waged a fight for a land tax measure which was more frankly and wholeheartedly singletax in its nature than any put forward in recent years. Its supporters for some reason called the campaign “the great adventure,” perhaps because of the desperateness of their hope and their willingness to accept their reward in the joy of a struggle rather than in the fruits of 8 victory. The measure is reported to have been badly defeated1 at the recent election. The committee on taxation of the commonwealth club of California considered the measure and reported against its adoption by a vote of nineteen to one, the lone dissenter being Mr. Milton T. U’Ren. The report of the committee was presented to the club on October 11 and was sup ported by Professor C. C. Plehn and vigorously opposed by Mr. U’Ren. The verbatim account of the debate, published in pamphlet form, shows that the subject was discussed in a very able and delightfully good-humored fashion on both sides. As is inevitable under such circumstances, there was evident at times a tendency to avoid the direct joining of issues and there was also some confusion because the speakers used terms in different senses. One should not of course expect exact and scientifically qualified statements in a discussion of this sort. It undoubtedly Joseph Fels Fund Bulletin, vol. 4, no. 11 (November, 1916), p. 1.

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152 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January served its purpose admirably, if the object was to present the issue with clearness to a group of business men whose time was short and interest limited. All three documents are excellent, each in its particular field. All three, moreover, furnish strong evidence of the increased intelligence with which problems of public finance are being considered in this country. ROBERT MURRAY HAIG. Columbia University. 5 Torrens Land Transfer Reports.LIn these pamphlets the drafts of three different statutes embodying the Torrens system of registering land titles are presented and discussed and a considerable amount of historical and descriptive material of a more general nature is set forth. Mr. Browne’s monograph on the Torrens land transfer act of Nebraska is the most elaborate and comprehensive of the three. A brief review of the defects of the old system of recording land titles is followed by a clear analysis of the Nebraska statute of 1915. In common with other acts of this kind it provides that the owner of real property may, if he wishes to have his title to that property registered and guaranteed. This involves two things. In the first place en opportunity must be given to all those who have any adverse claims against such title to be heard in court upon the question of the validity of those claims. In the second place, by the exaction of a small fee from those whose titles are registered a fund is created out of which is paid any indemnities which may be subsequently 1 The Torrens Land Transfer Act of Nebraska, by Thorne A. Brone, assistant director Nebraska legislative reference bureau. Bulletin no. 10, Nebraska History and Political Science Series. 60 pp. 1916. Registration of Land Titles in the United States. An address before the law association of Philadelphia, by Hon. Eugene C. Massie. 25 pp. 1916. Torrens Registration System in New York Memorandum relative to the proposed amendments to the real property law governing registration of real property titles known as the Torrens law. Prepared by the bureau of municipal research. 29 pp. 1916. recovered against such registered and guaranteed titles. The Nebraska statute leaves it optional with any county of the state to adopt the Torrens system or not as it may see fit. An elaborate summary is presented of the arguments for and against the scheme and a valuable review is given of the decisions of both state and federal courts upon the constitutional questions involved. Several state courts have invalidated Torrens acts as violating the doctrine of the separation of governmental powers and denying due process of law but the United States supreme court has indicated in several cases that it regards the essential principle involved in the system as valid. The pamphlet closes with a useful summary of the history of the Torrens system apd a brief bibliography. Mr. Massie is chairman of the committee on registration of title to land of the National Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws and his address before the law association of Philadelphia is a discussion of the model Torrens act proposed by that body. The provisions of that model statute are set forth in considerable detail. The Illinois Torrens law of 1897 has served as a model for most of the states which have enacted legislation of this type and Mr. Massie points out how the proposed uniform act remedies the defects which are to be found in the Illinois statute. Among the more interesting and important of these improvements may be mentioned the provisions requiring the establishment of a special court of land registration, resting the appointment of examiners of title with the court instead of the administrative officers, securing jury trial on questions of title, shortening the time within which adverse claims may be asserted against registered titles, affording protection against forgery, and stipulating that an assurance fund shall be established to pay indemnities recovered against registered titles and that if such fund be inadequate to meet any claim the “unpaid amount shall bear interest and be paid in its order out of moneys thereafter coming into the funds.”

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19171 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 153 The bulletin prepared by the New York bureau of municipal research summarizes the provisions of the New York Torrens act of 1908. This statute has not proved satisfactory and been used very rarely. This situation has led to the proposal by the register of New York county of a large number of amendments to the law which are set down under seventeen different heads and supplemented by several other suggestions for improvement. These changes follow very closely indeed the main lines of the model uniform statute proposed by the commissioners on uniform state laws. An interesting difference between the two lies in the fact that, under the proposed New York act, if the demands on the assurance fund exceed the amount in the fund the balance is to be paid out of the county treasury instead of out of subsequent payments into the fund itself. The proposed act would abolish the curious provision in the present law making it optional with the owner who ‘registers his title whether or not he will make a contribution to the guarantee fund and receive its protection. From a perusal of these pamphlets one gleans a very clear idea of the history and growth of the Torrens system as well as an insight into some of the more intricate questions of form and procedure which arise under it. ROBERT E. Cusma. University of Illinois. Handbook for City Officials.-The league of California municipalities has long enjoyed the reputation of being one of the most effective organizations of its kind in the United States. Evidence of its success is found in the fact that out of 245 incorporated cities and towns in the state, 201 are members of the league. All except about 20 of these 240 municipalities are fifthand sixth-class cities. “A handbook for city officials of the fifthand sixth-class cities of the state of California” has been prepared by the executive secretary, William J. Locke. The volume consists principally of 8ections of the constitution which concern municipalities and portions of the municipal corporation act which constitute the charters of fifthand sixth-class cities. Besides giving this indispensable material in convenient and annotated form, Mr. Locke has incorporated much information which will be invaluable to officials of newly incorporated towns and to newly elected officials. Model specifications for pavements, culverts, sewers and other street improve ments are included. An article on municipal and finance accounts and another on efficiency in assessment rolls and tax collection were written by William Dolge, C.P.A. One of the best features of the manual is a very complete index. A table of contents would also have added to its usefulness. IV. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1 Accidents Highway accidents in New York city during 1915. (American Statistical Association. Quarterly Publications, Sept. , 1916 : 318-323. tables.) Accounting KLOTZ (R. G.). The principles of depreciation accounting. (Industrial Management, Nov., 1916: 164-176. diagrs.) REUSSWIQ (FRED G.). Uniform system of accounting for cities of the third class in New York. (Journ. of Accountancy, Sept., 1916: 161-176.) Auditoriums CASE (M. E.). NORTH-WEST SIDE COMMERCIAL Asso1 Edited by Miss Alice M. Holden, Vassar Colege, Poughkeepsie. N. Y. CIATION OF CHICAGO. Municipal convention hall for Chicago. 1916. 28 pp., 1 PI. illus. map. An argument @ favor of the city building a municipal auditonum. Baths BERNHARD (F. H.). CIarendon muqici a1 bathing beach, Chicago. Helpmg tie people to make use of their lake front. (Municip. Journ., Oct. 19, 1916: 477-479. illus.) Budgets What is the matter with the budget plan [of New York City] and what is being done about it. (Record and Guide, Oct. 7.1916: 487-488. 493.) NEW YORX CITY CLEVELAND (F. A,).

