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National municipal review, March, 1917

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National municipal review, March, 1917
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National municipal review
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National Municipal League
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Volume 1, Issue 1

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Full Text
NATIONAL
MUNICIPAL REVIEW
1917
Editor
Clinton Rogers Woodruff
Associate Editors
Alice M. Holden Howard L. McBain
Herman G. James C. C. Williamson
VOLUME VI
January, pp. 1-200 March, pp. 201-323 May, pp. 324-448
July, pp. 449-555
September, pp. 556-658 November, pp. 659-762
PUBLISHED FOB THE
national municipal league
BT
THE RUMFORD PRESS
concord, n. h.
1917


NATIONAL
MUNICIPAL REVIEW
Vol. VI, No. 2 March, 1917 Total No. 22
POLITICAL PARTIES IN CITY GOVERNMENT: A RECONSIDERATION OF OLD VIEW POINTS *
POLITICS AND CITY GOVERNMENT
BY CHARLES AUSTIN BEARD Columbia University1
THE theme assigned to me, obviously, could be viewed from many angles. It would not be a transgression of the limits of the subject if I were to make an excursion into utopian politics and sketch a new “ City of the Sun, ” assigning to political parties their proper place in my dream-made republic. Should I devote the time allotted to me to this profitless undertaking, I should start out by saying with the great chief justice, John Marshall, that nothing more debases and pollutes the human mind than partisan politics. When we see men otherwise just and fair in their judgments vilifying, maligning, and slandering their opponents, even in unimportant political campaigns, those of us who are not enamoured of billingsgate are moved to exclaim that political parties have no place at all in a rational society. But this would be a vain flying in the face of the hard and unpleasant facts of life and a vain longing for the impossible.
1 See National Municipal Review, vol. vi, p. 172.
* Editorial Note. One of the most stimulating discussions at the Springfield meeting of the National Municipal League was that of the time-honored question of non-partisanship in municipal affairs. The whole subject was re-examined in the light of recent experience, and from new standpoints. The several addresses and the discussions are reproduced in sequence, although some are much shorter than others and really should appear under the head of short articles. Some of the papers deal with theory, some with actual experience in cities where non-partisanship has been legally adopted by the city, or as in Chicago, where it has been forced as an issue by the municipal voters’ league. All of the men participating in the discussion have been actively identified with
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Viewing the subject from a practical angle we may inquire whether the issues which divide men and women into national parties are issues which have any relation to municipal questions as such. The facile reformer usually answers in the negative. It is true that there seems to be no connection between ship subsidies, tariff, labor -legislation, farm loans, and kindred matters and the problems that arise in our great urban centres. Superficially there is none. But I cannot be too emphatic when I say that not a single one of our really serious municipal questions—poverty, high cost of living, overcrowding, unemployment, low standards of life, physical degeneracy—can be solved, can be even approached by municipalities without the co-operation of the state and national government, and the solution of these problems calls for state and national parties. No big vision of this mighty nation as it is to be can exclude from its range an economy which is both urban and rural, one and truly indivisible.
Of course, speaking practically there is no real division between the Republicans and the Democrats on municipal issues. The usual slogans
the League in various capacities and are deeply interested in the promotion of honest and efficient democratic government in our cities.
The only paper which was not presented at Springfield is that of Mr. Hull, but it is pertinent to the discussion and gives the views of a public-spirited officeholder who has been interested in municipal affairs for many years. Mr. Hull has served as a member of the Illinois house of representatives and is now a member of the Illinois state senate. He was formerly a member of the council of the National Municipal League and is the founder of the Morton Denison Hull prize for post-graduate students in municipal government, which the League has been offering now for some years past. Professor Beard is associate professor of politics at Columbia University. W. D. Lighthall is the honorary secretary of the Union of Canadian Municipalities and was at onetime mayor of Westmount, a city near Montreal. Mr. Dougherty was not only a lifelong friend of Seth Low, but has been identified with practically all the important movements for the improvement of municipal conditions in Brooklyn and Greater New York. John J. Murphy has been commissioner of tenements for a number of years and was at one time secretary of the citizens’ union of New York. Robert J. Bottomly is the present secretary of the good government league of Boston. A. Leo Weil is the president of the Pittsburgh civic league and was in the forefront of the investigations and prosecutions which cleaned up the noisome mess which the old condition of affairs made possible and almost inevitable. Robert S. Binkerd has been secretary of the city club of New York for some years and prior to that was secretary of the citizens’ union. Professor Albert Bushnell Hart is the Dorman B. Eaton professor of government at Harvard.
In introducing Professor Beard, President Purdy said: "We are to hear to-night a discussion of political parties in city government. It is very appropriate that the first speaker should be a professor of politics. And that leads me to say a very few words on a hobby of mine: You will doubtless recall that the word ‘politician’ is commonly used to describe one who knows nothing of the practice and theory of government, and the term ‘ politician ’ is used to describe, perhaps, those whom you have been taught to abhor and with whom you are unfamiliar. Personally, I would desire to rescue the word ‘ politics’ from those connotations and to dignify the word ‘ politician ’ so as to mean what it really does mean: a person skilled in the art of government. The gentleman who will address you teaches persons to understand the art of government: Prof. Charles A. Beard.”


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of economy, efficiency, and good management are accepted by both of them. No party is willing to advocate waste, inefficiency, and bad management. The Socialist party is the only party that has a complete program of public economy which includes national and state and city issues. That is a program of collectivism, public ownership and operation of the great utilities or economic processes upon which all depend for a livelihood. We may or may not approve of that program, but we cannot deny that it is a consistent municipal, state, and national program. Neither can we deny that the Socialists are both logical and sound, from their point of view, when they insist upon maintaining a municipal party organization and linking it up with the state and national organization. Insisting that not a single great problem of social economy is purely or even primarily municipal, the Socialists rightly stick to a unified party organization. Up to the present time, however, they have been almost negligible factors in most of our great cities, and as we are not here concerned with prophecy or speculation we may leave them out of account.
I have said above that there is no real division between the Republicans and Democrats on municipal issues, but I do not mean that issues create parties. On the contrary I think the causes of party division lie deeper than superficial paper declarations of party principles. Issues are more frequently pretexts than causes of partisanship. That profound statesman, Alexander Hamilton, said in the convention that framed the constitution of the United States: “All communities divide themselves into the few and the many. The first are the rich and the well-born, the other the mass of the people. ”. I think we have in that laconic statement more information on the place of political parties in municipal government than in all the literature that has been issued by the reformers since the foundation of this republic. Disparity in the kinds and distribution of property, as the father of our constitution, James Madison, said, is the most fundamental cause of parties and factions in all ages and all places.
Of other cities I have little knowledge, but I know something about the history of parties in the city of New York, from the days of Jefferson to the days of Mitchel. By a long and painstaking study of election returns, ward maps, occupations, and wealth distribution, I arrived at the conclusion that the first great party division in New York city—that between the Federalists and the Jeffersonian Republicans—was a division between “wealth and talents” on the one hand and the masses on the other hand. Anyone interested in the facts will find them on pp. 383-387 of my Economic Origins of Jeffersonian Democracy. The studies I made for that work have been carried forward with great skill, accuracy and ingenuity by one of my colleagues, Mr. Dixon R. Fox, who has now completed the maps of the elections by wards down until 1840. He finds that in every great contest the “wealth and talents” were in the main with the Federalists or later the Whigs, while the masses were Democrats. I believe that


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fundamental division exists to-day in our great northern cities. I do not mean to say that there are not wealth and talents in the Democratic party, but I do contend that the center of gravity of wealth is on the Republican side while the center of gravity of poverty is on the Democratic side. Anyone who wants official confirmation of this view may read President Wilson’s New Freedom.
Of course in the smaller cities like Des Moines, Iowa, or Dayton, Ohio, where the area of the great industrial proletariat is not large and where distinctions of group and class are not marked, the materials for party divisions are not so obvious and so persistent. In the south cities are few and new, and there are special problems. As Plato and Aristotle long ago pointed out where there is similarity and approximate equality of property interests, there unity and stability may take the place of divisions and contests.. To anyone really interested in the profound philosophical problem set by the theme of my paper I commend a long and prayerful study of Aristotle's Politics. There he will find more genuine information on the subject than in all the books that have ever been written on American government. Speaking, therefore, not as a prophet or an advocate, I should say that parties are inevitable and unavoidable in modern society.
By that I do not mean to say that the corruption and excesses which have characterized political organizations in our great cities will continue unabated. On the contrary, I look forward with confidence to a diminution in corruption, partly on account of the increasing number of independent voters who cannot be counted upon to follow slavishly the dictates of leaders, but mainly on account of the fact that the opportunities for corruption are now materially reduced. There will be no more boards of “forty thieves” in New York disposing of Broadway franchises, not because we are better than our fathers but because the Broadway franchise has been disposed of and made perpetual. With more than 95 per cent of our surface railway franchises granted in perpetuity in New York city we may feel reasonably secure from the attacks of franchise grabbers masked as party organizations.
In other words, to use academic terminology, the law of diminishing returns has set in against municipal corruption in its grosser forms, and so we may expect to see an increasing number of the so-called “interests” becoming good and non-partisan. They are like Great Britain. Having possession of the earth, she is for peace and the status quo. Certain financial groups in New York that formerly looked with kindly toleration on Tammany, having “got theirs,” are now for efficiency and economy. Providence works in mysterious ways His wonders to perform, and those who are weary of Tweed rings and gas scandals may look forward with confidence and hope. The age of great graft in our cities is over; we have eaten our cake. We shall be bothered with petty graft, but that is not


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so dangerous to public morals. But we shall have parties for such a long time in the future that we need not make our last will and testament now.
If this analysis is correct then those of us who dwell in large cities must arrange to live and work with parties. Rural villages may experiment with “non-partisanship.” From what I can gather from newspapers and gossip with visitors from non-partisanship cities of any size, the abolition of city parties by statutory devices is a delusion. Perhaps some of the delegates from Boston will inform us whether there are any Democrats or Republicans in the city government there. Of course some one will rise up from Dayton and tell us that utopia is there, but some of us skeptics from the east must be pardoned if we do not rewrite our entire political science in the light of three years’ experience of an Ohio city, whose population is about equal to the annual increment in the population of New York. I know of nothing more amusing than the report of the first trial of the “new non-partisan election system” in San Francisco, reported by the National Municipal Review in its first number. The reporter told us that the results of the same were “ generally considered satisfactory,” and then proceeded: “A candidate has but to secure ten electors to take the sponsor’s oath, to get his name printed on the primary ballot. No candidate succeeded, however, unless he was backed by a large organization. Six such organizations took part in the contest: the municipal conference, the good government league, the Republican, Democratic, Union Labor, and Socialist parties. The first four combined on James Rolph, Jr., a prominent shipowner, as a candidate for mayor and had many other candidates in common. The Union Labor party put forward Mayor McCarthy and a straight ticket. The Socialists named Wm. McDevitt. ” Surely an Irishman wrote this account of a “ genuine, non-partisan” election under a non-partisan law.
In fact, I am prepared to defend the thesis that non-partisanship has not worked, does not work, and will not work in any major city in the United States. We have plenty of non-partisan election laws designed to smash party organizations. We also have direct primary laws designed to take nominations out of the hands of party leaders. I think these laws have in many instances put a wholesome fear in the minds of political leaders, but I do not believe that they have permanently reduced the power of the expert political minority that manages public affairs.
To come right down to practical conclusions, I should make the following summary: (1) that the causes of parties lie deeper than election laws or most so-called issues; (2) that the causes of parties being social and economic, we must expect the continued existence of party organizations in our municipal affairs; (3) that the task before the reformer is not the enactment of non-partisan laws but the development of legislation and public opinion which will make parties responsible for. their conduct of municipal government; (4) that fusion is a temporary process better cal-


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culated to frighten and educate party leaders than to develop a unified and well-planned city administration; (5) the independent, self-directing citizens are relatively few in any community or party but education will widen that number and from them we may expect a check upon the party extravagance which has disgraced so many of our cities; (6) that men who want wise and just government in cities are likely to do as much good by co-operating with parties and insisting upon the establishment of sound party policies and genuine party responsibility as they are by running to the legislature for new non-partisan election laws; (7) that there is a power, not in legislation, that worketh for righteousness.


THE ELIMINATION OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN CANADIAN CITIES
BY W. D. LIGHTHALL, K.C.
Montreal
THE reason why I am called to address you to-day is that I come from a land whose people, in a true and profound sense, are part of your people, bone of your bone, sinew of your sinew, speech of your speech, spirit of your spirit; who, pervaded with the atmosphere of ideals and circumstances of this continent are, in the broad meaning, as American as you; and who, in their origin and growth, are in substance an overflow of the population of these United States. Before the revolution, New England people had begun to found what are now our provinces, and after the revolution the great basis of our population was laid by the loyalist refugees from every state, and by perhaps an equal number of others than loyalists who followed the rich opportunities of our territory. Even to-day one of the best and largest sources of our immigration is the stream of hundreds of thousands of American farmers who have taken up our western lands. I might go further, into a historical digression, and show that the British Empire, itself, had its origin among those same men of vision who gave birth to the idea of the united colonies. Both of those ideas began together before the revolution. It was our common American ancestors who dreamed them—the greatest political visions in the world.
It is, therefore, not surprising that our municipal institutions are essentially American—essentially on the same patterns as your own, with differences rather of experimentation and local accident than of structure. One of those local accidents is a very fortunate one—the elimination of political parties from our municipal politics. In this, perhaps, we may contribute something to your information, just as we constantly learn innumerable things from your municipal experience. Between Canada and the United States there is a great contrast in this matter.
We see with astonishment such things as Republican or Democratic control in the governments of your cities, tickets of candidates representing Republicans or Democrats, the evils of general party rancour introduced into local affairs, and too often we hear of the spoils system playing an only too important part in the result. In Canada, on the other hand, a party ticket in municipal affairs is unknown. A man’s party opinions may gain him some votes, but merely in the same way as his association, with the masons or the independent order of moose have made him some incidental friends. The mere suggestion that party strife entered into
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the matter would arouse strong opposition among the voters and in most cases the candidate would be fain to publicly repudiate the suggestion in order not to lose his election. In short the introduction of party issues and shibboleths nearly everywhere in Canada is regarded as a dangerous and outlawed principle.
Just how this has come to be is somewhat difficult to determine. Certainly it was not so in our early municipal elections, eighty years ago, which were of a highly spicy and unladylike variety. Now, on the contrary, it is a fair statement that the elimination of party politics is a universally accepted sentiment. It is supported by all influential newspapers and strongly in favor with all classes of people. Its strength lies in the fact that it has become an attitude of mind, firmly fixed by habit. It certainly produces very beneficial results—a greater freedom and insistence upon the personal fitness of the candidate, a much reduced difficulty in finding really suitable candidates, and a sense that a candidate, once elected, is tied to no group of men, at least on party grounds. But the chief advantage is that it severs the municipal policy from all sorts of state and federal considerations. It thus enables a municipality to come before its legislature standing on the merits of its demands.
It is not to be gainsaid that several evils remain. Municipal politicians sometimes form groups among themselves, and sometimes municipalities are the victims of baneful influences and rapacious groups in the legislatures. But at least their difficulties are immensely simplified by the fact that the party question is nil. Internally, within municipalities, this freedom has made it easier to choose officials, and has everywhere made their standing a life tenure of their positions. It has also rendered it possible to have unanimity in councils over many measures and policies, based on untrammelled individual opinion of the aldermen, and it has enabled a municipality, when affected by pending legislation of the legislatures, to assemble to its aid the best men of all parties. The most striking and sweeping results have been rendered possible for the unions of municipalities in preventing legislative encroachments by corporations, and thefts of their rights and franchises by those charter sharks who infest all lobbies. The Union of Canadian Municipalities—the great general association of the cities and towns of Canada—has sometimes to fight the passing of some statute encroaching upon franchises or other rights of one of its numbers, or even of some municipality not in its membership, perhaps even some very weak and small municipality. In the federal parliament of Canada such bills are sometimes brought forward. But on every occasion where a fair case exists, the union counts on untrammelled combination of all the best elements of both parties, and invariably obtains a victory, in which the name of either party is scarcely so much as mentioned. The same process goes on before the provincial legislatures (corresponding to those of your states), before which the


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provincial branches of the union take up similar matters, and whatever difficulties they may have with commercial groups or charter-sharks, there is almost invariably the same absence of the suggestion of party. It is unnecessary to catalogue all the other beneficial results.
Now, from the modest acquaintance I have with American municipal affairs, based mainly on a long association with the National Municipal League and other American municipal bodies, and also partly on a constant reading of the newspapers, I know that many of your municipal experts sometimes envy us this advantage, and wonder how it can be introduced in the United States, and added to your long list of important municipal triumphs.
Let me make only two remarks on that question,—First, that, whatever be the method, the object should be to attain a habit of public mind against the continuance of the party system. In Canada it rests upon a habit of public mind acquired during the past half century, and favored no doubt by the fact that our party methods have never attained such completeness of system as your own. They have never come down to such refinements as your party tickets. The second point is that, whether the process be long or short, simple or difficult,—and there is no doubt it will be difficult,—I have absolute confidence in the American people, in their ability to achieve any idea. The elimination of party politics will come to you as it has to us, sometime,—and within a reasonable time. The struggle for it is not a hopeless one, and ought to be pursued systematically with optimism, and having as its set purpose the gradual creation of the necessary habit of public thought.
As the representative here of the Union of Canadian Municipalities, I bring you the profound congratulations and the absolute sympathy of the Canadian people in all your splendid work.


SETH LOW’S SERVICE IN BEHALF OF NONPARTISAN CITY GOVERNMENT
BY J. HAMPDEN DOUGHEBTY 1 New York City
THE death of Seth Low brings vividly to mind a picture of progress in city government during 35 years. His success as mayor of Brooklyn in enforcing business principles in office gave his native city a distinction that was nation-wide. He himself seemed to personify the leading doctrines of municipal reform, many of which he put into practice before there was any statutory mandate to do so. Today, independent voting is common; even the lines of cleavage between national parties have, except as to the tariff, almost disappeared. Since New York state by constitutional amendment provided for the election of city officers in different years from those set apart for state and national elections, voting in municipal elections takes place without thought of its effect upon national or state issues. Before Seth Low first ran for mayor in Brooklyn, fealty to national parties was so absolute as to make it almost party treason to vote for other than party candidates for municipal office. It requires an effort of memory of the older voter to recall, and vigor of imagination on the part of the younger to appreciate, the despotic hold of party regularity upon the voter of that time. Independent voting has traveled a vast distance within a generation.
Prior to the first Low campaign the subject of municipal government had received scant attention. The overshadowing issues of the civil war and of reconstruction and the necessity for placing the currency upon a sound basis and for the re-establishment of the gold standard, dwarfed all other political considerations. Meanwhile, scandals in city government became shamefully common with the increase in number and population of cities and the unlimited opportunities afforded to selfishness and greed to prey upon the body politic. Accumulation of city debts began to threaten city bankruptcy and taxation weighed oppressively upon city inhabitants. City problems were discussed in the New York constitutional convention of 1867, but without practical result. A commission appointed in 1877 by Governor Tilden made a report upon the mis-government of cities, and the remedies therefor. Misrule in cities, it said,
'A contemporary of Low and like him a former resident of Brooklyn; independent Democrat; active for many years in affirmative movements for political reform. Served for a time (under Mayor Low) as head of the department of water supply, gas and electricity of New York city; member of New York city charter revision committee appointed by Governor Hughes.
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was due to the incompetence of governing boards and officers, the introduction of state and national politics into municipal affairs and the assumption by the legislature of direct control of city matters. The chief remedies proposed were separation of local and national elections and restriction of the power of the legislature to interfere by special legislation with the conduct of municipal affairs.
In 1880 Brooklyn was a hot-bed of political independence. The Garfield election was perhaps won in Brooklyn. Garfield carried New York state by a plurality over Hancock of 21,000, 2 per cent of the state’s total vote, and this success is to be ascribed in no small degree to the labor of the newly organized Young Republican club of Brooklyn, of which Seth Low was president. In the local gossip of the day the club elected Garfield. In the following year it decided to turn its attention to city affairs with the hope not only of rescuing Brooklyn from control by a corrupt ring, but of setting up and establishing the principle that cities must be run upon a non-partisan basis. No officeholder could be a member of the club, and any member who accepted a nomination for any office thereby lost his membership; hence it could not be made to subserve the ambition of men seeking political place. The club was thoroughly organized in every ward of the city and had behind it a vote of sufficient numerical strength to make it a deciding factor in the election.
Mr. Low’s death makes it fitting that the leading incidents of this dramatic campaign should be told. He had previously been asked to become the candidate of the Republican party for mayor, but unequivocally refused, and definitely to put an end to all talk of his candidacy, renewed his membership in the Young Republican club, which he had dropped after Garfield’s election, thus virtually making it impossible for him to accept any nomination. On October 17, 1881, at the call of a few prominent citizens irrespective of party, a vast assemblage met in the Brooklyn rink and after listening to a series of resolutions favoring nonpartisan city government and to stirring addresses by Henry Ward Beecher and others, nominated for mayor Ripley Ropes, a well-known citizen who had rendered splendid service in local office a few years earlier. On October 19 the club adopted resolutions approving the Ropes nomination and recommending to the Republican city convention the favorable consideration of his name for mayor. The chief spokesman for these resolutions was Seth Low. They were enthusiastically carried and the president of the club, Horace E. Deming, appointed Low one of a committee to present them to the Republican city convention. The McLaughlin ring defiantly answered the citizens’ challenge by renominating James Howell, the existing mayor, and the independent Democrats nominated General Henry W. Slocum.
When, on October 21, the Republican city convention assembled to nominate candidates, Mr. Low’s committee appeared and presented the


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resolutions of the Young Republican club. Perhaps the tensest moments in the proceedings were those in which one of the ablest and most adroit of the Republican leaders asked Mr. Low whether if Ropes were nominated by the Republican convention and elected mayor he would “accept the nomination as a Republican, with all the political obligations which that implies,” and in which Mr. Low replied that he would answer in the-words of Mr. Ropes himself: “I will use that high office in the fear of God, for the interests of all citizens, high and low, rich and poor, friend and foe.” The cleverness, the composure, the sang-froid shown by young Low, a political neophyte, in discussion with veteran politicians, and his simple but earnest words will not easily be forgotten—at least by the author of this sketch. The convention might perhaps have been stampeded for him, had he betrayed even momentary hesitation. It finally nominated Benjamin F. Tracy, a lawyer of distinction, breveted a brigadier-general for notable service in the civil war. With the presence of Ropes and Tracy in the field there was imminent danger that the great powers of appointment given to the incoming mayor under the Schrceder act of 1880 would become the prize of the ring which, as the Eagle well said, had “in times past plundered Brooklyn’s treasury, corrupted her judiciary, fomented ruffianism and made elections mere farces.” To avoid such a disaster Mr. Ropes retired from the canvass and at a meeting representative of both political parties Mr. Low was substituted as the citizens’ candidate. General Tracy simultaneously resigned the Republican nomination, and in doing so commended Low to the consideration of the Republican convention. The convention accepted Tracy’s resignation and named Low. The Young Republican club released him from his duties and obligations as a member and requested him to “accept the nominations tendered in this unprecedented manner.”
In accepting the nomination of the citizens’ committee, Mr. Low said:
No man could wish to stand as mayor on a nobler platform than that embodied in the preamble to the resolutions adopted at the citizens’ meeting on Wednesday evening. If elected I pledge myself to discharge the duties of my high office “in the fear of God and not of man, and with an eye single to the best interests alike of the poor and the rich, the high and the low, friends and foes,” and to administer the affairs of the city upon strict business principles.
Slocum also decided to withdraw and the contest was narrowed to a fight between Howell and Low. In the spirited canvass which ensued, Howell was defeated by 4,192 votes. By this close margin Brooklyn set up non-partisan city government. Of this election the Brooklyn Eagle aid: “If Mr. Low will give the city two years of business-like adminis-ration, his successor, whoever he may be, will not be able to reverse that policy without the odium of being a public enemy.”


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In office Mr. Low applied the principles embodied in the citizens’ platform. The Schroeder act gave him power to appoint his leading subordinates, not, however, the power of removal, but Mr. Low exacted from each of his appointees a resignation ready for instant use at any time; and while the civil service law was still a permissive measure as to cities, he accepted and applied its provisions as thoroughly as though they were mandatory. He kept a vigilant supervision over proposed legislation at Albany inimical to the city’s welfare, and at the same time succeeded in winning from political enemies the support necessary to insure the passage of the measures which he fostered—such, for example, as the Evarts act of 1883, which enabled the city to collect several millions of dollars of arrears of taxes. His appointments were of a high order; he reformed the public educational system, putting it in charge of a board of education of the highest efficiency, and instituted a system for granting municipal franchises under which they were adequately paid for. In a short time the metamorphosis in city government was surprising. Brooklyn became a city like a light set upon a hill, known and honored all over the land.
In the fall of 1883 Mr. Low was re-elected mayor after a vigorous campaign in his behalf the brunt of which fell upon the Young Republicans and thus Brooklyn secured two years more of efficient government.
When consolidation between New York city and Brooklyn was voted, Mr. Low was designated by Governor Morton as one of the commissioners to frame a charter for the greater city. His influence in its formation, while not dominating, was strongly felt. He was the citizens’ candidate for the mayoralty of the greater city at the first election under the new charter, and his nomination was a remarkable tribute to the man. In the triangular contest between him, Tracy, the Republican candidate, and Robert Van Wyck, the Tammany candidate, Tammany was successful but the vote for Mr. Low greatly exceeded the vote for Tracy. Their united vote, had it been cast for Low, would have made him mayor. Then followed four years of Tammany misrule, which aroused such a revulsion of feeling that citizens irrespective of party combined to nominate and elect Mr. Low. Unhappily, the revised charter of 1900 had reduced the mayor’s term to two years.
It is difficult in a few words to sum up the accomplishments of that all too brief period of business government. There had previously been . conferred upon the mayor ample power to remove his appointees, the extension of the civil service law had relieved him from many of the importunities from politicians which he could not altogether escape while mayor of Brooklyn, and the new constitution spared him those visits to Albany to head off possible adverse legislation—which he graphically described in the chapter on city government, written by him for Bryce’s “American Commonwealth”—because all bills affecting the city before


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they could be passed upon by the governor had automatically to be submitted to the mayor for approval or non-approval. Vast projects were conceived, begun and partially executed during his term, in relation to rapid transit, the city’s water supply, its docks and bridges, and the entrance by tunnel of the Pennsylvania railroad into the heart of the city itself. Jurisdiction over franchises was taken from the board of aldermen and vested in the board of estimate, in which the mayor, the comptroller and the president of the board of aldermen exercise a virtually controlling vote. The history of the greater city under Mr. Low was that of a giant corporate business, managed with unusual skill, and as the mayor had full accountability for the choice and retention of department chiefs and was chairman of, and an influential factor in, the board of estimate, the success of the administration was primarily due to him. With all proper abatements, government under Low attained an eminence entitling it to be regarded as the high-water period in the city’s affairs. A brief retrograde movement followed, but after the success scored under Low, Tammany could never again descend to the infamy of the Van Wyck administration. Reform begets improvement, even if the movement is not continuously progressive, for former odious conditions will never again be tolerated and cannot be fully restored. If the Low administration be judged in the light not only of what it actually achieved but of evils the recurrence of which it has rendered impossible, its accomplishments are notable indeed.
In almost any other country Seth Low’s official service would have covered a long period of consecutive years. In Germany or England, for example, his continued re-election to the mayoralty of a city like Brooklyn would have been a certainty and promotion to the mayoralty of a greater city would have inevitably followed upon its formation. Had his preference been for other political place, the chance of preferment would have been at his call. It is only we in the United States who seem incapable of duly assessing the service rendered by able and disinterested citizenship. The loss thus sustained by the community defies calculation.
For a number of years Mr. Low was president of Columbia University and while in that office, after having refused President McKinley’s tender of the post of minister to Spain, he accepted an appointment at the hands of the same president as delegate to the first international conference for the promotion of peace, which convened at The Hague in the spring of 1899, his fellow delegates being the Honorable Andrew D. White, then minister to Germany, the Honorable Stanford Newel, minister at The Hague, Captain Mahan, Captain Crozier and Frederick W. Holls.
For many years he was deeply interested in the cause of labor, was often the arbiter chosen by the labor interests, and in the last nine years;


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of his life acted as president of the National Civic Federation. A quiet, unobtrusive but effective worker in the great domains of charity and education, the range of his activities far surpasses public knowledge. His final public service was as chairman of the cities committee of the constitutional convention of 1915, to which he was elected a delegate at large with a vote exceeding that given to any other delegate. His appointment to the chairmanship of the cities committee was a proper acknowledgment of his exceptional fitness for the office. The words with which he opened his presentation of the committee’s report to the convention are a bitter commentary upon the difficulty that besets every effort of cities to attain home rule. He wondered, he said, if any of his hearers realized that in 45 years we had made no substantial progress in relieving the legislature of the necessity of dealing with local matters or in granting to cities more control of their local affairs. According to the Evarts commission of 1877, 808 acts were passed by the legislature of 1870; 212 related to cities and villages, 94 to cities, 36 to New York city alone. In 1915 the legislature passed 729 bills, 222 relating to cities and villages, 182 to cities and 76 to New York city alone. While the measure of home rule reported by his committee failed to satisfy many home-rule advocates, Mr. Low doubtless felt it was all that public opinion would support and he worked earnestly but vainly for its success.
Professor Sloane has alluded to Mr. Low’s remarkable memory that enabled him to pronounce in extempore fashion a speech requiring an hour or more for its delivery. This may help to explain the uniformly superior character of his public utterances. In the second campaign in Brooklyn, his appeals for the continuance of business government, backed up and re-enforced, as they were, by facts and figures, were of a high order and carried conviction into the hearts of his auditors by their obvious sincerity. He was an equally good campaigner in 1901 and 1903. He was, perhaps, the most felicitous speaker who ever occupied the chair of mayor of the greater city. His address in 1902, upon the presentation to Prince Henry of Prussia of the freedom of New York city, evoked spontaneous praise from the press of that day. Mr. Low was quick to perceive the essential point of an argument or a bill, and much of the business sagacity that made his father one of New York’s merchant princes was in the son employed to safeguard the city’s interests in complex business contracts. In one of his earliest campaign speeches he quoted with approval the maximum of the old Latin poet—“in the middle of the road you will go safest,” and added, “I have not been a man of extremes and do not expect to be.” Temperamentally he was predisposed towards compromise, and what at times seemed like the lack of high civic courage may have been wise caution. It is a misfortune that with his great and exceptional experience in city affairs he never published any monograph upon city government except the brief chapter


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contributed by him to the first edition of Bryce’s “American Commonwealth.” It may be that had he lived he would have produced a comprehensive and illuminating treatise showing how and to what extent cities may properly be emancipated from state control. Such a work would have been a splendid capstone to his life.
Varied and interesting as were his occupations the chief, of which he laid the foundations in early manhood, was city reform. In the history of city government he will be remembered as the great pioneer—the man who first demonstrated in a practical way the immense gain to the people of a city of having its affairs conducted upon a strictly non-partisan basis.


NON-PARTISANSHIP IN MUNICIPAL AFFAIRS AS ILLUSTRATED BY NEW YORK EXPERIENCE
BY JOHN J. MURPHY New York City
NEARLY a quarter of a century since, a group of high-minded citizens of New York evolved a theory of municipal government based upon a perfectly logical principle. Had they been less high-minded they might have been suspicious of the vei;y fact that it was perfectly logical. No perfectly logical principle functions efficiently when applied to human affairs. Were it otherwise John Jay Chapman would be the greatest politician in the United States for no one has more relentlessly applied logic to the solution of governmental problems. Instead of holding such a position, he is merely the high exemplar of a small group of men who admire above everything else, nobility of character and consistency of purpose.
The theory was that, although men might differ on political questions, all decent citizens were a unit in favor of good government and honest administration. Under the leadership of the late Seth Low, of venerable memory, this idea won its greatest public favor in 1897. Although he was defeated for the mayoralty, he polled 150,000 votes for the idea. True, he was elected in 1901, but the fundamental idea of 1897 was sacrificed to achieve the victory, for of the allies who came together to overthrow Tammany in that year, not 20 per cent even pretended to any faith in the non-partisan idea. Eighty per cent of the participants were simply a coalition of revolting Democrats and of Republicans who saw no other way of inflicting a defeat on their party rival. Their ideals of government were little, if anything, higher than Tammany’s; they were the strictest kind of party men.
At what point did the logical principle break down in application? Simply in its failure to properly take into account the basis of parties and partisanship. The assumption that parties exist to advance the ideas with which they are identified in the public mind, is almost wholly erroneous. Parties take up ideas to keep themselves alive. The Republican party is sometimes supposed to exist for the perpetuation of the principle (save the mark) of protection. As a matter of fact the Republican party takes up protection as one means of keeping itself going. So the Democratic party at one time seemed to exist to advocate the remonetization of silver. But the relegation of that idea to oblivion did not cause the party to disintegrate.
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Parties take up issues as a merchant replenishes his stock; when the public demands something new, the merchant brings out the new fashions. The primary purpose of the party and the merchant is the same, to make a living. Parties have an existence entirely independent of the principles they advocate or profess.
The basis of their life is the association of like-minded men, men who can combine for effective action, men whose attraction for one another is on the whole greater than their repugnance to each other. If this thought be kept in mind, the brief existence of new parties will be understood. New parties spring up to advocate ideas, which for the time being are strong enough to tear men away from old associations. These ideas are either rejected, enacted into law or stolen by one or other of the regular organizations. Then the components of the new party seek their old alignments.
When, therefore, non-partisanship in municipal affairs was tried, under leaders as unselfish as any who have ever led such a movement, men found themselves thrown into association with other men with whom they were not congenial. The Republican mind and the Democratic mind, when thrown into juxtaposition, even for so unimpeachable a cause as good government, generate antagonisms. Hence the constant tendency was to fly apart. What we have seen in most non-partisan movements (so-called) is really a coalition of minority groups to defeat an opponent stronger than any one of them, but unable to defeat them all combined. Were any of these groups in the majority it would not consider non-partisanship as a principle of action for a moment. Fusion movements are often useful and practicable, but they should not be confounded with non-partisan movements. They are omni-partisan rather than nonpartisan. All men who have any positive qualities are partisans.
After many years of belief in and struggle for, the realization of the non-partisan idea, I am forced to admit that it runs counter to a natural law which is stronger than logic. The old struggle of the realist and the idealist, the head and the heart, efficiency and humanity, the imperialist and the democrat, inevitably wrecks any attempt to combine these antagonistic elements into a permanent movement.