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154 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January CLEVELAND (F. A,). Results of [New York] city budget analyzed [1-31. (Record and Guide, Nov. 11,18,25,1916: 659-661, 691-692, 723-724, 728. tables. diagrs.) Tkee papers contadng a comparative study of the city’s appropnation, ohargeable against current revenues for 1917, compared with other years. PHILADELPHIA PHILADELPHIA. Controller. Budget statement of the cit controller [of] Philadelphia for 1917. 8ct. 2, 1916. 349 pp. Building Inspection CRAPO (JAMES). Building inspection by firemen; suggestions for systematic procedure. (National Fire Protection Assn. Quarterly, Oct., 1916: 139-141.) Children NEW YORK CITY. Board of Child Welfare. Report of work for the twelve months ending Aug. 6, 1916. (Legal Aid Review, Oct., 1916: 1-10.) . Commissioner of Accounts. Deserted and abandoned children. A test of the value of enforcing the city’s rights against child deserters. [By] Leonard M. Wallstein. 1916. 11 pp. Ci Manager Plan %MMIN (GAYLORD C.). A new opportunity for engineers. (Journ., Western SOC. of Engrs., Sept., 1916: 565.) Article followed by disousaion. Mr. Cummins is city manager of Jackson. =ah. REED (THOMAS H.). The city manager plan in San JosB. (Pacific Municipalities, Nov., 1916: 452456.) City Planning 1916. 23 pp. merce, June 6, 1916. __ . The town planning outlook in Canada [with discussion]. (Canadian Municip. Journ., Oct., 1916: 510-513.) BOUTON (E. H.). The financial effect of good planning in land sub-division. (City Plan, Oct., 1916: 8-10.) DAMON. (G. A:). A “home-made” city planning exhibit and its results. The cause and effect of the “Mv Citv” exhibit Professor Reed is city manager of San JosB. See also Zoning. ADAMS (THOMAS). City planning. Address before the Cleveland Chamber of Comat Pasadena, Gal. (Amerkan City, Oct., 1916: 369-378. illus. diagrs.) NrcBoLs (J. C.). City planning and real estate development. (Landscape Architecture, Oct., 1916: 27-35.) Civics. GARBER (JOHN P.). The Course of Study in Civics, Grades one to six, for the Public Schools of Philadelphia. Authorized by the Board of Public Education July 11, 1916. Second Edition. 1916. 92 PP. Civil Service Civil service in public institutions [with discussion]. (MinneBEACH (G. W.). sota. State Board of Control. Quarterl , May, 1916: 125-140.) &ICAGO. CIVIL SERVICE BOARD OF THE WEST CHICAGO PARK COMMISSIONERS. Civil service rules of the West Chicago park commissioners as amended and in force and effect June 16, 1916. 1916. 99 P%ontenta: Civil service rules; Park ciyil seMce act--Illmoia; 5th annual report41vil Servlce Board. 5th annual report4uperintendent of Employmknt ; Effiaiency regulations. . CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION. Twenty-first annual report, year 1915. . .~ 1916. 135 pp. Contains a clsasification of positions and scheduIes of classes, grades and hta of cornpensahon, DD. 81-114. .County Government CITY AND COUNTY GOVERNMENT AssoCIATION. ALAMEDA Courrry. Centralized government for Alameda county and its cities under a system of borou hs, whereby each city retains its present ifentity and independence, fixes its own tax rate, also controls borough expenditures. Aug., 1916. 10 pp. A comparison of the present system with the proposed plan. -. Summary of a charter for a federated city and county government for Alameda county and its cities. Submitted bv the executive committee. Sept. 1916. 20 pp. ‘ Tde plan pro osed ia a system of borongha whereby each of tge cities retains its present identity and independence, fixes its .own tax rate, and determines the purposes for whch, the tax money ahall be expended aa well as retains all power of ~olice and health r&ulations.” Engineering BROWN (REQINALD). Diagrammatic statistics for municipal engineering. (Canadian Engr., Oct. 19,1916: 317-319. illus.) Fire Departments ANON. Fire department data. [General information concermg fire departments.] (Munici . Journ., Nov. 9, 1916: 570-573. tables.f3 . Fire.department statistics. Figures from several hundred cities concerning expenditures, area and number of buildings grotected, and areas covered by automoile apparatus. (Municip. Journ., Nov. 16, 1916: 605-609. tables.) BOOTH (G. W.). Pubhc fire. departments. (National Flre Protection Assn. Quarterly, Oct., 1916: 142-154.) The author is chef engpeer of the National Board of Fire Underwriters. BOSTON. CITY COUNCIL. One day in three for firemen. (City Record, Nov. 18, 1916: .1062-1067.) A discussion of the report of the Committee on Ordinances on the ordinance relative to hours of labor for firemen. FIRE DEPARTMENT. partments. 1916. 36 pp. 12’. DAUNTLESS CLUB OF THE BVFFALO Statistics of fire de

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19171 BIBLIOGRAPHY 155 Fire Prevention EICHEL (0. R.). A manual of fire prevention and fire protection for hospitals. Nf6. 69pp. Planned for use not only by superintendents and boards of managera but alao by inspertors architects builders. and hers who have occasiod to consid& the fire problem in hospitals.” MCCARTHY (J. J.). Safeguarding the dangerous tenement cellar. (Fire Engr., MASON (PAUL). The automatic sprinkler as a fire department auxiliary. (Fire Engr., Nov., 1916: 181-185.) NATIONAL BOARD OF FIRE UNDERWRITERS. Report on the city of Buffalo, N. Y. [By the] Committee on fire prevention. 1916. 47 pp. map. tables. Supersedes its report of 1909. NEW YORK CITY. FIRE DEPARTMENT. BUREAU OF FIRE PREVENTION. Regulations of the fire department relating to refrigerating plants of less than 3 tons refrigerating capacity. [1916.] 1 p. Refrigerating plants : regulation for refrigerating plants as adopted to comply with Chap. 10, Art. 18, of the Code of Ordmances of the City of New York. L1916.1 3 pp. illus. Food Inspection BIGELOW (W. D.). The inspection of canned foods. (Journ. of Industrial and Engineering Chemistry, Nov., 1916: 1005-1009.) Nov., 1916: 188-189.) Read before the chemical section of the Association of American Dairy, Food and Drug Officials, Aug. 8.1916. KLEIN (DAVID). Food control from a state viewpoint. (Journ. of Industrial and Engineering Chemistry, Oct., 1916: Gary Schools The Gary plan: a reply [to the criticisms of his report on the Gary plan in New York City]. (Educational Administration and Supervision, NEW YORK CITY. BOARD OF EDUCATION. Du licate schools in the Bronx; by Joseph l. Taylor. 1916. 63 pp. Supplementary to the wnter’s earlier article in Educational Review, Jan., 1916. SWIFT (F. H.). Impressions of the Gary system. (Educational Administration and Supervision, Oct., 1916: 503-512.) Government See County Government. Heating JONES (LEWIS). Connecting detached buildings with central heat supply. (Power, Oct. 17, 1916: 559-560.) NATIONAL DISTRICT HEATING ASSOCIATION. Proceedings, 8th annual convention, May 16-19, 1916. 1916. 470 pp. map. illus. diagr. Highways CONNELL (W. H.). Control of high928-930.) BUCKINGXAM (B. R.). Oct., 1916: 513-520.) way work by means of planning boards and current status visible records. (American City, Nov., 1916: 519-526. illus.) SIMPSON (J.). Poles and wires in highways. Rights of abutting owners relative to placing these in front of their propertycourt decisions in several states. (Municip. Journ., Oct. 12, 1916: 445-446.) UNITED STATES. DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE. Economic surveys of county highway improvement. A compilation and analysis of data in eight selected counties, showing comparative financial burdens and economic benefits resulting from highway improvement during a period of years, by J. E. Pennybacker and M. 0. Eldridge. 1916. 86 pp., pls. tables. Home Rule ANON. Home rule for New York city. A series of articles reprinted from the Record and Guide. Oct., 1916. [44 pp.] Contents: Illitchel, J. P. Home rule for city imperative. New York city should have oontrol over local expenditures-efficient government and savings the reault. BruBre, Hen What kind of home rule does the city of Newyork require and why? Hospitals WILSON (R. J,). Disinfection and other practicable methods of preventing the spread of infection in hospitals. (Modern Hospital, Oct., 1916: 316-318.) Housing BALLINGER AND PERROT, Architects and Engineers. An industrial village [the Viscose Company, manufaaturers of artificial silk, Marcus Hook, Pa.] n. d. 4 Its bulletin no. 393. Read before the 18th annual conference of the American Hospital Amociation. Sept. 2529.1916. leaves, 17 pls. MASSACHUSETTS. HOMESTEAD COMMISSION. Third annual reoort, 1915. 1916. -. 100 pp., pls. tables. SCHMIDLAPP (J. G.). Low priced hous.ing for wage earners. 1916. 21 pp. illus. plans. VEILLER (LAWRENCE). The relation of housing to the pubhc health movement. (her. Journ. of Pub. Health, Nov., 1916: BIBLIOQBAPHY ports and other material in the Providence ublic library and the Rhode Island state Ebrary. Oct., 1916. [2 pp.] BROOKLYN BROOKLYN BUREAU OF CHARITIES. The progress of housing reform in Brooklyn. A report of the tenement house committee; and, A study .of land overcrowding in Brooklyn [by Herbert s. Swan.] 47 pp. illus. tabies. BRIDQBPORT NOLEN (JOHN). More houses for Public document no. 103. National Housing Association publication8 no. 34. 1179-1 183.) PROVIDENCE. PUBLfC LIBRARY. Re

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156 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January Bridgeport. Report to the chamber of commerce, Bridgeport, Conn. 1916. 62 pp. illus. maps. PROVIDENCE IHLDER (JOHN) and others. The houses of Providence. A study of present conditions and tendencies, with notes on the surrounding communities and some mill villages [for the committee on housing survey of the Providence chamber of commerce]. 1916. 96 pp., pls. tables. Institutions UNITED STATES. BUREAU OF EDUCATION. The institutional budget, by Hollis Godfrey. 1916. 16 pp. Insurance, Health AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR LABOR LEGISLATION. Health insurance: standards and tentative draft of an act. Submitted for criticism and discussion by the committee on social insurance. 3 ed. 1916. 32 pp. Land Valuation ADAMS (THOMAS). The purchase of land for building purposes. A problem that needs investigation in the public interest. (Conservation of Life, Jy.-Sept., 1916: 7340. tables.) Higher education circular. ROSEVEARE (LESLIE). Electric v. horse haulage: South Shields statistics. (Surveyor and Municip. and County Engr., Sept. 22, 1916: 254-255. tables.) Running costs of two-ton eleotric refuse van per week (based on three months’ running). SHAW (H.). Mechanical traction for municipal purposes, 1-111. (Municip. Journ., London, Sept. 8, 15, 22, 1916: . The use of motor vehicles in municipal work. Mechanical v. horse traction. (Surveyor and Municip. and County Engr., Sept. 15,22,29, 1916: 232235, 256-259, 278-279. tables.) 905-907, 929-930, 953-956.) Nsw JERSEY ~NON. Rules proposed to control motor trucks in Jersey. Tentative schedule of restrictions on size, weight and speed suggested as forerunner of legislation. (Engrng. Record, Oct. 28, 1916: 536. tables.) NEW JERSEY. COMMISSIONER OF MoTOR VEHICLES. Report of special committee [appointed for the purpose of pre paring rules and regulations to govern the use of motor vehicles or trucks on the highways of the State of New Jersey]. [1916.] 6 pp. _.~. _.~_ Comeruation of Life is a small quarterly bulletin Municipal Ownership issued by the Commission of Conservation of hON. Lake City [~l~,] ice plant. M~Canada, Ottawa. nicipal ice and cold storage plants combined JERRARD (L. ’.). The Of with water and light plants in city of six land. (Am. Soc. of civil Engrs. Proceedthousand punicip. J~-., Municipal docks at diagrs. tables.) Lighting Astoria. (Engrng. News, Oct. 12, 1916: hgs, N0V.j 1916: 1371-1405. illus. Nov. 16, 1916: 604. dlagr.) NEWELL (J. P.). BEADENKOPF (GEORGE). History of 697-701. Illus. diam.) illuminating gas. Centenary of its -introduction in Baltimore. (Engrs. Club of Baltimore. Monthly Journ., Oct., 1916: 75-100. illus.) HARRISON (WARD). Cleveland ornamental street lighting. (Lighting Journ., Nov., 1916: 237-240. diagrs. illus.) “To relieve the di5oulty of collecting the costs of ornamental street li hting from the business people affected. the city of Cleveland took over this espense.” NUTTING (P. G.). Good .lighting. Some of the fundamental principles and modern practice. (Scien. American Supplement, Oct. 14, 1916: 254-256.) A paper read before the NationalCommercial Gas Motor Vehicles ANON. Motor trucks ruin improved granite-block pavement [on 42d st., New York cityl. (Engrng. News, Oct. 12,1916: 691-692. illus.) HUTCHINS (H. C.) and PERRY (H. W.). Motor trucks at steamship terminals. (Marine Engrng., Oct., 1916: 441446. illus.) Association, and reported in The Gas Industry. Gives figures of oost saved. -. Municipal Service BRADLEY (L. C.). Training men for supervisory and executive positions. (Stone and Webster Journ., Oct., 1916: 290-3 01 .) Although addressed to electric railway officials the su gestions made would apply to nearly ever; kind of executive work. FLINN (A. D.). Municipal engineers: their functions and training. 1916. 6 pp., ~~ typewritten. Urban Universities, Nov. 17, 1916. An address delivered before the Association of JOHNSTON (CHARLES H.). Public instruction and pubbc training. (Educational Review, Sept., 1916: 152-165.) NEW YORK TRAINING SCHOOL FOR COMMUNITY WORKERS. General announcement. Second year. 1916-17. [1916.] 16 pp. illus. [STATE BUREAV OF MUNICIPAL INFORMATION OF THE NEW YORK STATE CONFERENCE OF MAYORS AND OTHER CITY OFFICIALS.] New York state’s co-operative plan for securing municipal data. [1916.] 11 pp.

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19171 BIBLIOGRAPHY 157 WILLIAMSON (C. C.). The public official and the special library. (Special Libraries, Sept., 1916: 112-119.) Addreaa delivered at the annual meeting of the Special Libraries Associstion, Asbury Park, June 28, 1916. NEW YORK CITY NEW YORK CITY. CHAMBERLAIN. New York City’s administrative progress, 1914-1916. A survey of various departments under the jurisdiction of the mayor. Conducted under the direction of Henry Brutke, chamberlain. May, 1916. 351 Ordinances NEW YORK CITY. BOARD OF ALDERMEN. An ordinance constituting the Code of Ordinances of the City of New York. [Adopted June 20, 1916; approved by the mayor July 6, 1916.1 1916. 456 pp. Parks CHICAGO. MUNICIPAL REFERENCE LrBRARY. Area, density of population and distribution by wards of public parks of the city of Chicago. Oct., 1916. 19 pp. Its bulletin no. 7 FORD (GEORGE B.). The park s stem of Kansas City, Mo. (ArchitecturarRecord, Dec., 1916: 499-504. illus.) Pavements PP.1 Ph. Approved paper, 1916, no. 307. See also Specifications. ANON. Bituminous wearing surfaces for old macadam. Mixing and laying amiesite in Connecticut and New Yorkresurfacing a Boston street with bitulithic and New Jersey roads with Warrenite and natipnal pavement-bitosla in Pennsylvania. (Municip. Journ., 8ct. 5, 1916: 418424. illus.) __ . Unusual practice in the construction of granite block pavements in three cities. (Good Roads, Aug. 5, 1916: 7375. illus.) Describes recent work done in the Borough of Brooklyn, Columbus. Ohio, and Baltimore, Md. BLANCHARD (A. H.). Bituminous macadam and bituminous concrete pavements. The latest opinions of recognized authorities on the materials and methods requisite for the most successful construction and maintenance. (Munieip. Journ., Oct. 5, BROCKWAY (P. L.). Monolithic brick pavements in cities; experiences with this type of construction in Wichita Kansas]changes in method to adapt it to municipal conditions. (Municip. Journ., Nov. 9, Street and road pavements. Their design, construction and maintenance. [1-3.1 (Municip. Engrng., Sept.-Oct.-Nov., 1916: 82-86, 124-132, 168-174. illus.) The maintenance of sheet pavements. (Engrs. Club of St. Louis. Journ., Sept.-Oct., 1916: 346-355.) 1916: 405-411. illus.) 1916: 573-574.) BROWN (C. C.). LAXTON (J. L.). MULLEN (C. A.). Paving by d{rect labor versus contract work. (Municip. Engrng., Nov., 1916: 178-180.) OLDER (CLIFFORD). Gravel testing. (Illinois Highways, Sept., 1916: 100-102, 106-107. illus.) PHILADELPHIA. BUREAU OF HIGHWAYS AND STREET CLEANING, DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC WORKS. Highways and byways: a problem in upkeep. Summary of operations for year 1915. [1916.] 138 pp. illus. tables. PIERCE (D. T.). Latest advance in the technology of asphalt pavin . (Engrs. Club of Philadelphia. Proceejings, Oct., 1916: 10-12. illus.) PORTLAND CEMENT ASSOCIATION. Facts everyone should know about concrete roads. 1916. 1Opp. STERN (E. W.). Pavement destruction by heavy trailers. (Municip. Journ., Nov. 2, 1916: 535-537. illus.) Advocates day labor. Paper read before the American Society of Municipal Improvements. TEESDALE (C. H.). The treatment of wood paving blocks. (Canadian Engr., Oct. 26, 1916: 335-339. diagrs.) WARREN (G. C.). The passing and conservation of macadam streets and country roads. 1916. 12 pp. filus. Paper read at 23d annual convention of American Society of Municipal Improvements, Oct. 9-13, 1916. Pensions FURST (CLYDE). Pensions for public school teachers. (National Educ. Assn. RAYMOND (C. A.). Should fireplen be included in any contributory pension system? If so, why? (Fireman’s Herald, Sept. 23, 1916: 295.) Paper presented at the 37th annuaI conqention of the Massaahusetts State Firemen‘s Association, Sept. 20-22, 1916. Jou., Oct., 1916: 137-142.) Proportional Representation Ross (HOWARD S.). Proportional representation. (Canadian Municip. Journ., Public Comfort Stations CHICAGO. DEPARTMENT OF PunLic WELFARE. Public comfort stations for Chicago. A survey made by the bureau of social surveys [under the direction of Earle Edward Eubank]. 1916. 44 pp. illus. Public Health AMERICAN MEDICAL ASSOCIATION. An outline for a study course on public health, prepared for the use of women’s clubs. I1916.1 27 pp. AMERICAN PUBLIC HEALTH ASSOCIATION. SANITARY SECTION. COMMITTEE ON SANITARY CONTROL. Proposed code Oct.-Nov., 1916: 524-525, 575-576.) Its bulletin, v. 1, no. 3., Oct., 1916. See also Housing.