THE NON-PARTISAN BALLOT IN MUNICIPAL
ELECTIONS
A CONSIDERATION OF ITS ADAPTABILITY TO CHICAGO1
BY HON. MORTON DENISON HULL
Chicago
THE following is quoted from an editorial in the Chicago Record-Herald, of January 18, 1914:
What is the matter with Boston? Her own newspapers and citizens admit that something is wrong in the cultural hub. Not long ago Boston adopted a modern charter and scrapped her old municipal machinery. The Massachusetts non-partisan ballot is famous: many cities are crying for it. . . .
Boston has just had a local election and the wrong candidate was chosen mayor. There was no partisan fight: the good citizens had every chance; but too many of them failed to vote. The great middle class was vainly appealed to.
The election to which the foregoing editorial quotation refers was the election for mayor of Boston held a few days prior. At that election a Mr. Curley was elected mayor. Mr. Curley had been the head of a so-called Tammany organization in Boston, modeled after that of New York. Some years ago he passed six months in jail, under a sentence imposed by a federal court for impersonating another man in taking a United States civil service examination. His opponent, Mr. Kenny, had worked himself up from the humbler ranks of fife and had made an honorable record as a member of the common council of Boston. It is unnecessary to go into the records of these men further. It is sufficient to say that, according to the Record-Herald, it is generally admitted in Boston that “something is wrong in the cultural hub.”
It is unnecessary to go into a prolonged diagnosis of the disease that afflicts the city of Boston. This isn’t the first time it has been noticed in Boston and it isn’t confined to Boston alone. It is the same old disease that has afflicted popular government in all our large cities for many years —the disease that in its outward form manifests itself as inefficient and.
1 This article was published in the spring of 1914 and circulated as a campaign document in a hotly contested aldermanic election in one of the wards of Chicago in which the attempt was made to make the non-partisanship of one of the candidates and the fact that his name appeared on the ballot by petition rather than as a party nominee the issue of the campaign. Both this candidate and his principal competitor, a Republican, were highly commended by the municipal voters league. The party candidate won by a decisive vote.
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dishonest city government. We are appreciating its presence here in Chicago, and many sincere reformers are’ offering as a remedy the total abolition of the party circle, and non-partisan municipal elections. Will it help the situation? Does it offer any relief? A few years ago a group of public-spirited citizens of Boston thought it would help Boston. They saw, as our friends are seeing, the evil of having national political party prejudices intruding themselves into our local city elections. What place has the tariff or the currency question in our city elections? None, of course. The answer was clear. And so they thought if national parties were eliminated from city elections—indeed, if all parties were eliminated, and the party circle abolished and a candidate allowed to run only on his personal fitness, and under his own name, and not under the name of any party, all would go well—and Boston would be redeemed. And so they abolished the party ballot and have had two municipal elections on the non-partisan plan. And in both of these elections the unfit candidate for mayor has won. The first of these candidates was “Honey” Fitzgerald, elected four years ago over James J. Storrow, both Democrats in national politics. The second was Mr. Curley, just elected over Mr. Kenny, both being Democrats. These results have been a disappointment to the friends of the non-partisan municipal ballot, as indeed they should be to all friends of good government. Abstractly considered, it would seem as though the non-partisan ballot had every argument in its favor. But in two mayoralty elections in Boston, it has sadly failed of the expectations of its friends, and I think we may safely say, failed to give to Boston any better government, so far as the office of mayor is concerned, than the old party ballot. Why?
We will venture to suggest a few reasons. The first of these lies in the size of the electorate of Boston. Associated with this factor of the size of the electorate is the simple fact of human nature, which everyone must recognize, that the vast majority of men respond to motives of self interest far more quickly than to motives of the public good, or to any motive which is diffused and general and not of immediate personal application. The result is that the forces which have demoralized the popular government of our cities, and which after all are only the forces of self interest which hope to profit in various ways through political control, are mobilized far more quickly in political campaigns than the forces which stand for the public service. In smaller communities this handicap is not so serious to the forces of good government. Though the time between nominations and elections may not be long, there is frequently time enough to create an effective organization for the better candidates. Furthermore, the civic interest of the citizen is greater in the smaller community because he feels that his share in the result is larger. In the smaller community he is usually a property owner,


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while too frequently in the city he lives in a flat and moves from year to year. As a result independent candidates may, and frequently do, make winning campaigns in our smaller municipalities. But in cities of the size of Boston, with an electorate o.f 125,000 voters, or of Chicago, with an electorate of several times that number, this public inertia is a real handicap, as the experience of Boston seems to prove.
How then can this difficulty of overcoming the public inertia be met? Obviously by not waiting till the last moment and until nominations have been made, in organizing your forces for battle. In practical experience this means by having your organization in existence long prior to nominations and elections. On account of the frequency of our elections this, in effect, means that the organization for mobilizing your electorate in political campaigns must be a permanent one. It must have ward leaders and precinct leaders. It must ramify to every part of the community, if it is to be an effective fighting force. But just as soon as you have created this kind of a machine, you have created a political party, and it makes no difference whether you call it Republican, Democratic, Socialist, citizens’ union, or fusion, or non-partisan party. The forces of self interest which have corrupted our politics know this. They know the need of combination and organization in winning victories and they get together very quickly, wherever self interest dictates. Unless the good citizens will do likewise, they cannot expect to win.
Perhaps it will be said that it is not the existence of parties that constitutes the evil; but the intrusion of national party prejudices into local elections, and that what we ought to have is local municipal parties. Perhaps this is the answer. Perhaps we should have municipal parties in our municipal elections. But if this be so, we should be logical and should go through with our reform to the end. We should recognize that the citizen of Chicago is an elector in five distinct popular governments overlapping each other. He is a citizen and elector in the popular government of Chicago. He is a citizen and elector in the popular government of Cook county. He is a citizen and elector in the popular government of the sanitary district of Chicago. He is a citizen and elector in the popular government of the state of Illinois, and he is a citizen and elector in his national government. If the intrusion of national parties is an unmitigated evil in the business of the city of Chicago, it is equally so in the business of Cook county, in the business of the sanitary district, and in the business of the state of Illinois. What has the tariff or the currency question to do with any of them? If the non-partisan ballot will bring us a better city government, why should we not have it in Cook county elections, and indeed, in every one of these elective governments in which we are voters. If, however, it fails in big cities for the reasons we have suggested; and if, as a consequence, we must conclude that the difficulty of mobilizing your electorate without organization necessitates


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parties, but that these parties should be separate and distinct from national parties, then with some force it may be said that they should be distinct from each other, in every one of these several popular governments in which we are voters; that city parties should be distinct from state parties, and county parties and sanitary district parties. If the intrusion of the political questions of one of these popular governments into the elections affecting the others is an evil to be met only by separate political organizations in each, then our good citizen must be burdened with a multiplicity of political organization which he simply will not and cannot carry. As a matter of experience he finds his friends and those who think with him, interested in practically the same party in all elections, and thinks that one political machine is enough for all. He may be wrong. Theoretically he is wrong. It may be he ought to maintain separate and distinct political parties for each of the several popular governments in which he votes. But what he ought to do and what he will do are two different things. In experience it is safe to say your good citizen will refuse to carry the burden of five distinct political parties in Chicago.
Perhaps some one will cite the experience of New York in electing John Purroy Mitchel, a Democrat, mayor over Judge McCall, Democrat and Tammany candidate, as an instance of a successful non-partisan campaign in a large city. In one sense it was. The voters of New York who are overwhelmingly Democratic in national politics, disregarded party designations in the result. It ought to be remembered, however, that it was not a non-partisan campaign in the sense of abolishing the party ballot or disregarding the use of party organization. Mr. Mitchel was elected by a fusion of existing party organizations. He was in fact nominated by the Republicans, the Progressives and the citizens’ union party of New York, and his name and the names of the other fusion candidates appeared in the separate columns of each one of these parties on the ballot, and their party organizations were used to the limit in bringing the voters to the polls. Even at that he could not have been elected, except for the political folly of the Tammany organization and its leaders in impeaching Governor Sulzer. This instance forms no precedent for the non-partisan elections which disregard the need of organization to achieve results.
I have tried to suggest that the problem of mobilizing the electorate for something more than the experience of good purposes and defeated efforts, means organization and organization means parties. I have tried to suggest, too, that if national parties are a bane in other than national elections, the difficulty is more or less inherent in the situation. One thing, however, is obvious. We have complicated the situation by too many elective governments. We ought to abolish the sanitary district altogether, and absorb its powers and obligations in the city and state


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governments. We may well question, too, whether at the proper time the city of Chicago, and county of Cook ought not to be consolidated into one local government. This would help to simplify the situation. There would then be left three popular governments in which our good citizen would be a voter. Would he then be willing to maintain three separate and distinct political organizations. I doubt it. The line of least resistance is the usual line of human action. The line of least resistance would still be the line of single, rather than multiple political organization.
If this be true, is there no road to better government? We know no special way but better citizenship. After all, the word “non-partisan-ship” expresses in negative form what should be a positive virtue— patriotic service—whether in citizen or public servant. This service cannot get far by going it alone. In my humble judgment, too, it handicaps itself in multiplying organization. If the good citizens instead of being periodic patriots and denouncing the bosses, will, in sufficient number take the organizations that exist and stick by the job, they can mould them to proper use in every one of the elective governments in which we live. This does not mean a blind following of organization. Every man reserves to himself the right to revolt when his party goes wrong. Indeed, revolt then becomes a public duty. It does mean that good government cannot be secured by simply wishing for it, but can be secured only by working for it. Working for it means permanent party organization where the number of the electorate is large.


THE BOSTON CHARTER
BY ROBERT J. BOTTOMLY,
Boston, Mass.
THE present Boston city charter was passed by the legislature in 1909. Its political features were accepted by the people at the state election in the same year and it went into effect as a whole on February 1, 1910. It was adopted in practically the same form in which it was recommended by the original finance commission, composed of five Boston citizens who had studied the Boston municipal situation for the preceding eighteen months.
The Boston charter is an extreme form.of centralization of executive and administrative authority in the hands of a mayor elected for four years. The council is composed of nine members elected at large, three each year for a term of three years, and their authority is practically confined to the passage of appropriations, loans and ordinances. The mayor has an absolute veto of all orders of the council. The charter created a permanent finance commission of five members appointed by the governor. It is the eyes and ears of the citizens to inform them as to what is going on in the various departments of their city government.
The state civil service commission is required to pass upon all appointments by the mayor to positions of heads of departments. All party designations were abolished from the municipal ballot and the nominations for both mayor and city council were to be made by petition signed by 5,000 registered voters of the city. This requirement was reduced by the legislature of 1914 to 3,000 signatures for mayor and 2,000 signatures for the council*. By the act of 1909 the date of the city election was changed from December to January, but it was changed back again to December in 1914.
It can be said without hesitation that this charter constitutes an enormous improvement over the antiquated form of city government under which Boston was previously operating. While, of course, improvements are bound to come in the future, no practical suggestions have yet been made which the people of Boston would care to substitute for it at the present time.
The small council of nine members elected at large, without party designations, which was one of the features which the practical politicians said would have no chance of success, has proved to be one of the most satisfactory provisions of the charter. The political features of the charter were adopted on a referendum in alternative form in 1909 by a majority of about 4,000, the vote being approximately 39,000 to 35,000.
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Every year from 1910 to 1914 the small council was attacked in the legislature by the old ward bosses, and finally in 1914 they secured the passage of an act which referred to the people the question of substituting a larger council elected by districts for the small council elected at large. The best proof that the small council had made good with Boston is that the act providing for a council by districts was rejected by a majority of 21,-000, the vote being approximately 26,000 Yes to 47,000 No.
In calibre the membership of the council has been steadily increasing. Under the old system with 75 members in the common council and 13 in the board of aldermen, the council was always dominated by those who made politics their business, or their hangers-on. The new council has always been dominated by men who were personally honest and who, in different degrees, looked upon membership in the city council as an opportunity for public service. There has never been a council under the new charter, a majority of the membership of which was not recommended by the good government association at the time of their election. The association has been able to insist upon a constantly rising standard of qualifications in candidates in order to secure its recommendation. In the old days, if no charges were preferred against a candidate and if, in addition, he happened to be a good husband and father, many people at once assumed that he was thoroughly qualified to decide how the people’s money should be spent. Now it has come to be assumed, both by the committees of the association and by the people of Boston generally, that personal honesty is a sine qua non for membership and that the real question is to decide which candidates have shown the more ability and experience to entitle them to a place on this small board, which has charge of spending so many millions of the people’s money every year. The small council elected at large has undoubtedly proven to be a success.
The permanent finance commission, a body of five citizens of Boston appointed by the governor, the members of which, with the exception of the chairman, serve without pay, has performed a very useful function. Each year it issues a considerable body of reports upon different departments and activities of the city government. Their criticisms have resulted in a great number of improvements, as well as serving to focus public opinion upon other evils which need to be improved. In the last two or three years, however, its work has been hampered by the fact that at least one of its membership was heartily out of sympathy with its purpose. While this member resigned something over two years ago and a great improvement in the work of the commission would have resulted if his resignation had been promptly accepted, no action upon his resignation has been taken, either by the well-intentioned procrastination of our present governor, or “the mild and amiable inefficiency” of his predecessor.
The mayor must send to the state civil service commission all appointments to positions of heads of departments, and unless the commission


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certifies within thirty days that the appointee is a recognized expert or qualified by education, training or experience for the position to which he is appointed, the appointment becomes void. This provision was framed for the purpose of freeing either a good or a bad mayor from those political influences which tend to drag his appointments below the level of efficiency, while leaving him entire freedom above that level. In the administration of the first mayor elected under the new charter 25 appointments were not approved by the civil service commission. The finance commission stated that 23 of these 25 rejected appointments were made for political reasons. This action served to focus, not only in the minds of the office seekers, but also in the minds of the community, that some other qualification than political activity was necessary in order to secure a position as a head of a department. Under the second and present mayor no appointments have been rejected by the civil service commission1 although some two or three have been withdrawn. In the opinion of most observers this failure to reject certain appointments has not been due so much to the exceptional qualifications of the appointees as to the lowering of the calibre of the civil service commission. It is to be hoped and expected that the present governor will sooner or later grapple with the problem of restoring a reasonable amount of ability and courage to the membership of the commission. In spite of the present situation, however, this provision has served to foster in the minds of the people of Boston a more definite idea of the standard of public service required for the administration of the head of an important department. It has had an important effect upon public opinion in the city and has thus proven of real value.
With regard to the powers of the finance and civil service commissions, the average charter student at once says that they violate the principle of home rule and therefore in the long run must prove unwise. If he means that he believes that municipal Boston should be governed solely by the people who reside within its municipal limits, it is quite true that the principle of home rule is violated. Metropolitan commissions appointed by the governor have charge of water, sewers and parks for the entire community. The police of Boston have been run by a commissioner appointed by the governor since 1885 and with very satisfactory results. The attempt to establish a minimum level of efficiency for the heads of the important Boston departments and the preparation and publication of information as to how Boston’s city government is conducted, are both functions in which many people who do not reside in Boston have a vital interest and in which they may be allowed and expected to co-operate through the governor whom they help to choose.
1 Since this article was written, one appointment of the present mayor has been rejected by the civil service commission.


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Boston is peculiar among American cities in that its immediate suburbs are vastly more populous than the municipality itself. Very likely not more than one in three of the people whom you meet in different parts of the country, who call themselves Bostonians and who have their offices in Boston, have any direct share in Boston’s government. Newton, Brookline, Cambridge, Somerville, in all some 32 towns and cities immediately contiguous to municipal Boston, all of which constitute part of the great urban community at the head of Massachusetts bay, have clung so firmly to the traditions which have clustered about their local names in past generations that they have been unwilling to become part of a greater city. The vast majority of their citizens, however, have their offices in the city and they use the city for many of the important functions of municipal life. The offices, the stores, the warehouses, the docks, the hotels and the theaters which are used by the entire community, are all within the limits of municipal Boston and it is a matter of vital importance to the nine hundred odd thousand people in the immediate suburbs that the 750,000 people within the municipal limits should not be allowed to fall into a condition of misgovernment, which would set back the welfare of the entire community. Until a greater city can be brought about, it is perhaps necessary in Boston that the suburbanites should be allowed, through the state government, to take some part in Boston’s municipal government.
The fact that the great majority of the moderately prosperous middle class do not vote in municipal Boston has constituted one of the serious troubles in the two non-partisan mayoralty elections which have been held under the present charter. In both mayoralty elections the candidate of the so-called “gang” element in Boston politics has been successful, although the fight has been infinitely closer than it could possibly have been if national party designations had been retained.
The first reason for that result has already been noted and the second reason, and the vital one from the point of the actual city, is that the people of Boston have not yet developed a proper standard or conception of the type of man that they wish for mayor. Every important municipal election in Boston turns on the fact that the gang element in politics has so far been able to secure the practically solid support of the city employes. When it is remembered that the municipal government is obliged to perform a great deal of service for a vast number of people who have no voting share in its makeup, it will be realized that the city employes in Boston constitute a disproportionately large share of the voting population. This year there are approximately 117,000 people on the voting list. Last April there were 14,943 people on the city payroll. It will thus be seen that the city employes, with their relatives and friends, constitute a solid block which is practically large enough to swing the mayoralty election. The city employes of course desire that their wages and work-


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ing conditions should be improved as rapidly as possible. It is sad but true that many of them believe that this improvement can only be obtained as a reward for political activity rather than as result of well-rendered service to the city.
It is the constant effort of the good government association to make the city employes realize that better conditions and better wages may be hoped for in the long run by the elimination of the enormous extravagance and waste which the administrative inefficiency of the present type of chief executive brings about, rather than by pandering to gang leaders in return for the crumbs which they may let fall from their table. As this change comes in Boston, we will have constant improvement in our municipal government, whatever form of charter may be in existence at any given moment.


THE NON-PARTISAN BALLOT IN PITTSBURGH
BY A. LEO WEIL Pittsburgh, Pa.
LAST evening Professor Beard and Commissioner Murphy, respectively, gave us the Genesis of political parties and the Exodus of the citizens’ union of New York. Professor Beard, from his study of the motives which underlie the creation of political parties, concluded that non-partisan ballots at municipal elections would not be practical, while Commissioner Murphy, from his experience with the citizens’ union of New York, came to the same conclusion.
It seems hardly fair from a single organization in the city of New York, where in reality there was no trial of a non-partisan ballot, to draw such a sweeping conclusion. If I understand the situation in New York aright, the people, aroused over conditions theretofore existing, formed the citizens’ union for the purpose of taking part in the elections, and were successful in the first election and unsuccessful in the next. They then abandoned the union. Is that an experiment in the operation of a nonpartisan ballot? As well say that the day-after feeling of the members of our owl club was an experiment in prohibition.
As to Professor Beard’s position, all of us have some knowledge of the rank and file who follow the national political parties. Without questioning the accuracy of the underlying causes given by Professor Beard for the original creation of political parties—there are few who have had experience with the followers of the national political parties to-day, who believe that any appreciable number of such followers are consciously moved by the reasons for originally creating such parties. They follow the party because of environment, of tradition, of habit, or for selfish reasons, political, financial, or social.
I think this may be illustrated by the story, which it is said Ex-President Roosevelt told of himself. He says when he was conducting his campaign for president on the Bull Moose ticket, he was delivering a speech in a Western town when some one in a front seat interrupted him from time to time, and so annoyed him that he finally said to his interlocutor: “You must be a Democrat.” “Yes, I am,” said the man. “Well,” said Mr. Roosevelt, “why are you a Democrat?” The man replied: “My father was a Democrat, my grandfather was a Democrat, my great-grandfather was a Democrat, and I guess that is why I am a Democrat.” “Suppose,” said Mr. Roosevelt, “your father was a donkey, and your grandfather was a donkey, and your great-grandfather was a donkey, what would you be?” “Oh,” replied the man, “I don’t know; I guess I would be a Bull-Mooser.”
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Now, I think you will agree with me that a great many of the followers of our national political parties are followers of such parties simply because their ancestors were followers of such party, but few indeed are moved by the motives which have been ascribed by Professor Beard to. the original creation of such parties.
However, opposed to the argument of Professor Beard and of Commissioner Murphy, we have the experience of Canadian cities, of the German cities, and in this country of a number of cities,—with one of which I am somewhat familiar—the city of Pittsburgh. We have a non-partisan ballot in that city, about which I have been asked to tell you, and the only reason I can conceive why the program committee has placed me on this program.
When- Lincoln Steffens wrote his “Shame of the Cities” and described the government of the various municipalities of this union, he said Pittsburgh was not controlled by the bosses, but the boss was the city, and that was a correct statement of the situation at that time. Absolutely uncontrolled, they did what they liked. That was but a few years ago. What is the condition to-day? We have an administration elected upon a nonpartisan ballot—a non-partisan ballot framed under an act, in which the election of municipal officers cannot take place even the same year with the election of either state or national officials. It must be a separate and distinct election, the ballots having no party designation. It has been on trial a few years. The result has been that the candidates for the respective offices are not such because they are Republicans or Democrats. The greatest contests so far have been between those of the same political faith, even between candidates who had been prominent in the same party for many years. Each was supported by his particular friends, or by factions or by organizations of various character, but none of them by the national political party. The administration of the city of Pittsburgh, for several years, ever since that system was adopted,—notwithstanding its former reputation as boss-ridden; notwithstanding the one-time existence of almost indescribable conditions as shown by the graft disclosures that shocked the country a few years ago,—as I say, since the introduction of this system now after several years ’ trial, there is not even a suspicion on the part of the people of Pittsburgh that we have not an honest administration.
The men who have been elected for the respective positions are, as a rule, far superior in every way to those who prior to that time occupied those same offices. This is particularly true of the city council composed of nine men.
We believe that this has been accomplished in large measure and continued in large part through the non-partisan ballot. We have found in the actual operation of the city of Pittsburgh—and the same is true of other cities in the state of Pennsylvania, so far as my observation goes—


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that the non-partisan ballot has worked out in actual experience exactly as we had expected, with but one exception, and that is, that those elected to office after they have obtained their office, are still disposed to play politics. In other words, in many cases they seek other political offices. They are personally honest in their action, being free from graft, but some are actuated by the desire for political preferment, and they do play politics in office. I believe those who live in the city of Pittsburgh will agree with me that with that exception our council has exercised its best judgment upon all public matters, and that we have an exceptionally good council.
That we have not a perfect government; that our city is far from the ideal in its administration, we of course admit. I think that a large part of our criticism of municipal officials arises from the fact that we fail to recognize the change that has taken place in municipal government. We do not appreciate what is required of the city administration of to-day, to wit: a foresight, a wisdom, a preparation, equal—if I may use an exaggerated comparison—to that possessed by the officers of the National Municipal League; and I venture to suggest, that if the councilmen of Pittsburgh, or of any other city, were selected by the National Municipal League from its own officers and ablest members, there would be a great difference of opinion on the part of the people of that city as to the wisdom of much of their action in office. We have to contend to-day in our municipalities with problems that at one time were not considered in connection with a city administration.
I have in my hand, one of the responses that was required yesterday at the meeting of the civic secretaries, in which one civic secretary was asked to tell “What is the relative importance of such movements as charter reform, recreation facilities, single tax reform, housing betterments, city planning, prevention of unemployment, social insurance, and municipal and governmental insurance.” Those are only a small number of the questions that must arise in and be determined by every city administration of the present time.
There was a period in the history of our municipal governments, many years ago, when, representing as they did only the sovereignty of the state, and exercising by proxy, as it were, only state powers, such as preserving order, etc., our city administration did not require a high order of ability on the part of city officials. Their activities were few and their duties were easy of performance. To-day, however, the administration of the modern city involves the exercise of functions once undreamed of. They have come to represent the progressive social obligations of modern society. The city administration of our period involves the consideration of transportation, lighting, heating, the supply of water, and all of the public utilities. To this must be added the preservation of the health, with its municipal hospitals, and all the machinery of modern


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times for the prevention of disease. Another department, becoming more and more important, is the protection and up-building of the morals of the people, young and old, regulating to this end the playhouses and plays, the social evil, the liquor traffic, etc. Then, too, a city administration, alive to its obligations, looks to the amusement of its people, and provides parks, playgrounds for young and old, bathing facilities, and the like.
Also equally as important, as bearing upon the health, morals and amusement, is the unemployment and housing problems, with all the tremendous possibilities therein implied.
This is not intended to be an inventory, but only a suggestion of some of the activities of the cities of to-day.
Compare, therefore, the necessary qualifications of a mayor or a councilman of a city of 50 to 100 years ago, with those required of like officers now, and we will at once appreciate that the type then sufficient is now wholly insufficient.
While we are improving our city administration, let us bear in mind that those who are placed in office have before them a work that is stupendous—work that calls for the greatest effort of the greatest minds. Do not let us get too impatient with the progress we are making. Even the most confirmed pessimist, so confirmed in fact that he Fletcherizes his quinine pills, if he will look backward instead of forward, if he will compare conditions to-day with what they were years ago, and then look forward and conjure up a like degree of progress in the years to come, ought to become an optimist. I have confidence that the future of our municipalities will redound to the credit of our American institutions. I want to register my protest here and now against any movement which in my judgment will take away from us the one best leverage to this consummation, namely: the non-partisan ballot in municipal elections.


DISCUSSION
BY ROBERT S. BINKERD New York City
MY FRIENDSHIP for Professor Beard is such that I do not have to appear unduly respectful; and so I warn you against him. He is the enfant terrible of American political history and theory. I not only allege this, but can prove it; for did not he admit, only a few minutes ago, that Aristotle had written a better book on politics than he had!
The cause of my irritation is that Professor Beard is too satisfied; that he overrates certain elements, and underrates others, and thereby reaches a substantially false conclusion.
So I think it would be helpful if we were to realize the fundamental nature of the municipal struggle in which we have been engaged for the last thirty or forty years. It has been a fight for the liberation of the mind of the American voter. You ask, liberation from what? I reply, liberation from slavish, cattle-like following of partisan leadership, which enabled our national political parties to make our cities, with their contracts, and their treasuries, and their administrative machinery, the great feeding troughs of their organized political appetite. Just so far as we have been able, in any city, to increase the proportion of the independent electorate, just so far have we been able to better conditions and to redeem our parties by compelling them to compete in some degree of public service.
I have no quarrel with Professor Beard’s statement that economic and social causes have much to do with the lines of national party cleavage. In all human affairs, sub-conscious inclination or prejudice are much more important factors than are generally realized. Mankind arrives at "various decisions and then seeks to justify them by catchwords and argument.
But while I thank Professor Beard for continuing to insist upon this too little appreciated truth, I can see no reason why we should be satisfied with artificial electoral conditions, which give to these inclinations and prejudices a greater force than they intrinsically possess. I am convinced that the election of city officials upon national party tickets does just exactly this thing. It follows, that to provide a proper non-partisan municipal election system will reduce the lines of national party affiliation to their irreducible minimum in city elections.
This conclusion is logical in theory and demonstrated by fact. We know that partisan considerations had their greatest effect, and that our
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cities were most scandalously betrayed, during the period when municipal offices were filled at the same elections in which state and national officers were elected. We know that the holding of municipal elections at a different time of the year from other elections, or in the off-years between other elections, has automatically acted to increase the consideration given to municipal candidates and affairs, and to decrease the weight of national party considerations among the voters.
We know, moreover, that the abolition of the party column ballot has the same effect. We know that the office group ballot, on which the voter is obliged to vote specifically for a candidate for each public office, increases the amount of free and independent judgment exercised by the electorate.
I freely admit that for many years to come national political parties will continue to be important factors in our municipal elections. I freely admit that many voters will continue to vote for candidates because they are members of national political parties. But I maintain, nevertheless, that separate municipal elections, and the office group ballot have demonstrated that the weight of partisan considerations in the electorate is dependent, to a strikingly large extent, upon the character of our electoral arrangements. I submit, therefore, that it is a further and logical step in the progress we have already made to provide a non-partisan election machinery for municipal officials. The experience of the last thirty years warrants us in believing that this will ultimately reduce national party considerations to their irreducible minimum in city elections.
DISCUSSION
BY ALBERT BUSHNELL HART Harvard University
THE chairman’s gracious invitation for those who wish to be heard is an opportunity which I do not wish to let pass. This evening we were talking about the early history of the League and recalling the first meeting of this association at Philadelphia—a time when things looked rather desperate—and the fact that so many people unexpectedly attended. As a matter of fact, the discussion of grievances was the motive for many of the early members of the National Municipal League. They felt that there was such an intolerable condition in so many cities that they were anxious that there should be some kind of an organization to confront those evils.
It is interesting to see how the point of view of the National Municipal League has changed as the years have gone by—not because the abominations of city government have ceased. The abuses in many cases were temporary; but sometimes they disappeared and then reappeared


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again. The aim and business of thinking men interested in the affairs of their communities has been to build something that would stand, and that is why the activities of the League at this time and its publications appeal so strongly for support. I take it upon myself to say, after an experience with many organizations, that there seems no national society of this general type which has contributed so much to the actual upbuilding of the subject in which it is concerned. There is no society whose reports, whose discussions, whose personal work, has gone so far in actually affecting the text of charters and acts of the legislature. Notwithstanding, it would appear that the millennium has not even yet arrived; that there will still be an opportunity both for the criticism of abuses and for the suggestion of mitigation or prevention of abuses.
The real difficulty is one which has barely been touched upon here. I am not altogether in sympathy with all the speakers, though substantially at bottom I think they agree with each other. What! Three or four gentlemen agree in the National Municipal League? Forbid it, Heaven! I might illustrate by a remark made by one of the characters in Les Miserables somewhere, in which the speaker is discussing the creation. “God made the rat, then he said, ‘Go to! I have made a mistake. That will not do.’ And he created the cat.” God saw the tenement houses in New York city, and he said, “Go to! I have made a mistake. That will not do.” And he created Commissioner Murphy.
If there is too much national and state party spirit in municipal relations, it is because those most concerned prefer that way at present. I am a great believer in the doctrine that whatever is, is right. That is to say, that nothing exists in any form in municipal government that is accidental. Nothing exists because a few men here and there desire it. There is no abuse in municipal government which does not seem to some persons a simple method of increasing their income. We respectfully believe, meeting from year to year, that we are fixing the moral standards of the nation. Now, in New York city it is perfectly clear from the local elections during the past ten years, that a considerable part of the population, frequently a majority, in its own mind prefers what we think to be corrupt government. We define it as corrupt. You know the Tammany definition of the true type of man: “The man who is willing to go to hell for his friends.” That is not so far from Jonathan Edward’s doctrine, who served in the neighboring hamlet of Northampton. The best thing in society is the adhesion of individuals to individuals. You are my friend; I like you; and I will back you up. Even if you do things that I don’t like, I will like them because I like you.
We leave out of account the force of personality in our governments of every type. One of the main reasons for the limited interest in municipal government as compared with national government,—which is also the main reason for the predominance of national parties in cities—


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is that there is so little opportunity for a personal tradition to form in municipal affairs. Not every person has had the advantages of our chairman or Mr. Murphy in and under municipal service. You can be mayor once or twice or even three times, but you can’t imagine a life mayor. A municipal public man goes on flowery beds of ease for two or five or ten years; but there will come a time when the people will be tired of seeing the same man at the head of the government; and until you can obviate that difficulty you can’t get permanent reform in American municipal life.
It is much easier to interest men in individuals than in movements. The solution of the difficulties of democracy—the only solution—is to develop personality and group men more and more about commanding figures. That is the secret of the great success of the English parliamentary system of government. It is a system in which a few persons are looked up to as the examples of their party. They vote for one group because they are interested not only in the principles it represents, but because of the manner in which those principles will be represented.
We have had many men of commanding figure in the United States. During the Civil War a host of such men of character and strength were brought out; and there have been many since that time in this country. On the other hand we have too many small men. I come from a city which in the middle ages of American municipal reform was a model to the country. I lived in the midst of the Cambridge Idea. A nonpartisan government was formed which consisted in organizing all the Republicans, plus a small part of the Democrats. Election after election we elected non-partisan mayors on that basis; but the truth is—I can see another Cambridge man here, and I think Mayor Rockhill will bear me out—that the result was at last weak mayors, a succession of men who ought never to have been elected.
After a time there appeared a bookbinder who knew how to defeat non-partisanship, and in the last ten years we have had party and partisan mayors till in 1915 we chose a man by something resembling fusion. In the long run the people of Cambridge are more interested in national affairs than in local issues. If I were not a professor I would say that one of the great election evils is the presence of a considerable body of very undesirable citizens, namely: the two hundred members of the Faculty who live in Cambridge. I assure you they pay their debts promptly and attend church frequently—especially those churches where there are no collections on the Sabbath Day; but as citizens they are absolute failures. You can’t interest them in the welfare of the city in which they live. There isn’t anything to stimulate their imagination. What is the remedy? I see none on the face of things.
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that state of things is Tom Johnson. Results have been achieved there because of his strong personality, his ability to convince the majority of his fellow citizens, and the discovery that a campaign could be waged on the issue in which he was strongly interested. This feature seems to me to be one of the dominant influences in politics. The strong adhesion to national parties exists because there are reasons for it which are satisfactory year after year to most of the voters. If you want to go to the legislature in most of the states you must have served as a city official in some capacity. If you want to go to Congress, you must have served a term or two in the legislature. If you cut loose from your party you are out of the running for the great prizes, because there are no leading permanent places in the municipalities. The directing minds change so rapidly that nobody can expect to achieve permanent distinction even in his own district.
When Alexander, Prince of Battenberg waited upon Bismarck and asked him if he should accept the proposed headship of Bulgaria, Bismarck replied: “Accept by all means. It will always be something to remember to have been Prince of Bulgaria.”—So, it will always be something to remember, to have been mayor of a great city.