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158 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January for the sanitary control of waterways. (Engrng. News, Nov. 9, 1916: 876-877.) BERRY (G. L.). Motion ictures and eyestrain. (Modern Hospitaf Oct., 1916, CHAPIN (CHARLES V.). Sixty years of the Providence health department. (Amer. Jom. of Pub. Health, Sept., 1916: 905915.) EMERSON (HAVEN). Some primary causes for the spread of tuberculosis in Xenement houses. (Record and Guide, Sept. 30, 1916: 454, 461.) HOWE (E. C.). Organized hygiene. Methods and results in instruction in personal hygiene-the prospect of improving the expectation of life in middle age. (Amer. Journ. of Pub. Health, Oct., 1916: The period of life at which infection from tuberculosis occurs most frequently. Amer. Journ. of Pub. Health, Sept., 1916: 934-952.) Sub-title: How may we diminish the frequency of those infections and prevent them from becoming tuberculous disease? With appended notes on 8 successful anti-tuberculosis community experiment in Australia and a projected one in America. MEIQS (G. L.). Other factors in infant mortality than the millc supply and their control. (Amer. Journ. of Pub. Health, Aug., 1916: 847-853.) NATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR PUBLIC HEALTH NURSING. Report of the fourth annual convention, 1916. Bulletin for July. 1916. NEW YORK CITY. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH. Sections of the sanitary code and regulations governing the production, transportation, pasteurization, and sale of milk, cream, condensed or concentrated milk, condensed skimmed milk, and modified milk, 1916. 36 pp. A study of methods for determining air dustiness. (Amer. Journ. of Pub. Health, Oct., 1916: 1049-1075. illus. tables.) From she report submitted Oct. 26,1916 338-339.) 1039-1048.) KNOPF (S. A,). 51 pp. PALMER (G. T.) and others. An investigation conducted under the joint direction of the New York State Commission on Ventilation. The American Muaeum of Natural History, and The Ametean Muaeurn 01 >ai+ty 1915-1916 RYAN (J. N.). The value of the visiting nurse in public health work. (American City, Nov., 1916: 548-549.) SCHERESCHEWSKY (J. W.). A plan for education in industrial hygiene and the avoidance of occupational complaints. (Amer. Journ. of Pub. Health, Oct., 1916: SCHNEIDER (FRANZ, JR.). Relative values in public health work. 1916. 10 pp. tables. (Russell Sage Foundation. Department of Surveys and Exhibits.) Rend before the Massachusetts Association of Boards of Health, Jul 27 1916. Reprinted from Amer. Journ. of Pub. %etllhh, Sept., 1916: 916-925. SYMONS (W. H.). Flies and refuse 1031-1038.) heaps [with discussion] I (Royal Sanitary Institute. Journ., Sept., 1916: 128-135.) UNITED STATES. PWLIC HEALTH SERVICE. Court decisions pertaining to the public health ublished in the Public Health Reports {efore Jan. 1,1916. 1916. WINSLOW (C.-E. A.): Organizing a state campaign of public health education. Amer. Journ. of Pub. Health, Aug., 1916: Public Utilities BIQELOW (H. S.). Shall municipalities own their public utilities? (Minnesota Municipalities, Oct., 1916: 23-34.) Address before the third annua! convention of the League of Minnesota Munmpahties, Oct. 21, 1915. 192 PP. Repnnt no. 342. 805-813.) JONES (S. P.). The new order in pubLic utility franchises. (Minnesota Municipalities, Oct., 1916: 13-22.) Addreas before the third annual convention of the League of Minnesota Municipalities, Oct 21, 1915. Mr, Jones is secretary of the Minneapolis centrd franchise committee. LOEBENSTEIN (JULIAN). Growth and depreciation. (Amer. Inst. of Electr. Engrs. Proceedings, Xov., 1916: 15591577. tables. diagrs.) Los ANGELES M'L'XICIPAL LEAGUE. The natural gas case. 1916. 15 pp. Its bulletin, July 28, 191s. Includes, ths brief presented before the state rallroad cornmkmon. . Single telephone system approaching. 1916. 8 pp. Its bulletin, Nov. 15, 1918. MASSACHUSETTS. PUBLIC SERVICE COMMISSION. The Bay State rate case: report and order, Aug. 31, 1916. 116 pp. NEW YORK CITY. DEPARTMENT OF WATER SUPPLY, GAS AND ELECTRICITY. The electrical code of the city of New York. Being chapter 9 of the Code of Ordinances adopted . Jy. 6, 1915 . . amended May29,1916. [1916.] 67 pp. PIKE (C. W.). Service standard for electric light and power companies as prescribed by public service commissions. (Utilities Magazine, Sept., 1916: 3040, table.) The future of public utility investments. 1916. 9 pp. WILCOX (C. D.). Reprinted from the Annals of the American Academy of Politicni and Social Science, Xov , 1916. WILSON (C. P.). Financing public utilities under state control and service rate and rate of return [with discussion]. (In: Indiana Gas Association. Proceedings, 1916: 35-51.) WOOD (A. E.). The labor problem of municipal utilities. (Utilities Magazine, Sept., 1916: 17-30. tables.) Purchasing Systems FOSTER, I. M. The municipal supply department v. budget-standardization. (Municip. Engrng., Oct., 1916: 137-138.)

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19 171 BIBLIOGRAPHY 159 LANSING (K. H.). Central purchase committee of New York city. (Purchasing Agent, Nov., 1916: 188-192.) Railways, Electric NEW YORK STATE. PUBLIC SERVICE COMMISSION. FIRST DISTRICT. A comprehensive program of ra id transit and civic betterment for all irooklyn. [Report to the public service commission, signed by Commissioner Travis H. Whitney and Leroy T. Harkness, chief of rapid transit.] Aug. 30 1916. 20 pp. Published by the bommittee of One Hundred, Scott McLanahon, secretary, 135 Broadway. SPRAGUE (F. J.). Growth of electric railways. A historical review of the physical development of one of the nation’s greatest industries. (Aera, Oct., 1916, 253-288. illus.) SYDNEY, AUSTRALIA. DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC WORKS. Report on the proposed electric railways for the city of Sydney, by J. J. C.,Bradfield. 1916. 105 pp., 86 pls., inclusive of maps, plans, diagr., etc. Recreation BRAUCHER (H. S.). Why I believe that community and neighborhood centers, schools, and parks should be under government direction and support. (Playground, June, 1916: 83-96.) FOSTER IW. D.). Organized recreation. (National Education A&. Journ., Sept., INDIANA STATE CONFERENCE ON PLAY 1916: 48-53.) AND RECREATION. Play and recreation, four papers. 1916. 42 pp. (Indiana University. Extension division bulletin, Sept., 1916.) 1. Educational aspect of play and recreation, by Clarence Rainwater, pp. 5-10. 2. Hygienic value of physical recreation, by Emil Rath. pp. 11-22. 3. Music in the life of the community. by Peter W. Dykema, pp. 23-29. 4. City recreation, by George A. Bellamy, pp. 30-41. NEW YORK CITY. COMMITTEE ON RECREATION. Report. October, 1916. 23 PP. Reference Bureaus WATTS (IRMA A.), compiler. Legislative reference bureaus in the United States. (Law Library Journ., Oct., 1916: 136-138.) A list by states including name of chief officer, under what law establvlhed and how the work is directed. Refuse and Refuse Disposal removal affects every realty owner. ord and Guide? Oct, 14, 1916: 523, 524.) ANON. Problem of ash and trade waste (RecReport of an interview with J. T. Fctherston, commisaioner of street cleaning. In the Record and Guide for Oct. 21 1916 (pp. 555 559) Mr. B. E. Martin, president of ’the New York’Building Managers Association. takes issue with Commissioner Fetherston, on various points discussed in thia article. Garbage reduction plant for New York city , to be the largest reduction plant in the world, with capacity of two thousand tons a day-details of construction. (Municip. Journ., Nov. 9, EDHOLM (C. L.). Motor refuse col1916: 568-570.) lectors in New York. Nov. 23, 1916: 631-633. illus.) (Municip. Journ., Experience in the “model district” with a new combined garbage, ash nnd rubbish collector; work done by each collector and cost of same; use of tractors for snow plows aleo. PRENDERGAST (W. A.). Trade waste and ash removal situation. (Record and Guide, Oct. 28, 1916: 587.) Describes some ste s whiqh have been taken; rates are su5cient ong to reunburse city for cost of service. Garbage and rubbish disposal in Los Angeles, California. (Engrng. News, Oct. 12, 1916: 678-680. illus.) WOODMAN (J. C.). Refuse incinerator for Queens Borough, New York city. (Engrng. News, Sept. 28, 1916: 598-600. illus. diagr.) Salary Standardization BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH. New York. Standardization of public employments: Part 2, The practical side of standardization in American governments. 1916. 148 pp. diagr. tables. Municipal Research, no. 76. Aug., 1916. Contents: Review snd appraisal.-Chicago’s contribution.4tandardization in Pittsburgh.Standardization in New York city.-Standardization in NewYork state. Review of movement for standardization of public employments and appraisal of the proposed salary standardization plan for the Milwaukee city service, with constructive recommendations and next steps for developing effective employment administration in Milwaukee. 1916. 45 DD. SIMONS (S. C.). JACOBS (J. L.). Report made at the request’ of the Milwaukee Citizens’ Bureau of Municipal E5ciency. School Hygiene The control of communicable diseases in schools. (Amer. Journ. of Pub. Health, Oct., 1916: BAKER (S. JOSEPHINE). 1078-1082.) Read before a general session of the American Public Health Association, Rochester, N. Y., Sept. 10.1915. BERKOWITZ (J. H.). Hospital aid for school children-facilities and procedure for tonsil and adenoid operations in New York city hospitals and dispensaries. (Modern Hospital, Oct., 1916: 333-337. illus.) Schools CUSHMAN (J. M.). A survey of operating costs in thirteen school buildings. (Heating and Ventilating Magazine, Nov., 1916: 25-34. diagrs.) in the Jamestown (N. Y.) public school. HOLLIDAY, CARL. The municipal university. Its origin and its growth-its See alao Gary Schools. Analysis of the heating and ventilating figures