COMMISSION MANAGER GOVERNMENT IN SAN JOSE, CAL.
BY PROFESSOR ROBERT C. BROOKS Swarthmore College
THERE is no more beautiful or fruitful valley in the world than the Santa Clara in California, and San Jos6 is its principal city. The prosperity of the valley is reflected in the growth of the city, which increased in population from 21,500 in 1900 to 28,946 in 1910. At present it claims, not without large apparent justification, some 40,000 people.
In addition to the superb natural advantages for which it has long been famous, San Jos6 recently drew attention to itself by becoming the first city in the state of California to adopt the orthodox commission manager plan.1 Its former government was also “orthodox” enough according to the old style, that is with powers and responsibility bewilderingly diffused among various boards, commissions and single officers. The new charter which went into effect July 1, 1916, provides for a council of seven members, all of whom are ultimately to be elected at large for terms of six years. A city auditor and police judge are also chosen by popular vote for terms of four years each. The council selects the city manager and the following other appointive officers: a city clerk, a civil service commission, and a city planning commission. All other appointive officers are appointed and removed by the city manager. The charter also provides for the initiative and referendum, and for the recall of elective officers, the latter action requiring as its first step a petition signed by 25 per cent of the total number voting at the general municipal election next preceding.
As city manager under the new charter, Thomas H. Reed of Berkeley was chosen. At the time of his appointment, Mr. Reed was associate professor in the department of political science at the University of California, and since his graduation from Harvard had won for himself wide recognition as an authority upon municipal government. For a time he served as executive secretary to Governor Hiram W. Johnson. Mr. Reed had been of material assistance to the board of fifteen freeholders who drafted the new charter for San Jose. He entered upon his office, therefore, well trained in both scientific and practical politics, and thoroughly familiar with the terms of the new instrument.
1 “City Manager Plan,” by Joseph H. Quire, Bulletin University Extension Division. University of California, vol. i, no. 18. June, 1916.
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It is, of course, too early to express a definitive opinion on the workings of the new charter. There lies before the present writer, however, a brief “Report of Progress, July 1 to November 30, 1916,” prepared at the end of the old fiscal year by city manager Reed. It is one of the most interesting municipal documents recently issued by any American city, first because of the considerable number of problems which it reports as already solved, and second, because of the new problems indicated for future solution.
Limitations of space forbid more than the briefest mention of the more important items in this record of achievement. The new city manager lost no time in announcing that his office was to be regarded as a bureau of complaints open at all times to all citizens. Purchases were centralized and a system installed whereby it became possible to tell at any moment the exact condition of any city fund. A functional segregated budget was drawn up. As a result some noteworthy savings in purchases were made possible.
An official of one of the leading banks of the city was appointed city treasurer to serve without salary. The funds of the municipality were thereupon transferred from an old ramshackle vault in city hall where they were a constant source of anxiety, to the vaults of the bank which agreed to pay interest at the rate of 2.52 per cent on average daily balances. As a result of this one transaction a saving of $1,560 on salaries was effected, to which may be added approximately $3,000 a year new income from interest, making a total gain of $4,560 annually.
Prior to the first primary occurring under the new regime, the personnel of the city administration was withdrawn from the field of local politics by a “ non-participation-in-politics ” order issued by the city manager’s office. Some compliance on the part of public service corporations with their paving obligations was secured. An ordinance was prepared providing for the co-ordination of the numerous charitable activities of the city, and establishing an effective check upon the solicitation of funds for unworthy objects or for organizations with wasteful methods. An appropriation was made by the council for the codification of the ordinances of the city. Recent appointments to the board of education, the civil service commission, and the board of health have been followed by most gratifying new activities in all three of these fields. A separate and distinct department of electricity was created.
Largely because of the interest taken in the new form of government, San Jos6 has been able to secure without payment much valuable technical advice and assistance. Most of this service was rendered by experts from Stanford University and the University of California. One novel contribution of this sort was made by Professor Terman of the department of education of the former institution who employed the Binet and other intelligence tests in a civil service examination for the police and fire departments.


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In Alum Rock park, San Jos6 possesses one of the most remarkable scenic reservations adjacent to any American city. It is located in a wild and beautiful canon seven miles out, but is readily accessible by trolley and excellent roads. All the equipment in this park has been improved, special attention being given to the safety of bathers in the splendid plunge which the city owns. Rentals on concessions were increased about 40 per cent, representing an addition of about four hundred dollars a year to the city’s revenue.
Considering the extreme salubrity of San Josh’s location and climate, it comes with something of a shock to learn that its death rate has been “as high as the average for the whole registration area of the United States, which includes good and bad communities alike.” The new administration, and particularly the new health officers, recognize in this condition one of the gravest problems confronting the city. Already they have to their credit the prevention of two threatening outbreaks of diphtheria. A new laboratory has been fitted up for the work of the health department. Other of its achievements are increased success in securing abatement of nuisances, the institution of a system of standard dairy score cards, and the inspection of tenement and lodging houses. The council has adopted a revised meat inspection ordinance.
For the police department provision has been made in the budget for the purchase of new Bertillon equipment, also for a finger print file. The Boston property file is also being introduced. A police school of instruction is to be started. An adequate supply of ammunition for revolver practice has been provided for in the new budget.
California cities do not grow many stories high up into the air. On the other hand, they do spread in leisurely fashion over ample areas. To enable patrolmen to cover the great beats assigned them in San Jos6, three Fords have been purchased and six new flashlights installed.
With the fire department out of politics the loss from conflagrations has been materially reduced. Ten full-time men were added to the service and other reforms made by which it is hoped that the city may be able to secure from the underwriters’ association the lowest key rate for insurance.
A new city engineer has been chosen to direct the important department of public works. Large problems have been marked out for solution in this field, including the control of Coyote creek, sewage disposal, paving, and street cleaning.
In spite of this stirring record of five months’ work,—perhaps it would be nearer the truth to say because of it,—some opposition has developed recently to city manager Reed. It appears to be engineered by a small clique of old line officeholders who were dismissed after their inability to measure up to the new requirements had become manifest. Quite naturally this opposition takes the form of an appeal to a perverted local


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patriotism, a sort of municipal know-nothingism. A small number of appointments of men not at the time living within the immediate limits of the city furnished occasion for the cry: “San Jos6 for San Joseans.” City manager Reed’s reply would seem to establish clearly the pettiness of this attack. “Out of seven heads of departments selected by the manager,” he writes, “but one is not a San Jos6 man. The only other outsider is the manager’s personal assistant. . . . Out of 208 per-
manent positions in the classified service there are only three filled by technical non-residents. Even these are not genuine outsiders, for it is hardly to be said that persons living in the country adjacent to San Jos6, who have been educated in our schools and employed by our citizens, are outsiders.”
Another ground of attack is the rather vague insinuation of corporate influence over the new administration. The absurdity of this charge is evident to all who will take the trouble to study the record of the new city manager. The alleged impracticability of college professors is also being worked overtime, although in the present instance it is quite clear that the extreme practicality of Mr. Reed is alone responsible for the attacks upon him.
No doubt San Jos6 did make something of an innovation in choosing its new executive from the academic career. Hitherto men trained in engineering have been preferred generally for such positions. In smaller cities where the revenue is not sufficient to justify good salaries both for a manager and a city engineer no doubt this course is justified. In cities with larger revenues it is doubtful whether men of engineering training largely should be chosen as city managers. Engineering talent can always be secured, but broadminded executive ability is a much rarer quality needing cultivation in a somewhat more liberal environment. Walter Lippmann is undoubtedly right in maintaining that the statesman,—and this is as true in the municipality as in the nation,—“need not be a specialist himself, if only he is expert in choosing experts. It is better indeed that he should have a lay, and not a professional view. For the bogs of technical stupidity and empty formalism are always near and always dangerous.”
The case of Progress versus Reaction is now up to San Jos6. It cannot be summed up better than in the words of city manager Reed himself:
We stand to-day in a spirit of deep humility before the solemn responsibilities of the future. The force of traditional habits of thought on government and politics must be overcome. The municipal machine must be speeded up to secure substantial public improvements without increase of expenditure before success is assured. There is no more necessary, no more noble piece of work for real men left in our country. Other cities are hopefully watching our efforts. If we fail we set back not only San Jose, but every other city struggling toward light. If we succeed, it will only be by a strong united effort of council, manager and people, moving together in harmony and confidence.


CITY MANAGER PROGRESS DURING 1916 *
IN INTRODUCING the speakers the chairman of the meeting, President Lawson Purdy, of the National Municipal League said:
We are to allow three minutes to each speaker on the program, and one minute for myself. The city managers have been asked to tell us the most important accomplishment of each of their cities during the last year. The first city manager was inaugurated in this country eight years ago. There are now twenty-eight states in which there are city managers. There are seventy cities managed by city managers, and there are eighty-eight cities in which the city manager system has been adopted. We will hear first from Mr. Waite of Dayton.
Henry M. Waite
Due to the new state law most of the smaller cities of Ohio are living within their income. None of the larger cities is succeeding in doing this. All have outstanding promissory notes. Dayton had $125,000 of these notes, and it was issuing bonds for the operation of the city. The new government has stopped entirely the issuance of such bonds; has lived within its income; has paid off $50,000 net debt, and is carrying over a surplus from 1916 into this, and will carry $40,000 from this year into 1917.
Gaylord C. Cummin, Jackson, Michigan
The greatest accomplishment of Jackson during the past year has been an increase in governmental harmony. We have harmony between city departments, which was never known before. We have harmony between city employes in the departments, which was never known before. We are acting in concert with the county of Jackson, which was never done before. We are co-operating with the school board in matters of recreation. We are co-operating with all civic agencies, which was never done before. That is being done because the administration of the city of Jackson is not jealous of any good that can be done by any agency, as long as it is for the good of the city, and we don’t care who gets the credit.
Kenneth B. Ward, Sandusky, Ohio
The most important accomplishment of Sandusky has been the installation and maintenance of a city manager plan. So far, it has resulted in an increase in more and better service, and a decrease in the cost.
'Being the report of a joint meeting of the City Managers’ Association and the National Municipal League, Springfield, Mass., Nov. 23, 1916.
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C. A. Bingham, Norwood, Massachusetts
Whatever has been accomplished in Norwood has been accomplished by the constant co-operation of our citizens, and not so much a matter of work on the part of the manager, because he is simply a part in the proceedings.
I think our most important endeavor has been to improve and repair our streets, which were full of ruts and holes and in very bad shape. Today, instead of receiving complaints from automobile owners because of broken axles and springs, we have to arrest them for speeding. We have increased the efficiency of the various departments, especially in the purchasing department, where we combine all purchases, including the department of schools. We can trace a saving of $9,000 in purchases. We "have our storeroom full of coal. We have increased the efficiency of all departments, especially the electric light plants, but I think that our main accomplishment has been to get the people to work together in better harmony, and especially between the different officials, as Mr. Cummin remarked.
R. L. Fitzgerald, Winnetka, Illinois
We have installed an accounting system that tells us at all times where we stand financially and what we are doing. It shows that we have reduced the floating debt from $9,000 to $4,000. When you take into consideration that the total revenue from all taxes is only $24,000, that is quite an item. We have also reduced the floating debt on the water works by $8,000, and the entire amount will be wiped out very shortly. We have reduced the debt on the municipal lighting plant and have made lower rates than all adjoining'towns and put the electric fight plant where it gives us a revenue of $30,000 over and above all expenses of depreciation and fixed charges, which can be used by other departments in municipal work.
Arthur M. Field, Winchester, Virginia
The city operates under and in accordance with a town charter, and has a mayor and council of twelve, elected by the people, and they elect most of the other officers. The council is a political body entirely elected by wards. The city manager, I think, was put in more for good luck than anything else. Nevertheless, we have got better service this year and have done more work and have reduced our operating expenses $6,000 in a total budget of $75,000. Next year we expect we will reduce them by at least $10,000.
Harrison Gray Otis, Beaufort, South Carolina
The elimination of the factor of politics from the city administration is the one big thing in our town this past year. We have organized our


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local government along the lines recommended in the model charter of the National Municipal League, and have turned a deficit into a surplus with considerable less revenue than the city has ever had heretofore, making an investment equal to 7 per cent on the manager’s salary for the past year. We keep the citizens in constant touch with the government by constructive, continued publicity.
J. G. Barnwell, Rockhill, South Carolina
The most important accomplishment of our administration is that the floating debt has been reduced $7,000. Seven thousand dollars were made on the electric light plant, and 10 per cent deduction was made in water rates. All the departments are now working in unison. We have accomplished much and we contemplate further advances.
Chairman Purdy: The next and last speaker of the city managers is the new president of the City Managers’ Association, Mr. Carr of Niagara Falls, New York.
0. E. Carr, Niagara Falls
The city manager plan of municipal administration went into effect in Niagara Falls on January 1, 1916. From the standpoint of the citizen I feel safe in saying that the greatest accomplishment during this year is a reduction of the tax rate of 97 cents per thousand dollars without an increase in the amount of valuation. This, without decreasing the efficiency of any department, but, on the contrary, extending the means of municipal work.
My own opinion, however, as to the greatest accomplishment in Niagara is not quite along those lines. Niagara Falls, like many of our cities, is divided very evenly into two political camps. In spite of that fact, however, there was no question asked" of the city manager when he went there or previous to his appointment as to which of these two political parties he belonged. Furthermore, in the various departmental appointments in Niagara Falls, the administration was criticized more on account of not making appointments on non-partisan lines than for any other reason. That is the sort of criticism we desire. I will say further in this same connection that the administration of the fire and police departments has been and is now out of politics, both as to appointments and as to discipline of members of either of those departments. Not only that, but the members of the police department are now able and for the most part do exercise their duties without any regard to the political affiliations of the party whom they may have reason to suspect, or against whom complaint is made, irrespective of his standing in the community.


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I want to say in this connection that our fines in Niagara, our police court fines for the year 1915, amounted to about $3,900. For the first ten months of 1916 our police court fines amounted to $7,800.
Chairman Purdy: I must call your attention once again before we adjourn to the fact that in sixteen minutes the city managers have told you more than we have probably ever heard before from a like number of cities of real accomplishment in those cities, and if that does not show a real efficiency under the city manager service I do not know anything else that would.


A PROGRAM OF POLITICAL DEMOCRACY AND CIVIC EFFORT i
BY H. S. GILBEBTSON New York City
WHAT I propose to do in these remarks is to point a way in which, I am confident, the body of men and women of whom this gathering is highly representative, could go very far in shaping the future of American political democracy. We do not now exercise any very effective leadership. Powerful democratic movements go on, in the same old way by an endless series of experiments and bad guesses, either without any guidance or under the guidance of men who are distinguished more for benevolent instincts than for their knowledge of the principles and measures which make for popular rule and efficient administration. In the face of this situation we have been blind to a big opportunity; we are lamentably equipped for our task. But we can remedy that condition by going to the bottom of things and facing our failures squarely.
As we look back upon the powerful popular movements of the past we know perfectly well that most of them were so ill-conceived and so ill-timed that they actually defeated their own purposes. In the early part of the last century there was a mad rush to get every public officer on the election ballot, because it was perfectly obvious that that was democracy. There was no analysis of community life, no distinction between politics and administration—just a wild, leaderless stampede after an attractive, superficial idea. The progress of democracy was set back; how many decades it would be impossible to say. And who can begin to estimate the cost of this great mistake in terms of graft and inefficiency and the general lowering of political morals that followed?
In our own time the direct primary movement has gone the same way— an idea probably right in principle, it swept the country like a prairie fire. And now it has proven a huge disappointment because it came into being out of its due order when it was out of keeping with the existing organization of our governments. Even some of the most active promoters of the direct primary are going to extremes in the other direction and are repudiating it. The initiative and referendum movement also suffered grievously for lack of standards, so that many of the constitutional provisions which put them into effect have proven practically worthless.
While these movements have been running their several courses, what has the competent leadership of the country been doing? In two or three special fields it has been demonstrating that carefully prepared standards,
1 An address delivered'at the annual meeting of the League, Nov. 24, 1916,
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are acceptable and will be sought after and adopted by the leaders of the people. The civil service reform organizations have been effective in establishing certain standards of official employment. The National Municipal League and the Short Ballot Organization have done something to standardize municipal characters. The bureaus of municipal research have done much to raise standards of administrative procedure and organization. In these and a few other limited fields men of special training have come into their own as constructive leaders.
But so far from attempting to direct the main course of democratic development, the type of men to whom the leadership should be committed have been principally spectators.
But I do not wish even to seem to minimize the efforts which have been made by earnest men within and out of these organizations. These men have been careful, cautious and sincere. The fact is that they probably have not been quite sure of themselves.
In our constructive political thinking we have passed through a period of incubation in which a lot of ideas and remedies were developing. The fittest have survived. I shall indicate shortly what I think they are. It is not long ago, perhaps not over a half dozen years, since each of these ideas had its separate distinct group of proponents who looked with tolerance but not with any great enthusiasm upon the others’ favorite reforms.
But they have been getting together! Every intelligent political reconstructionist knows perfectly well that the new political democracy, if it ever comes about, will be the product of the practical working out of several ideas, each of which was once the peculiar possession of certain individuals or groups. I believe that we are now about ready to formulate a rather comprehensive constructive program of political democracy upon which a great constituency could be united. And I believe that the emphasis in national civic work should in the immediate future be rather less on the discussion of principles and should be very much more definitely directed toward a well-considered campaign to put into practice the principles which are now so generally accepted among progressive thinking people that they may be set down as practically undebatable.
Now what are these principles? My own thinking along these lines was started by a casual statement by Henry L. Stimson in the course of an address in the New York constitutional convention last year. Mr. Stimson was one of a group of men in that convention who are generally acknowledged to represent the keenest practical intelligence in the Republican party—men like Elihu Root, George W. Wickersham, Herbert Parsons and John Lord O’Brian (there was a corresponding group on the Democratic side). They had set themselves seriously about the business of constructing a modern commonwealth. They had listened attentively and sympathetically to the active promoters of every specific political


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reform; and the program which they evolved and fought for in the convention was a composite of the fundamentals of democracy as enunciated by such organizations as the National Municipal League, the bureau of municipal research, the civil service reform league, the municipal government association and the Short Ballot Organization. Mr. Stimson in summing up the program said in effect: “ What we have been trying to do in this convention is to erect a government, the cornerstone of which is the principle of responsibility. We started out with the executive budget —that implied a clearer definition of executive responsibility with reference to the finances of the state. We took up home rule for cities and for counties—that involved the fixing of community responsibility for taking care of its own proper affairs. We have taken up the civil service clause whose purpose is to fix the undivided allegiance and responsibility of the employes of the state to the visible government. We recently took up a provision for a short practice act, the effect of which would be to fix the responsibility of the judiciary over its own procedure. And finally now we are taking up the short ballot, for the purpose of fixing citizen responsibility and still further defining executive responsibility.”
There you are—the principle of responsibility. I think I am perfectly safe in saying not only that all of us here believe in it but that it has the support of a vast constituency everywhere, which is waiting for competent leadership to work out the specifications and put the thing through. I have not by any means enumerated all the items in a complete program, but rather some of the items upon which I think we are all agreed. I strongly suspect that after a further period of incubation we shall want to come out for legislative responsibility to be achieved through a single-chambered legislature, a simplification of procedure and provision for expert bill drafting and a few other accessories of a well-rounded democracy.
Now I believe that through a program organized around this comprehensive idea, we could very shortly broaden the constituency interested in political reconstruction. For thirty years our various organizations have been industriously cultivating the sympathy and the pocketbooks of a relatively small group of rather well educated citizens in different parts of the country. I should say that there were a few thousand of them at most. They are the only people who have the patience to grapple with or to sympathize with these more or less technical and special reforms. They constitute the limited class of people who are willing to devote themselves to what seem to most people mere abstractions.
On the other hand I know that there are thousands of plain citizens who are itching to get into the kind of a fight for a more efficient democracy in which they can make themselves felt. We cannot get them into the Short Ballot Organization because they know perfectly well that the short ballot is not a complete remedy. They are perfectly willing to give


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it passive support but they do not think it important enough to bleed and die for. For the same reason they do not warm up to the civil service reform associations or bureaus of municipal research. Political parties offer these people no outlet for their energies. So far as any active, positive political service to their communities is concerned, they are practically disfranchised.
The fact is that our organizations, owing to the lack of a complete program, have had nothing to offer those important groups of public-spirited citizens who approach the problem of representative government through a special interest like public health, charities, engineering. We have thrown aside great opportunities for demonstrating that representative government is a very tangible, vital, practical thing; that it is the leverage for effecting any far-reaching public purpose. We have yet to learn the art of the successful advertiser who sells his goods because he individualizes his appeal. People do not buy Dutch Cleanser because of its chemical formula. They buy it because it “chases dirt.”
A program of responsible government offers an approach to the solution of a lot of human problems. In Dayton, for instance, the new government, as you know, has performed a variety of important services that directly touch the lives of a great many people; it has decreased the infant mortality rate something like 50 per cent, it has given legal aid, better recreation facilities, etc. Now, I have no doubt the citizens of Dayton appreciate these services and if you were to ask them what did it they would say “our new city manager government”—not our new budget system, or the short ballot, or the civil service provisions in the charter, but the combination of all these things which gave them an effective leverage to the things they wanted; what we who are constantly working in political science call the principle of responsibility applied to government.
I believe that people would warm up to such a big fighting program as I have outlined. And the basis of my belief is that they have already actually done so in some four hundred cities. Commission government is a program of responsibility. The average citizen sees it as a complete whole. He does not linger long upon its short ballot features, or its civil service provisions or its non-partisan elections. Indeed he takes his commission government mostly on faith. He knows that it is well sponsored and that it really works in other cities and he goes out and fights for it with as much zeal as a ward heeler who expects some definite reward.
There are now some ten or twelve million people who live under a local government organized around this principle and in general they know that it is good. I believe that those millions and some millions more who envy their good fortune are right now in a receptive mood to listen to a proposition for commission government in counties, states and nation. By that I do not mean the commission plan or any other mere form of


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organization, but the principle which underlies its success. Commission government principles applied to the nation would mean among other things the establishment of a budget system and the end of the pork-barrel. It would end the spoils system in the post-office and treasury department and the diplomatic service. It would put an end to the abuse of senate “courtesy.”
But I have said that we must have a fighting program. By that I mean first of all a campaign to popularize fundamental reconstruction, not a special phase of it, but the fact that government all along the line needs more or less reconstruction before it can perform the services which we, the people, expect it to perform.
It means, secondly, the formulation of an adequate program to meet this situation; a program which will grow from year to year as our knowledge advances and conservatism recedes.
It means, thirdly, the framing of specific measures and their advancement through publicity and other legitimate forms of political pressure.
How can such a plan be put before the people?
In the first place I believe that the present multiplicity of organizations, each covering a phase of political reform, overlapping at many points, leaving many important fields untouched, coming before the same constituency interminably with appeals for funds, is in itself the greatest sort of impediment to our civic movements. I believe there should be an organic unity which will follow very closely the lines of our unity of purpose. And so I am going to make certain suggestions which may be treated as a “ pipe-dream, ” or otherwise, as you see fit.
I believe that the ideal way to bring about this unity would be for the half dozen or so propaganda and discussion organizations like the National Municipal League, the civil service reform league, the National Voters League and the Short Ballot Organization to sink their identity in a new organization which would cover the whole field of representative responsible government.
Some of you will immediately object that these organizations are firmly rooted in the affection of particular groups of people who would not relish the experience of acting as pallbearers at their own funerals. That is doubtless a very real difficulty, but although I may be indulging in a “ pipe-dream” I am convinced that the practical advantages which would accrue to these separate interests would more than compensate for the loss of identity. What would it mean to our civic work, if instead of several slimly attended meetings of this Municipal League, the civil service reform league and the others, they were combined into one great gathering of civic leaders on the scale of the National Conference of Charities and Correction that would make a real impression not only in the city of their meeting place but in the press of the country. It would mean not simply the sum of the attendance and the publicity and the prestige of the


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separate organizations, but the sum multiplied several fold because of the wider circle of citizenship to which we would appeal.
And a similar logic applies to finance. At present we are constantly competing against each other and against dozens of other organizations in related fields for membership and contributions—with what success we all know too well. But unless I miss my guess, the dynamic force of a comprehensive program, backed by a strong organization employing modern methods of publicity would bring in more funds than the separate units, for reasons which I have already suggested.
At the same time I would make it possible for individuals to express their special interest in special phases of the program just as they now express that interest through one or more special organizations. The work of the present organizations should go right on, but through departments of the new organization. And, in order that any financial supporter might express his particular interest, I would segregate the funds so that those who wished to emphasize civil service could devote a part or the whole of their contribution to that specific phase of the work. Others would prefer to put their whole financial weight behind the municipal movement, and so on. From the general funds these separate funds would be supplemented according to some predetermined principle, which ought not to be difficult to decide upon.
I am convinced that the future success of our civic organizations is dependent upon their ability to make a big appeal to the imagination of the people, to humanize the issues as they have been humanized in some of our cities. We certainly cannot do this as distinct units. We can do it in my opinion by pooling our interests and our resources. There are situations in which it is actually much easier to do the big progressive thing rather than the safe little conservative thing. We civic workers in my opinion now face an unprecedented opportunity to do a big thing, if we are prepared to attack it in a big, constructive, fearless way.


DISCUSSION OF MR. GILBERTSON’S PAPER
BY RAYMOND B. FOSDICK 1 New York City
IN DISCUSSING the subject of co-ordination or amalgamation of civic forces, Mr. Gilbertson has addressed himself primarily to the latter, evidently on the theory that of the two possibilities, amalgamation is preferable. I confess I cannot quite follow Mr. Gilbertson in this belief. There are so many human factors to be taken into consideration in the amalgamation of separate organizations that I am afraid we should find such a plan far more difficult than it looks on paper. Each of us is primarily interested in a particular line of civic work. Some of us believe in single tax, and are bending all our energies to that end. Others of us have no sympathy with single tax, and see in municipal research the avenue of most rapid civic advance. It would be extremely difficult to find common factors enough for such an amalgamation as Mr. Gilbertson suggests. And even if we did succeed in combining on certain movements or ideas as the basis of the militant program that Mr. Gilbertson talks about, I am fearful that we should antagonize large sections of the public in our endeavor to gain support for the plan. The public could not whole-heartedly endorse an organization which included certain movements in which it had no interest or with which it frankly disagreed. As a result, we would weaken the whole cause by trying to associate it with movements which for the time being, perhaps, are too undeveloped to obtain any appreciable amount of public support.
Moreover, I would suggest the thought that progress is not achieved in the fashion that Mr. Gilbertson implies. Reform is never accepted wholesale. Civic ideals never advance in a uniform line. A little progress in this direction is followed by a little progress in another direction, or from another angle. These advances are irregular, sometimes irrational, often without relation to each other, but by and by we find that the whole line has gradually moved forward. The result has been achieved not by a mighty “drive’' but by a series of petty skirmishes. The methods by which human society changes its form may not be scientific but they have to be given pretty weighty consideration.
While, therefore, believing that such an amalgamation as Mr. Gilbertson has indicated is impossible at the present time, I am heartily in favor, as anyone would be who has studied the subject, of a far greater degree of
'Former commissioner of accounts of New York city; author of “European Police Systems.”
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co-ordination between civic agencies than now exists. If we could harness up the energy that is lost and misspent through duplication of work alone, I think we would have momentum enough to reach a good many civic goals that now seem far ahead of us. Overlapping of activity is one of the chief characteristics of our civic agencies. In New York city, for example, we have a training school for public service and an institute for public service, both answering—at least both assuming to answer—the same needs. If the money which supports both these agencies could be used to support a single agency, the work could be far more effectively conducted. But here again we have to take human characteristics into consideration. Differences in temperament are often the sole basis for different organizations, and our theories of co-ordination suffer from the frailties of human nature. We may not succeed in eliminating all the duplicating organizations in civic work, but at least we can highly resolve never to lend support to any new society unless it can prove by preponderating evidence its individual right to live. We can afford to be ruthless in this matter, particularly when we remember that fully 25 per cent of our civic agencies—and I •am sure my figures are conservative—should be scrapped.
One phase of co-ordination is not often discussed. Many of our organizations—I mean the necessary ones—have no effective means of getting their ideas before the public. Either because they do not know how or because they are without proper facilities, they are unable to popularize the proposals which have met with the approval of a few specialists. There is no widespread educational program to embrace the latest ideas in civic reform. A few movements like the short ballot proposition and the city manager form of government are striking exceptions to this general rule. The central ideas incorporated in these two propositions have by a very effective process been given wide currency throughout the entire country. One hears about them everywhere, and the gentleman whose paper I am discussing has had no unimportant part to play in this remarkably effective pieee of political education. But there are other civic ideas with which the public is little acquainted, or imperfectly acquainted, because of the lack of educational propaganda on a broad scale. The executive budget, for example, the relation of cost accounting to effective government control, the broad principle of a responsible executive, could be made the basis of an educational campaign that would do more to wake up the country than anything else I can imagine. The trouble with many of our organizations is that they represent small groups of experts, whose thinking is largely confined to themselves. We are not putting across to the public on the scale that it should be put across, the result of our deliberation and investigation.
For example, the need of a national budget has been fully established by competent research. The facts have been completely developed by


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the Taft commission of 1912, by Willoughby’s forthcoming volume on English budget practice, and by the forthcoming book on Canadian financial procedure.. Very few people have read or will read these somewhat technical reports and books. They can be made the basis, however, of a propaganda that would arouse the whole country to the necessity of a responsible budget system in Washington. The same thing is true of state budgets. Maryland, for example, has recently adopted an executive budget system which may well serve as a model for other states. All that is necessary to its wider adoption is to give substantial publicity to its operation and effectiveness. Similarly, the principles of efficient state management in the form of a responsible executive have been pretty fully developed, and a propaganda on this point would lay the foundations for the reorganization of state government which is inevitably bound to come. The principles of county government are also being worked out, and here, too, there is a need of systematic publicity.
This situation seems to me to present a unique field for co-ordination. Why should not all our many organizations club together to support a common selling agency or clearing house, whose business it would be to take the well established results of study and investigation, and by temperate, sure-footed, and dignified publicity put them before the entire country? Such a program for political education, supported by bodies like the bureau of municipal research, the institute for government research, the National Voters’ League, the National Chamber of Commerce, and the National Municipal League, would be far more effective than any of the retail methods at present employed. In this fashion our various organizations could find a common ground for fellowship, and out of this ultimately might come an approach to the amalgamation of which Mr. Gilbertson has been speaking.


THE CITY’S CARE OF THE NEEDY1
A PROGRAM FOR A DEPARTMENT OF CHARITIES
BY MARY KINGSBURY SIMKHOVITCH New York City
ONE of the most amazing lacks in our knowledge of city administration is the total absence of historical sketches of departmental development. Since Mr. Woodruff kindly asked me to address this gathering, an ancient habit of mine I had acquired in my youth, especially in Germany, led me to try to reinforce what I have to say by documentary evidence and support. There isn’t any! As far as I can learn, and I shall be delighted if I am misinformed, no such material is available to the student of city government. There are indeed spasmodic reports published by the city departments of charities from time to time, but these are records of administrative detail or more often roseate and partial pictures perverted with an eye to forthcoming appropriations.
What I have to say, therefore, in regard to the position of the charities departments to other aspects of city development will be quite unsupported by adequate initial study. Let us hope that the attention of community students in the field of political administration may be directed to meet this need.
But certain broad fines in the development of the city’s care of the needy are familiar to us all. We need only to organize the material fresh to our joint experience to be able to deduce from it, I hope, some salutary reflections on the course this care should take in the immediate future.
NEGATIVE CHARACTER OF EARLY GOVERNMENT CONTROL
Our city governments in their early history were negative in character. Laissez-faire—implicit in our entire social attitude—was at its height in our cities. Protection of life and property practically summarized the city’s efforts in government. Police and fire departments were perceived as necessary for the common welfare. But the citizens otherwise were not thought of as engaged in a joint enterprise, but each was expected to protect his family’s health, educate his children, engage in any kind of work any number of hours, five in any kind of building and enjoy such recreations as he saw fit. If these recreations became a public scandal, the will of the community began to organize itself in opposition and there
1 An address delivered at the annual meeting of the National Municipal League, Nov. 24, 1916.
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fell under the ban of police surveillance or other social control, the saloon, houses of prostitution and gambling resorts.
INCREASED EMPHASIS ON POLICE POWER OF THE STATE
From the police powers of the state sprang a development of social responsibility. From the negative point of view of protecting the public against a menace to public health, a positive program of public health began to emerge. And under this most fortunate banner have marched into recognition an increasing number of social obligations. The slogan of public health has supported industrial improvement. This is the line travelled successfully from court to court, and sustained with increasing emphasis and certainty. Any reform that can take on the form of an improvement in public health has a chance of a successful issue. Under the general heading of public health measures we have improved our food and water supply, introduced medical inspection into our schools, controlled our building regulations, introduced building zones, etc. Our health boards are endowed with extraordinary powers which they are utilizing with increased boldness and with a larger and larger measure of public support. The course that public health programs have followed have all been from the negative and protective to the positive and preventative. Health officers early endeavored to isolate conspicuously infectious diseases- Smallpox houses were seen to be necessary. The care of the sick indeed has been from times immemorial a recognized community obligation where private charity and humanitarian impulse failed to meet the need. But as the sick in well-to-do families are generally looked after by their kinsmen it was naturally the sick poor that fell to the community’s care and the accent was on the poor rather than the sick—not the poor sick but the sick poor needed the community’s assistance.
From the initial provision against the spread of contagion and the care of the sick our city health departments have come now to the point where their great emphasis lies in the educational task of preventing disease and creating a positive constructive program of public health welfare. School children are examined for physical defects and treated for them. Insidious disease is checked and cared for in its incipient stages. The standards of purity in the food supply are raised. Dwellings are made by law fit for human occupancy. Opportunities for degradation are lessened or driven out in the name of public health. The evils of alcoholism and prostitution are beginning to be perceived from the angle of health rather than morals and hence to be subjected to a more rigorous and drastic regulation.
EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
While this evolution has been taking place in the health department a similar story may be instanced in the care of the departments of education.


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While it was early recognized that no democracy is on a sound foundation that does not abolish illiteracy, education in colonial times was entirely voluntary, haphazard and private in character.
The first schools of the people in New York city were charity schools. It was not until 1874 that New York state established its compulsory public school system. The rich felt a responsibility to the state for the education of the poor but the community as a whole did not recognize its joint responsibility and its common task until much later. Education began as a privilege of the well-to-do. It gradually widened to an appreciation of its value to all and then blossomed out into a positive and vital necessity for which the community must hold itself liable and responsible.
A rich girl visiting a public school with me one day said “Oh, Mrs. Simkhovitch, what a lovely charity.” What was going on in her mind was evidently this, “Schools are expensive. I went to an expensive school. This school too must be expensive. Poor people can’t pay for it. Therefore rich people must be paying for it. Therefore it is a charity. ”
The idea of a community carrying on a joint enterprise in which the primary consideration is not the amount of money that each contributes but the amount of service the community confers on its members with the knowledge that it will all come back fourfold had not dawned on that girl’s mind.
And this mental attitude is far from uncommon. We do not often meet it in the field of education because we have become accustomed to the American public school system and are deadened to its revolutionary implications.
For we have moved far from the early ideal of getting rid of positive illiteracy and we are now practically all united in defending a positive educational program which will provide for the free education of all children up to maturity with as many further free educational opportunities presented as economic circumstances allow. The state that educates its citizens will reap its own reward. We are so convinced that a better and more prolonged and varied education is necessary to our community welfare, and we are so convinced that drastic public health measures are valuable and necessary, that we may now practically take it for granted that prosperous cities will spend more money and energy in developing educational opportunities and a constructive health program, and will meet with no opposition except from those sinister interests whose only program consists of keeping down the tax rate regardless of social consequences.
CLASSIFICATION IN THE CHARITIES’ DEPARTMENTS
But when we come to the charities’ departments we find a different evolution, or rather as yet a very slight or no evolution. I do not mean


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to say that no progress has been made in administration. There certainly has. The terrible indifference or worse which used to surround the inmates of alms-houses is disappearing where it has not gone entirely. The poor are no longer lumped together indiscriminately, old and young; men, women and children; insane, criminal, diseased and simply poor.
A humane and intelligent classification has taken place. The old are treated with more respect. More is involved than an improved terminology when the old poorhouse is called “The City Home for Dependent Adults. ” There is also an improved mental attitude and a more humane care. Sanitation has been vastly improved and the whole tone of the city’s care of dependents in institutions has decidedly advanced. Occupations have been introduced that give interest, hope and vigor to the inmates. The sick poor are segregated in hospitals, the insane are removed to proper institutions, the mentally defective are beginning to be classified as they ought to be. And yet when all this is admitted it must be pointed out that the city’s responsibility for its needy has in no way been so constructively considered or met as has the city’s responsibility for the education of its young people and for the general health of the community.
NO BASIC PROGRAM HAS EMERGED
There are indeed serious gaps in the carrying out of the community program for proper education and health but in the case of the depart-- ments of charities no constructive program has ever emerged.
In the case of education there is at least a census taken of all children and they are all registered in the various schools of their choice. But I do not know of any department of public charities that has ever taken any kind of census of those of the community who are living below the standard of living which should obtain in that given community. Just as the uneducated child will prove to be the uneducated voter, so the children brought up in families where the proper standard of living is not maintained will in all probability become sooner or later in one form or another public charges. Should not a constructive program for a department of charities then include as its basis a careful study of the standard of living of the community which it serves?
The results of that study might show defects in sanitation, in personal hygiene, in educational equipment, and also in industrial evils of unemployment, seasonal employment, and inadequate income.
The New York department of charities has a bureau of social investigation which aims at doing the same thorough work with individual families as is done by private societies dealing with industrial and family distress or destitution.
But, as in the case of the private societies, the weakness of this plan consists in the fact that it reaches only the more obvious cases, whereas the slow process of social deterioration that takes place in families where


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the standard of living is going down remains often unnoticed until positive breakdown takes place.
Visiting teachers, settlement visitors, parish visitors all have access to normal homes. It is not feasible or proper that the relationship thus established should become common property, but it would not be unsuitable to register in some central bureau anonymously the type of help that agencies are giving which results in tiding families over temporary distress or which permanently re-establishes their proper standard of living. This might help a bit in the collection of adequate data on which to build a community program for the proper care of the needy.
A BUREAU OF PREVENTION
But something more effective than this is needed. A bureau of prevention would seem to be an obviously necessary field of machinery for every progressive department of charities. Such a bureau would naturally classify the causes of family poverty, discovered by its social investigators. These are already known to be,
1. Inadequate income
2. Alcoholism
3. Unemployment
4. Sickness
5. Old age
6. Inadequate training for livelihood, etc.
7. Death of bread-winners
Take, e.g., no. 6, inadequate training for livelihood, etc. Now, no department of charities would dream of undertaking to furnish vocational training for the young, although it is known that the lack of it makes for poverty. But that ought not to hinder the departments of charities from giving vigorous public support to vocational education on the ground that it will be a help in abolishing poverty.
So in the same way it has never been clear to me that the department of charities should be given the care of the sick poor. The sick should be the care of the department of health, just as vocational training is the duty of the department of education. The uneducated should be sent to school, the sick to hospitals, the convalescent to sanatoria. And a good bureau of prevention would advocate and promote social insurance legislation with especial reference to sickness. So, too, a bureau of prevention would recommend the proper care of dependent children. Children belong in homes; homes with a little not a big “H. ” And we must be grateful indeed that more and more children are boarded out in proper families rather than dumped even into the best institutions.


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OUT-RELIEF AGAIN POSSIBLE
Out-relief was condemned in the past, not because home life is not best, but because city government was so corrupt that it was felt, and rightly felt at the time, that the wrong people would get the relief if administered to people out of institutions. The very fact that people hated to go to the poorhouse would keep out those who did not need relief. This was true—but it never met the problem. It simply concealed it. It meant that people who needed relief did not get it or else secured it from private sources.
The whole method of institutional care of the dependent tends by its very nature to conceal the magnitude of the problem with which a constructive department of charities ought to deal.
It has now been generally conceded that in the case of poverty due to the death of the bread-winner, adequate care of children would better devolve upon the widowed mother than upon any institution. Pensions for widows are now being supplied by many communities. The argument against out-relief becomes weaker as city administration improves. The last decade has shown a diminishing political corruption in all American cities, and we may naturally, therefore, expect to have the whole question of out-relief again reconsidered in the light of our improved political situation. More especially ought this to be emphasized in the case of the aged. Even if we had adequate social insurance there would be a certain number of aged poor who would have to be in one form or another pensioned.
An extreme distaste for the almshouse is universal. In many country communities the few dependent poor are boarded out by the selectmen as the simplest way of looking after people who have fallen into absolute poverty. I believe that the time has come when we ought also to consider boarding out the aged dependent in cities. I know that this is done in many instances and I believe it would be a great service if we could find just how this plan is actually working out, both financially and from the point of view of happiness and well-being of the aged poor themselves. As it is now, these poor old people drift in and out of almshouses. There is no stability or dignity in a situation filled with so much insecurity. Difficulties of proper inspection must be reckoned with, but these difficulties are not insuperable, as has been discovered in the case of the boarding out of dependent children and the community care of widows’ families.
A bureau of prevention would certainly stress prevention for unemployment and would endeavor to do what is possible to lessen seasonal unemployment.
But most important of all is it that a city department of charities should face the undeniable fact that the most important difficulty it has to meet is inadequate income. If the department of education did its work, and the department of health did its work, the chief difficulty that the depart-


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ment of charities would still have to meet would be that which comes from incomes of families, inadequate to maintain a standard of living which is necessary to keep families from sinking into dependence.
PUBLICATION OP WAGE STATISTICS
I think that it would be quite within the proper province of a department of charities, therefore, to collect wage statistics of its locality and to publish them.1 Publicity would tend to reduce the most shameful inadequacies of wage payment, and would draw the attention of the public as nothing else could do to the fact that where wages are inadequate, the community has to make up the deficit in the care of those who are broken down by an inadequate standard of living. Industries paying inadequate wages would then be seen to be what they are, parasites upon the community, accepting aid which they themselves should give. Taxpayers’ organizations fighting the increased cost of city administration ought to be chiefly interested in maintaining the social structure so that it does not break down. But it is to be feared that many of those who are opposed to payment for proper care for the wreckage that takes place in society are among those who themselves are responsible for that wreckage.
CONCLUSION
To capitulate, the first duty of a department of charities would, therefore, seem to be to know the extent of poverty which exists, its second to establish a bureau of prevention which would include a study and furtherance of social insurance, the removal of unemployment (especially seasonal unemployment) and an industrial report including a public statement of wages paid in the industries of the community (such a bureau would also co-operate with educational and health departments but would not endeavor to encroach upon their fields as is done at present) ; and thirdly, such a department of charities should endeavor as far as possible to reduce its institutional care, although there will probably
1 Competent counsel informs me that a liberal construction of the powers of the board of charities of the state of New York would justify it in making an investigation of the general standard of wages and publishing the results. While there is no decision expressly dealing upon the point, the question is reduced to one of construction of the statute.
The Laws of 1909, chap. 57, sec. 9, state that:
“State board of charities . . . shall . . . investigate the condition of the
poor seeking public aid and advise measures for their relief.
Collect statistical information in respect to . . . the number and condition
. . . of the poor receiving public relief. ”
Section 19:
“The state board of charities . . . may, in its discretion . . . make other
and special reports. ”
If the board has this power, it follows necessarily that it has a right to subpoena witnesses in the exercise of such power.


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always be a certain number of persons who will have to be looked after in institutions. But, in general, dependent children and the dependent aged can be both humanely and as economically (or almost as economically) looked after outside of institutions as in them. The middle-aged dependent sick should be looked after by the health authorities.
If such a program were to be inaugurated we should have the city’s care of the needy brought up to the same high and constructive level as are the educational and health departments. Such a department might properly be called, not a department of charities, but a department for the prevention and care of destitution. Its aim would be to abolish itself. As it is now, the department of charities is a dumping ground. The amount of poverty in a neighborhood is the measure of its educational, health, and industrial inefficiency. The more imposing the charitable institutions, the more clearly does our social inefficiency manifest itself. Until the community learns to tackle the question of poverty from the point of view of the community as is done in the case of education and health, we shall never be able to show efficient results. But it is here that the trail of private profit as opposed to community interests is most in evidence, and until private profit is subordinate to community welfare, a genuine attempt to meet this situation is bound to be feeble and inefficient.


PRIVATE AND PUBLIC WELFARE ACTIVITIES
BY ALLEN T. BUENS1 Cleveland, Ohio
THE program committee has suggested the subject, “When should private welfare activities be assumed by the public.” You all remember only too well the fall of 1914. We were all wondering what we should do to get through the terrible winter of unemployment. Pursuant to that very common thought the Cleveland foundation made a study of the relief-giving agencies in its home city. It announced at the end of that piece of research that poverty is a community responsibility; that the community must come to know how much poverty there is; its causes and methods of prevention; that the community would adopt preventive measures only as the community felt the burden of poverty through the tax rate. Thinking we had said something profound, we rested on our oars, and nothing happened, except for such private effort as tried to meet the emergencies of the winter.
Some of you will remember the Pittsburgh survey of 1909. Perhaps as striking a feature of that report as any was a very clear description of how the old theory of compensation for accidents had broken down; that courts could no longer determine just whose was the fault of the accident and so failed utterly to meet the situation. Because of this breakdown between legal theory and practice it was recommended that some new form of public compensation for accidents should result. But nothing happened in Pennsylvania—at least not for many years.
When I remembered these two incidents and what seemed to be the fundamental character of the principles that had been announced as the results of these two inquiries, the whole plan of my address for to-night was changed. I had made out what seemed to me an adequate list of six principles that should guide the public in taking over private welfare activity, but as I went over the two instances mentioned, and many others, it seemed to me that the public was not acting on any philosophical or sociological basis in assuming welfare activity. For all practical purposes, it might be wiser to ask: “When does the public assume private welfare activities?”
A case already cited may, perhaps, enlighten us: That report of the Cleveland Foundation did nothing to lead the private relief agencies, especially the largest private relief agency of Cleveland, to turn over its work to the public. In only 44 per cent of the families cared for by this society was there adequate service rendered by the visitors, and in only
1 See National Municipal Review, vol. vi, p. 182.
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50 per cent of the cases was adequate relief given to keep those families on a basis of physical welfare. What happened was that the private agency capitalized that report, or partially capitalized it, and proceeded to raise larger funds and make still larger expenditures in the effort to meet this need. So zealous were they, indeed, that they have, within the last three years, piled up a deficit of eighty thousand dollars.
Just recently their donors met and said: “This burden is becoming too great. If we are going to support you for another year you must begin to hand over some of your welfare activity to the city. ” It was a practical situation, and no philosophy used. Likewise, in the Pennsylvania situation regarding compensation for accidents, nothing happened from the pronouncement of the new legal principle that must be followed. Of course, the need was felt by the families of those five hundred working men that were killed every year in Allegheny county, but the state of Pennsylvania seemed to do nothing about it, until the United States Steel Corporation took an interest. The United States Steel Corporation had a compensation department, but its local competitors did not, so there was a compensation commission appointed by the state, with a local attorney for the United States Steel Corporation at its head. Eventually, because of the combined sense of need on the part of the working men and the feeling that the burden had been carried too long by private organization, and that it should be shared by the public, Pennsylvania became the thirtieth state in the Union to adopt a workmen’s compensation law.
Take the most recent assumption of private welfare activity by the public—the Adamson bill, as we call it. There was no very long philosophizing about just where private functions end and where public functions begin before that bill was passed. It was a practical situation which had to be met, and though we may like it or may not, it was met, and the public has approved the verdict of the jury. In other words, society is very much like individuals, for when an emergency arises they are apt to act first and philosophize afterwards. All human nature faces practical situations and meets them, and thinks about why it was done after the need has been cared for. It does little good to sociologize as to when private welfare activities should be taken over by the public. We should study when it happens and how it happens and get ready for the procedure that is surely coming along with giant strides.
Just take a few more actual occurrences to illustrate the point: I remember in the city of Chicago that one of the social settlements had a little back yard of fifty-five or seventy-five feet, and in summer days some five hundred children used to play on that vacant lot. A great many settlements were trying to take care of the recreation needs of Chicago in some such inadequate way. To the astonishment of us all, one day a political office holder announced that there was to be an issue of five or


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six million dollars of bonds to meet the recreation needs of a part of Chicago, and we wondered where he got the vision. It was a stroke of lightning from a clear sky. Somehow he had been tipped off that a popular exigency was arising, and being much more sensitive than most reformers as to what the people are thinking, he saw that here was something that the public was bound to assume.
In the city of Detroit I found that what has been thought of as one of the most technical pieces of service, the central reference bureau, the clearing house of all applications for charity, had been taken over by the city—for the sole reason so far as I could see, that the men who had been supporting it would no longer do so. Yet in three years the number of cases reported to the central agency had doubled; the chances of duplication of relief service had been taken care of just to that extent, solely because the questions arose as to whether the men who had once been putting their money in this form of service would continue to do so, and whether undue duplication was not occurring with the work done privately. There we have an illustration of the public realizing that private resources were not meeting their need and at the same time of private resources feeling overburdened. The anti-tuberculosis movement is another case of both excessive burden on private resources and the feeling by the public of unmet needs. Both parties suddenly woke up to the fact that the death rates were not being decreased, and suddenly we found that this' activity of a private welfare society was being assumed by the public. And well might it be, with very little theorizing, for in the city of Chicago within the five years that the tuberculosis work has been under the city rather than under private auspices there has been this kind of increase of service rendered: The first figure in each case is for 4he private agency and the second figure for the public. New patients, instead of 4,000, 14,000; of positive diagnosis, instead of 1,800, 6,600; dispensary visits increased from 23,000 to 70,000; nurses’ visits to homes from 20,000 to 76,000; free beds from 10 to 650. Nothing but a practical situation. There was no theorizing about it; and so it is going to be. We will find in the answer to this question, “ Shall the public take over private welfare activities, ” that the public will take them over when a preponderating weight of public opinion feels an unmet need and so makes the transfer advisable. Preponderating weight does not always mean majorities of persons, sometimes only the majority of the forces effective in creating voting majorities. But when the public refuses to have the burdens borne privately, we may be quite sure that they are going to be taken over, whether they are according to our theories or not. There seem to me to be two principles that have been followed—sometimes one and sometimes the other—sometimes a mixture of both: The people see something they need and they take it. Or the private agency feels it has borne something long enough and will get rid of it. If you will study the very rapid growth
s


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of welfare activities on the part of our public agencies you will find no other common principles underlying it. Yet, on this very practical basis, there has been the most astonishing increase. Just note the list of what public agencies are now doing in the welfare field: They are giving family relief and seeking to restore the family to independence; they are granting mothers’ pensions; they are conducting visiting nursing; the anti-tuberculosis fight has been mentioned; infant hygiene and milk distribution bureau; public chaperones; municipal social settlement work; public dance halls and kindergartens; manual and vocational training; employment bureaus; insurance and savings organizations; social research; provident loans; legal aid; fixing of working hours and wages. And every one of these activities has been assumed within the last fifteen years by some public agency. Surely, not because society has set to philosophizing, but because practical questions had to be met. And that process is going on in some places more slowly, and in others more rapidly, but we may be perfectly sure that that course which has perhaps been going on more in our western cities will start in the East, and such things will take place.
I can hear some objections offered that it is a great pity to dam up and give no outlet to the plenteous resources of private philanthropy. If this assumption of the welfare activities by the public were to have that result, surely it would be regretted. But there is no such sequence necessary, nor is it taking place. There are still new complications, new social situations, enough to take care of all our private thought and money.
Just let me give you an illustration from a single agency in Detroit that has put over on the city practically all of its relief-giving in the last three years. Let us see what it has still on its hands. In the first place, there are always a few extra critical cases of distress or a few non-residents in the city that evidently cannot be cared for by the necessarily legalistic public charity. For these a private agency will have to care. But this Detroit agency in addition to doing that has established a new department of visiting housekeepers, women skilled in domestic science and in care of families, whose business it is to give domestic science lessons in the homes of those who have not learned to keep house, and who wish to make the most of the family income.
Then, again, this agency has tackled a problem sufficient for the resources of any private philanthropy. They are trying to do something about the discrimination against the negro in both housing and employment. Let me submit to you that as long as such situations continue, the private agencies will not be out of a job.
A fourth thing this agency has found to do in spite of giving up what has been considered its traditional activity. It is quite necessary after a. public agency has taken over private welfare work that there be on the part of the interested citizens a very careful study of the kind of work the


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public agency is doing, and so this old associated charities of Detroit gets a report of every case that comes into the public registration bureau three times from one or more agencies. These “ trouble” cases are looked into. The first thing done is to see whether the agencies helping such families are working in an adequate and efficient manner. They are asking whether the agencies of the city are so organized and so aligned as to be most effective, or whether reorganization or, perhaps, disorganization of some society, would make the situation more useful to those who need the services.
But this new activity goes behind the need of the helpful service. Its staff is also studying the causes of these mishaps; these breakdowns in some life; is going into industrial conditions, into physical, into governmental, to find out what the real causes of poverty are, and then urging upon the community the setting up of the pieces of machinery that are necessary to prevent poverty. When the community realizes the value of this new private welfare activity, the community in its turn will take over this research department, and Mrs. Simkhovitch’s wish, which we all share, will be realized there. This last activity of the Detroit associated charities perhaps indicates the biggest field for private welfare societies, after their original work has been assumed by the municipality.
We are likely to think of government in a good deal the way that the old German did about a clock he bought. He went into a store to buy a clock, and he asked the clerk how often he would have to wind the clock that he had selected, and the clerk told him it would run seven days without winding. “Then,” said the German, “how long will it run if I do wind it ?”
We have thought that the government was somewhat automatic, and that it would run itself. When the playgrounds were assumed by the officials of Chicago, those formerly conducting them did not sit down, fold their hands and say, “Our work is done.” They organized themselves into a playground association for the purpose of acquainting the community with the good done by these playgrounds, and for the purpose of suggesting ways in which the playgrounds could be made still more useful. In other words, they considered that this public activity would be successful only as the public showed their interest and attention to what the public servants were undertaking. The success of the public playgrounds of Chicago has been due in large part to these private agencies and to persons who have found this new outlet, and who, with careful persistence, guard and promote and develop the activity which has been taken over. Right in the same city the need of continuance of just this sort of private welfare activity was illustrated in the last great civic tragedy—the death of Doctor Sachs, head of the tuberculosis sanito-rium. When the city took over that institution, many thought their work was done. Because public attention was diverted to some other problem, the tuberculosis sanitorium became involved in politics and


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led to the loss of that most valuable public servant. So do not despair as to the need and urgency for private welfare activity, be the public never so forward in assuming those pieces of work which we have so fondly cherished.
There is still one more objection that I can see in the faces of some of you: Your reformer is oftentimes a man so enthusiastic about his program of public welfare that he has forgotten that there is a financial consideration.
The committee suggested that I do no more than touch on this, because the subsequent paper was to deal with the question of municipal expenditure. I shall only mention this point. I wish our presiding officer tonight might repeat his very full and fundamental treatment given to this question of the financing of public welfare activities at the last National Conference of Charities and Corrections. Just let me state briefly what he said.
Mr. Purdy stated that the modern patriot of our day is thought to be the man who brings a new citizen to a community. We consider him a patriot because every citizen who comes to a community adds one thousand dollars of value to the real estate value of the city. “ Now, if the booster of the town is such a patriot, by dint of adding to the wealth of the community, ” said Mr. Purdy, “why haven’t these welfare activities just as good a right to high approval? Are not residents attracted or held by a good school system, by an adequate playground plan, and beautiful parks just as big assets as those secured by city boosters? Are not the welfare activities that are securing these new residents or saving lives adding just as really to the wealth of the conmunity?” If the welfare activities of the community thus create wealth, why should we hesitate to finance these welfare activities from the resources which they create? Just as surely as the community when it has felt its need, hastens to provide for welfare activity, so surely will the community thus creating wealth take this wealth to conduct the necessary public welfare activities.


CHICAGO’S GREAT OBJECT LESSONS
BY VICTOR S. YARROS Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy
I. THE POLICE PROBLEM
PROBABLY but little surprise was excited in educated circles by the recent police disclosures and “graft” scandals in Chicago. In the last several years very high police officials, including the head of the detective bureau, have been indicted, tried, convicted and sentenced to penitentiary terms for the crimes of blackmail and graft. We have come to expect an annual or semi-annual clean-up campaign of this sort, and we take it for granted—and quite rightly—that no permanent or lasting benefit can result from such campaigns. To see official crooks and civic traitors sent to prison satisfies one’s primitive sense of justice, and, in addition, one feels that perhaps, for a time, such a consummation may put “the fear of God” into the breasts of the most hardened and cynical of our criminals in uniform. But, of course, there is a fundamental police problem, and the question is whether the majority of Chicago’s citizens—her more intelligent citizens even—have grasped this problem and know where, and in what, its solution lies.
As a matter of fact, Chicago’s painful experience has practically demonstrated the soundness of the solution proposed by scientific thinkers and based on European as well as limited American experience. The object lesson has been furnished, though it has not been driven home.
The sources of police corruption, here as in other of our cities, are mainly these: The social evil, professional gambling, and the lawless saloon. Mayor Thompson, either through ignorance and folly, or because of political ambition and hypocrisy, aggravated the saloon situation by his order “to enforce the state law against Sunday closing” regardless of local sentiment and of custom, tradition and precedent. The order has never been impartially enforced; powerful spoils politicians and others have treated it with indifference or contempt. The order became a prolific source of favoritism, cheap politics, corruption and gross unfairness. Many saloon-keepers sought and obtained “protection.” This protection had to be purchased. Saloon-keepers sans pull resented the injustice and decided to “take a chance.” Police officials, seeing and knowing that the anti-Sunday saloon was largely a farce, used their own discretion—corruptly or otherwise. “Passing the buck” became a favorite practice. The honest police captain had every reason to fear 1
1 See article entitled “The Liquor Question and Municipal Reform,” by George C. Sikes, National Municipal Review, vol. v, p. 411.
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that if he took the mayor’s public protestations seriously and “enforced the law” strictly, influential politicians of the mayor’s faction or brand would “get him” on false charges. The dishonest and crafty captain knew that he was comparatively safe so long as he was backed by the “right people.”
This is the situation to-day. There has been no substantial change. The indictment and forced resignation of Chief of Police Healey, and several subordinates were followed by the appointment of a new chief and a new “first deputy chief” who are generally believed to be honest and tolerably independent. The anti-Sunday saloon law is now enforced by them with reasonable impartiality. Perhaps the captains and other subordinates are “lying low” and pursuing a policy of watchful waiting. But violations of the law continue; arrests are made every Sunday; many saloon-keepers refuse to take the new policy seriously, and the mayor’s various activities and utterances have not been of a character to inspire either confidence or respect. In a few weeks, or months, the collection of tribute is sure to be resumed. The temptation has not been removed; the opportunities for “pickings” are as ample as ever. It is not in police nature to ignore such opportunities.
The Sunday saloon question can be settled, and should be settled, by applying the local option principle in this sphere. Chicago ought to have the legal right to vote the Sunday saloon in or out; more, the several districts or wards of the city ought to have local option with regard to the question. It is idle and unintelligent to expect the newcomers from Italy, Greece, Bohemia, Hungary, Russia, to share the view which the native-born of Puritan descent, for example, take of the Sunday saloon. Where there is no real agreement, or like-mindedness, the law should, so far as possible, recognize honest, deep-rooted differences and conform to them. District local option is accepted by Prohibitionists when the anticipated result favors their policy; it should be as cheerfully accepted by them, and by all true believers on democracy, when the result is likely to be unfavorable to them. District option as to the Sunday saloon would in time eliminate police blackmail and corruption. Nothing else can— not even under an enlightened and incorruptible mayor.
Professional gambling and prostitution, manifestly, are not amenable to local option. They are bound to remain sources of police corruption and criminality. But they need not remain rich and easy sources of corruption. An honest and high-minded mayor, assisted by a vigorous and honest chief of police, and by competent and fit subordinates, would have no very great difficulty—although considerable difficulty—in dealing with professional gamblers and brothels. Consistency, uniformity and reasonableness—these are the desiderata in policy, these the conditions of successful warfare on policemen and politicians who victimize unfortunate women and protect or license gamblers.


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In Chicago, the mayor appoints the chief of police. All subordinates are supposed to be under a merit system. Unfortunately, the appointment of chiefs has been governed by politics, by caprice, by anything but the proper considerations. Our chief has no security of tenure; he may be dismissed at any time—or forced to resign, which is the same thing—for any reason—good, bad or indifferent. Our chiefs have had to study the mayor’s moods, words, intonations. They have had two sets of orders, one for public consumption, the other for private. A genuine merit system, the right kind of examinations, higher standards for applicants, sufficient training and discipline after appointment, are among the elements of police reform. We cannot have these elements unless we first secure a first-rate mayor and get from him a first-rate merit commission. In Chicago we have a notorious humbug in the mayor’s chair and a grotesquely unfit “merit” commission—a commission which has been aptly called by the municipal voters’ league “a wrecking crew.” Of late its performances have been less reckless, but there is little consolation in this fact. The state’s attorney and the grand jury, to repeat, have put “the fear of God” into certain hearts, and public indignation has counseled a measure of discretion.
To sum it all up, the solution of Chicago’s police problem lies in a modern charter, home rule, district option wherever applicable, a sound merit system and a strong, fit and fearless civil service commission. A fit mayor could do something even under existing conditions—Mayor Mitchel has done something in New York—but we should think of permanent remedies and facilitate the tasks of good officials—at the same time hampering and shackling poor officials—by devising and installing better governmental machinery and more modern methods.
There is nothing new in all this, but Chicago has emphasized the soundness of it in a dramatic and impressive way.
II. THE MAYOR VS. THE COUNCIL
In the foregoing the existence and importance of the mayor had to be assumed. But Chicago has been led to ask herself another question— Why a mayor at all?
Chicago, as has been stated many times, is “council-governed.” Not many appreciate the full significance of this statement. The Chicago city council enjoys real power, and there is no tendency to weaken it. On the contrary, the tendency is to increase the council’s power and influence. The legislature unwisely attempted to deprive it of the power to regulate public utilities, but we expect this false step to be retraced. Public sentiment is for home rule even as regards the regulation of public utilities. Governor Lowden is committed to this principle, and so are the present leaders in the legislature.


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If, then, the city is governed by its council, why the mayor with his veto, his spoils, his extra-legal and political influence, his machine? Why, having maintained council government in spite of reaction elsewhere, and having succeeded in reclaiming and elevating her council to such an extent that to-day it is a safe instrument of rational reform even at its weakest, why should not Chicago boldly take a stride forward and abolish the mayor? That is, why should not a new charter be framed and submitted to the people, and why should not this new charter provide for a city manager subject to the council instead for a mayor? Why stick to the federal plan and invite friction, waste, inefficiency?
This general question is up in Chicago. Mayor Thompson, by his blunders and offences, has made it vital and acute. Intelligent men in and out of the city council are answering it in the right way. The mayor, with us, is a fifth wheel. He is neither useful nor ornamental. Give the city a strong merit system, a city manager, a scientific budget, and the mayor becomes a superfluity, if not a nuisance.
Mayor Thompson has ventured to do things which abler and more sensible mayors shrank from. He has challenged the council. He and his appointees have waged war against it. He has traduced and misrepresented many of its members. He has fought them brazenly at the polls. His machine has fought good aldermen in obedience to his wishes. The mayor has defeated a few of his opponents and critics at the primaries or elections. Cant, misrepresentation and abuse have not been employed in vain in local politics. Still, on the whole, our council has defeated the mayor and defeated him badly. He is utterly discredited. The press rails at him, the courts have overruled the decisions of his tools, the progressive and decent citizens know that he is a complete failure as mayor. His ignorance and indolence are proverbial.
It is natural enough that in these circumstances the proposal to do away with the mayor should attract warm support in various quarters. But do not hard cases make bad law? Has not Chicago known good mayors and poor, untrustworthy councils? Did not Mayor Harrison fight Yerkes, the franchise-grabber, at a time when the council and the press almost approved a piratical franchise policy? Do we not owe many reforms to our late executives? May we not need executive vetoes in the future as we needed them in the past?
The answer is that whatever the mayor and his veto power may have done for clean government in the past, to-day and for some recent years the friction between the mayor and the council has proved a very serious obstacle to good government and honest municipal politics. The council has been greatly improved; the aldermanic office, in spite of the letter of the law, has been made non-partisan in the eyes of the intelligent voters. Steals and corrupt deals have become impossible in our council. If the council is not as strong intellectually as it should be, this fact is largely


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attributable to the mayoral factor, to efforts of the executive to control the council, to use it. The mayor’s machine regards every able and independent alderman as an enemy and secretly, if not openly, seeks to defeat him at the polls. False issues are raised by the mayor and his machine for this purpose. The average voter is apt to become confused— especially if the mayor happens to possess the gif t of buncombe.
Where the mayor is strong, a fusion movement is necessary to take his office out of partisan politics. Where the council governs, as in Chicago, public attention is properly fastened on the council. To expect two successful movements at the same time—one to elevate the council and another to insure the election of fit and non-partisan mayors—in the same city is to expect the improbable. It is certainly significant that in Chicago there is not even the faintest sign of a fusion or non-partisan movement with regard to the mayoralty. We have our hands full taking care of the council and preventing deterioration.
We are not likely to get a much abler and stronger council until we make up our minds that one governing body is enough, and that the mayor can and should be dispensed with in favor of an efficient city manager and expert administration.
Students of government in our big and heterogeneous cities will find it profitable to watch the developments in Chicago on the question of non-partisan councils versus partisan and spoils mayors.


EDITORIAL
THE LEAGUE BROADENS ITS FIELD
Our Springfield meeting is likely to be chiefly remembered for having inaugurated the movement to extend the League’s activities to include the improvement of county and state government. The discussion of the proposals will be found in the January issue (pp. 183-191). After a careful survey of the field and a consideration of the questions involved, the following resolution prepared by President Purdy and Vice-president Childs was unanimously adopted:
Whereas, municipal progress is reaching the point where it is increasingly embarrassed by the relative backwardness of state and county government,
Resolved, that the League shall hereafter devote such time and attention as may be practicable to the problems of county and state government and that efforts be made to raise additional funds to meet the expenses of the proposed broadening of the League’s activities.
A letter setting forth the above facts and others relating to the proposed development of the League’s activities was sent to all the members of the League on January 29. The response has been cordial and hearty.
Beginning with this issue the National Municipal Review will be published bi-monthly instead of quarterly. This action is a part of the policy of development inaugurated at Springfield and authorized by the executive committee at its meeting of December 28, 1916. This will bring the magazine into closer and more frequent touch with the members and subscribers, and will increase its effectiveness as an interpreter of current municipal events and as an organ of sound public opinion on governmental problems.
A further step in this development has been the appointment of G. 0. Dustin as assistant secretary. Until March 15, Mr. Dustin was the director of the Springfield, Mass., bureau of municipal research. His work in that connection and with the annual meeting in November last is well known. On April 1 he will enter upon his duties, which will include the development of the financial and publicity sides of the League’s work and arranging for a larger co-operation with other organizations working in the same field, and in preparing for the annual meeting in November. The secretary of the National Municipal League bespeaks the hearty co-operation of the members with Mr. Dustin.
The present issue of the National Municipal Review will be designated as the March number, and the remaining issues will appear on May 1, July 1, September 1 and November 1. The number of pages in each
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issue will be smaller, but the total for the year will be the same as heretofore. This change may necessitate the rearrangement of some of the departments, but the inconvenience, if any, will be of a temporary character.1
1 By reason of the conversion of the Review from a quarterly into a bi-monthly, the publication of the following papers which we had planned to include in the next issue will be carried over to the May issue: “The Building Zone Plan of New York City,” Robert H. Whitten; “Methods of Financing City Planning Projects,” Nelson P. Lewis; “City Planning and Political Areas,” George E. Hooker; “What Has Been Accomplished in City Planning During 1916,” George B. Ford; “City Planning Progress—Discussion at the Springfield Meeting.” Among the other articles which will have to be carried over under this arrangement is one by Dr. Delos F. Wilcox on "Experts, Ethics and Public Policy,” and another by Frederic Rex of Chicago analyzing the measures relating to municipal administration and legislation submitted at the November election.


NOTES AND EVENTS
I. GOVERNMENT AND ADMINISTRATION
Charter Revision in Philadelphia.—In
the summer of 1916 a committee was appointed to consider the revision of the Bullitt bill under which Philadelphia has been operating since the first Monday of April, 1887. This committee in turn appointed a sub-committee which late in December submitted a report under eleven heads.
1. The city and county of Philadelphia. That the existing constitutional distinctions between city and county in Philadelphia should be abolished, and the powers of local government vested in a single municipality. This requires an amendment of the constitution.
2. Making certain elective offices appointive. It was recommended that the city solicitor, one of whose functions is to act as legal adviser to the mayor, and the department heads should be appointed by the mayor, and that the receiver of taxes should be appointed by the city treasurer who is the responsible custodian of the city’s funds. These changes do not require an amendment of the constitution.
3. Relieving the judiciary of political functions. The committee very strongly urged that the board of judges should be relieved of the appointment of the board of revision of taxes which is essentially an administrative body, and the board of education which now is a body charged with the duty of determining important questions of policy and wielding the taxing powers but answerable to the people only through the judges, whose selection ought to be independent of political policies. It also recommended that the duty of granting licenses had been harmful to the reputation of the bench in the community, and should be transferred to a board of commissioners to be appointed by the governor or mayor with overlapping terms.
4. Organization of councils. A redistricting of the city providing for 25 wards in place of the 48 was recommended, and a council composed of one representative from each of the new 25 wards suggested in place of the present bicameral system. A salary of $2,500 with an additional $2,500 to the chairman of the finance committee was recommended.
5. Functions of council. The committee recommended that it should be within the power of councils to determine the methods by which assessments of real estate should be made, and that it should be possible for council to delegate to an executive department minor administrative duties that now devolve upon it.
6. The office of mayor and the executive departments. A rearrangement of some of the functions of existing departments in order that there might be a better and more logical definition of functions was urged.
7. City revenue and borrowing. Under this head sundry questions of finance were considered. Among other things the committee recommended that real estate owned by public service corporations which is not now subject to local taxation should be taxed as other real estate, and that ground rents should be taxed as personalty. The committee was also of the opinion that the present method of collecting the personal property tax is inadequate.
8. Appraisement of real estate for taxation. ' There should be in the committee’s judgment a delegation by the state legislature to the city council of the power of determining the method of arriving at the actual value of real estate and it should be made the duty of the board of revision of taxes to apply the method thus laid down.
9. Control of revenue and appropriations. The committee was of the opinion.