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160 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January theory and its p ose-its actual workings. (American%ty, Nov., 1916: 495503. illus.) MINNEAPOLIS. BOARD OF EDUCATION. Monoga hs nos. 1-2,1916-17. No. 1. f million a year. A five-year school building program, including, discussion of some fundamental educational pohcies. 1916. 90 pp. lpl. illus. tables. No. 2. Financing the Minneapolis schools. Sources of revenue; expenditures; comparison of principal items of expenditure with corresponding items in twenty-four other cities. 1916. 56 pp. diagr. NEW YORKCITY. BOARD OFEDUCATION. DIVISION OF REFERENCE AND RESEARCH. Teachers’ year book of educational investieations. 1916. 53 DD. 1 chart. Publcation no. 14. A mankl givin the tests and standards that have been devised kr the purpose of measuring the efficiency of school instruction and administration. NEW YORKSTATE. UNIVERSITY. Safety Preoared bv iirst for vocational schools. Lewis A. Wilson. 1916. 89 pp. pls. illus. Its bulletin no. 621. PUBLIC EDUCATION ASSOCIATION OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK. The official Wirt reports to the Board of Education of New York city, comprising the official reports upon Public School 89 Brooklyn, and Public Schools 28,2, 42,6, 50,44,5, 53, 40, 32, 4 and 45 of the Bronx, and an appendix showing the more extensive reorganization proposed; with an introduction by Howard W. Nudd. June, 1916. 59 pp. Sewerage ALLEN (KENNETH). The pollution of New York harbor and its remedy. (Municip. Engrs. Journ., Oct., 1916: 402-416. Inverted sewer siphons under New York subway. (Engmg. News, Sept. 7,1916: 442443. illus.) Prevention and removal of deposits from, and repairs of, sewers. (Surve or and Municip. and County Engr., 8ct. 13, 1916: 328-329.) EDDY (H. P.). The extent to which sewage can be purified by practicable methods of artificial treatment now in use. (Surveyor and Municip. and County Engr., Sept. 15, 1916: 238-241. diagr.) Pa er read before the Engineers’ Society of Wesand FALES (A. L.). Activated sludge process in treatment of tannery wastes. (Surveyor and Municip. and County Engr., Sept. 29, 1916: 282-284. tables . ) HAMMOND (G. T.). Some remarks on the biochemical treatment of sewage, with especial reference to the activated sludge method. (Municip. Engs. Journ., Nov., 1916: 437440.) Abstractof paperpresented to the New YorkConvention of Amencan Chemical Society, Division of Water, Sewage and Sanitation, Sept. 25-30, 1916. . Sewage treatment by aeration map.) BLEICH (S. D.). CUTLER (H. A.). tern 8ennsylvama. and activation, . . , details of construction and layout of the Brooklyn sewage experiment station. (Canadian Engr., Oct. 19, 1916: 305-311. iuus.) Paper presented at the annual convention of the American Society of Municipal Improvements, Oct. 11,1916. PASADENA. BOARD OF ENQINEERS, SEWAQE DISPOSAL. Report to the cities of Pasadena, South P&adens and Alhambra, Los Angeles County, California. 1916. 54 pp. charts. A atudy of the sewage dwposal problem of the three cities, comprehensive plan, and estimatos of cost. . COMMISSIONER OF PUBLIC WORKS. How other cities in the United States are disposing of their sewage, by T. D. Allen and R. V. Orbison. 1916. %’brief description of sewage diaposal plants and methodsin Atlanta. Washington (D. CJ, Baltimore, Philadelphia Plainfield. Fitchburg Brockton Worcester, docheater, Cleveland, Cadton. Colum: bus, Mt. Vernon (Ohio), Chicago, Milwaukee. and Mason City (Iowa). 0 eration of Baltimore sewage disposal pint. (Municip. Journ., Nov. 2, 1916: 538441. tables. REQUARDT (G. J.). diagr.)’ Includes facts and figures concerning the building and operation of the. plant, changes made since 1913, performance since then, maintenance and operation costs of the year. UNITED STATES. COMMITTEE ON RIVERS AND HARBORS. Transportation of waste material. 1916. 92 pp: Hearings on H. R. 18893, to prohbit the use of harbors nvers canals. etc., owned, operated, or maintained by’the United States to vessels for the transportation of waste material collected from cities contiguous thereto . . . , July 26, 1916. Smoke Prevention large and small cities. tilating Magazine, Oct., 1916: 25-28.) Snow Removal O’TOOLE (6. F.). The removal of snow from public highways. (American City, Oct., 1916: 390-393. illus.) RICHARDS (H. S.). Removal of snow in parks. (Municip. Engrng., Nov., 1916: 181-183. illus.) Describes the system in use in South Park, Specifications AMERICAN SOCIETY FOR TESTING MATERIALS. A. S. T. M. standards. Issued bienniallv. 1916. 752~w.. oh. ANON. Smoke prevention codes for (Heating and VenChicago. [Consisdng of standard sie&hions, standard tests, standard methods, standard definitions, recommended practice.] . Proposed revised specifications and methods of tests for Portland cement. [1916.] 20pp. illus. NATIONAL PAVINQ BRICK MANUFACTURERS’ ASSOCIATION. Specifications for vitrified brick pavements. 11-3.1 1916. 46 pp. each. illus. 8 ecifications for the construction of vitrified Eric! street pavementa, Three pamphlets givin

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19171 BIBLIOGRAPHY 161 highways and country roada of three Werent t es. Tho secretary of the awociation is Mr. W. P. d%r, 830-834 B. of L. E. Building, Cleveland. 0. Street Cleaning ANON. Street cleaning data. Furnished by officials in charge of this work in about seventy cities. (Municip. Journ., Nov. 23,1916: 637-644. tables.) Includes data concerning kinds and number of apparatua wed, amount of cleaning done and sweepings collected, and costa. EDHOLM (C. L.). Municipal school for street cleaners. (Municip. Journ., Oct. 26 1916: 507-510. illus.) how the New York street cleaning department gives instruction to ita laborers and employes of higher gradea-drillin details of erforming workencouraging intelligence and amlition. HINCKLEY (T. L.). Functional versus geographical plan of Organization, with particular reference to street cleaning departments-functional plan results in better administrative control, but there are objections. (Canadian Engr., Nov. 9, 1916: 369-371. charts.) The selection, training and care of the horse for street cleaning work. (Engmg. and Contracting, Nov. 1.1916: 389-391.) MANGAN (D. J.). From8 paper presented at the recent convention of the Society for Street Cleaning and Refuse Dieposal. Mr. Mancan is chief veterinarian, department of street cleaning, New York city. TAYLOR ( W. P.). The practical su ervision of street cleaning. (Boston 8ity Record, Oct. 21, 1916: 976-977.) UNITED STATES. DEPARTMENT OF AORICULTURE. Progress reports of experiments in dust prevention and road preservation, 1915. 1916. 71 pp. tables. Professional paper. Bulletin no. 407. Sub-Surface Utilities BURDICK (C. B.). Pipe galleries and the location of mains. (her. Waterworks Assn. Journ., Sept., 1916: 713-723. table. diagr.) GREEN (C. N.). Condition of subsurface structures in New York city streets. (Real Estate Bull. Oct., 1917: 76-79.) Sub-title: Present congestion due to indiscri+nate laying, and duplication of structures serving the same purposer9sultsin too frequent tearing up of street pavement and in large increase in maintenance charge-future need for additional subsurface atructures-enforcement of oompreheosive plan the only remedy. S-weys HARRISON (S. M.). Community action through surveys. 1916. 29 pp. (Russell Sage Foundation. Department of Surveys and Exhibits.) Taxation and Finance BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCE, NEW YORK CITY. The purposes of the indebtedness of American cities, 18801912. 1916. 72 pp. tables. Municipal Research, no. 75, July, 1916. CALIFORNIA. STATE TAX COMMISSION. Foreword on taxation in California. Aug., 1916. 16pp. 11 CLOUD (J. D.). The financial problem of cities, 1916. 16 pp. The land tax amendment. 1916. (Transactions, Oct., 1916: 329-367. CUSTIS (VANDERVEER). The state tax system of Washington. 1916. 142 pp. (University of Washington. Extension Division.) GAFFNEY (J. P.). Taxation and new sources of revenue. A letter addressed to . . [the] Mayor of Philadelphia and the presidents and members of Select and Common Councils, Oct. 24, 1916. 22 pp. MARYLAND. TAX COMMISSION. Proceedings of the conference held . . . with county commissionem, supervisors of assessments, assessing officers of cities and towns and other assessing officials, held July 6, 1916. 1916. 60 pp. VIRGINIA. STATE TAX BOARD. Bulletin on the effect of segregation in Virgnia. 1916. 8 pp. -. The taxation of intangibles in Virginia . . for the special use of Commissioners of‘ the Revenue, Examiners of Records, and Local Boards of Review. 1916. 13pp. Its bulletin no. 2. Torrens System HOPPER (J. J.). Torrenssystem of land title registration. Indicating necessary amendments prepared for presentation to the 1917 session of the Legislature. (Record and Guide, Oct. 28, 1916: 591, 592.) REEVES (A. G.). Procedure and cost of registering a title under the Torrens system. (Real Estate Bull., Oct., 1916: 74-75.) COMMONWEALTH CLUB OF CALIFORNIA. “ Stepn include application to official examiner, search, survey and official re ort a judge of the supreme court investigates anrfpGs on title-register or county clerk is directed to enter on certifkate the status of title-sliding scale of costnominal fee for subseauent certificates.” Tr&c Street traffic signals. (Fire and Water Engrng., Nov. 8, 1916: RR.=.-l BRACH (L. S.). Tr&c Street traffic signals. (Fire and Water Engrng., Nov. 8, 1916: RR.=.-l BRACH (L. S.). ___., “This paper outlines several means for signaling street traffic when fire 8pparatUS responds to an alarm, for the providing of a safe path.” [COMMITTEE OF CITIZENS. NEW HAVEN, Corn.] To the Mayor and Honorable Board of Aldermen. . . [Communication submitting results df an investigation into the traffic roblem in New Haven. By C. M. Wa&er and others.] July 24, 1916. [4 pp.] HOLDEN (WILLIAM). Traffic-census methods and some results, St. Louis. (Engmg. News, Nov. 2, 1916: 832-834. tables. charts.) Methods of taking an extended traffic census, tabulating and plotting data and some of the changes in tra5c conditions that were shown; ah0 some statistics of standing vehicles and theregulation of traffic by ordinance.”