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that a requirement for an annual submission to council of a co-ordinated budget for action by council at a stated time was essential for the attainment of genuine financial efficiency. By budget was meant an estimate made by a responsible public officer, of proposed expenditures and suggestions for financing them.
10. The city’s contracting powers and limitations. The present provisions embodied in the statutes of the state, restricting and limiting the right of the city to exercise discretion as to the terms upon which public work may be done, should be replaced by a provision granting to city council discretion to determine within proper limits the terms and conditions upon which city work may be let by contract or the terms and conditions upon which such work may be performed by the city’s employes, without contract, provided, however, that no city contract for services should be for a longer period than five years.
11. Control of elections. The committee believed that the powers and duties of the present registration commissioners could very properly be expanded so as to control elections, certainly to the extent of vesting in it the powers and duties now exercised by the county commissioners. It was also recommended that the board should be given by constitutional amendment the power to appoint the election officers as well as registration officers in the various divisions of the city, and that these offices might advantageously be combined.
*
The San Diego County Charter.—The
San Diego (Cal.) county charter was defeated on February 27, but it is an interesting document, for all that. It marks a turning point in the reform of county government when communities as large as this take such advanced positions as the freeholders did at so many points. The charter really “goes the limit” in its acceptance of the county-manager idea, in the extent to which it recognizes the merit principle of civil service and in the spirit which underlies modern public welfare work.
Framed under the home rule provisions of the California constitution, it provided among other things for an enlarged board of supervisors, one each from nine districts—five from San Diego and its suburbs and the remainder from the outlying districts, these supervisors to be elected at large for overlapping terms. The board was to have only legislative powers and the members were not to be compensated for their services beyond the amount of their actual expenses incurred in pursuance of their duties.
The county manager was to be chosen by the supervisors from a list submitted by the civil service commission. He was to be the actual manager of affairs as well as purchasing agent, road commissioner and surveyor. Under these limitations it is obvious that the county manager would have to be a trained engineer. The appointing power of the manager would not have been large, since all of the principal county officers, with the exception of the civil service commission, the board of public welfare, the sheriff and the district attorney would have been appointed by the board of supervisors, but would doubtless have taken politics out of consideration and left the county manager to all intents and purposes the actual master in administration.
In some respects the county manager was given such large powers as to lead one to suspect that the charter framers somewhat misconceived the theory of the commission-manager plan. For instance, the board of supervisors could not increase the number of officers in any department or the items in the annual budget, except with the county manager’s consent. This provision, of course, put the chief servant of the board of supervisors in the rather anomalous position of being able, formally, to dictate to his official superiors. Doubtless, however, in practice the situation would have worked itself out without serious difficulty.
In the matter of civil service, the charter took very high ground indeed. The commission consists of three members, one selected by the governor, one by the judges of the superior court and the third by the


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board of supervisors. This combination of appointing power should at least have secured independence. Whether or not it would have been a harmonious body is open to some question. All of the principal county officers would have been chosen from lists supplied by this commission.
Incidentally, the proposed new charter, by taking various officers from the ballot and in some cases consolidating two or more, laid the basis for a short ballot county in which the only elective officers were the board of supervisors, the sheriff and the district attorney.
Among other notable provisions of the charter are those which provided for the creation of the office of defender, the institution of a modern audit and purchasing system and the improvement of the judicial township and constable system. A specially constituted board of public welfare consisted of two members appointed by the governor, two by the judges of the superior court, two by the board of supervisors, with the county manager as chairman, ex-officio. This board was charged with the care of the county hospital, county poor farm, the detention home and all indigent and outdoor relief. The executive officer would have been the director of public health and charities, to be appointed by the board from an eligible list supplied by the civil service commission.
The county manager plan is included in the scheme of the city and county government association of Alameda county, Cal., and in the new charter proposed for Napa county. Governor Clark of Iowa twice, during his term, recommended county managers for that state. The adoption of the county-manager law is also part of the program of the county government association of New York state.
H. S. Gilbertson.
*
Commission Government in Buffalo.—
Commission government has just finished its first year of existence in this city and, in the opinion of most unprejudiced observers, has made good in several definite respects.
The franchise and referendum clauses of the charter were used with good effect at the last general election without friction, or extra expense. The questions on the ballot received a reasonable attention on the part of the voter and the vote apparently was satisfactory to the majority. This use of the popular feature has begun to educate our people to a more careful consideration of public questions and to an appreciation of their duties as citizens.
Very definite improvement is seen in the police force, which is much more responsive to public demands than under the old charter. Much less criticism is heard of the chief, who is an appointee of the present government, than of his predecessor.
The health department has undertaken and is carrying out a progressive development in the shape of the establishment of four health centers located in sections of the city where the attention of the health department is most needed. These health centers extend the functions of the health department directly to the spots requiring attention and as each health center is in charge of a health physician giving his entire time to the work, it correlates other health activities such as babies’ milk dispensaries, tuberculosis clinics, and all the regular activities of the health department. The result has been most beneficial to the poorer element of the population.
Education has received a new impetus by the appointment of an excellent board of education by the mayor. The work of this board is hampered by a division of responsibility between itself and the commissioner of public affairs. An effort is being made to correct this weakness in the charter by an amendment now before the legislature which will give the entire administrative control to the board but will leave the appointment of the board itself and the control of its budget in the hands of the commission. Discussion of this necessary change is arousing the interested attention of the citizens at the present time.
The administration of the parks has been much improved in the direction of


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developing their use for the public by the addition of many baseball diamonds, tennis courts, skating rinks, toboggan slides, etc.
In the department of finance and accounts the commissioner has, by his careful and scientific survey of the situation, raised the assessed valuation over two hundred million dollars. A large part of this increase has been obtained by the inclusion of the machinery in factories as real property, under a recent decision of the court, by an increase in the valuation of public service corporation property and of the larger industrial establishments. The attempt has been made to distribute fairly the burden of taxes, and that it has been reasonably successful is shown by the fact that there have been very few protests. This will reduce the rate of taxation considerably and in this way relieve the small taxpayer of a burden which has been growing too heavy for him to carry.
As a whole the tendency of this commission is to spend money rather than to save it but at the same time their efforts have been in the direction of a more democratic distribution of the benefits of the city government than heretofore.
Knowlton Mixeh!
Buffalo.
*
An Engineer’s View of Commission Government.—During this time (since the adoption of commission government in Galveston), certain defects have been found in the system. In the commission plan providing for three or five commissioners, each commissioner is head of a department and there is apt to be continuous friction between the departments. The commission plan gives one commissioner as much power as another, and the commission has no power to remove or discipline one of their number. Quite frequently, one commissioner resents interference from the other commissioners, thus giving the city three or five separate little governments.
While the commission plan got rid of ward log-rolling, it substitutes department
i A member of the council of the National Municipal League.
log-rolling. A commissioner in order to get his own way in his own department, has to swap votes with and not criticize the other commissioners’ budget, which does not tend toward economy.
The commission plan presupposes that commissioners will be elected who have had much experience in the handling of men and the directing of their labors. If only such men are elected, however, much of the population is not represented by men in their own class or walk of fife, and usually we find that there are men elected to the commission not because of their special fitness, but because they are good fellows and have a large acquaintanceship among the population who deliver the vote.
The commission plan ignores experience or the value of experience, as the commissioners are frequently elected for only one term, and, therefore, do not hold office long enough to learn the job. With such an insecure tenure of office, it does not seem worth while for a commissioner to study the problems connected with his department, nor is he likely to give his whole mind to the completion of projects started by his predecessor.2
*
Portsmouth, Va.—T. B. Shertzer of New York city has been appointed the first city manager of Portsmouth. When, the position was created the council received 157 applications. The salary of the city manager has been fixed at $4,000 a year. Mr. Shertzer was at the time of his appointment a constructive engineer with the Texas company at Bayonne, N. J., and he has also had experience on the New York subway and with the New York water supply and public seryice commissions.
*
Bristol’s Town Manager.—Bristol is the largest urban community in Bucks County, Pa. It is trying an experiment, having appointed under a three years’ contract a town manager at a salary of $2,000 a year. It will be his duty to-conduct the affairs of this center “under
2 From an address by Henry Gerharz, U. S-surveyor-general for Montana.


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a purely business administration and to get the highest point of efficiency in administration.” The appointee is John Roberts. *
“Firing” Engineers in Boston.—If it
was intended to demoralize the department of public works in a large city, what better course could be taken than to “fire” some seventeen of its best and most experienced civil engineers because they had not been active in re-electing the mayor? The Engineering News of January 11 states that that was just what happened in the department of public works for the city of Boston. These men were under civil service rules. One of them, Mr. Melnnes (the most valuable engineer in the city’s water department), with two others, appealed to the courts and those courts have found that the removals were “without proper cause and in bad faith.”
If it were desired to discourage any high-grade professional expert from accepting appointment in the Boston municipal service, what better course could be taken than was taken by the mayor of Boston in removing Lewis K. Roorke, some two years ago? Roorke was by far the best appointment made for a head of any Boston department in the last ten years, being a civil engineer of great ability and large experience.
The National Board of Fire Underwriters’ report shows plainly how the installation of the high pressure service has since been delayed and bungled, so that it will be some years before Boston gets the decrease of fire risk it should have been enjoying now.
Mr. Roorke’s position was not strictly under civ.il service rules. By the Boston charter every such appointment has to be submitted to the state civil service commission who must find after “careful inquiry into his qualifications . . . that
in their opinion he is a recognized expert, or he is qualified by education, training, or experience for said office.” (Notice “or” instead of “and”.)
This is but slight protection. It is in the nature of a “pass” examination. The mayor has perfect freedom to appoint
anybody who can “pass,” while if the place were under strict civil service rules the mayor would be limited to a choice of one of three, giving very little chance to reward a political worker. There would also be an appeal in case of removal “without cause or in bad faith.”
The new system used for seventeen years—of appointing to such high positions through an unassembled competitive investigation of training, education, achievements in life, personality, etc., conducted with the aid of appropriate specialists,—has produced wonderfully good results in hundreds of civil service positions with salaries from 13,000 to $10,000. Such a system, if adopted in Boston, would take the heads of departments completely out of politics. It would take contracts also out of politics and would be the best antitoxin for municipal waste and corruption.
Richard H. Dana.
*
The Smoke Nuisance in Chicago.—The
Chicago railway terminal commission has gone on record to the effect that it sees no reason why the ordinance to adjust certain matters between the South park commissioners, the city and the New York Central railroad should not provide for the electrification of the suburban service of the railroad within five years of the date of the passage of the ordinance, and the complete electrification of all branches of the service in Chicago within ten years from the passage of the ordinance. Among those signing the report are: Bion J. Arnold, Walter L. Fisher, E. H. Bennett, Frank I. Bennett, commissioner of public works; Morton S. Cressy, assistant corporation counsel; Ellis Geiger, chairman, committee on railway terminals; John F. Wallace, chairman, railway terminal commission.
*
The Cincinnati Municipal Reference Library.—The library is under the control of the university, the head of the political science department of the University of Cincinnati being in immediate charge.
The city gave the space in the city hall in a room adjoining the council chamber.


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Some months ago the mayor decided that “to save expense” the library should be moved from the city hall to Burnet Woods, some three miles from the city hall and heart of the city where its good influence would be entirely negatived. It was shown that the library cost the city nothing in so far as it was a charge not on the city but on the University, an expense of $1,200 a year.
“Want of space” then became the excuse for the removal of the library as it was claimed this room should be used by the charter commission to be elected April 17. As a matter of fact the space without the library would not be of any real value to the commission as the library proved invaluable to the former charter commission of two years ago.
Numerous civic organizations became active in urging that the library be allowed to remain at the city hall. The board of education adopted a resolution against its removal and stated that it had held sessions there so that it could have at hand information that could be obtained nowhere else. The former charter commission urged that it remain in its present place. In all, nine civic organizations passed resolutions urging the retention of the library at the city hall.
Mayor Puchta then made the rather surprising statement that he had questioned all the department heads and found that,with one exception, none of them used the library.
On January 9 the mayor’s ordinance for the removal of the library was unanimously passed, under suspension of the rules, by council.
Just what will be done with the library is at present undecided, although civic organizations have been considering retaining it in the heart of the city. Although the ordinance can exclude it from the city hall, it cannot force the library to go to Burnet Woods since all branches of the university are regulated by state law and are not subject to ordinance of council.
So far as the bureau of research is concerned, the city has a department that is known as the bureau of information and research which does little more than exist 6
and whose title seems to be rather a misnomer. The former, which has always been active for the betterment of municipal affairs, has found it practically impossible to co-operate with the administration. Herbert F. Koch.1
♦
The Missouri City Manager League
was formed in December at a conference at Excelsior Springs under the leadership of Leslie E. Bates, for the purpose of getting through the legislature an optional city manager bill applying to third class cities, between 3,000 and 30,000 population. The bill may be extended to include other classes of cities.
Missouri cities are also supporting bills for extensive amendments guaranteeing larger powers of home rule in police excise and public utilities matters, and the right of excess condemnation, with the creation of county planning boards and city plan commissions in all cities.
*
New York Police Records.—The entire system of police records in use in New York has been revised by Police Commissioner Woods. Arrests, accidents and complaints are recorded by patrolmen on the street on loose leaf pocket memorandum forms which have been specially prepared to give pertinent data of each case with a minimum amount of writing. Formerly the patrolmen wrote these reports on scraps of paper or in their personal pocket memorandum books.
In the station house the data of arrests, accidents and complaints are transferred to cards under the direction of the lieutenant instead of being entered in books. Each precinct sends its cards to the district inspector daily to be collected by a messenger in an automobile and taken to headquarters where the data from an average of 2,000 cards received daily are transferred to punched Hollerith tabulating cards. By means of this system all police activities are recorded and classified with a minimum of clerical labor and the department has a complete record of every case available at any time.
Leonhard Felix Fuld.
1 Executive secretary, Cincinnati city club.


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II. POLITICS1
Atlanta’s New Mayor.—Asa G. Candler, the multi-millonaire manufacturer of coca-cola, began his term as mayor of Atlanta, Georgia, January 1. He was nominated in the primary in August, 1916, over a single opposing candidate by a vote of two to one. Prior to his entry into the race, three candidates, all of whom were identified with the existing political potpourri, had announced their candidacy. They were all regarded as good men, but by virtue of their connection with city politics they had a drab color to the popular view, and the general attitude towards the race was characterized by indifference and a feeling that there was no use trying to secure any effective improvement in the city’s administration; but two of the candidates withdrew from the race in favor of Mr. Candler, who was induced against his personal wishes to make the fight because he recognized the baleful effects upon the city’s welfare which citizen indifference were causing. Mr. Candler is said by local correspondents to be a deeply religious man “whose spiritual nature has found expression in regular church activity and generous gifts to many good causes, including a million and a quarter dollars to Emory University. He could not resist the call to service when a group of citizens faced him with the public demand for it. His liberality is widely appreciated and his honesty and sound sense widely trusted. He seemed the only man in the city who combined the power to win the election and to bring the people together in a government for public welfare.”
After his election in the primary a street car strike took place and a new source of division arose. Mr. Candler’s participation in the efforts to preserve order caused an independent candidate to come out against him. This candidate did not receive even a solid labor vote, and Mr. Candler began his administration as the “people’s mayor.”
1 Unless otherwise indicated the items in this department are prepared by Clinton Rogers Woodruff.
There is already a different public attitude towards the city government. Cooperation between different departments and between citizens and civic organizations with public officials is becoming more and more apparent.
Mr. Candler went into office on no other platform than that of his personality. He made no extravagant promises. In the primary he surprised people with his ability as a campaigner. He took his audiences into his confidence. He would give vent to statements like this: “They say I don’t know anything about city government. When they proposed to make me president of the Central bank, Gene Black said I didn’t know anything about banking, but I told Gene I could learn about banking and I guess some of you know that I can tell when it is safe to lend a fellow money. I can learn about city government, too, without having to unlearn a lot of things some other fellows know to your sorrow.”
“There is every reason to believe” our correspondent writes, “that Mr. Candler has learned and is learning, and that he recognizes the handicaps of inflexible tax laws and an obsolete charter. Doubtless he feels that he must make the people also recognize these handicaps before he can speak freely, and that in order to open their eyes and unify opinion for changes which must come if his administration is to be genuinely successful, a fact basis must be laid through research and appraisement.
“Mr. Candler is a big man whose money has not dulled his sympathy for the little things which make up life for the average human being. He is approachable and cordial in manner. He is decisive without being overbearing; quick but sure of judgment. He is outspoken without a trace of bitterness. An incident which throws much light upon him occurred recently when Harry Gardiner, ‘the human fly,’ sought permission to climb his skyscraper. ■ There was some question in the mind of the manager of the building,


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as to legal liability in case Gardiner should fall in the course of his climb. They took the matter to Mr. Candler’s lawyer who advised that they submit it to Mr. Candler himself. So Gardiner and the manager and the lawyer went down to his office and explained how Gardiner wanted to climb the building, and that there might be some accident and liability. ‘Well,’ said Mr. Candler ‘I always decide against a fool.’ They all laughed and Gardiner went in search of another skyscraper.”
♦
The Completed Vindication of A. Leo Weil.—A special grand jury of the intermediate court of Kanawha county, West Virginia, in January, 1915, returned four indictments against A. Leo Weil, the purpose being to cover different phases of the same alleged offence.1 The circuit court of the county granted a writ of prohibition which, upon hearing, was made permanent, prohibiting the intermediate court from further proceeding in any way with the cases. The state appealed from this decision to the supreme court of appeals of West Virginia, and the circuit court was reversed. From the decision of the state supreme court, the defendant was granted an appeal to the supreme court of the United States where the case is now pending. The criminal charges against the defendant grew out of the rate case of the Manufacturers Light & Heat company against the public service commission, involving the fixing of gas rates for industrial and domestic consumers throughout a large section of the northern part of the state. The rate case a short time ago was amicably adjusted, and the suits involving the several phases of it pending in the federal courts were dismissed.
In the formal statement the prosecuting attorney, who had prepared the indictment said:
As a result of the investigations which I made while prosecuting attorney of the county and recent developments in connection with the criminal charges, which
1 See article on "The Vindication of A. Leo Weil,” National Municipal Review, vol. iv, p. 455.
satisfied me that there was not sufficient evidence to justify the state in bringing Mr. Weil to trial, I became and am convinced that it was impossible to secure a conviction. The criminal charges have already cost the state much money, and to proceed further with this case upon the indictments would involve the further expenditure of large sums. Being familiar with these cases in every detail, and convinced as I am that a conviction could not be secured, it would be abortive to proceed further. The present prosecuting attorney of this county, with the consent of the court, has signified his willingness to nolle pros the indictments pending against the defendant upon this recommendation from me, and with the further assurance that this action is satisfactory to all parties interested in the prosecution.
The following is a statement made by the present prosecuting attorney:
The Weil indictments were pending when I went into office as prosecuting attorney, and upon investigations of the contemplated procedure, theretofore undertaken by the state, and the evidence upon which it relied to secure a trial and conviction, I became convinced of three things:
First: The state could not secure a conviction for the alleged offence under its circumstances.
Second: That no offence in fact had been committed.
Third: That if trial and conviction were to be based alone upon the statements of such witnesses as one Guy Bid-dinger, upon whose evidence the state’s case was predicated, and who is now under numerous indictments in Illinois, Kanawha county for the next four years would have a minimum of criminal court wrork.
In the first two, I have been borne ont by the statement of Mr. Townsend, former prosecutor, who was originally in charge of the case and who in view of his statements should have taken this step himself.
It is my hope and desire to prosecute violations of the law as contemplated by the statute of this state, but to make such prosecutions justly. I am convinced of the injustice that has been done in this matter, and don’t hesitate to remedy it to the extent of my ability.
This is my answer to those who seek prosecutions for political purposes in Kanawha county throughout the next four years.


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The Interesting Experience of Paducah,
Ky .—On January 1, 1916, five men took office, four as commissioners, one as mayor.
A suit was immediately filed against four of them, alleging fraudulent election, and in June the court of appeals ordered them “ousted.” The question then arose, who had the power to fill vacancies. The governor jumped into the breach and appointed two of those who had been ousted, and two others; the remaining commissioner, against whom no suit has been filed (who simply sat still in the boat), then appointed four commissioners to fill the vacancies. The two of those ousted who were not reappointed by either the governor or the hold-over commissioner, refused to vacate, until the court of appeals decided the governor had the power to appoint, and all the others stepped down and out. The appointments were to hold until November, when another election was held. At that time, about November 10, four entirely new commis-
III. JUDICIAL
An Important Billboard Decision.—On
January 15, 1917, the supreme court of the United States1 affirmed the decision of the Illinois supreme court2 which sustained a Chicago ordinance provision prohibiting the erection of billboards in any residence block without the consent of the owners of a “majority of the frontage of the property on both sides of the street in the block.” Following the line of reasoning pursued by the Illinois court, the highest court of the land did not base its decision upon aesthetic considerations. The prohibition involved in the ordinance was justified wholly upon the ground that it was “in the interest of the safety, morality, health, and decency of the community.” Referring to the evidence in respect to insufficient fire and police protection in residence districts, which the Illinois court held to have been erroneously excluded at the trial, the United States court declared broadly that even if this testimony were neglected there remained
i Thomas Cussack Co. v. City of Chicago.
* National Municipal Review, vol. iv, p. 312.
sioners were declared elected to sit with Mr. Washington. No sooner had this board qualified than suit was filed under a new “corrupt practices act” against the four new men. This suit is now pending, but it is believed that the present incumbents will have to step out.
It has been suggested by representative citizens that when the time came for the next regular election (the men being elected only for the year November, 1916, to November, 1917) they would endeavor to secure four or five (as the case may require) men of unimpeachable character, and good business ability, to run for office, and every endeavor would be made to have them elected, and that these men pool their salaries and hire a city manager. The great difficulty now is that the salary ($3,000) is too much for the type of men who run for office, and it would be hazardous to make the salary more, until the people are sufficiently aroused to demand the best men for office.
DECISIONS
sufficient evidence to show the propriety of the prohibition in question.
In spite of the grounds upon which the decision was reached, this case will naturally be acclaimed with joy by all those who are interested in furthering the cause of municipal esthetics. The court evidently did not deem it necessary to discuss the question whether these usual subjects of the police power—the public safety, morality, health, and decency— could have been adequately protected by regulation falling short of actual prohibition. The requirement that billboards should be constructed of fireproof materials, without obstructive supports, and with sufficient clearance above the ground to prevent the harboring of lawbreakers and immoral persons or the collection of inflammable rubbish or filth would doubtless have accomplished every one of the specific public purposes mentioned. But the court elected, without considering these details, to rest its decision upon the broad grounds indicated.


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There is no question, moreover, that the case sustains the rule that billboards may be absolutely prohibited, at least in residence districts; for it was pointed out that the provision allowing the erection of billboards with the consent of property owners was in the nature of a concession to the billboard interests. The prohibition could have been made absolute. The claim, therefore, that the ordinance was impaired by this provision was “palpably frivolous.”1
Although the point was not stressed, this case must be taken to sustain the competence of a city to create zones or districts for purposes of billboard exclusion. This would be in line with recent decisions2 upholding zoning ordinances enacted for the purpose of excluding more or less offensive trades and industries from residence districts.
Howabd Lee McBain.
*
City Manager Charter.—In Kopczynski v. Schriber,3 the validity of the charter of Grand Rapids was attacked partly on the ground that after creating the office of mayor it conferred certain powers on the city manager in conflict with those of the mayor. The relator in the case was trying to get a mandamus compelling the city clerk to accept and file his nominating petition for alderman, an office not provided for by the new charter. The court insisted that this was not the proper proceeding in which to test the validity of the new charter, but felt that public policy required that they consider the question. They decided that the charter, in so far as it provided for the election by the council of one of their own number as mayor, did not conflict with the home rule act4 requiring the election of a mayor, since the word “election” is not limited in its meaning simply to a vote of the people. They decided that the city charter did not conflict with the constitution and was not invalid in its entirety.
1 The case was distinguished from Eubank v. Richmond, 226 U. S. 137, 1912.
2 Notably Hadacheck v. Sebastian, 239 N. S. 394, 1915.
3 161 N. W. 238.
* Pub. Acts 1909, no. 279, section 3.
Construction of Municipal Powers.—
In the case of Stevenson v. Port of Portland,5 the incorporated port of Portland planned to erect bunkers and coal ships in order to meet the competition of Puget Sound ports. The plaintiff sued to prevent the carrying out of the plan. In 1908 the voters had initiated and adopted a measure, attempting to confer this power. The court decided that the port would have to get enabling legislation, although they admitted that the coaling would be incidental to the public purpose for which the port was created.
In New Orleans v. Shuler,a it was decided that by a charter giving the city all powers, privileges and functions which pursuant to the constitution could be granted to or exercised by any city, the legislature has delegated to the city the power to license or prohibit placing gasoline storage tanks under sidewalks with the pump at the edge of the walk. The defendant refused to pay the license fee and claimed that the power had not been delegated to the city. The upper court affirmed his conviction of violating the city ordinance.
*
Home Rule.—In Loop Lumber Company v. Van Loben Sets,1 it was decided that the statute requiring a contractor for city work, before entering on performance, to give a bond for payment of materials and labor, is inconsistent with the city’s freeholder charter, purporting to provide all the conditions precedent for a contractor for city sewer construction proceeding with the work, including the giving of a bond, conditioned, however, only on faithful performance of the contract, and so inapplicable to such work in such city. The California constitution makes the city charter absolutely controlling, and free from impairment by general laws as to all “municipal affairs.”
*
Mandamus - Salaries.—In People v. Prendergast,8 the New York board of estimate and apportionment was manda-
• 162 Pacific 509.
’ 73 Southern 715.
7159 Pacific 600 (California).
s 124 N. E. 860.


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mused to appropriate salaries for positions established by law and salaries fixed by law. A special statute1 was held to be an exception to the Greater New York charter. The county register appoints; the board of estimate can only appropriate. This is a splendid example of state interference with local affairs. It shows how difficult budget procedure becomes under such conditions.
*
Municipal Exemption from Liability for Torts.—There have been decided recently a number of cases in which municipalities have been sued on the ground of negligence in the management of parks and other recreational facilities. In most of them the usual interpretation of no liability for acts of the sovereign in the performance of governmental functions as distinguished from private proprietary or corporate acts has been continued. In Bolster v. City of Lawrence,2 the Massachusetts supreme court said that though the city makes a small charge for use of its public baths from which it derives a comparatively insignificant income, that does not affect the public character of the baths so as to render the city liable for the torts of its officers in connection therewith. This is the conventional Massachusetts view. In Robbins v. Omaha3 the Nebraska court said that although a boy was drowned from a raft in a pool in a public park, the pool and raft did not constitute a nuisance and the city’s demurrer was sustained. There was a brief dissenting opinion in which one judge felt that unless it was conclusively shown that the city was performing a governmental function the plaintiff stated a good cause of action. In Hibbard v. Wichita4 it was decided that maintaining a zoological garden in a public park is a governmental function and that the city is not liable in damages for injuries inflicted by animals on visitors through the negligence of the city’s officers or agents in not properly confining them. One judge felt that the
4 Laws of 1913, chapter 776.
»114 N. E. 722.
J160 N. W. 749.
4159 Pacific 399.
city maintained a nuisance and should be liable. In Pope v. New Havens the court decided that when the city gives a fourth of July celebration with fireworks and a spectator is killed by a bomb failing to explode in the air, the city is not liable because it is engaged in a governmental duty. The city held the celebration under authority of its charter and not for pecuniary profit. It was held in a dangerous place, however, near a crowded street. The court said in passing that if the act had been intrinsically dangerous the city would have been liable. We now come to a case in which the city was held liable, Kokomo v. Lay.3 Here the employee of park was injured while trying to unload a cannon under the direction of one acting for the park superintendent. The park commissioners were appointed by city councils. The court said that there were two kinds of acts, one, political and governmental, the other, private, proprietary or corporate. Liability depends upon the capacity in which the city was acting at the time. In this case the city was acting in its corporate capacity.
*
Municipal Pensions. — Although the Seattle charter4 * * 7 provides that any person in the civil service disabled in the course of his duty shall receive full pay during disability, not to exceed thirty days, and half pay not to exceed six months, the employe will receive this pay though he is injured by a third party in the course of his employment and recovers from the third party. The lower court felt that the pension should be compensatory and not cumulative. The upper court8 reversed the decision and the causes were remanded with instructions to enter judgment for the plaintiffs.
*
Municipal Regulation of Gas Rates.—•
In Newark Natural Gas and Fuel Company v. The City of Newark, Ohio,3 the question was whether an ordinance fixing
8 99 Atlantic 51.
«112 N. E. 994.
7 Article 16, section 32.
» 159 Pacific 816.
* 37 Supreme Court Reporter 156.


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the maximum price for natural gas at 20 cents per thousand cubic feet for a period of five years with 10 per cent discount for prompt payment, described as 18 cents “net” is confiscatory and therefore contrary to the due process clause of the fourteenth amendment. The gas company, in this case a distributing company only, operated under a 25-year franchise which permitted a rate of 25 cents for ten years, but the company within the period had reduced the rate to 18 cents net and maintained it for several years before the ordinance of 1911 was passed. The company refused to accept the terms of the ordinance and insisted on a 25 cent
rate. The city filed a petition for a mandatory injunction. The court decreed for the city, but without prejudice to the right of the gas company to apply for a modification if it should appear later that a rate of 18 cents did not render an adequate return. The supreme court of Ohio1 affirmed the decree. No confiscation was found after full examination of the value of the property. The supreme court of the United States affirmed the decision of the state court, stating that the gas company had failed to show that the ordinance had the effect of depriving it of its property without due process of law. Robert Emmet Tracy.
IV. MISCELLANEOUS
Charitable Transportation in the South.—A year’s experience as secretary of a charity organization society in a southern city affords sufficient proof of seriousness of the charitable transportation problem of the south. During 1916 the associated charities of Jacksonville has dealt with 530 homeless men, and never less than seven transient families per month, one month as high as 21, and an average of 14 per month. The experience of other charity organization societies throughout the seven southeastern states is quite similar. For example, during the past fiscal year of its society, Atlanta had 225 homeless men and 89 transient families; Charlotte, N, C., 98 homeless men and 11 transient families; Columbia, S. C., 190 homeless men and transient families. The Jackson, Miss., society worked with 272 homeless men and 19 transient families; while New Orleans had the highest number of homeless men, namely 1,250, and a large number of transient families of which they could give no definite statement as no count had been kept separate from that of the resident families for which they cared. Jacksonville, however, has had to face the problem perhaps more often than any other southern city. It was this fact that led Mayor J. E. T. Bowden to call the first annual convention of the mayors’ ‘92 Ohio State 393.
association of the South Atlantic and Gulf states, in Jacksonville, January 18, 19 and 20, 1916.
Private organizations have often sup- , plied the method for dealing with certain social problems of public significance, and in this particular case the way had been paved for dealing with this question by a committee on charitable transportation of the National Conference of Charities and Correction. In conjunction with the Russell Sage Foundation this committee has worked out a transportation agreement that has now been signed by over 600 cities and societies throughout the country. By its terms no charity transportation of any form is to be granted until it is definitely established by other means than through the applicant’s statements that the applicant will have at the point of destination, such resources as will insure his condition being materially benefited by the change in locality. One of three conditions must be fulfilled before it can be adjudged that the applicant’s condition will be bettered: He must have at the point of destination a legal residence, or friends or relatives who will care for him, or a position awaiting him in which he can earn a living.
The purpose of the mayors’ convention, as the meeting in Jacksonville came to be called, was stated in these words, “to consider the best methods of handling the


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traveling dependent and to adopt rules and regulations, prohibiting sending such from one city to another.” Early in its session a committee brought back a proposed model ordinance which incorporated, word for word, the national transportation agreement, and made it obligatory upon any city, which might subsequently adopt the ordinance, to fulfill the terms of the transportation agreement in the issuance of charity transportation. This was adopted by the convention as the principal feature of its proceedings. A copy of it was sent to every society and charitable organization in Georgia, North and South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida. Subsequent to the convention, this ordinance was passed by a number of the cities. Exact results are not available, but such cities as have passed it are the larger centers. The vast number of smaller places throughout ■ these states have not as yet taken any definite stand.
The general practice of the railroads has been to issue a straight two cent mile rate on the recommendation of the mayor or some charitable organization in the city from which the transportation is to be secured, to any point lying within the area of the southeastern passenger association. The social results have been very bad indeed. It is actually easier for the dependent to travel from city to city in the south, especially if he is maimed or disabled so that he may become a successful beggar, than it is for him to live in one particular spot. For example, recently a crippled beggar who had lost both of his limbs in an accident, rolled into our office on a wheeled contrivance of his making, and asked for assistance. Upon being interviewed he disclosed the fact that within the past two years he had passed through 102 southern cities, the names of which he remembered, besides others, doubtless, which he had forgotten. In practically all of these cities he had found it possible, after begging a few hours, to secure through someone, cheap rate transportation to the next town.
Bad as the effect of this haphazard way of passing on dependents has been upon
the homeless men, it is much more disastrous, of course, in its effect upon families where there are little children. Some months ago a mother and seven little ones arrived in Jacksonville, having been passed on by a smaller town a little farther down the state. Her story was that they had arrived in the former town penniless, and that kind-hearted people had taken up a collection with which to send them to Jacksonville. The associated charities attempted by every means, so long as their legal residence could not be established anywhere else, to plant them firmly here, but it seemed that for years they had been travelling from one place to another, living in a hand to mouth fashion upon the mistaken generosity of the public, and it was only a few weeks after they came in spite of the fact that they were being assisted materially and otherwise, that between night and morning, the whole family disappeared to go on its wandering, precarious way.
The south is literally full of such famines. They have become detached from their own locality and have found that city after city will gladly take up a collection for them, or secure relief from the city officials, sufficient to send them to the next town to avoid making a real investigation, or providing any systematic method by which they can earn or otherwise be furnished a real livelihood.
It was, however, not so much the effect of this haphazard policy upon the homeless men and families themselves that caught the attention of the mayors and social workers who met at the convention, as it was the tremendous expense ultimately involved. The testimony of such societies and cities as have signed the transportation agreement, is that the taking of this step, even without a reciprocal agreement on the part of many other cities, has meant an immediate saving in money. It has been demonstrated that an attempt definitely to plant the transient family in the new community, and to realize its economic and social possibilities is less immediately costly to the city, in the average instance, than the sending of the family on to the next town.


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It is impossible to calculate the still greater saving which would result providing all southern cities should adopt the principles of the transportation agreement, and thus, not only protect themselves from the expense of wholesale issuance of charity transportation, but also refrain from burdening sister cities through the passing on of paupers.
A much more rapid method of making progress is that suggested by the action taken by the trunk line passenger association of the east, and the central passenger association, which operates out of Chicago. That taken by the former prohibits railroads from issuing charity transportation except on the recommendation of the society which is a signer of the national transportation agreement. The same principle has been adopted by the central association, only in this case the united charities of Chicago is alone accredited for such issuance. Were the southeastern association to adopt this principle it would materially hasten complete co-operation among the southern cities through the universal signing of the transportation agreement.
The whole question was up before the southeastern association early in 1916, but no definite action was taken. The feeling seemed to be that the granting of transportation only on the basis of signature to the transportation agreement could not be enforced at the present time owing to the small number of such signers throughout the southern states. However, this consideration of the question has paved the way. It may be possible that by working at both ends the difficult situation can some time be met. Meanwhile, among themselves, the charity organization societies of the south are living up to the agreement. Occasionally they are also able to secure control of granting of transportation in their respective cities by securing close co-operation of the city government, even though the cities are not signers of the agreement. This is notably true in New Orleans, and Munroe, Ala. In still other cities, even where the city is a signer, it has been found to be satisfactory to have a private organ-
ization make the investigations and administer transportation under the law. Examples of this are to be found in Jack-son, Columbia, and Jacksonville.
This regulation of charity transportation is only one of the first steps in the long struggle which will be necessary before the transient family and the wandering homeless man are made social phenomena of the past. Our loose social organization, the comparatively few opportunities in small towns for proper industrial training and vocational guidance, and many other facts, contribute to the causes which uproot individuals and family groups from localities, and start them wandering about over the country in the hope of securing real or imagined advantages. However, the spirit which is now working so strenuously for the systematic regulation of charity transportation is the spirit which will eventually save us from more fundamental social difficulties.
Homer W. Borst.1
*
The College in Politics.—A rather novel illustration of what a college may do for the cause of good government is found in the recent experiences of Reed College in Portland, Oregon, where the college provided speakers on the initiative and referendum measures in the election of 1916 to sixty audiences reaching perhaps one-fifth of the registered voters.
The ballot presented eleven measures covering a wide range of issues, such as registration of ships, single tax, rural' credits, variations of prohibition, antivaccination, Sunday closing laws, single item veto, normal schools, and tax limitation. To form an adequate decision on these measures demanded a vast amount of information and research.
The task of spreading this information over the whole city was truly great. It was approached in the following manner: For a month prior to the campaign, five members of the faculty and seventeen students from the departments of politics, sociology, economics and publie speaking formed themselves into a group for the purpose of studying the measures. Spe-
1 Associated charities, Jacksonville, Fla.