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162 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January SAFETY FIRST FEDERATION OF AMBRICA. Proposed standard code of trafEc regulations, for general adoption by municipalities, prepared by street traffic committee. 1916. 33 pp. STATE BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL INFORMATION [of the New York State Conference of Mayors and Other City Officials]. Traffic act. [Tentative draft of a proposed code of uniform traffic rules and regulations for the cities and villages of New York state.] 1916. 7 pp. Necessity for limiting the loads, speed and size of vehicles. (Municip. Engrs. Journ., Nov., 1916: 429-436. illus.) Abstract of paper read at conventionof the American Society for Municipal Improvementa, Newark. N. J.. Oct. 11,1916. Vital Statistics DAVIS (W. H.). The registration of non-resident deaths. (Amer. Journ. of Pub. Health, Se t., 1916: 964-970. table. DUBLIN (L. f). Factors in American mortality. A study of death rates in the race stocks of New York state, 1910. STERN (E. W,). 1916. 28 p. tables. Reprinted from the American Economic Review, Sept., 1916. EMERSON (HAVEN) and others. The accuracy of certified causes of death; its relation to mortality statistics and the international list. (United States. Public Health Service. Public Health Reports, Sept. 22, 1916: 2539-2611.) Report of a committee of the Vital Statis+ Section of the American Public Health Associat-lon. UNITED STATES. BUREAU OF THE CENSUS. Manual of the international list of causes of death based on the second decennial revision by the International Commission [for Revision of International Classification of Nomenclature of Diseases and Causes of Death], Paris, Jul 1 to 3, 1909. 2. Reprint [with adgtional matter]. 1916. 309 pp. . Mortality statistics, 1914. Fifteenth annual report. 1916. 714 pp. Water Consumption BARBOUR (F. A.). Water losses in city systems. (Engrng. News, Nov. 16, 1916: 958-960.) England Waterworks Asan., Boston, fiov. 8. Abstract of discuseion at meetin of the New BOWEN (E. R.). Water meters give remarkable results [in reducing water consumption] at Redondo [California]. (Engmg. News, Nov. 9, 1916: 910. tables .) Water Supply GRAF (A, V.) and NOLTE (A. G.). Some practical methods of bacteriological water analysis and results obtained therewith. (Amer. Journ. of Pub. Health, Oct., 1916: 1109-1119. diagrs. tables.) Rend before the Laboratory Section of the American Public Health Association, Rochester, N. Y., Sept.9.1915. Los ANOELES. DEPARTMENT OF PwLIC SERVICE. Complete report on construction of the Los Angeles aqueduct, with introductory historical sketch. 1916. 319pp. diagr. map. illus. NATIONAL WATER MAIN CLEANINQ COMPANY. The cleaning of water mains. [1916.] 21 pp. illus. tables. RACE (JJ. Chlorination of water. (Surveyor and Municip. and County Engr., Sept. 22,1916: 252-253. illus.) SACRAMENTO. CITY COMMISSION. A report upon possible sources of water suply for the cit of Sacramento, California, gy Charles Gi%l an Hyde, George H. Wilhelm, and Frank C. Miller. 1916. 660 pp. maps. plans. tables. diagr. Welfare WELFARE. 40pp. illus. CHICAGO. DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC City welfare work in Chicago. [DAYTON. DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC WELFARE.] The department Of public welfare: city of Dayton. By D. F. Garland, director. Sept., 1916. 15 pp. Zoning (Berkeley Civic Bull., Aug. 22, 1916. Bull., v. 1, no. 2, Sept.. 1916. ANON. Zone ordinance procedure. 24 Papers read before the city club of Berkeley relating to the actual operation of the zone ordinance adopted by the Berkeley city council, Mch. 28,1916. LAW (E. M.). The pre aration of the building district ma s of tte city of New York. (Municip. ingrs. Journ., Nov., 1916. Paper 107. illus. maps.) The legality of zone ordinances. (National Real Estate Journ., PP.) MEIER (W. F.). Nov., 1916: 227-231.) Part of addresa before league of Washington'munioipdities at Everett, Oct. 13,1918. NEW YORK CITY. BOARD OF ESTIMATE AND APPORTIONMENT. Building zone plan . Re ort of Committee of the Whole. Jury 18, 1916. 32 pp. -. [Building zone maps accompanyin the building zone resolution adopte! July 25, 1916. Prepared by the chief engineer.] 1916. 3 v. Use district. 35 sections. 1 v. Height district. 35 sections. 1 v. Area district. 35 sections. 1 v. PURDY, LAWSON. A tragedy in city values. (National Real Estate Journ., Nov., 1916: 199-202.) ST. LOUIS. CITY PLAN COMMISSION. Preliminary statement on districting. A reasonable exercise of the police power for health, safety and general welfare. 1916. 14pp.I SWAN (HERBERT S.) and TUTTLE (GEORGE W.). Relation of height and area to sunshine. (Record and Guide, Dec. 9,1916: 787-788.)

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19171 BIBLIOGRAPHY 163 A SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY ON MUNICIPAL BUDGET-MAKING ALEXANDER HAMILTON INSTITUTE, New York. Financing municipalities. New York, 1912. 21 pp. Budget, pp. 14-15, 21. ALLEN (W. H.). The budget as an instrument of financial control. Government Accountant, ii: 192-200, Sept., 1908. How to keep watch on the city budget. Standard Real Estate Annual, ii: 58451,1910. AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE, Philadelphia. Public budgets. Editor in charge of this volume: Professor A. R. Hatton. Philadelphia, 1915, viii, 324 pp. (Its Annals, vol. lxii, whole no. 151.) BALTIMORE BUREAU OF STATE AND MUNICIPAL RESEARCH. Baltimore budget, part 1. A study of the ordinances of estimates from 1900-1913. Baltimore, 1913. 15 pp. Report no. 2. BALTIMORE. Ordinance of estimates. Summary of the budget appropriations for 1915, classified in accordance with the uniform municipal expenditure classifications of the United States Census Bureau, Baltimore Municipal Journal, ii: 1-8, . Dec. 4, 1914. Basing Budgets on Physical Statistics. MuniciDal Journal. xxxiii: 723-726. 762764, N&. 14, 21, 1912. BEARD (C. A,). American city government. New Tork, 1912. 420pp. BOSTON CHANBER OF COMMERCE. Committee on municipal and metropolitan affairs. Report on municipal budget system. Feb. 6,1914. Revised. Boston City Council Proceedings, June 1,1914: 113-117. Committee on the form of the annual budget anaointed under the See index under Budget. BOSTON, MASS. order of the city c&nc&-approved June 8, 1915. Report. Boston, 1915. 38pp. BOSTON FINANCE COMMISSION. Communication to the mayor and city council in relation to the adoption of a segregated budget for the city of Boston and the rountv of Suffolk. Oct. 31, 1914. In Reports, x: 199-211, 1915. ’By Joaeph Wright, librarian of the bureau of munici d reararch, Hamard University. This%ibliography has been pre ared and is puhlished for the use of students wgo are competing for the William H. Baldwin prize in 1917. This prize of $100 is offered annually by the National Municipal League for the best easay on an assigned subject, in municipal government, and is o en to undergraduate students in any American colfege or university which offers distinct and independent instruction in municipal government.,, For 1917 the subject of the competition is Municipal Budget-Making.” A circular giving fuctber details concerning the competition may be had on application to the secretary of the National Municipal League, North American building, Philadelphia . Re orts and communications, vols. i-Xii. boston, 1908-1916. The budget, ix, pp. 22-26,1916. BOSTON, MASS. Report comparing New York and Boston budget systems, and making recommendations. Boston City Record, vi: 1048-1050, Nov. 7, 1914. BRADDOCK (J. H,). Efficiency value of the budget exhibit. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, xli: 151-157, May, 1912. New York city budget exhibit, Twentieth Century, v: 117-122, Dec., 1911. BRU%RE (HENRY). New city government: New York, 1913. 438 pp. Ch. vii (pp. 171-204), budget-making. BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH, DAYTON. The budget of the city of Dayton, 1916, as enacted by the city commiseion, Feb. 23,1916. Dayton, 1916. 60 pp. BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH. Memphis: a critical study of some phases of its municipal government with constructive sumestions for betterment oreanization and ivdministrative methods. bct., 1909. Memphis, 1909. 203 pp. RepresentatiGe rontrol over municipal finance, pp. 37-43. BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH, NEW YORK. Administrative methods of the city government of Los Angeles, Calif. Report of a preliminary survey of certain departments made for the municipal league of Los Angeles. Los Angeles, 1913. -. Budget systems. New York, 1915. Municipal Research, no. 62: 251447, June, 1915. City and county of Denver survey. New York, 1914, 583 pp. Budget aurvey, pp. 533-540. -. Government of the city of Rochester, N. Y. General survey, critical appraisal and constructive suggestions Prepared for the Rochester bureau of municipal research by the New York bureau of municipal research, May-July, 1915. New York, 1915. 546 pp. Budget methods, pp. 40-45. BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH, NEW YORK. Handbook of municipal accounting. Prepared by the Metz fund. New York. 318 pp. How should public budgets be made? How budgets have been made how budgets are made, how budgets should be made, fourteen stages in budget-making. New York, 1909. 19 pp. 27 PP. The budget, pp. 15-17. See index under Budget. -.