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cial committees of research were appointed on each measure. The group then met at regular intervals and discussed the measures from various angles. As a result at the end of a month they felt pretty thoroughly prepared to present the measures adequately and to answer the thousands of questions that were sure to come. A publicity agent and manager were appointed by whom circular letters were sent out to the various clubs and organizations of the city offering the services of the college speakers. As a result, during a campaign of six weeks, speakers addressed sixty audiences averaging seventy individuals in the audience. If each individual in the audience on the average discussed the measures with five other individuals, the Reed College speaker probably reached one fifth of the registered voters. This is a conservative estimate, for in Oregon before an election there is a great deal of discussion on the measures between individuals. Furthermore, these meetings covered the area of Portland fairly thoroughly. There were really few individuals in the city who did not live within three quarters of a mile of a place where a meeting was held. The meetings were held in school-houses, churches, settlement houses, community centers, club houses, libraries, fraternity halls, private homes and hotels. Usually three speakers addressed each meeting for perhaps an hour and a quarter. Questions and discussions followed for an hour. The discussions were generally lively and sometimes were a little warm for the speakers, inasmuch as there were partisans or specialists on a particular issue in the audience.
This activity was of very great value for the cause of intelligent voting, as the information was thorough, accurate, unbiased and spread widely. It was also of educational value to the speakers. It is also a precedent showing that a college’s activities need not be confined to the classroom and the athletic field, but rather that a college may enter polities and speak on political, social and economic issues. William F. Ogburn.
Reed College.
American Political Science Association and Municipal Government.—At the
meetings of the American Political Science Association held at Cincinnati during the last week of December, two sessions were devoted to the discussion of municipal government. At the session of Thursday, December 28, Henry M. Waite, city manager of Dayton, gave an interesting address on “Three Years of Commission-Manager Government” in which he laid particular emphasis on what had been achieved in the humanitarian departments of the Dayton administration; such as promotion of public recreation, interest in music, and the general awakening of civic interest in things worth while. Hon. Henry T. Hunt, former mayor of Cincinnati, read a carefully prepared paper on “The Obstacles to Municipal Progress,” in which he dwelt upon the difficulty of transforming civic ideals into concrete realities of administration. Ex-Mayor
Hunt’s address, which was of a most interesting character, will be published in the American Political Science Review.
The foregoing papers were discussed by Dr. Robert C. Brooks of Swarthmore College and by Dr. L. D. Upson of the bureau of governmental research, Detroit. There was a further discussion from the floor in which Professor John A. Fairlie of the University of Illinois, Professor Edgar Dawson of Hunter College and Professor Henry Jones Ford of Princeton University took part.
On Friday, December 29, there was a luncheon conference on “Bureaus of Reference and Research as Aids in the Teaching of Political Science.” Professor S. Gale Lowrie of the University of Cincinnati presided. Short addresses were made by Professors Lowrie, F. G. Bates of Indiana University, W. B. Munro of Harvard University, Charles A. Beard of Columbia University and R. T. Crane of the University of Michigan. It came out very plainly in this discussion that the problems confronting a bureau of research in connection with a university were altogether different from those of bureaus maintained for cities either under public or private auspices.


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Community Giving.—Gifts in money or in art treasures, reaching a grand total of $300,000, have been recently presented to the city of Denver by her citizens. When Mayor R. W. Speer re-entered office last May he announced that one of the chief adornments of the civic center should be a Court of Honor to Civic Benefactors, ■where all gifts of moment would be recorded in stone. This announcement awakened a sense of civic patriotism, of which the gifts that followed were merely the expression.
Mr. J. A. Thatcher, a pioneer banker, gave a $100,000 fountain, designed by Lorado Taft of Chicago. The heirs of Junius F. Brown, a pioneer merchant, presented paintings valued at $100,000, which had been collected by the merchant during his lifetime. John C. Shafer of Denver and Chicago, a newspaper proprietor of Denver, presented a $50,000 painting. Various individuals and business concerns raised $50,000 for a monster pipe organ in the municipal Auditorium. Another citizen gave $20,000 for an ornamental entrance to the city park, and still another $10,000 for an ornamental gateway. One citizen presented $5,000 for bubble drinking fountains in the business district. And these, apparently, are but the forerunners for greater gifts, for a citizens’ committee is now being organized to raise funds for a municipal art gallery on the civic center.
W. F. R. Mills.1 *
Secretary’s Trip.-—The secretary of the National Municipal League left Philadelphia on January 23 for a trip which occupied twenty-four days and included visits to Austin, Waco, Fort Worth and Dallas in Texas; Kansas City and St. Joseph, Mo.; Topeka and Lawrence, Kansas; Chicago, 111.; Milwaukee and LaCrosse, Wis.; Minneapolis, Minn.; Davenport, Iowa City and Des Moines, Iowa.
Most of his 29 addresses were before business bodies, although four state universities were included in his trip: Texas,
1 Manager of improvements and parks, Denver, Colo.
Kansas, Minnesota and Iowa. The secretary reports a very general interest in the city-manager form of government as embodied in the model city charter of the National Municipal League, also in the subject of city planning as involving preparedness along governmental, material and social lines. Everywhere he found a deep interest in the control of the liquor traffic through prohibition. He further reports a general and enthusiastic response to the recent announcement of the League’s determination to take up for constructive consideration the questions of county and state government. While in Topeka he had an extended interview with the governor of Kansas, the Hon. Arthur Capper, a long-time member of the League, who is not only interested in the city-manager form of government, but in the suggestion of a state manager to look after the various state institutions and bureaus.
*
St. Louis Outer Park and Boulevard System.—The recent approval of a three million dollar road bond issue by St. Louis county, makes possible the development of the outer park and boulevard system advocated since 1907 by the St. Louis civic league. The movement has had a rocky career for nine years, with obstacles thrown in its way by the legislature, the supreme court and city officials. It was once defeated in a popular election, largely because of the feeling that the city would be taxed for the benefit of the county (St. Louis being entirely separate from the county). While the voting of the' bonds will not make possible the purchase of the scenic reservations contemplated in the original plan, it will at least provide boulevards and highways connecting the city and suburban towns with the chief scenic areas on the three rivers which bound the county. The county is planning to employ an expert engineer to conceive the plan in the spirit of city planning.
*
Instruction of Policemen.—In 1915 Raymond B. Fosdick of New York gave a course of six lectures to the police of


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Washington. There were two lectures to sergeants and patrolmen on methods of patrol, use of weapons, methods of supervision, etc., two .were devoted to the detectives on matters relating to their department, and two to the higher offices of the department, all illustrated throughout with references to European methods. Mr. Fosdick has been invited by Professor William Bennet Munro of Harvard to deliver the same addresses to the policemen of Cambridge, and especially to consider criminal identification, methods of patrol and supervision, and the scientific detection of crime. This course has been inaugurated at Harvard at the suggestion of Mayor W. D. Rockwood of Cambridge.
Plans for the establishment of a school for policemen and another for firemen of San Josd, Cal., are being made by City Manager Thomas H. Reed. The courses for the firemen will include lectures by prominent fire chiefs and experts from the coast, and will include administration and practice in climbing, jumping and rescue work and study of the lighting methods. The policemen will be required to make a study of the ordinances of the city and the laws of the state and of the whole penal code, and will also be given a thorough training in first aid work. One of the most important parts of the course will be the study of criminal identification, including finger prints, the Bertillon system and the modus operandi of the system.
The faculty of the law school of Northwestern University has offered a course of systematic evening instruction to the members of the Chicago police force.
Members of the faculty of Columbia University, including Professor Gifford, Emory R. Buckner, Dr. Bernard Glueck, and Professor McBain, are giving a course for the policemen of New York City, in which more than five hundred members of the force are enrolled.
*
Motion Pictures of Recreation Activities.—Park Commissioner Raymond V. Ingersoll of Brooklyn1 has shown what can be done through motion pictures in bring-
lA member of the Council of the National Municipal League since 1909.—Editor.
ing to citizens a vivid impression of actual conditions and activities in a system of parks and playgrounds. During the summer of 1916, more than 3,000 feet of films were taken under careful supervision. It takes about one hour to show these films. They were first produced at the Triangle theatre, Brooklyn, at an entertainment at which all the employes of the park department were present. Since then the department has responded to scores of invitations to have the pictures shown in the public schools and before various organizations. As Brooklyn has a large area, a population greater than that of Philadelphia, and more than 40 separate park and playground properties, these pictures are serving to show to the people certain existing opportunities for wholesome outdoor recreation, with which very few are completely familiar.
The pictures show some of the picturesque landscape in Prospect park, on the boulevards, and along the shore fronts. There are also illustrations of interesting park operations, such as the spraying and pruning of park and street trees. The chief emphasis, however, has been placed upon active recreation. Three hundred tennis courts in Prospect park are shown in active use as are also 25 baseball diamonds at the Parade grounds. Boating on Prospect park lake and winter skating on this lake and on the small artificial ponds, which have been built in various parts of the borough, make scenes full of life and activity. Pictures are shown of games and dancing in the playgrounds; and interesting views are given of children in the wading basins, swimming pools and on the Coney island beaches. Views of the children’s farm gardens are particularly picturesque and appealing.
*
The League of Iowa Municipalities has
heretofore had no special legislative funds, but this year it is asking the different cities and towns, members of the league, to paj' from $5 to $20 according to their population, to pay the expenses of the legislative committee and employ a man at Des Moines to read all bills and see that they do not have anything in them that would


1917]
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be detrimental to the cities and towns. This man will also keep track of each bill as it is reported by the different committees and see that after the bill is reported by the committee that it has nothing inserted that would be detrimental to the cities .and towns.
In writing of this work, Secretary Pierce of the Iowa league says: “I might state that the Iowa league of municipalities probably gives more time to legislative matters than any other league, as we feel that in a way we represent the people and that it is up to us to look after their interests as opposed to the interests of the corporations’ special interests, who usually have large lobbies at the legislature to see that their interests are taken care of.”
*
The Texas City Planning Association
met in Sherman, February 8. There was an attendance of over 400 from northern Texas and southern Oklahoma, in addition to the 600 Sherman people. The Dallas News is now featuring the papers that were read. It is expected they will be published in pamphlet form.
*
“New Jersey Municipalities,” devoted to efficiency and progress in municipal administration, is the title of the official organ of the New Jersey state league of municipalities. The editor is Claude H. Anderson, who is in charge of the bureau of municipal information conducted jointly by the Princeton University library and the New Jersey state league of municipalities. In addition to being well arranged, the magazine is well printed which adds to the pleasure of its reading.
*
“The Modem City” is the title of a new “international magazine” published by the League of American Municipalities as its official magazine. Its editor is Robert E. Lee, the secretary of the organization. The first number, which contains 64 pages, is profusely illustrated and contains the pictures of the mayors of the leading cities of the country and the officers of the League.
This publication bears the same title as another publication published at Indian-
apolis, of which J. Ewing Cowgill is editor, volume 2, number 1 of which bears the same date as the first number of the first mentioned publication. The Indianapolis publication is designed according to its publishers “for thinking people who live in cities.”
*
Municipal Year Book of the City of New York.—Eight thousand copies of the 1915 edition of this book edited by Dr. C. C. Williamson were sold in 1916. As a text-book it has been used extensively in the schools and colleges of the city and by those preparing for civil service examinations.
*
Public Health Notes.—The American Journal of Public Health carries a department of reports and notes giving the more important developments in the field of public health. The same publication is carrying on a bureau of information which readers of the National Municipal Review are at liberty to resort to and which they will find most helpful.
*
A Woman Council.—Umatilla, Oregon, has the unique distinction of having a legislative body composed entirely of women, due to the fact that the women’s ticket defeated the men’s ticket at the recent election. The new mayor, Mrs. E. E. Starcher, defeated her husband for the office.
*
Fairhope, Alabama, the oldest single tax community in the United States, celebrated its twenty-second anniversary on January 22.
*
Professor William Bennett Munro has
been appointed by Governor McCall of Massachusetts, chairman of the committee to prepare information for the use of a constitutional convention to be convened this spring. His colleagues are Roger Sherman Hoar of Concord, and Prof. Lawrence B. Evans of Medford. These appointments are made upon the authority of an act which has just passed the legislature empowering the governor to appoint a commission of “three learned


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and discreet persons, whose duty it shall be to compile such data as may seem desirable for the use of the delegates to the convention and to transmit it without comment or expression of opinion.”
*
Lawson Purdy, the president of the National Municipal League, spoke in Pittsburgh before the chamber of Commerce at luncheon, and before the civic league at a dinner on February 5, and on February 26 in Cincinnati before the council of social agencies. On March 5, 6 and 7 respectively he spoke at Rochester, Syracuse and Colgate universities.
*
James H. Wolfe, of Salt Lake City, a member of the council of the National Municipal League, has been appointed assistant attorney general of Utah.
*
H. G. Hodges, of the department of politics and municipal government. Western Reserve University, has been chosen secretary of the recently appointed committee to investigate the city manager plan and its availability for Cleveland.
*
James H. Quire, formerly secretary of the Berkeley city club has become legislative reference librarian in the state library at Sacramento. J. R. Douglas of the political science department of the University of California has succeeded Mr. Quire as secretary of the club.
*
Winfred B. Holton, Jr., formerly assistant director of the New York bureau of municipal research, has been appointed director of the San Francisco bureau of governmental research.
*
John Ihlder, for a number of years field secretary of the National Housing Association and later superintendent of the Ellen Wilson homes of Washington, has been made secretary of the Philadelphia housing commission.
*
Dr. L. G. Powers, former chief of the division of wealth, debt and taxation of
the census bureau is giving instruction in statistics at the University of Wisconsin.
*
Charles Mulford Robinson has been appointed city planning adviser to the city of Greensboro, North Carolina.
*
William B. Howland, since 1904 treasurer of the American Civic Association and from 1910 to 1911 a member of the council of the National Municipal League died suddenly while sitting at his desk on February 27. Mr. Howland, a lifelong publisher, is perhaps best known for his connection with The Outlook, although latterly the owner and publisher of The Independent. Mr. Howland was a forceful and stimulating coadjutor with all the modern forward movements. Although a member of the council of the League for only one year, he was a member of numerous committees and was always available for advice and suggestion. He gave freely and effectively of his experience and inspiration. Warm-hearted and sincere in his personal relations, he will be missed by a wide circle of friends and acquaintances in the various organizations with which he was actively identified.
A meeting in memory of Mr. Howland was held at the National Arts Club, New York, Friday afternoon, March 2, with J. Horace McFarland presiding. Among the speakers were Hon. Alton F. Parker, Lord Aberdeen, Dr. Albert Shaw, Ernest H. Abbott of The Outlook, John DeWitt Warner, Herbert S. Houston, George Kennan and the secretary of the National Municipal League.
*
Robert D. Jenks, for a number of years chairman of the council of the National Civil Service Reform League, died January 24, after a short illness. Mr. Jenks was connected with the old Philadelphia municipal league and for a number of years was a member of the National Municipal League, although the bulk of his active work was in connection with the National Civil Service Reform League.


DEPARTMENT OF PUBLICATIONS
I. BOOK REVIEWS
Justice to All. The Story of the Pennsylvania State Police. By Katherine Mayo. With an Introduction by Theodore Roosevelt. New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons. 8-J x 5b pp. 364. Illustrated. $2.50.
The Pennsylvania state police was created by an act approved on May 2, 1905, by Governor Pennypacker. The history of the force organized under this law is told vividly and with enthusiasm by Katherine Mayo in this volume. It is the story of a little band of picked men whose energy, courage, resourcefulness, and devotion to “the finest thing in the world” mark them as an organization unique in the United States.
Major John C. Groome has been superintendent of the state police since the beginning, with undivided responsibility for every phase of the work. The troopers pass a rigorous physical and mental examination, and then are taken on probation for four months, during which time they receive instruction in the criminal, forestry and game laws of the state. At present all except five members of the force are honorably discharged soldiers from the United States army.
The schooling of the trooper by no means ends with his four months of probation. On the contrary, recruits’ schools, troop schools, and non-commissioned officers’ schools are held in every barracks four times weekly. In these various classes are studied criminal law, criminal procedure, the laws of evidence, detective work and psychology, the game, fish, forestry, and automobile laws, police duties, including conduct of patrols, the manner of making arrests ana preferring charges, etc., detailed sectional geography of the state, discipline, deportment, the preparation of reports, vouchers, and official communications, care of equipment, stable hygiene, diseases of the horse, and horsemanship. And the man in his sixth term of service is as strictly kept to his own grade of class-work as is the newest novice. Regular mounted and
295
dismounted drill, and frequent target practice are also obligatory.
Appointments to the higher positions are made only from the ranks, and the men are enlisted for a term of two years.. There is no instruction book or manual, dependence being placed on regular military discipline and the occasional promulgation of general orders by the superintendent. For these troopers there is no guard house and no second offence; a first offence entails dismissal, for the superintendent means what he says. Politics plays no part where this force is concerned; the men maintain a strictly impersonal attitude toward the people, and are never stationed long enough in one section to form sympathetic connections. They understand perfectly that “the state police has no purpose save to execute the laws of the state.”
The question—“What good could two or three state policemen be to a whole country?”—which was raised at the inception of the state police, has been effectually answered by their record of accomplishment. The force seems omnipresent. Its 230 men cover the state, tracking criminals, putting out forest fires, preserving order during strikes, delivering a terrorized section from the grasp of the Black Hand, catching horse thieves, guarding against violations of the game laws with a rigor unknown in local constables and wardens, patrolling the waste places between town and town, and otherwise filling in the gaps left by the uncoordinated authorities of city and state. The book teems with records of clever detective work followed by unceasing pursuit of the offender until he is found— and apparently he is always found. After that he is seldom left unconvicted, for the state trooper knows what constitutes a. crime, and is skilled in the proper presentation of evidence before a justice.


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[March
The book is an indirect plea for such an organization in other states. It quotes state and city officials, heads of large corporations, and individuals in private life, who express a belief that the security of life and property, particularly in the rural districts, has measurably been increased in Pennsylvania within the last twelve years; this without taking into consideration the socializing influence emanating from the presence of an organized body of highly trained and disciplined men who are unflinching in the line of their duty.
Miss Mayo has approached her subject rather from the standpoint of the history and the usefulness of the state police than from an impersonal, scientific standpoint. If any adverse criticism could justly be made of her book it would be that it is a bit too eulogistic in tone. The work is plainly that of an outside observer who was favorably predisposed toward the subject. While the book clearly indicates the potential value of such a force to any community, it is in no sense a guide, except in the most general way, as quoted above, for the organization and training of similar forces in other states. No attempt is made to form a comparison as regards scope, training, equipment, personnel, or the number of convictions obtained as against the number of arrests made, between the Pennsylvania state police and, for instance, the French Gendarmerie or the Italian Carabinieri or even the Canadian Northwest mounted police. The reader is left with the impression that the state police is an excellent institution, but he remains in the dark as to just how good it is in comparison with older and more experienced organizations of the same general nature.
Raymond B. Fosdick. New York City.
*
Woman's Suffrage by Constitutional Amendment. By Henry St. George Tucker. New Haven: Yale University Press. $1.35.
The author is not concerned, according to his own statements, with the question of woman suffrage. He has simply
chosen the proposed amendment to the constitution, providing for woman suffrage as an excellent example of an “attempt to break down that just equilibrium between the federal and state governments.”
The author does not claim that the constitutional amendment would violate any principle of law, written or unwritten. “My plea,” he says, “is for the preservation of the integrity of the constitution in all of its parts as the surest guarantee of liberty for the American citizen.” Therefore the constitutional suffrage provisions; that the qualifications for voters for the house of representatives and senate be the same as the qualifications for the voters for the most numerous branch of the state legislature; and that each state appoint the electors to vote for the president and vice-president, should be carefully maintained.
These provisions, Mr. Tucker claims, give the states exclusive and full power over suffrage. But Madison, the author of these clauses of the constitution, interpreted them as giving the states control at the outset, but as reserving to congress the power of control over suffrage.1
The fourteenth amendment, which defines United States citizenship and reduces the basis of representation of those states which deny the right to vote to certain citizens, and the fifteenth amendment, which prohibits the states from denying suffrage on account of color or race, show that the federal government has already acted to some extent within this field and has been upheld by the courts.
Nor was it a principle of the just division of the suffrage power between national and state governments which determined the suffrage provisions of the constitution. “We have most abundant proofs that the question” of suffrage regulation was “a matterof merestate policy,” in that a reduction of the various state suffrage qualifications would have thrown “a great embarrassment in the way of the adoption of the constitution.”2
Even if we agreed that these provisions gave the states the full power over state and federal suffrage, and that the makers
1 Speech at Virginia Convention, 1788.
2 Stoiy, Commentaries on the Constitution,p. 404.


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of the constitution founded these suffrage provisions on a principle of division of powers, would we agree that the preservation of these regulations was the “surest guarantee of liberty”? Evidently not, for we have already amended the provisions relating to the election of the president and senators, nor would anyone argue that the present provision defining the method of electing the president should not be changed because it would “impeach the integrity of that instrument.” Many changes have been made and many more will be made as new conditions arise, that were “clearly never intended by the makers of the constitution.” Are the pure food and drug acts endangering that just equilibrium between federal and state governments or would the federal laws concerning military education? These questions as well as the question of suffrage must be decided on their own merits and not on the grounds of some theory respecting the “integrity” of the constitution.
Mr. Tucker presents only one argument, in discussing the question on its merits, which is based on the principle that, “The nearer the government comes to the man—the closer it touches him in his home life—that there his power should be greatest for the protection of his home and his rights.” Thus, “in those matters in which all are equally interested, the federal government should act for all, but in matters in which each locality alone is interested no outside power should be permitted to interfere.” We agree with this general theory, but does it help us separate federal from state functions in the questionable fields? Certainly the federal suffrage would by his own theory be a matter for federal control. Also local improvements, restrictions as to dogs and fences, as he says, are purely local and should not be controlled by the federal government. But where is the line to be drawn between national and state governments in the field of commerce, education, suffrage and taxation, for instance? This theory of local self-government does not show us, nor has he given us any other material that goes toward the solution of 7
this, the real problem of state rights and local self-government, to say nothing of establishing the view that the control of suffrage is given or should be given entirely to the states.
M. P. Bassett.
New York Training School for Public Service.
*
City Residential Land Development— Studies in Planning. Edited by A. B. Yeomans, Landscape Architect, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Pp. 138. 75 half-tone and color illustrations. $3.
A selection of twenty-seven plans from a larger number submitted by architects and landscape architects in a competition recently instituted by the city club of Chicago are shown in this most attractive book. The terms of the competition called for a comprehensive plan of a layout for residential purposes of a typical quarter-section in the outskirts of Chicago. The competitors were asked to submit descriptive texts with their drawings and these have been printed along with the selected plans. The report of the jury and critical reviews of the plans from social, economic and esthetic points of view by Carol Aronovici, William B. Faville, Albert Kelsey, Irving K. Pond, and Robert A. Pope are also included.
The form and makeup of the book are unusually good. The plans are large and carefully printed. The type is of a size which makes the book attractive for reading and the aggregate of the illustrations and explanatory texts combined, make the whole book an accomplishment of which the city club may indeed be proud. It is unfortunate, but to be expected, considering the limitations of the competition and the unique character of the problem, that so many of the plans shown fail both in the technique of execution and in a grasp of the essentials of a problem of this character. Perhaps the most valuable and interesting portion of the book are the reviews by Messrs. Aronovici, Faville, Kelsey, Pond, and Pope, which conclude the volume. The book should


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NATIONAL [MarchMTJNICIPAL REVIEW
prove interesting to the real estate man, the architect, the engineer, the sociologist and hundreds of others, who see in a proper solution of such problems as are embodied in this one, an opportunity for bringing into the lives of the great mass of city dwellers, more wholesome family life, larger opportunities for recreation and play and fuller enjoyment of social and esthetic pleasures.
George B. Ford.
New York City.
*
A Social Study of the Russian German. By Hattie Plum Williams. A thesis presented to the Faculty of the Graduate College in the University of Nebraska in partial fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. University of Nebraska, Department of Political Science and Sociology, Lincoln, Neb.
Hattie Plum Williams has begun an interesting study of one of our least known immigrant groups in her work “A Social Study of the Russian German.” This, as the author points out in her introductory note, is but a part of a more detailed study which will appear later under a slightly different title.
This particular group of immigrants comes from two provinces in Russia which were settled in 1763 by Germans at the behest of Queen Katherine of Russia who offered them in return for their settlement of the Volga provinces of Saratow and Samara immunity from military duty, religious freedom and continuation of German schooling for the young. The status of these colonists was greatly changed by the Serf Act of 1861 and we find in the early ’70’s that they were beginning to emigrate to America. We find their settlements in Kansas, Nebraska and the Dakotas.
Mrs. Williams shows very clearly and ably that the group which settled in Lincoln, Nebraska, is an exception to the sociological rule that passage-paid immigrants are an undesirable class. This semi-rural settlement of Russian Germans is highly moral, religious, thrifty and very cleanly. The thrift is shown by the fol-
lowing: of those who have been in America over five years, 60 per cent own their own homes, of those here for less than five years, 8 per cent own their homes. One wishes that here Mrs. Williams had given some idea of the value of these homes as well as the wealth of detail about number of rooms, size of lots, number of summer kitchens, etc.
From the first part of this book one gathers a fair idea of picturesque communal life transplanted from the Volga. The second part deals with ‘‘Birth and Death, Marriage and Divorce.” It is a wealth of detail and statistics interesting chiefly because the author seeks to establish a working basis for the compilation of future and more reliable figures. Pervading the study is a carefulness of method and an attempt at accuracy which is highly commendable. It is regrettable that more and similar studies are not being made of our smaller and less well-known immigrant settlements throughout the country.
Nellie M. Reeder. Wellesley, Mass.
*
Our America: The Elements of Civics. By John A. Lapp. Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Company. $1.25.
Elementary Civics. By Charles McCarthy, Flora Swan and Jennie McMullin. New York: Thompson, Brown and Company. 75 cents.
These two text-books are to be added to Dunn’s “The Community and the Citizen” as encouraging sign-posts, pointing the way out of the Valley of Dry Bones where the teaching of formal civics in both elementary and secondary school has been slowly shrivelling for the last two decades.
The Lapp book is the larger of the two, and hence finds space for a fairly adequate discussion of the elements of civic welfare such as the protection of life and property, the safeguarding of health, provision for education, recreation and civic beauty, as well as means of communication and transportation, the promotion and control of business, the care of dependents. There


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are interesting chapters on conservation and on the keeping of records, besides the usual chapters on the legislative, executive and judicial branches of government. Despite a chapter on “Some Rural Problems,” this text-book is primarily one for urban rather than rural schools. For the latter, one must go to a text like Field and Hearing's “Community Civics”— which should have been called “Rural Civics.”
The Lapp book is well equipped with such indispensable accessories as excellent illustrations, suggestive questions for investigation and discussion, and a number of useful appendixes among which is one on “Where to write for further information.” Brief bibliographies accompany each chapter, the most of which are for teachers or for upper high school pupils. However, as a whole the book may be used most profitably in the junior high school. Fortunately, it is so planned and written as to meet the interests and needs of boys and girls of that age, to whom the appeal is coming to be made most strongly by the teachers of the new “Community Civics.”
The McCarthy, et al., book1 is especially strong on the historical side; in fact, its historical excursions come rather early, before the pupil has laid a basis for them by acquiring a fairly good knowledge of things as they are. A trip “From the Cave Dweller to Modern Boston” is rather startling for the unprepared youngster to take in four pages, even though he stop at a picture of the Boston Public Library on the way!
Seriously, the book is written in the new spirit and with the new viewpoint, and its illustrations, its questions for discussion and its appendixes are commendable. If it were only twice as long, more consecutively planned, and better balanced in its historical perspective, it would deserve to stand high in the estimation of teachers of elementary civics. Here’s hoping that the second edition may appear soon! J. Lynn Barnard.
Philadelphia School of Pedagogy.
1 See National Municipal Review, vol. vi,
p 134.
Municipal Engineering Practice. By A. Prescott Folwell, Editor of Municipal Journal. New York: John Wiley and Sons. Cloth; 6 x 9 in.; pp. 422; 113 illustrations. $3.50 net.
Drawing from a wide range of experience and data gathered as engineer, professor and editor, the author presents a little of the theory and much of the practice of municipal engineering. The volume contains little on water-works, sewers or paving, since these subjects have been fully treated elsewhere. It deals with the population growth of cities; the elements of city planning; sidewalks and other street details; bridges and waterways; city surveying; street lights and Rigns; street cleaning; garbage and refuse collection and disposal; public markets, comfort stations and baths; parks, cemeteries and shade trees. As a whole, the book is for engineers and heads of administrative departments, but it contains much information well within the understanding of any intelligent citizen. The illustrations are truly illustrative and of wide appeal.
*
The Breweries and Texas Politics. Volumes I and II. 1605 pages.
These two volumes contain the testimony developed in the prosecution by the state of Texas of various Texas breweries for violations of the anti-trust law of the state and the use of their corporate funds and assets in elections in violation of both the general and specific statutes as well as the constitution. The evidence consists mainly of letters, telegrams and documents as well as the oral depositions of the brewers. The defendants in effect pleaded guilty to the charges brought and accepted a fine aggregating $281,000, together with the expenses incurred by the attorney general and the court costs amounting to $8,000. Moreover, all agreed that their charters be forfeited. If there were any doubt as to the participation of the brewing interests in politics, the facts set forth in this testimony would quickly and effectively dispel the idea.


Full Text

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW 1917 Editor CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF Associde Editors ALICE M. HOLDEN HERMAN G. JAMES HOWARD L. MCBAIN C. C. WILLIAMSON VOLUME VI JANUARY, PP. 1-200 JULY, PP. 449-555 MARCH, PP. 201-343 SEPTEMBER, PP. 586-658 WY, PP. 324-448 NOVEMBER, PP. 659-763 PUBLISEED FOB THE NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE THE RUMFORD PRESS CONCORD, N. H. I917 BY

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW ~ ~~~ VOL. VI, No. 2 MARCH, 19 17 TOTAL No. 22 POLITICAL PARTIES IN CITY GOVERNMENT: A RECONSIDERATION OF OLD VIEW POINTS* POLITICS AND CITY GOVERNMENT BY CHARLES AUSTIN BEARD Columbia University1 HE theme assigned to me, obviously, could be viewed from many angles. It would not be a transgression of the limits of the sub. T ject if I were to make an excursion into utopian politics and sketch a new “City of the Sun,” assigning to political parties their proper pIace in my dream-made republic. Should I devote the time allotted to me to this profitless undertaking, I should start out by saying with the great chief justice, John Marshall, that nothing more debases and pollutes the human mind than partisan politics. When we see men otherwise just and fair in their judgments vilifying, maligning, and slandering their opponents, even in unimportant political campaigns, those of us who are not enamoured of billingsgate are moved to exclaim that political parties have no place at all in a rational society. But this would be a vain flying in the face of the hard and unpleasant facts of life and a vain longing for the impossible. ‘See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL &VIEW, vol. vi, p. 172. * EDITORIAL NOTE. One of the most stimulating discussions at the SpringfieId meeting of the National Municipal League was that of the timehonored question of nonpartisanship in municipal affairs. The whole subject was reexamined in the light of recent experience, and from new standpoints. The several addresses and the discussions are reproduced in sequence, although some are much shorter than others and really should appear under the head of short articles. Some of the papers deal with theory, some with actual experience in cities where non-partisanship has been legally adopted by the city, or as in Chicago, where it has been forced as an issue by the municipal voters’ league. All of the men participating in the discussion have been actively identified with 201

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202 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March Viewing the subject from a practical angle we may inquire whether the issues which divide men and women into national parties are issues which have any relation to municipal questions as such. The facile reformer usually answers in the negative. It is true that there seems to be no connection between ship subsidies, tariff, labor ,legislation, farm loans, and kindred matters and the problems that arise in our great urban centres. Superficially there is none. But I cannot be too emphatic when I say that not a single one of our really serious municipal questions-poverty, high cost of living, overcrowding, unemployment, low standards of life, physical degeneracy-can be solved, can be even approached by municipalities without the co-operation of the state and national government, and the solution of these problems calls for state and national parties. No big vision of this mighty nation as it is to be can exclude from its range an economy which is both urban and rural, one and truly indivisible. Of course, speaking practically there is no real division between the Republicans and the Democrats on municipal issues. The usual slogans the League in various capacities and are deeply interested in the promotion of honest and efficient democratic government in our cities. The only paper which was not presented at Springfield is that of Mr. Hull, but it is pertinent to the discussion and gives the views of a public-spirited officeholder who has been interested in municipal affairs for many years. Mr. Hull has served aa a member of the Illinois house of representatives and is now a member of the Illinois state senate. He was formerly a member of the council of the National Municipal League and is the founder of the Morton Denison Hull prize for post-graduate students in municipal government, which the League has been offering now for some years past. Professor Beard is associate professor of politics at Columbia University. W. D. Lighthall is the honorary secretary of the Union of Canadian Municipalities and was at one time mayor of Westmount, a city near Montreal. Mr. Dougherty was not only a lifelong friend of Seth Low, but has been identitied with practically all the important movements for the improvement of municipal conditions in Brooklyn and Greater New York. John J. Murphy has been commissioner of tenements for a number of years and was at one time secretary of the citizens’ union of New York. Robert J. Bottomly is the present secretary of the good government league of Boston. A. Leo Wed is the president of the Pittsburgh civic league and was in the forefront of the investigations and prosecutions which cleaned up the noisome mess which the old condition of affairs made possible and almost inevitable. Robert S. Binkerd has been secretary of the city club of New York for some years and prior to that was secretary of the citizens’ union. Professor Albert Bushnell Hart is the Dorman B. Eaton professor of government at Harvard. In introducing Professor Beard, President Purdy said: “We are to hear to-night a discussion of political parties in city government. It is very appropriate that the first speaker should be a professor of politics. And that leads me to say a very few words on a hobby of mine: You will doubtless recall that the word ‘politician’ is commonly used to describe one who knows nothing of the practice and theory of government, and the term ‘politician’ is used to describe, perhaps, those whom you have been taught to abhor and with whom you are unfamiliar. Personally, I would desire to rescue the word ‘politics’ from those connotations and to dignify the word ‘politician’ so as to mean what it really does mean: a person skilled in the art of government. The gentleman who will address you teaches persons to understand the art of government: Prof. Charles A. Beard.”

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19171 POLITICS AND CITY GOVERNMENT 203 of economy, efficiency, and good management are accepted by both of them. No party is willing to advocate waste, ineficiency, and bad management. The Socialist party is the only party that has a complete program of public economy which includes national and state and city issues. That is a program of collectivism, public ownership and operation of the great utilities or economic processes upon which all depend for a livelihood. We may or may not approve of that program, but we cannot deny that it is a consistent municipal, state, and national program. Neither can we deny that the Socialists are both logical and sound, from their point of view, when they insist upon maintaining a municipal party organization and linking it up with the state and national organization. Insisting that not a single great problem of social economy is purely or even primarily municipal, the Socialists rightly stick to a unified party organization. Up to the present time, however, they have been almost negligible factors in most of our great cities, and as we are not here concerned with prophecy or speculation we may leave them out of account. I have said above that there is no real division between the Republicans and Democrats on municipal issues, but I do not mean that issues create parties. On the contrary I think the causes of party division lie deeper than superficial paper declarations of party principles. Issues are more frequently pretexts than causes of partisanship. That profound statesman, Alexander Hamilton, said in the convention that framed the constitution of the United States: “All communities divide themselves into the few and the many. The first are the rich and the well-born, the other the mass of the people. ” I think we have in that laconic statement more information on the place of political parties in municipal government than in all the literature that has been issued by the reformers since the foundation of this republic. Disparity in the kinds and distribution of property, as the father of our constitution, James Madison, said, is the most fundamental cause of parties and factions in all ages and all places. Of other cities I have little knowledge, but I know something about the history of parties in the city of New York, from the days of Jefferson to the days of Mitchel. By a long and painstaking study of election returns, ward maps, occupations, and wealth distribution, I arrived at the conclusion that the first great party division in New York city-that between the Federalists and the Jeffersonian Republicans-was a division between “wealth and talents” on the one hand and the masses on the other hand. Anyone interested in the facts will find them on pp. 383-387 of my Economic Origins of Jeffersonian Democracy. The studies I made for that work have been carried forward with great skill, accuracy and ingenuity by one of my colleagues, Mr. Dixon R. Fox, who has now completed the maps of the elections by wards down until 1840. He finds that in every great contest the “wealth and talents” were in the main with the Federalists or later the Whigs, while the masses were Democrats. I believe that

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204 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March fundamental division exists to-day in our great northern cities. I do not mean tosay that there are not wealth and talents in the Democratic party, but I do contend that the center of gravity of wealth is on the Republican side while the center of gravity of poverty is on the Democratic side. Anyone who wants official confirmation of this view may read President Wilson’s New Freedom. Of course in the smaller cities like Des Moines, Iowa, or Dayton, Ohio, where the area of the great industrial proletariat is not large and where distinctions of group and class are not marked, the materials for party divisions are not so obvious and so persistent. In the south cities are few and new, and there are special problems. As Plat0 and Aristotle long ago pointed out where there is similarity and approximate equality of property interests, there unity and stability may take the place of divisions and contests.. To anyone really interested in the profound philosophical problem set by the theme of my paper I commend a long and prayerful study of Aristotle’s Politics. There he will find more genuine information on the subject than in all the books that have ever been written on American government. Speaking, therefore, not as a prophet or an advocate, I should say that parties are inevitable and unavoidable in modern society. By that I do not mean to say that the corruption and excesses which have characterized political organizations in our great cities will continue unabated. On the contrary, I look forward with confidence to a diminution in corruption, partly on account of the increasing number of independent voters who cannot be counted upon to follow slavishly the dictates of leaders, but mainly on account of the fact that the opportunities for corruption are now materially reduced. There will be no more boards of “forty thieves” in New York disposing of Broadway franchises, not because we are better than our fathers but because the Broadway franchise has been disposed of and made perpetual. With more than 95 per cent of our surface railway franchises granted in perpetuity in New York city we may feel reasonably secure from the attacks of franchise grabbers masked as party organizations. In other words, to use academic terminology, the law of diminishing returns has set in against municipal corruption in its grosser forms, and so we may expect to see an increasing number of the so-called “interests” becoming good and non-partisan. They are like Great Britain. Having possession of the earth, she is for peace and the status quo. Certain financial groups in New York that formerly looked with kindly toleration on Tammany, having “got theirs, ” are now for efficiency and economy. Providence works in mysterious ways His wonders to perform, and those who are weary of Tweed rings and gas scandals may look forward with confidence and hope. The age of great graft in our cities is over; we have eatenour cake. We shall be bothered with pettygraft, but that is not

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19171 POLITICS AND CITY GOVERNMENT 205 so dangerous to public morals. But we shall have parties for such a long time in the future that we need not make our last will and testament now. If this analysis is correct then those of us who dwell in large cities must arrange to live and work with parties. Rural villages may experiment with “non-partisanship. ” From what I can gather from newspapers and gossip with visitors from non-partisanship cities of any size, the abolition of city parties by statutory devices is a delusion. Perhaps some of the delegates from Boston will inform us whether there are any Democrats or Republicans in the city government there. Of course some one will rise up from Dayton and tell us that utopia is there, but some of us skeptics from the east must be pardoned if we do not rewrite our entire political science in the light of three years’ experience of an Ohio city, whose population is about equal to the annual increment in the population of New York. I know of nothing more amusing than the report of the first trial of the “new non-partisan election system” in San Francisco, reported by the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW in its first number. The reporter told us that the results of the same were “generally considered satisfactory,” and then proceeded: l‘A candidate has but to secure ten electors to take the sponsor’s oath, to get his name printed on the primary ballot. No candidate succeeded, however, unless he was backed by a large organization. Six such organizations took part in the contest: the municipal conference, the good government league, the Republican, Democratic, Union Labor, and Socialist parties. The first four combined on James Rolph, Jr., a prominent shipowner, as a candidate for mayor and had many other candidates in common. The Union Labor party put forward Mayor McCarthy and a straight ticket. The Socialists named Wm. McDevitt.” Surely an Irishman wrote this account of a “genuine, non-partisan ” election under a non-partisan law. In fact, I am prepared to defend the thesis that non-partisanship has not worked, does not work, and will not work in any major city in the United States. We have plenty of non-partisan election laws designed to smash party organizations. We also have direct primary laws designed to take nominations out of the hands of party leaders. I think these laws have in many instances put a wholesome fear in the minds of political leaders, but I do not believe that they have permanently reduced the power of the expert political minority that manages public affairs. To come right down to practical conclusions, I should make the following summary: (1) that the causes of parties lie deeper than election laws or most so-called issues; (2) that the causes of parties being social and economic, we must expect the continued existence of party organizations in our municipal affairs; (3) that the task before the reformer is not the enactment of non-partisan laws but the development of legislation and public opinion which will make parties responsible for. their conduct of municipal government; (4) that fusion is a temporary process better cal

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206 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March culated to frighten and educate partyleaders than to develop a unified and well-planned city administration; (5) the independent, self-directing citizens are relatively few in any community or party but education will widen that number and from them we may expect a check upon the party extravagance which has disgraced so many of our cities; (6) that men who want wise and just government in cities are likely to do as much good by co-operating with parties and insisting upon the establishment of sound party policies and genuine party responsibility as they are by running to the legislature for newnon-partisan election laws; (7) that there is a power, not in legislation, that worketh for righteousness.

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THE ELIMINATION OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN CANADIAN CITIES BY W. D. LIGHTHALL, K.C. Montreal HE reason why I am called to address you to-day is that I come from a land whose people, in a true and profound sense, are part T of your people, bone of your bone, sinew of your sinew, speech of your speech, spirit of your spirit; who, pervaded with the atmosphere of ideals and circumstances of this continent are, in the broad meaning, as American as you; and who, in their origin and growth, are in substance an overflow of the population of these United States. Before the revolution, New England people had begun to found what are now our provinces, and after the revolution the great basis of our population was laid by the loyalist refugees from every state, and by perhaps an equal number of others than loyalists who followed the rich opportunities of our territory. Even to-day one of the best and largest sources of our immigration is the stream of hundreds of thousands of American farmers who have taken up our western lands. I might go further, into a historical digression, and show that the British Empire, itself, had its origin among those same men of vision who gave birth to the idea of the united colonies. Both of those ideas began together before the revolution. It was our common American ancestors who dreamed them-the greatest political visions in the world. It is, therefore, not surprising that our municipal institutions are essentially American-essentially on the same patterns as your own, with differences rather of experimentation and local accident than of structure. One of those local accidents is a very fortunate one-the elimination of political parties from our municipal politics. In this, perhaps, we may contribute something to your information, just as we constantly learn innumerable things from your municipal experience. Between Canada and the United States there is a great contrast in this matter. We see with astonishment such things as Republican or Democratic control in the governments of your cities, tickets of candidates representing Republicans or Democrats, the evils of general party rancour introduced into local affairs, and too often we hear of the spoils system playing an only too important part in the result. In Canada, on the other hand, a party ticket in municipal affairs is unknown. A man’s party opinions may gain him some votes, but merely in the same way as his association. with the masons or the independent order of moose have made him some incidental friends The mere suggestion that party strife entered into 207

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March the matter would arouse strong opposition among the voters and in most cases the candidate would be fain to publicly repudiate the suggestion in order not to lose his election. In short the introduction of party issues and shibboleths nearly everywhere in Canada is regarded as a dangerous and outlawed principle. Certainly it was not so in our early municipal elections, eighty years ago, which were of a highly spicy and unladylike variety. Now, on the contrary, it is a fair statement that the elimination of party politics is B universally accepted sentiment. It is supported by all influential newspapers and strongly in favor with all classes of people. Its strength lies in the fact that it has become an attitude of mind, firmly fixed by habit. It certainly produces very beneficial results-a greater freedom and insistence upon the personal fitness of the candidate, a much reduced difficulty in finding really suitable candidates, and a sense that a candidate, once elected, is tied to no group of men, at least on party grounds. But the chief advantage is that it severs the municipal policy from all sorts of state and federal considerations. It thus enables a municipality to come before its legislature standing on the merits of its demands. Municipal politicians sometimes form groups among themselves, and sometimes municipalities are the victims of baneful influences and rapacious groups in the legislatures. But at least their difficulties are immensely simplified by the fact that the party question is nil. Internally, within municipalities, this freedom has made it easier to choose officials, and has everywhere made their standing a life tenure of their positions. It has also rendered it possible to have unanimity in councils over many measures and policies, based on untrammelled individual opinion of the aldermen, and it has enabled a municipality, when affected by pending legislation of the legislatures, to assemble to its aid the best men of all parties. The most striking and sweeping results have been rendered possible for the unions of municipalities in preventing legislative encroachments by corporations, and thefts of their rights and franchises by those charter sharks who infest all lobbies. The Union of Canadian Municipalities-the great general association of the cities and towns of Canada-has sometimes to fight the passing of some statute encroaching upon franchises or other rights of one of its numbers, or even of some municipality not in its membership, perhaps even some very weak and small municipality. In the federal parliament of Canada such bills are sometimes brought forward. But on every occasion where a fair case exists, the union counts on untrammelled combination of all the best elements of both parties, and invariably obtains a victory, in which the name of either party is scarcely so much as mentioned. The same process goes on before the provincial legislatures (corresponding to those of your states), before which the Just how this has come to be is somewhat difficult to determine. It is not to be gainsaid that several evils remain.

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19171 ELIMINATION OF POLITICAL PARTIES provincial branches of the union take up similar matters, and whatever difficulties they may have with commercial groups or chartersharks, there is almost invariably the same absence of the suggestion of party. It is unnecessary to catalogue all the other beneficial results. Now, from the modest acquaintance I have with American municipal affairs, based mainly on a long association with the National Municipar League and other American municipal bodies, and also partly on ~1 constant reading of the newspapers, I know that many of your municipal experts sometimes envy us this advantage, and wonder how it can be introduced in the United States, and added to your long list of important, municipal triumphs. Let me make only two remarks on that question,-First, that, whatever be the method, the object should be to attain a habit of public mind against the continuance of the party system. In Canada it rests upon a habit of public mind acquired during the past half century, and favored no doubt by the fact that our party methods have never attained such completeness of system as your own. They have never come down to such refinements as your party tickets. The second point is that, whether the process be long or short, simple or difficult,-and there is no doubt it will be difficult,-I have absolute confidence in the American people, in their ability to achieve any idea. The elimination of party politics will come to you as it has to us, sometime,-and within a reasonable time. The struggle for it is not a hopeless one, and ought to be pursued systematically with optimism, and having as its set purpose the gradual creation of the necessary habit of public thought. As the representative here of the Union of Canadian Municipalities, I bring you the profound congratulations and the absolute sympathy of the Canadian people in all your splendid work.

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SETH LOWS SERVICE IN BEHALF OF NONPARTISAN CITY GOVERNMENT BY J. HAMPDEN DOUGHERTY * New York City HE death of Seth Low brings vividly to mind a picture of progress His success as mayor of T Brooklyn in enforcing business principles in office gave his native city a distinction that was nation-wide. He himself seemed to personify the leading doctrines of municipal reform, many of which he put into practice before there was any statutory mandate to do so. Today, independent voting is common; even the lines of cleavage between national parties have, except as to the tariff, almost disappeared. Since New York state by constitutional amendment provided for the election of city officers in different years from those set apart for state and national elections, voting in municipal elections takes place without thought of its effect upon national or state issues. Before Seth Low first ran for mayor in Brooklyn, fealty to national parties was so absolute as to make it almost party treason to vote for other than party candidates for municipal office. It requires an effort of memory of the older voter to recall, and vigor of imagination on the part of the younger to appreciate, the despotic hold of party regularity upon the voter of that time. Independent voting has traveled a vast distance within a generation. Prior to the first Low campaign the subject of municipal government had received scant attention. The overshadowing issues of the civil war and of reconstruction and the necessity for placing the currency upon a sound basis and for the re-establishment of the gold standard, dwarfed all other political considerations. Meanwhile, scandals in city government became shamefully common with the increase in number and population of cities and the unlimited opportunities afforded to selfishness and greed to prey upon the body politic. Accumulation of city debts began to threaten city bankruptcy and taxation weighed oppressively upon city inhabitants. City problems were discussed in the New York constitutional convention of 1867, but without practical result. A commission appointed in 1877 by Governor Tilden madeareport upon the misgovernment of cities, and the remedies therefor. Misrule in cities, it said, in city government during 35 years. 'A contemporary of Low and like him a former resident of Brooklyn; independent Democrat; active for many years in a5rmative movements for political reform. Served for a time (under Mayor Low) as head of the department of water supply, gas and electricity of New York city; member of New York city charter revision committee appointed by Governor Hughes. 210

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19171 SETH LOW’S SERVICE 211 was due to the incompetence of governing boards and officers, the intro,duction of state and national politics into municipal affairs and the assumption by the legislature of direct control of city matters. The chief remedies proposed were separation of local and national elections and restriction of the power of the legislature to interfere by special legislation with the conduct of municipal affairs. In 1880 Brooklyn was a hot-bed of political independence. The Garfield election was perhaps won in Brooklyn. Garfield carried New York state by a plurality over Hancock of 21,000,2 per cent of the state’s total vote, and this success is to be ascribed in no small degree to the labor of the newly organized Young Republican club of Brooklyn, of which Seth Low was president. In the local gossip of the day the club elected Garfield. In the following year it decided to turn its attention to city affairs with the hope not only of rescuing Brooklyn from control by a corrupt ring, but of setting up and establishing the principle that cities must be run upon a non-partisan basis. No officeholder could be a member of the club, and any member who accepted a nomination for any office thereby lost his membership; hence it could not be made to subserve the ambition of men seeking political place. The club was thoroughly organized in every ward of the city and had behind it a vote of sufficient numerical strength to make it a deciding factor in the election. Mr. Low’s death makes it fitting that the leading incidents of this dramatic campaign should be told. He had previously been asked to become the candidate of the Republican party for mayor, but unequivocally refused, and definitely to put an end to all talk of his candidacy, renewed his membership in the Young Republican club, which he had dropped after Garfield’s election, thus virtually making it impossible for him to accept any nomination. On October 17, 1881, at the call of a few prominent citizens irrespective of party, a vast assemblage met in the Brooklyn rink and after listening to a series of resolutions favoring nonpartisan city government and to stirring addresses by Henry Ward Beecher and others, nominated for mayor Ripley Ropes, a well-known citizen who had rendered splendid service in local office a few years earlier. On October 19 the club adopted. resolutions approving the Ropes nomination and recommending to the Republican city convention the favorable consideration of his name for mayor. The chief spokesman for these resolutions was Seth Low. They were enthusiastically carried and the president of the club, Horace E. Deming, appointed LOW one of a committee to present them to the Republican city convention. The McLaughlin ring defiantly answered the citizens’ challenge by renominating James Howell, the existing mayor, and the independent Democrats nominated General Henry W. Slocum. When, on October 21, the Republican city convention assembled to nominate candidates, Mr. Low’s committee appeared and presented the

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212 NATTONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March. resolutions of the Young Republican club. Perhaps the tensest moments in the proceedings were those in which one of the ablest and most adroit of the Republican leaders asked Mr. Low whether if Ropes were nominated by the Republican convention and elected mayor he would “accept the nomination as a Republican, with all the political obligations which that implies,” and in which Mr. Low replied that he would answer in the words of Mr. Ropes himself: I will use that high office in the fear of God, for the interests of all citizens, high and low, rich and poor, friend and foe.” The cleverness, the composure, the sang+-oid shown by young Low, a political neophyte, in discussion with veteran politicians, and his simple but earnest words will not easily be forgotten-at least by the author of this sketch. The convention might perhaps have been stampeded for him, had he betrayed even momentary hesitation. It finally nominated Benjamin F. Tracy, a lawyer of distinction, breveted a brigadier-general for notable service in the civil war. With the presence of Ropes and Tracy in the field there was imminent danger that the great powers of appointment given to the incoming mayor under the Schrceder act of 1880 would become the prize of the ring which, as the Eagle well said, had “in times past plundered Brooklyn’s treasury, corrupted her judiciary, fomented ruffianism and made elections mere farces. ” To avoid such a disaster Mr. Ropes retired from the canvass and at a meeting representative of both political parties Mr. Low was substituted as the citizens’ candidate. General Tracy simultaneously resigned the Republican nomination, and in doing so commended Low to the consideration of the Republican convention. The convention accepted Tracy’s resignation and named Low. The Young Republican club released him from his duties and obligations as a member and requested him to “accept the nominations txadered in this unprecedented manner. ” In accepting the nomination of the citizens’ committee, Mr. Low said: No man could wish to stand as mayor on a nobler platform than that embodied in the preamble to the resolutions adopted at the citizens’ meeting on Wednesday evening. If elected I pledge myself to discharge the duties of my high office “in the fear of God and not of man, and with an eye single to the best interests alike of the poor and the rich, the high and the low, friends and foes,” and to administer the affairs of the city upon strict business principles. Slocum also decided to withdraw and the contest was narrowed to a. fight between Howell and Low. In the spirited canvass which ensued, Howell was defeated by 4,192 votes. By this close margin Brooklyn set up non-partisan city government. Of this election the Brooklyn Eagle aid: “If Mr. Low will give the city two years of business-like adminisration, his successor, whoever he may be, will not be able to reverse that policy without the odium of being a public enemy.”

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19171 SETH LOW’S SERVICE 213 In office Mr. Low applied the principles embodied in the citizens’ platform. The Schrceder act gave him power to appoint his leading subordinates, not, however, the power of removal, but Mr. Low exacted from each of his appointees a resignation ready for instant use at any time; and while the civil service law was still a permissive measure as to cities, he accepted and applied its provisions as thoroughly as though they were mandatory. He kept a vigilant supervision over proposed legislation at Albany inimical to the city’s welfare, and at the same time succeeded in winning from political enemies the support necessary to insure the passage of the measures which he fostered-such, for example, as the Evarts act of 1883, which enabled the city to collect several millions of dollars of arrears of taxes. His appointments were of a high order; he reformed the public educational system, putting it in charge of a board of education of the highest efficiency, and instituted a system for granting municipal franchises under which they were adequately paid for. In a short time the metamorphosis in city government was surprising. Brooklyn became a city like a light set upon a hill, known and honored all over the land. In the fall of 1883 Mr. Low was re-elected mayor after a vigorous campaign in his behalf the brunt of which fell upon the Young Republicans and thus Brooklyn secured two years more of efficient government. When consolidation between New York city and Brooklyn was voted, Mr. Low was designated by Governor Morton as one of the commissioners to frame a charter for the greater city. His influence in its formation, while not dominating, was strongly felt. He was the citizens’ candidate for the mayoralty of the greater city at the first election under the new charter, and his nomination was a remarkable tribute to the man. In the triangular contest between him, Tracy, the Republican candidate, and Robert Van Wyck, the Tammany candidate, Tammany was successful but the vote for Mr. Low greatly exceeded the vote for Tracy. Their united vote, had it been cast for Low, would have made him mayor. Then followed four years of Tammany misrule, which aroused such a revulsion of feeling that citizens irrespective of party combined to nominate and elect Mr. Low. Unhappily, the revised charter of 1900 had reduced the mayor’s term to two years. It is difficult in a few words to sum up the accomplishments of that all too brief period of business government. There had previously been conferred upon the mayor ample power to remove his appointees, the extension of the civil service law had relieved him from many of the importunities from politicians which he could not altogether escape while mayor of Brooklyn, and the new constitution spared him those visits to Albany to head off possible adverse legislation-which he graphically described in the chapter on city government, written by him for Bryce’s “American Commonwealth ”-because all bills affecting the city before

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214 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March they could be passed upon by the governor had automatically to be submitted to the mayor for approval or non-approval. Vast projects were conceived, begun and partially executed during his term, in relation to rapid transit, the city’s water supply, its docks and bridges, and the entrance by tunnel of the Pennsylvania railroad into the heart of the city itself. Jurisdiction over franchises was taken from the board of aldermen and vested in the board of estimate, in which the mayor, the comptroller and the president of the board of aldermen exercise a virtually controlling vote. The history of the greater city under Mr. Low was that of a giant corporate business, managed with unusual skill, and as the mayor had full accountability for the choice and retention of department chiefs and was chairman of, and an influential factor in, the board of estimate, the success of the administration was primarily due to him. With all proper abatements, government under Low attained an eminence entitling it to be regarded as the high-water period in the city’s affairs. A brief retrograde movement followed, but after the success scored under Low, Tammany could never again descend to the infamy of the Van Wyck administration. Reform begets improvement, even if the movement is not continuously progressive, for former odious conditions will never again be tolerated and cannot be fully restored. If the Low administration be judged in the light not only of what it actually achieved but of evils the recurrence of which it has rendered impossible, its accomplishments are notable indeed. In almost any other country Seth Low’s official service would have covered a long period of consecutive years. In Germany or England, for example, his continued re-election to the mayoralty of a city like Brooklyn would have been a certainty and promotion to the mayoralty of a greater city would have inevitably followed upon its formation. Had his preference been for other political place, the chance of preferment would have been at his call. It is only we in the United States who seem incapable of duly assessing the service rendered by able and disinterested citizenship. The loss thus sustained by the community defies calculation. For a number of years Mr. Low was president of Columbia University and while in that office, after having refused President McKinley’s tender of the post of minister to Spain, he accepted an appointment at the hands of the same president as delegate to the first international conference for the promotion of peace, which convened at The Hague in the spring of 1899, his fellow delegates being the Honorable Andrew D.. White, then minister to Germany, the Honorable Stanford Newel, minister at The Hague, Captain Mahan, Captain Crozier and Frederick W. Holls. For many years he was deeply interested in the cause of labor, was often the arbiter chosen by the labor interests, and in the last nine years.

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19171 SETH LOW’S SERVICE 215 of his life acted as president of the National Civic Federation. A quiet, unobtrusive but effective worker in the great domains of charity and education, the range of his activities far surpasses public knowledge. His final public service was as chairman of the cities committee of the constitutional convention of 1915, to which he was elected a delegate at large with a vote exceeding that given to any other delegate. His appointment to the chairmanship of the cities committee was a proper acknowledgment of his exceptional fitness for the office. The words with which he opened his presentation of the committee’s report to the convention are a bitter commentary upon the difEculty that besets every effort of cities to attain home rule. He wondered, he said, if any of his hearers realized that in 45 years we had made no substantial progress in relieving the legislature of the necessity of dealing with local matters or in granting to cities more control of their local affairs. According to the Evarts commission of 1877, 808 acts were passed by the legislature of 1870; 212 related to cities and villages, 94 to cities, 36 to New York city alone. In 1915 the legislature passed 729 bills, 222 relating to cities and villages, 182 to cities and 76 to New York city alone. While the measure of home rule reported by his committee failed to satisfy many home-rule advocates, Mr. Low doubtless felt it was all that public opinion would support and he worked earnestly but vainly for its success. Professor Sloane has alluded to Mr. Low’s remarkable memory that enabled him to pronounce in extempore fashion a speech requiring an hour or more for its delivery. This may help to explain the uniformly superior character of his public utterances. In the second campaign in Brooklyn, his appeals for the continuance of business government, backed up and re-enforced, as they were, by facts and figures, were of a high order and carried conviction into the hearts of his auditors by their obvious sincerity. He was, perhaps, the most felicitous speaker who ever occupied the chair of mayor of the greater city. His address in 1902, upon the presentation to Prince Henry of Prussia of the freedom of New York city, evoked spontaneous praise from the press of that day. Mr. Low was quick to perceive the essential point of an argument or a bill, and much of the business sagacity that made his father one of New York’s merchant princes was in the son employed to safeguard the city’s interests in complex business contracts. In one of his earliest campaign speeches he quoted with approval the maximum of the old Latin poet--“in the middle of the road you will go safest,” and added, “I have not been a man of extremes and do not expect to be.” Temperamentally he was predisposed towards compromise, and what at times seemed like the lack of high civic courage may have been wise caution. It is a misfortune that with his great and exceptional experience in city affairs he never published any monograph upon city government except the brief chapter He was an equally good campaigner in 1901 and 1903.

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216 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March contributed by him to the first edition of Bryce’s “American Commonwealth. ” It may be that had he lived he would have produced a comprehensive and illuminating treatise showing how and to what extent cities may properly be emancipated from state control. Such a work would have been a splendid capstone to his life. Varied and interesting as were his occupations the chief, of which he laid the foundations in early manhood, was city reform. In the history .of city government he will be remembered as the great pioneer-the man who first demonstrated in a practical way the immense gain to the people of a city of having its affairs conducted upon a strictly non-partisan basis.

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NON-PARTISANSHIP IN MUNICIPAL AFFAIRS AS ILLUSTRATED BY NEW YORK EXPERIENCE BY JOHN J. MURPHY New York Citv EARLY a quarter of a century since, a group of high-minded citizens of New York evolved a theory of municipal governN ment based upon a perfectly logical principle. Had they been less high-minded they might have been suspicious of the very fact that it was perfectly logical. No perfectly logical principle functions efficiently when applied to human affairs. Were it otherwise John Jay Chapman would be the greatest politician in the United States for no one has more relentlessly applied logic to the solution of governmental problems. Instead of holding such a position, he is merely the high exemplar of a small group of men who admire above everything else, nobility of character and consistency of purpose. The theory was that, although men might differ on political questions, all decent citizens were a unit in favor of good government and honest administration. Under the leadership of the late Seth Low, of venerable memory, this idea won its greatest public favor in 1897. Although he was defeated for the mayoralty, he polled 150,000 votes for the idea. True, he was elected in 1901, but the fundamental idea of 1897 was sacrificed to achieve the victory, for of the allies who came together to overthrow Tammany in that year, not 20 per cent even pretended to any faith in the non-partisan idea. Eighty per cent of the participants were simply a coalition of revolting Democrats and of Republicans who saw no other way of inflicting a defeat on their party rival. Their ideals of government were little, if anything, higher than Tammany’s; they were the strictest kind of party men. At what point did the logical principle break down in application? Simply in its failure to properly take into account the basis of parties and partisanship. The assumption that parties exist to advance the ideas with which they are identified in the public mind, is almost wholly erroneous. Parties take up ideas to keep themselves alive. The Republican party is sometimes supposed to exist for the perpetuation of the principle (save the mark) of protection. As a matter of fact the Republican party takes up protection as one means of keeping itself going. So the Democratic party at one time seemed to exist to advocate the remonetization of silver. But the relegation of that idea to oblivion did not cause the party to disintegrate. 2 217

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218 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March Parties take up issues as a merchant replenishes his stock; when the public demands something new, the merchant brings out the new fashions. The primary purpose of the party and the merchant is the same, to make a living. Parties have an existence entirely independent of the principles they advocate or profess. The basis of their life is the association of like-minded men, men who can combine for effective action, men whose attraction for one another is on the whole greater than their repugnance to each other. If this thought be kept in mind, the brief existence of new parties will be understood. New parties spring up to advocate ideas, which for the time being are strong enough to tear men away from old associations. These ideas are either rejected, enacted into law or stolen by one or other of the regular organizations. Then the components of the new party seek their old alignments. When, therefore, non-partisanship in municipal affairs was tried, under leaders as unselfish as any who have ever led such a movement, men found themselves thrown into association with other men with whom they were not congenial. The Republican mind and the Democratic mind, when thrown into juxtaposition, even for so unimpeachable a cause as good government, generate antagonisms. Hence the constant tendency was to fly apart. What we have seen in most non-partisan movements (so-called) is really a coalition of minority groups to defeat an opponent stronger than any one of them, but unable to defeat them all combined. Were any of these groups in the majority it would not consider nonpartisanship as a principle of action for a moment. Fusion movements are often useful and practicable, but they should not be confounded with non-partisan movements. They are omni-partisan rather than nonpartisan. All men who have any positive qualities are partisans. After many years of belief in and struggle for, the realization of the non-partisan idea, I am forced to admit that it runs counter to a natural law which is stronger than logic. The old struggle of the realist and the idealist, the head and the heart, efficiency and humanity, the imperialist and the democrat, inevitably wrecks any attempt to combine these antagonistic elements into a permanent movement.

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THE NON-PARTISAN BALLOT IN MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS A CONSIDERATION OF ITS ADAPTABILITY TO CHICAGO’ BY HON. MORTON DENISON HULL Chicago HE following is quoted from an editorial in the Chicago RecordHeruld, of January 18, 1914: T What is the matter with Boston? Her own newspapers and citizens admit that something is wrong in the cultural hub. Not long ago Boston adopted a modern charter and scrapped her old municipal machinery. The Massachusetts non-partisan ballot is famous : many cities are cryingforit. . . . Boston has just had a local election and the wrong candidate was chosen mayor. There was no partisan fight: the good citizens had every chance; but too many of them failed to vote. The great middle class was vainly appealed to. The election to which the foregoing editorial quotation refers was the election for mayor of Boston held a few days prior. At that election a Mr. Curley was elected mayor. Mr. Curley had been the head of a socalled Tammany organization in Boston, modeled after that of New York. Some years ago he passed six months in jail, under a sentence imposed by a federal court for impersonating another man in taking a United States civil service examination. His opponent, Mr. Kenny, had worked himself up from the humbler ranks of life and had made an honorable record as a member of the common council of Boston. It is unnecessary to go into the records of these men further. It is sufficient to say that, according to the Record-Herald, it is generally admitted in Boston that “something is wrong in the cultural hub.” It is unnecessary to go into a prolonged diagnosis of the disease that afflicts the city of Boston. This isn’t the first time it has been noticed in Boston and it isn’t confined to Boston alone. It is the same old disease that has afflicted popular government in all our large cities for many years -the disease that in its outward form manifests itself as inefficient and 1 This article was published in the spring of 1914 and circulated as a campaign document in a hotly contested aldermanic election in one of the wards of Chicago in which the attempt was made to make the non-partisanship of one of the candidates and the fact that his name appeared on the ballot by petition rather than as a party nominee the issue of the campaign. Both this candidate and his principal competitor, a Republican, were highly commended by the municipal voters league. The party candidate won by a decisive vote. 219

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220 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March dishonest city government. We are appreciating its presence here in Chicago, and many sincere reformers are offering as a remedy the total abolition of the party circle, and non-partisan municipal elections. Will it help the situation? Does it offer any relief? A few years ago a group of public-spirited citizens of Boston thought it would help Boston. They saw, as our friends are seeing, the evil of having national political party prejudices intruding themselves into our local city elections. What place has the tariff or the currency question in our city elections? None, of course. And so they thought if national parties were eliminated from city elections-indeed, if all parties were eliminated, and the party circle abolished and a candidate allowed to run only on his personal fitness, and under his own name, and not under the name of any party, all would go well-and Boston would be redeemed. And so they abolished the party ballot and have had two municipal elections on the non-partisan plan. And in both of these elections the unfit candidate for mayor has won. The first of these candidates was “Honey” Fitzgerald, elected four years ago over James J. Storrow, both Democrats in national politics. The second was Mr. Curley, just elected over Mr. Kenny, both being Democrats. These results have been a disappointment to the friends of the non-partisan municipal ballot, as indeed they should be to all friends of good government. Abstractly considered, it would seem as though the non-partisan ballot had every argument in its favor. But in two mayorality elections in Boston, it has sadly failed of the expectations of its friends, and I think we may safely say, failed to give to Boston any better government, so far as the office of mayor is concerned, than the old party ballot. Why? The first of these lies in the size of the electorate of Boston. Associated with this factor of the size of the electorate is the simple fact of human nature, which everyone must recognize, that the vast majority of men respond to motives of self interest far more quickly than to motives of the public good, or to any motive which is diffused and general and not of immediate personal application. The result is that the forces which have demoralized the popular government of our cities, and which after all are only the forces of self interest which hope to profit in various ways through political control, are mobilized far more quickly in political campaigns than the forces which stand for the public service. In smaller communities this handicap is not so serious to the forces of good government. Though the time between nominations and elections may not be long, there is frequently time enough to create an effective organization for the better Candidates. Furthermore, the civic interest of the citizen is greater in the smaller community because he feels that his share in the result is larger. In the smaller community he is usually a property owner, The answer was clear. We will venture to suggest a few reasons.