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164 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH, NEW YORK. Making a municipal budget : functional accounts and operative statistics for the department of health of Greater New York. New York, 1907. 171 pp. Report no. 9. Methods proposed for fixing respnnsidility in exercise of financial control in the Toronto survey. Municipal Research, no. 59: 211-239, Mch., 1915. Municipal Research, no. 58 : 145198, Feb.,, 1915: New York, 1915. The practical side of budget procedure. pp. 189. New York city’s need for a financia1 program: one which will include plans for improvement and borrowings. Municipal Research, no. 59: 211-239, Mch., 1915. BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH, NEW YORK. Next ste s in the development of a budget rocelure for the city of Greater New Yo& a report. Municipal Research, no. 57: 5-141, Jan., 1915. . Norfolk, Va. Report on a survey of the city government. Vole. i and u in one. Sept.-Dec., 1915. New York, 1916. 529 pp. Budget procedure, pp. 71-79. . Organization and business methods of the city government of Portland, Oregon. New York, 1913. 118 pp. The budget, pp. 71-91. . A report on a preliminary survey of certain departments of the city of Milwaukee. New York. 1913. 135 pp. Budget-msking. pp. 51-53. Responsible government. New York, i916. 135 pp. Municipal Research, no. 69, Jan., 1916. The budget idea in the United States, pp. 48-67. . Scientific budget-making vs. rule of thumb budget-making. New York, 1913. 4 pp. Metz fund, no. 36, Nov. 12, 1913. St. Louis, a preliminary survey of certain departments of the government of the city of St. Louis, with constructive suggestions for changes in organization and methods. St. Louis, 1910. 416 pp. 198. -. Criticism and constructive suggeationa with respect to the preparation, form and voting of the annual budget, pp. 79-88. BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH, PHILADELPHIA. Seven veam of municipal finance in Philadelpfiia. Dec. 11,1913. Its bulletin, Budnet-malunn before and after 1912. DD. 11-13. BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RE~EARCH, SPRINQFIELD, MASS. Springfleld, Mass., 1916 budget, Mch., 1916. Springfield, 1916. 78pp. Budget-making, its necessity and significance. National Municipal Review, ii, supp.: 13-16, Jan., 1913. BURRS (J. D.). -. Philadelphia budget program. National Municipal Review, i: 689-691, Oct., 1912. CHASE (H. S.). Budgets and balance sheets. National MuniciDal League Proceedings, 1910: 214-229. CHICAQO BUREAU OF PUBLIC EFFICIENCY. Methods of preparing and administrating the budget of Cook county, Ill. Report submitted by the commissioners of Cook countv. Jan.. 1911. r, Chicago, 1911. 53 pp. CHILDS (W. T.). Annual budget: the three essentials of a budget, new improvements decide the rate. how Baltimore makes up the budget. ’ Municipal Journal, xxxix: 616-621, Oct. 7, 1915. . Chapters on municipal administration and accounting. New York, 1909. 361 pp. Principles of budget-making, cb. vi, pp. 87-82. . Results of New York city budket analyzed. Comparative study of city s appropriation chargeable against current revenues for 1917 compared with other years. Record and Guide: 723-724, 728,755-756,758, Nov. 25, 1916. Dec. 2, 1916. CLEVELAND, OHIO. Chamber of Commerce. Committee on city finance. Recommendations for an improved city budget. Cleveland, 1911. 9 pp. Municipal Accounting Report, no. 2,1911. -. Mayor’s annual budget, 1917. Cleveland City Record, iii: 1-66, Dec. 6, 1916. COLORADO TAXPAYERS PROTECTIVE LEAQUE. Denver budget estimate for 1916. Nov., 1915. Denver, 1915. 84pp. COTTRELL (E. A.). Report of the Boston budget commission. National Municipal Review, v: 148-150, Jan., 1916. CUMMIN (G. C.). Budget-making; with discussion. City Manager’s Association Proceedings, 1915: 94-105. CUNNINQHAM (R. J.). The preparation of a budget for Allegheny county. Pittsburgh chamber of commerce. 1914. 11 PP. DAWSON (W. H.). Municipal life and government in German-;. New York, 1914. 507 pp. Municipal Budget: 85, DEWEY (D. R.). Budgets, state and local. In Cyclopedia of American government. New York, 1914. i: 182-184. DOLGE (WILLIAM). Budgets and budget-making in small cities. Pacific Municipalities, xxix: 239-202, June, 1915. DONALDSON (W. T.). The budget. Fort Wayne. 30 pp. Indiana bureau of legislative information, bulletin no. 6, Jan., 1916. 342-345,456.

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19171 BIBLIOGRAPHY 165 EGGLESTON (D. C.). Municipal acBudget-making as a means of control, ch. v, pp. FETHERSTON (J. T.). Efficiency in relation to budget-making. Engineering Record, lxvi: 511-512, Nov. 9, 1912. FORD (G. A.). Relation of city planning to the municipal budget. American City, iv: 66-71, Feb., 1911. GOODNOW (F. J.). Limits of budgetary control. American Political Science Review, vii (sup.): 68-77, Feb., 1913. GOODNOW (I?. J.). City government in the United States. New York, 1904. counting. New York, 1914. 456 pp. 41-54. 315 pp. City budget, pp. 297-299. . Municipal government. New York, 1909. 401 pp. HADLEY (W. B.). Municipal accounting, reporting and budget-making. Journal of Accountancy, xvii: 355-363, May, 1914. HERRICK (ANSON). The importance of the municipal budget as a means for the control of expenditures. Journal of Accountancy, xi: 414-418, Apr., 1911. HOLTON (W. B., JR.). Municipal finance. In league of Pacific northwest municipalities, proceedings, 1913: 70-82. Portland, 1913. Budgets, pp. 78-81. HORMELL (0. C.). Budget-making in Brunswick, Maine. American City (T. and C. ed.), xiv: 560-562, June, 1916. . Budget-making for Mane towns and a comparative analysis of the expenditures of certain Maine municipalities. Brunswick, Maine, 1916. 21 pp. Municipal Research bulletin no. 2. HOWE (F. C.). Modern city and its problems. New York, 1915. 390 pp. KLINK, BEAN & Co. Practical municipal accounting. A brief description and summary of the modern uniform system of accounts installed in the offices of the city of Oakland, Calif., under the direction of I. H. Clay, city auditor. San Francisco, 1916. 25pp. City expenditures, pp. 364-372. City budget, pp. 322-345. Segregated budget, p. 6. Chart of budget schedule, p. 19. LARSON (L. M.). A financial and administrative history of Milwaukee. Madison, Wis., 1908. 318 pp. Bulletin of the University of Wisconsm, no. 242, June, 1908. LINDARS (F. W.). The segregated budget as applied to municipal engmeering work. Municipal engineers of New York, Proceedings, 1912: 129-149. Discussion: 150-161. Los ANGELES, CALIF. Efficiency comThe budget, pp. 121-123. mission. Summary of budget estimates for the fiscal year 1915-1916, including general summary (all funds) , estlmated revenue (allfunds) , general fund summary, Bumma of departmental requests general fm3. ~os Angeles, 1915. 19 pp. Efficiency commission. Report of budget committee. Summary of request and allowances, fiscal year 19151916. Los Angeles, 1915. 6 pp. LOWFUE (S. G.). The budget. Madison, 1912. 259 pp. MA (YIU CHU). The finances of the city of New York. New York, 1914. 312 pp. Columbia Universit Studies in History, Economics and Pubzc Law, xli, no. 2. Community needs as a basis for budget-making. Philadelphia City Club Bulletin, ii: 20-24, Jan. 27,1910. . Statistical basis of budget-making (New York city). Journal of Accountancy, ix: 161-170, Jan., 1910. MILWAWEE. City comptroller. Directions for preparing the 1914 budget. Milwaukee, 1913. 28 pp. MONTGOMERY (R. H.). Auditing theory and practice. 2d edition, revised and enlarged. New York, 1916. 889 pp. MINNEAPOLIS CIVIC AND COMMERCE ASSOCIATION. Bureau of municipal research. Budget bulletin nos. 1 and 2, Aug., Sept., 1916. Minneapolis, 1916. Municipal Budget Classification. Municipal Journal, xxxi: 8, July 5, 1911. Municipal Budget System: work, quantity and unit cost. Engineering News, lxviii: 1221-1223, Dee. 26, 1912. MUNRO (W. B.). The government of European cities. New York, 1909. 409 -. Principles and methods of municipal administration. New York, 1916. 4gIk%Lipal budget-making, pp. 446-453. Scientific budget-making, pp. 26-103. METZ (H. A.). Preparation of the budget. pp. 685-686. p%.?e index under Budget. NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF COMPTROLLERS AND ACCOUNTING OFFICERS. Re ort of the committee on municipal buzgets. June 7, 1912. Its Proceedings, 1912: 66-79. NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE. Report of the committee on municipal budgets. National Municipal Review, ui: 218-222, Jan., 1914. NEW YORK CITY. Municipal year book, 1913. New York, 1913. 190 pp. Budget, pp. 35-41. -. Board of estimate and apportionment. Budget News Bulletin, 1914,

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166 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January no. 1, and continued. New York, 1914 (published about six times a year). NEW YORX CITY. Board of estimate and a portionment. Budget for 1916. New fork 1916. 494 pp. -. dommissioner of accounts. city printing. Economics proposed in the printing incident to the preparation and adoption of the annual city budget. New York, 1916. 31 pp. . Office of the commissioner of accounts. Report on a study of the effect of mandatory legislation upon the budget for the year 1915. New York, 1915. xxii: 77 pp. . Borough of Richmond. President. Efficienc and economy in relation to budget metzods. Suggestion to the board of estimate and apportionment by the president of the borough of Richmond. New York, 1912. 22 pp. NEW YORE CITY. Department of finance. Business of New York city, where the city gets its money and how it spends it. Budget appropriations; 1910 tax levy and collections; funded debt; debt limit; assessed valuation, etc. New York, 1911. 28 pp. Department of finance. The city of ‘New York: summary and detailed statements of revenues and expenditures for the years 1910-1914 inclusive. Prepared for the constitutional convention, 1915, by the department of finance bureau of municipal investigation and statistics and the New York bureau of municipal research. New York, 1915. 229 pp. Detail statement for expenditure upon budget appropriation, pp. 17-40. . Department of finance. Manual of accounting and business procedure of the citv of New York. Issued bv Herman A. kIetz, comptroller. 1909. 552pp. New ”York, See index under Budget. NEW YORK STATE. Comptroller’s office. Uniform system of accounts for second class cities: the form of the budget, the procedure to be followed in budget-making and the classification of appropriations. Albany, 1913. 85 pp. New York Mumcipal Budget Exhibit. National Municipal Review, ii: 131-132, Jan., 1912. KORTH DAKOTA. Public librarv commission. Legislative reference hepartment. Budgetary laws. Compiled by I. A. Acker. Bismarck, 1912. 20 pp. Bulletin no. 3. NORTON (C. D.). The practical side of budget procedure. Bureau of municipal research. New York. MuniciDal Research, no. 58: 169-198, Feb., 19i5. OHIO BIJDQET COMMISSIONER. Guide for making departmental budgets and interpreting the scope of appropriation items. 1917. Columbus, 1917. 42 pp. PHILADEPHIA. Department of city controller. Budget statement for 1916. Philadelphia] 1916. 317 pp. PITTSBURQH. Chamber of commerce. Modern accounting methods as applied to a municipal budget; a report on the budget of the city of Pittsburgh for 1909. Pittsburgh, 1909. 27 pp. . Chamber of commerce. Committee on municipal affairs. Making a municipal budget; a report of the methods followed, in preparing the budget of the city of Pittsburgh for 1910-1911 with recommendations as to the preparation of future budgets. Pittsburgh, 1910. 5 pp. POWERS (L. G.). Budget provisions in commission-governed cities. Annals of the American -4cademy of Political and Social Science, xxxviii: 128-137, Nov., 1911, whole no. 127. . Essentials of a good budget from the viewpoint of the statistician. National association of comptrollers and accounting officers, Proceedings, 1911: 47-54. Washington, 1912. Discussion: 54-74. . Municipal budgets and expenditures. National Municipal League, Proceedings] 1909: 258-272. PRENDERGAST (W. A.). Budget classifications. Explanation indicating the articles which belong to each cFfication and giving the definition of Supplies,” “Equipment” and “Material” as used in the 1913 budget. New York, 1914. 8 pp. New York city finance. National Munici’pal Review, ii: 221-229, Apr., 1913. Rational Budget-Making. (Editorial.) Municipal Journal, xxxix: 657-659, Nov. 4,1915. RIQHTOR (C. E.). Recent progress in municipal bud ets and accounts. National Municipa? Review, v: 403-410,631637, July, Oct., 1916. ROCHESTER] N. Y. City comptroller. 1916 budget of the city of Rochester, N. Y. Rochester, N. Y., 1915. SAN DIEGO, CALIF. Auditor. Budget estimates and allowances, 1916. San Diego, 1916. ST. LOUIS. Board of estimate and apportionment. Budget items, municipal revenue. St. Louis, 1916. 6 pp. . Bureau of revision of accounts and methods. Special report of the comptroller, Apr. 15, 1913. St. Louis, 1913. SAN FRANCISCO. Budget: city and county of San Francisco. Fiscal year 1916-1917. San Francisco, 1918. 19 pp. SAN Jos6, CALIF. City manager. Abstract of the budget estimates of the city manager for the year 1916-1917. San JosB, 1916. 12 pp. 47 pp. 26 PP. Budget, pp. 8-9, 19-20.

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19171 BIBLIOGRAPHY 167 SANDS (H. R.) and LINDARS (F. W.). Efficiency in budget-making. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, xli: 138-150, May, 1912. SANDS (H. R.). Efficient budget-making. Proceedings of the sixth annual conference of mayors and other city officials of the state of New York, 1915: SAYLES (MABY B.). The budget and the citizen. Outlook, xcii: 1048-1059, Aug. 28,1909. SECRIST (HORACE). Problems in municipal indebtedness. Journal of Accountancy, xvii: 271-289, Apr., 1914. SHAFER (C. W.). Grand Rapids budget system. Municipal Journal, xli: SPRINGFIELD, MASS. Office of the ma or. Directions for preparing the buzget. Springfield, 1916. 32 pp. THUM (WILLIAM). Hints on good budget-making. American Society of Municipal Improvements, xxi : 383-402, 1914. UTICA, N. Y. Board of estimate and apportionment. Annual budget of the city of Utica, N. Y., for 1917. Utica, 1917. Visualizing Cincinnati’s budget. American Review of Reviews, xlvii: 57-59, Jan., 1913. WADE (H. T.). An influence for efficiency in municipal administration. The 7-11. 68-70, July 20, 1916. New York bu’dget exhibit of 1910. Engineering Magazine, xl: 584-604, Jan., 1911. The city of Bridgeport, Conn.: a study of the organisahon and procedure of each permanent board, commission, committee and office except those concerned with courts, education and election. Report . . to the committee of audit, Feb., 1913 (and sup plement). Bridgeport, 1913. 170 pp. Great cities in AmerWHITE (PETER). Budget-making, pp. 21-22,87-89,92-97. WILCOX (D. F.). ica, their pioblems and their government. New York, 1910. 426 pp. See index under Budget. WILLIAMSON .(C. C.). Budget reform. National Tax Association Bulletin, i: 5153, Mch., 1916. The finances of Cleveland. New York, i907. 266 pp. Columbia University Studies in History, Economics and Public Law, xxv, no. 3. The budget, pp. 4447. WILLOUGHBY (W. F.). Nature and functions of a budget. Chinese Social and Political Science Review, i: 86-101, Apr., 1916. WOODRUFF (C. R.). City government by commission. New York, 1911. 381 pp. . The new municipal idea. National Municipal League Proceedings, 1910: 22-102. Budget, pp. 41-48. See index under Budget.