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19171 NON-PARTISANSHIP IN CHICAGO 221 while too frequently in the city he lives in a flat and moves from year to year. As a result independent candidates may, and frequently do, make winning campaigns in our smalIer municipalities. But in cities of the size of Boston, with an electorate of 125,000 voters, or of Chicago, with an electorate of several times that number, this public inertia is a real handicap, as the experience of Boston seems to prove. How then can this difficulty of overcoming the public inertia be met? Obviously by not waiting till the last moment and until nominations have been made, in organizing your forces for battle. In practical experience this means by having your organization in existence long prior to nominations and elections. On account of the frequency of our elections this, in effect, means that the organization for mobilizing your electorate in political campaigns must be a permanent one. It must have ward leaders and precinct leaders. It must ramify to every part of the community, if it is to be an effective fighting force. But just as soon as you have created this kind of a machine, you have created a political party, and it makes no difference whether you call it Republican, Democratic, Socialist, citizens’ union, or fusion, or non-partisan party. The forces of self interest which have corrupted our politics know this. They know the need of combination and organization in winning victories and they get together very quickly, wherever self interest dictates. Unless the good citizens will do likewise, they cannot expect to win. Perhaps it will be said that it is not the existence of parties that constitutes the evil; but the intrusion of national party prejudices into local elections, and that what we ought to have is local municipal parties. Perhaps this is the answer. Perhaps we should have municipal parties in our municipal elections. But if this be so, we should be logical and should go through with our reform to the end. We should recognize that the citizen of Chicago is an elector in five distinct popular governments overlapping each other. He is a citizen and elector in the popular government of Chicago. He is a citizen and elector in the popular government of Cook county. He is a citizen and elector in the popular government of the sanitary district of Chicago. He is a citizen and elector in the popular government of the state of Illinois, and he is a citizen and elector in his national government. If the intrusion of national parties is an unmitigated evil in the business of the city of Chicago, it is equally so in the business of Cook county, in the business of the sanitary district, and in the business of the state of Illinois. What has the tariff or the currency question to do with any of them? If the non-partisan ballot will bring us a better city government, why should we not have it in Cook county elections, and indeed, in every one of these elective governments in which we are voters. If, however, it fails in big cities for the reasons we have suggested; and if, as a consequence, we must conclude that the difficulty of mobilizing your electorate without organization necessitates

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222 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March parties, but that these parties should be separate and distinct from national parties, then with some force it may be said that they should be distinct from each other, in every one of these several popular governments in which we are voters; that city parties should be distinct from state parties, and county parties and sanitary district parties. If the intrusion of the political questions of one of these popular governments into the elections affecting the others is an evil to be met only by separate political Organizations in each, then our good citizen must be burdened with a multiplicity of political organization which he simply will not and cannot carry. As a matter of experience he finds his friends and those who think with him, interested in practically the same party in all elections, and thinks that one political machine is enough for all. He may be wrong. It may be he ought to maintain separate and distinct political parties for each of the several popular governments in which he votes. But what he ought to do and what he will do are two different things. In experience it is safe to say your good citizen will refuse to carry the burden of five distinct political parties in Chicago. Perhaps some one will cite the experience of New York in electing John Purroy Mitchel, a Democrat, mayor over Judge McCall, Democrat and Tammany candidate, as an instance of a successful non-partisan campaign in a large city. The voters of New York who are overwhelmingly Democratic in national politics, disregarded party designations in the result. It ought to be remembered, however, that it was not ti non-partisan campaign in the sense of abolishing the party ballot or disregarding the use of party organization. Mr. Mitchel was elected by a fusion of existing party organizations. He was in fact nominated by the Republicans, the Progressives and the citizens’ union party of New York, and his name and the names of the other fusion candidates appeared in the separate columns of each one of these parties on the ballot, and their party organizations were used to the limit in bringing the voters to the polls. Even at that he could not have been elected, except for the political folly of the Tammany organization and its leaders in impeaching Governor Sulzer. This instance forms no precedent for the non-partisan elections which disregard the need of organization to achieve results. I have tried to suggest that the problem of mobilizing the electorate for something more than the experience of good purposes and defeated efforts, means organization and organization means parties. I have tried to suggest, too, that if national parties are a bane in other than national elections, the difficulty is more or Less inherent in the situation. One thing, however, is obvious. We have complicated the situation by too many elective governments. We ought to abolish the sanitary district altogether, and absorb its powers and obligations in the city and state Theoretically he is wrong. In one sense it was.

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19171 NON-PARTISANSHIP IN CHICAGO 223 governments. We may well question, too, whether at the proper time the city of Chicago, and county of Cook ought not to be consolidated into one local government. This would help to simplify the situation. There wouId then be left three popular governments in which our good citizen would be a voter. Would he then be willing to maintain three separate and distinct political organizations. The line of least resistance is the usual line of human action. The line of least resistance would still be the Iine of single, rather than multiple political organization. We know no special way but better citizenship. After all, the word “non-partisanship” expresses in negative form what should be a positive virtuepatriotic service-whether in citizen or public servant. This service cannot get far by going it alone. In my humble judgment, too, it handicaps itself in multiplying organization. If the good citizens instead of being periodic patriots and denouncing the bosses, will, in sufficient number take the organizations that exist and stick by the job, they can mould them to proper use in every one of the elective governments in which we live. This does not mean a blind following of organization. Every man reserves to himself the right to revolt when his party goes wrong. It does mean that good government cannot be secured by simply wishing for it, but can be secured only by working for it. Working for it means permanent party organization where the number of the electorate is large. I doubt it. If this be true, is there no road to better government? Indeed, revolt then becomes a public duty.

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THE BOSTON CHARTER BY ROBERT J. BOTTOMLY, Boston, Mass. HE present Boston city charter was passed by the legislature in 1909. Its political features were accepted by the people at the state election in the same year and it went into effect as a whole on February 1, 1910. It was adopted in practically the same form in which it was recommended by the original finance commission, composed of five Boston citizens who had studied the Boston municipal situation for the preceding eighteen months. The Boston charter is an extreme form. of centralization of executive and administrative authority in the hands of a mayor elected for four years. The council is composed of nine members elected at large, three each year for a term of three years, and their authority is practically confined to the passage of appropriations, loans and ordinances. The mayor has an absolute veto of all orders of the council. The charter created a permanent finance commission of five members appointed by the governor. It is the eyes and ears of the citizens to inform them as to what is going on in the various departments of their city government. The state civil service commission is required to pass upon all appointments by the mayor to positions of heads of departments. All party designations were abolished from the municipal ballot and the nominations for both mayor and city council were to be made by petition signed by 5,000 registered voters of the city. This requirement was reduced by the legislature of 1914 to 3,000 signatures for mayor and 2,000 signatures for the council: By the act of 1909 the date of the city election was changed from December to January, but it was changed back again to December in 1914. It can be said without hesitation that this charter constitutes an enormous improvement over the antiquated form of city government under which Boston was previously operating, While, of course, improvements are bound to come in the future, no practical suggestions have yet been made which the people of Boston would care to substitute for it at the present time. The small council of nine members elected at large, without party designations, which was one of the features which the practical politicians said would have no chance of success, has proved to be one of the most satisfactory provisions of the charter. The political features of the charter were adopted on a referendum in alternative form in 1909 by a majority of about 4,000, the vote being approximately 39,000 to 35,000. 224 T

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19171 THE BOSTON CHARTER 225 Every year from 1910 to 1914 the small council was attacked in the legislature by the old ward bosses, and finally in 1914 they secured the passage of an act which referred to the people the question of substituting a larger council elected by districts for the small council elected at large. The best proof that the small council had made good with Boston is that the act providing for a council by districts was rejected by a majority of 21,000, the vote being approximately 26,000 Yes to 47,000 No. In calibre the membership of the council has been steadily increasing. Under the old system with 75 members in the common council and 13 in the board of aldermen, the council was always dominated by those who made politics their business, or their hangers-on. The new council has always been dominated by men who were personally honest and who, in different degrees, looked upon membership in the city council as an opportunity for public service. There has never been a council under the new charter, a majority of the membership of which was not recommended by the good government association at the time of their election. The association has been able to insist upon a constantly rising standard of qualifications in candidates in order to secure its recommendation. In the old days, if no charges were preferred against a candidate and if, in addition, he happened to be a good husband and father, many people at once assumed that he was thoroughly qualified to decide how the people’s money should be spent. Now it has come to be assumed, both by the committees of the association and by the people of Boaton generally, that personal honesty is a sine qua non for membership and that the real question is to decide which candidates have shown the more ability and experience to entitle them to a place on this small board, which has charge of spending so many millions of the people’s money every year. The small council elected at large has undoubtedly proven to be a success. The permanent finance commission, a body of five citizens of Boston appointed by the governor, the members of which, with the exception of the chairman, serve without pay, has performed a very useful function. Each year it issues a considerable body of reports upon different departments and activities of the city government. Their criticisms have resulted in a great number of improvements, as we11 as serving to focus public opinion upon other evils which need to be improved. In the last two or three years, however, its work has been hampered by the fact that at least one of its membership was heartily out of sympathy with its purpose. While this member resigned something over two years ago and a great improvement in the work of the commission would have resulted if his resignation had been promptly accepted, no action upon his resignation has been taken, either by the well-intentioned procrastination of our present governor, or “the mild and amiable inefficiency’’ of his predecessor. The mayor must send to the state civil service commission all appointments to positions of heads of departments. and unless the commission

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226 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March certifies within thirty days that the appointee is a recognized expert or qualified by education, training or experience for the position to which he is appointed, the appointment becomes void. This provision was framed for the purpose of freeing either a good or a bad mayor from those political influences which tend to drag his appointments below the level of efficiency, while leaving him entire freedom above that level. In the administration If the first mayor elected under the new charter 25 appointments were not approved by the civil service commission. The finance commission stated that 23 of these 25 rejected appointments were made for political reasons. This action served to focus, not only in the minds of the office seekers, but also in the minds of the community, that some other qualification than political activity was necessary in order to secure a position as a head of a department. Under the second and present mayor no appointments have been rejected by the civil service commission1 although some two or three have been withdrawn. In the opinion of most observers this failure to reject certain appointments has not been due so much to the exceptional qualifications of the appointees as to the lowering of the calibre of the civil service commission. It is to be hoped and expected that the present governor will sooner or later grapple with the problem of restoring a reasonable amount of ability and courage to the membership of the commission. In spite of the present situation, however, this provision has served to foster in the minds of the people of Boston a more definite idea of the standard of public service required for the administration of the head of an important department. It has had an important effect upon public opinion in the city and has thus proven of real value. With regard to the powers of the finance and civil service commissions, the average charter student at once says that they violate the principle of home rule and therefore in the long run must prove unwise. If he means that he believes that municipal Boston should be governed solely by the people who reside within its municipal limits, it is quite true that the principle of home rule is violated. Metropolitan commissions appointed by the governor have charge of water, sewers and parks for the entire community. The police of Boston have been run by a commissioner appointed by the governor since 1885 and with very satisfactory results. The attempt to establish a minimum level of efficiency for the heads of the important Boston departments and the preparation and publication of information as to how Boston’s city government is conducted, are both functions in which many people who do not reside in Boston have a vital interest and in which they may be allowed and expected to co-operate through the governor whom they help to choose. Since this article was written, one appointment of the present mayor has been rejected by the civil service commission.

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19171 THE BOSTON CHARTER 227 Boston is peculiar among American cities in that its immediate suburbs are vastly more populous than the municipality itself. Very likely nat more than one in three of the people whom you meet in different parts of the country, who call themselves Bostonians and who have their Jffices in Boston, have any direct share in Boston’s government. Newton, Brookline, Cambridge, Somerville, in all some 32 towns and cities immediat’ely contiguous to municipal Boston, all 3f which constitute part of the great urban community at the head of Massachusetts bay, have clung so firmly to the traditions which have clustered about their local names in past generations that they have been unwilling to become part of a greater city. The vast majority of their citizens, however, have their offices in the city and they use the city for many of the important functions of municipal life. The offices, the stores, the warehouses, the docks, the hotels and the theaters which are used by the entire community, are all within the limits of municipal Boston and it is a matter of vital importance to the nine hundred odd thousand people in theimmediatesuburbs that the 750,000 people within the municipal limits should not be allowed to fall into a condition of misgovernment, which would set back the welfare of the entire community. Until a greater city can be brought about, it is perhaps necessary in Boston that the suburbanites should be allowed, through the state government, to take some part in Boston’s municipal government. The fact that the great majority of the moderately prosperous middle class do not vote in municipal Boston has constituted One of the serious troubles in the two non-partisan mayoralty elections which have been held under the present charter. In both mayoralty elections the candidate of the so-called “gang” element in Boston politics has been successful, although the fight has been infinitely closer than it could possibly have been if national party designations had been retained. The first reason for that result has already been noted and the second reason, and the vital one from the point of the actual city, is that the people of Boston have not yet developed a proper standard or conception of the type of man that they wish for mayor. Every important municipal election in Boston turns on the fact that the gang element in politics has so far been able to secure the practically solid support of the city employes. When it is remembered that the municipal government is obliged to perform a great deal of service for a vast number of people who have no voting share in its makeup, it will be realized that the city employes in Boston constitute a disproportionately large share of the voting population. This year there are approximately 117,000 people on the voting list. It will thus be seen that the city employes, with their relatives and friends, constitute a solid block which is practically large enough to swing the mayoralty election. The city employes of course desire that their wages and workLast April there were 14,943 people on the city payroll.

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228 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March ing conditions should be improved as rapidly as possible. It is sad but true that many of them believe that this improvement can only be obtained as a reward for political activity rather than as result of well-rendered service to the city. It is the constant effort of the good govei*nment association to make the city employes realize that better conditions and better wages may be hoped for in the long run by the elimination of the enormous extravagance and waste which the administrative inefficiency of the present type of chief executive brings about, rather than by pandering to gang leaders in return for the crumbs which they may let f:dl from their table. As this change comes in Boston, we will have constant improvement inour municipal government, whatever form of charter may be in existence at any given moment.

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THE NON-PARTISAN BALLOT IN PITTSBURGH BY A. LEO WEIL Pittsburgh, Pa. AST evening Professor Beard and Commissioner Murphy, respectively, gave us the Genesis of political parties and the ExoL dus of the citizens’ union of New York. Professor Beard, from his study of the motives which underlie the creation of political parties, concluded that non-partisan ballots at municipal elections would not be practical, while Commissioner Murphy, from his experience with the citizens’ union of New York, came to the same conclusion. It seems hardly fair from a single organization in the city of New York, where in reality there was no trial of a non-partisan ballot, to draw such a sweeping conclusion. If I understand the situation in New York aright, the people, aroused over conditions theretofore existing, formed the citizens’ union for the purpose of taking part in the elections, and were successful in the first election and unsuccessful in the next. They then abandoned the union. Is that an experiment in the operation of a nonpartisan ballot? As well say that the day-after feeling of the members of our owl club was an experiment in prohibition. As to Professor Beard’s position, all of us have some knowledge of the rank and file who follow the national political parties. Without questioning the accuracy of the underlying causes given by Professor Beard for the original creation of political parties-there are few who have had experience with the followers of the national political parties to-day, who believe that any appreciable number of such followers are consciously moved by the reasons for originally creating such parties. They follow the party because of environment, of tradition, of habit, or for selfish reasons, political, financial, or social. I think this may be illustrated by the story, which it is said Ex-President Roosevelt told of himself. He says when he was conducting his campaign for president on the Bull Moose ticket, he was delivering a speech in a Western town when some one in a front seat interrupted him from time to time, and so annoyed him that he finalIy said to his interlocutor: “Yes, I am,” said the man. “Well,” said Mr. Roosevelt, “why are you a Democrat?” The man replied: “My father was a Democrat, my grandfather was a Democrat, my great-grandfather was a Democrat, and I guess that is why I am a Democrat.” “Suppose,” said Mr. Roosevelt, “your father was a donkey, and your grandfather was a donkey, and your great-grandfather was a donkey, what would you be?” “Oh,” replied the man, “I don’t know; I guess I would be a Bull-Mooser.” “You must be a Democrat.” 229

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230 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March Now, I think you will agree with me that a great many of the followers of our national political parties are followers of such parties simply because their ancestors were followers of such party, but few indeed are moved by the motives which have been ascribed by Professor Beard to, the original creation of such parties. However, opposed to the argument of Professor Beard and of Commissioner Murphy, we have the experience of Canadian cities, of the German cities, and in this country of a number of cities,-with one of which I am somewhat familiar-the city of Pittsburgh. We have a non-partisan ballot in that city, about which I have been asked to tell you, and the only reason I can conceive why the program committee has placed me on this program. When Lincoln Steffens wrote his “Shame of the Cities” and described the government of the various municipalities of this union, he said Pittsburgh was not controlled by the bosses, but the boss was the city, and that was a correct statement of the situation at that time. Absolutely uncontrolled, they did what they liked. That was but a few years ago. What is the condition to-day? We have an administration elected upon a nonpartisan ballot-a non-partisan ballot framed under an act, in which the election of municipal officers cannot take place even the same year with the election of either state or national officials. It must be a separate and distinct election, the ballots having no party designation. It has been on trial a few years. The result has been that the candidates for the respective offices are not such because they are Republicans or Democrats. The greatest contests so far have been between those of the same political faith, even between candidates who had been prominent in the same party for many years. Each was supported by his particular friends, or by factions or by organizations of various character, but none of them by the national political party. The administration of the city of Pittsburgh, for several years, ever since that system was adopted,-notwithstanding its former reputation as boss-ridden; notwithstanding the one-time existence of almost indescribable conditions as shown by the graft disclosures that shocked the country a few years ago,-as I say, since the introduction of this system now after several years’ trial, there is not even a suspicion on the part of the people of Pittsburgh that we have not an honest administration. The men who have been elected for the respective positions are, as a rule, far superior in every way to those who prior to that time occupied those same offices. This is particularly true of the city council composed of nine men. We believe that this has been accomplished in large measure and continued in large part through the non-partisan ballot. We have found in the actual operation of the city of Pittsburgh-and the same is true of other cities in the state of Pennsylvania, so far as my observation goes

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19171 NON-PARTISANSHIP IN PITTSBURGH 23 1 that the non-partisan ballot has worked out in actual experience exactly as we had expected, with but one exception, and that is, that those elected to office after they have obtained their office, are still disposed to play politics. In other words, in many cases they seek other political offices. They are personally honest in their action, being free from graft, but some are actuated by the desire for political preferment, and they do play politics in office. I believe those who live in the city of Pittsburgh will agree with me that with that exception our council has exercised its best judgment upon all public matters, and that we have an exceptionally good council. That we have not a perfect government; that our city is far from the ideal in its administration, we of course admit. I think that a large part of our criticism of municipal officials arises from the fact that we fail to recognize the change that has taken place in municipal government. We do not appreciate what is required of the city administration of to-day, to wit: a foresight, a wisdom, a preparation, equal-if I may use an exaggerated comparison-to that possessed by the officers of the National Municipal League; and I venture to suggest, that if the councilmen of Pittsburgh, or of any other city, were selected by the National Municipal League from its own officers and ablest members, there would be a great difference of opinion on the part of the people of that city as to the wisdom of much of their action in office. We have to contend to-day in our municipalities with problems that at one time were not considered in connection with a city administration. I have in my hand, one of the responses that was required yesterday at the meeting of the civic secretaries, in which one civic secretary was asked to tell “What is the relative importance of such movements as charter reform, recreation facilities, single tax reform, housing betterments, city planning, prevention of unemployment, social insurance, and municipal and governmental insurance. ” Those are only a small number of the questions that must arise in and be determined by every city administration of the present time. There was a period in the history of our municipal governments, many years ago, when, representing as they did only the sovereignty of the state, and exercising by proxy, as it were, only state powers, such as preserving order, etc., our city administration did not require a high order of ability on the part of city officials. Their activities were few and their duties were easy of performance. To-day, however, the administration of the modern city involves the exercise of functions once undreamed of. They have come to represent the progressive social obligations of modern society. The city administration of our period involves the consideration of transportation, lighting, heating, the supply of water, and all of the public utilities. To this must be added the preservation of the health, with its municipal hospitals, and all the machinery of modern

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232 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March times for the prevention of disease. Another department, becoming more and more important,is the protection and up-buildingof the morals of the people, young and old, regulating to this end the playhouses and plays, the social evil, the liquor traffic, etc. Then, too, a city administration, alive to its obligations, looks to the amusement of its people, and provides parks, playgrounds for young and old, bathing facilities, and the like. Also equally.as important, as bearing upon the health, morals and amusement, is the unemployment and housing problems, with all the tremendous possibilities therein implied. This is not intended to be an inventory, but only a suggestion of some of the activities of the cities of to-day. Compare, therefore, the necessary qualifications of a mayor or a councilman of a city of 50 to 100 years ago, with those required of like officers now, and we will at once appreciate that the type then sufficient is now wholly insufficient. While we are improving our city administration, let us bear in mind that those who are placed in office have before them a work that is stupendous-work that calls for the greatest effort of the greatest minds. Do not let us get too impatient with the progress we are making. Even the most confirmed pessimist, so confirmed in fact that he Fletcherizes his quinine pills, if he will look backward instead of forward, if he will compare conditions to-day with what they were years ago, and then look forward and conjure up a like degree of progress in the years to come, ought to become an optimist. I have confidence that the future of our municipalities will redound to the credit of our American institutions. I want to register my protest here and now against any movement which in my judgment will take away from us the one best leverage to this consummation, namely: the non-partisan ballot in municipal elections.

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DISCUSSION BY ROBERT S. BINKERD New York City Y FRIENDSHIP for Professor Beard is such that I do not have to appear unduly respectful; and so I warn you against M him. He is the enfant terrible of American political history and theory. I not only allege this, but can prove it; for did not he admit, only a few minutes ago, that Aristotle had written a better book on politics than he had! The cause of my irritation is that Professor Beard is too satisfied; that he overrates certain elements, and underrates others, and thereby reaches a substantially false conclusion. So I think it would be helpful if we were to realize the fundamental nature of the municipal struggle in which we have been engaged for the last thirty or forty years. It has been a fight for the liberation of the mind of the American voter. I reply, liberation from slavish, cattle-like following of partisan leadership, which enabled our national political parties to make our cities, with their contracts, and their treasuries, and their administrative machinery, the great feeding troughs of their organized political appetite. Just so far as we have been able, in any city, to increase the proportion of the independent electorate, just so far have we been able to better conditions and to redeem our parties by compelling them to compete in some degree of public service. I have no quarrel with Professor Beard's statement that economic and social causes have much to do with the lines of national party cleavage. In all human affairs, sub-conscious inclination or prejudice are much more important factors than are generally realized. Mankind arrives at *various decisions and then seeks to justify them by 'catchwords and argument. But while I thank Professor Beard for continuing to insist upon this too little appreciated truth, I can see no reason why we should be satiafied with artificial electoral conditions, which give to these inclinations and prejudices a greater force than they intrinsically possess. I am convinced that the election of city officials upon national party tickets does just exactly this thing. It follows, that to provide a proper non-partisan municipal election system will reduce the lines of national party affiliation to their irreducible minimum in city elections. We know that partisan considerations had their greatest effect, and that our You ask, liberation from what? This conclusion is Iogical in theory and demonstrated by fact. 3 233

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234 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March cities were most scandalously betrayed, during the period when municipal offices were filled at the same elections in which state and national officers were elected. We know that the holding of municipal elections at a different time of the year from other elections, or in the off-years between other elections, has automatically acted to increase the consideration given to municipal Candidates and affairs, and to decrease the weight of national party considerations among the voters. We know, moreover, that the abolition of the party column ballot has the same effect. We know that the office group ballot, on which the voter is obliged to vote specifically for a candidate for each public office, increases the amount of free and independent judgment exercised by the electorate. I freely admit that for many years to come national political partiea will continue to be important factors in our municipal elections. I freely admit that many voters will continue to vote for candidates because they are members of national political parties. But I maintain, nevertheless, that separate municipal elections, and the office group ballot have demonstrated that the weight of partisan considerations in the electorate is dependent, to a strikingly large extent, upon the character of our electoral arrangements. I submit, therefore, that it is a further and logical step in the progress we have already made to provide a non-partisan election machinery for municipal officials. The experience of the last thirty years warrants us in believing that this will ultimately reduce national party considerations to their irreducible minimum in city elections. DISCUSSION BY ALBERT BUSHNELL HART Harvard University HE chairman’s gracious invitation for those who wish to be heard This evening T we were talking about the early history of the League and recalling the first meeting of this association at Philadelphia-a time when things looked rather desperate-and the fact that so many people unexpectedly attended. As a matter of fact, the discussion of grievances was the motive for many of the early members of the National Municipal League. They felt that there was such an intolerable condition in so many cities that they were anxious that there should be some kind of an organization to confront those evils. It is interesting to see how the point of view of the National Municipal League has changed as the years have gone by-not because the abominations of city government have ceased. The abuses in many cases were temporary; but sometimes they disappeared and then reappeared is an opportunity which I do not wish to let pass.

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19171 DISCUSSION 235 again. The aim and business of thinking men interested in the affairs of their communities has been to build something that would stand, and that is why the activities of the League at this time and its publications appeal so strongly for support. I take it upon myself to say, after an experience with many organizations, that there seems no national society of this general type which has contributed so much to the actual upbuilding of the subject in which it is concerned. There is no society whose reports, whose discussions, whose personal work, has gone so far in actually affecting the text of charters and acts of the legislature. Notwithstanding, it would appear that the millennium has not even yet arrived; that there will still be an opportunity both for the criticism of abuses and for the suggestion of mitigation or prevention of abuses. The real difficulty is one which has barely been touched upon here. I am not altogether in sympathy with all the speakers, though substantia1:y at bottom I think they agree with each other. What! Three or four gentlemen agree in the National Municipal League? Forbid it, Heaven! I might illustrate by a remark made by one of the characters in Les Miserables somewhere, in which the speaker is discussing the creation. “God made the rat, then he said, ‘Go to! I have made a mistake. That will not do.’ And he created the cat.” God saw the tenement houses in New York city, and he said, “Go to! I have made a mistake. That will not do.” And he created Commissioner Murphy. If there is too much national and state party spirit in municipal relations, it is because those most concerned prefer that way at present. I am a great believer in the doctrine that whatever is, is right. That is to say, that nothing exists in any form in municipal government that is accidental. Nothing exists because a few men here and there desire it. There is no abuse in municipal government which does not seem to some persons a simple method of increasing their income. We respectfully believe, meeting from year to year, that we are fixing the moral standards of the nation. Now, in New York city it is perfectly clear from the local elections during the past ten years, that a considerable part of the population, frequently a majority, in its own mind prefers what we think to be corrupt government. We define it as corrupt. You know the Tammany definition of the true type of man: “The man who is willing to go to hell for his friends.” That is not so far from Jonathan Edward’s doctrine, who served in the neighboring hamlet of Northampton. The best thing in societyis the adhesionof individuals to individuals. You are my friend; I like you; and I will back you up. Even if you do things that I don’t like, I will like them because I like you. We leave out of account the force of personality in our governments of every type. One of the main reasons for the limited interest in municipal government as compared with national government,-which is also the main reason for the predominance of national parties in cities

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236 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March is that there is so little opportunity for a personal tradition to form in municipal affairs. Not every person has had the advantages of our chairman or Mr. Murphy in and under municipal service. You can be mayor once or twice or even three times, but you can’t imagine a life mayor. A municipal public man goes on flowery beds of ease for two or five or ten years; but there will come a time when the people will be tired of seeing the same man at the head of the government; and until you can obviate that difficulty you can’t get permanent reform in American municipal life. It is much easier to interest men in individuals than in movements. The solution of the difficulties of democracy-the only solution-is to develop personality and group men more and more about commanding figures. That is the secret of the great success of the English parliamentary system of government. It is a system in which a few persons are looked up to as the examples of their party. They vote for one group because they are interested not only in the principles it represents, but because of the manner in which those principles will be represented. We have had many men of commanding figure in the United States. During the Civil War a host of such men of character and strength were brought out; and there have been many since that time in this country. On the other hand we have too many small men. I come from a city which in the middle ages of American municipal reform was a model to the country. A nonpartisan government was formed which consisted in organizing all the Republicans, plus a small part of the Democrats. Election after election we elected non-partisan mayors on that basis; but the truth is-I can see another Cambridge man here, and I think Mayor Rockhill will bear me out-that the result was at last weak mayors, a succession of men who ought never to have been elected. After a time there appeared a bookbinder who knew how to defeat non-partisanship, and in the last ten years we have had party and partisan mayors till in 1915 we chose a man by something resembling fusion. In the long run the people of Cambridge are more interested in national affairs than in local issues. If I were not a professor I would say that one of the great election evils is the presence of a considerable body of very undesirable citizens, namely: the two hundred members of the Faculty who live in Cambridge. I assure you they pay their debts promptly and attend church frequently-especially those churches where there are no collections on the Sabbath Day; but as citizens they are absolute failures. You can’t interest them in the welfare of the city in which they live. There isn’t anything to stimulate their imagination. What is the remedy? I see none on the face of things. I am greatly interested in what Professor Hatton has said about the development in Cleveland. 1 suppose that at bottom the main reason for I lived in the midst of the Cambridge Idea.

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19171 DISCUSSION 237 that state of things is Tom Johnson. Results have been achieved there because of his strong personality, his ability to convince the majority of his fellow citizens, and the discovery that a campaign could be waged on the issue in which he was strongly interested. This feature seems to me to be one of the dominant influences in politics. The strong adhesion to national parties exists because there are reasons for it which are satisfactory year after year to most of the voters. If you want to go to the legislature in most of the states you must have served as a city official in some capacity. If you want to go to Congress, you must have served a term or two in the legislature. If you cut loose from your party you are out of the running for the great prizes, because there are no leading permanent places in the municipalities. The directing minds change so rapidly that nobody can expect to achieve permanent distinction even in his own district. When Alexander, Prince of Battenberg waited upon Bismarck and asked him if heshould accept the proposed headship of Bulgaria, Bismarck replied: “Accept by all means. It will always be something to remember to have been Prince of Bulgaria.”-So, it will always be something to remember, to have been mayor of a great city.

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COMMISSION MANAGER GOVERNMENT IN SAN JOSE, CAL. BY PROFESSOR ROBERT C. BROOKS Xwarthmore College HERE is no more beautiful or fruitful valley in the world than the The T prosperity of the valley is reflected in the growth of the city, which increased in population from 21,500 in 1900 to 28,946 in 1910. At present it claims, not without large apparent justification, some 40,000 people. In addition to the superb natural advantages for which it has long been famous, San Jose recently drew attention to itself by becoming the first city in the state of California to adopt the orthodox commission manager plan.‘ Its former government was also ‘I orthodox” enough according to the old style, that is with powers and responsibility bewilderingly diffused among various boards, commissions and single officers. The new charter which went into effect July 1, 1916, provides for a council of seven members, all of whom are ultimately to be elected at large for terms of six years. A city auditor and police judge are also chosen by popular vote for terms of four years each. The council selects the city manager and the following other appointive officers: a city clerk, a civil service commission, and a city planning commission. All other appointive officers are appointed and removed by the city manager. The charter also provides for the initiative and referendum, and for the recall of elective officers, the latter action requiring as its first step a petition signed by 25 per cent of the total number voting at the general municipal election next preceding. As city manager under the new charter, Thomas H. Reed of Berkeley was chosen. At the time of his appointment, Mr. Reed was associate professor in the department of political science at the oniyersity of California, and since his graduation from Harvard had won for himself wide recognition as an authority upon municipal government. For a time he served as executive secretary to Governor Hiram W. Johnson. Mr. Reed had been of material assistance to the board of fifteen freeholders who drafted the new charter for San Jose. He entered upon his office, therefore, well trained in both scientific and practical politics, and thoroughly familiar with the terms of the new instrument. University of California, vol. i, no. 18. Santa Clara in California, and San Jose is its principal city. 1 “City Manager Plan,” by Joseph H. Quire, Bulletin University Extension Division, June, 1916. 238

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19171 COMMISSION MANAGER GOVERNMENT 239 It is, of course, too early to express a definitive opinion on the workings of the new charter. There lies before the present writer, however, a brief “Report of Progress, July 1 to November 30, 1916, ” prepared at the end of the old fiscal year by city manager Reed. It is one of the most interesting municipal documents recently issued by any American city, first because of the considerable number of problems which it reports as already solved, and second, because of the new problems indicated for future solution. Limitations of space forbid more than the briefest mention of the more important items in this record of achievement. The new city manager lost no time in announcing that his office was to be regarded as a bureau of complaints open at all times to all citizens. Purchases were centralized and a system installed whereby it became possible to tell at any moment the exact condition of any city fund. A functional segregated budget was drawn up. As a result some noteworthy savings in purchases were made possible. An official of one of the leading banks of the city was appointed city treasurer to serve without salary. The funds of the municipality were thereupon transferred from an old ramshackle vault in city hall where they were a constant source of anxiety, to the vaults of the bank which agreed to pay interest at the rate of 2.52 per cent on average daily balances. As a result of this one transaction a saving of $1,560 on salaries was effected, to which may be added approximately $3,000 a year new income from interest, making a total gain of $4,560 annually. Prior to the first primary occurring under the new rbgime, the personnel of the city administration was withdrawn from the field of local politics by a (‘ non-participation-in-politics ” order issued by the city manager’s office. Some compliance on the part of public service corporations with their paving obligations was secured. An ordinance was prepared providing for the co-ordination of the numerous charitable activities of the city, and establishing an effective check upon the solicitation of funds for unworthy objects or for organizations with wasteful methods. An appropriation was made by the council for the codification of the ordinances of the city. Recent appointments to the board of education, the civil service commission, and the board of health have been followed by most gratifying new activities in all three of these fields. A separate and distinct department of electricity was created. Largely because of the interest taken in the new form of government, San Jose has been able to secure without payment much valuable technical advice and assistance. Most of this service was rendered by experts from Stanford University and the University of California. One novel contribution of this sort was made by Professor Terman of the department of education of the former institution who employed the Binet and other intelligence tests in a civil service examination for the police and fire departments.

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240 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March In Alum Rock park, San Jose possesses one of the most remarkable scenic reservations adjacent to any American city. It is located in a wild and beautiful cafion seven miles out, but is readily accessible by trolley and excellent roads. All the equipment in this park has been improved, special attention being given to the safety of bathers in the splendid plunge which the city owns. Rentals on concessions were increased about 40 per cent, representing an addition of about four hundred dollars a year to the city’s revenue. Considering the extreme salubrity of San JosB’s location and climate, it comes with something of a shock to learn that its death rate has been “as high as the average for the whole registration area of the United States, which includes good and bad communities alike.” The new administration, and particularly the new health officers, recognize in this condition one of the gravest problems confronting the city. Already they have to their credit the prevention of two threatening outbreaks of diphtheria. A new laboratory has been fitted up for the work of the health department. Other of its achievements are increased success in securing abatement of nuisances, the institution of a system of standard dairy score cards, and the inspection of tenement and lodging houses. The council has adopted a revised meat inspection ordinance. For the police department provision has been made in the budget for the purchase of new Bertillon equipment, also for a finger print file. The Boston property file is also being introduced. A police school of instruction is to be started. An adequate supply of ammunition for revolver practice has been provided for in the new budget. California cities do not grow many stories high up into the air. On the other hand, they do spread in leisurely fashion over ample areas. To enable patrolmen to cover the great beats assigned them in San Jose, three Fords have been purchased and six new flashlights installed. With the fire department out of politics the loss from conflagrations has been materially reduced. Ten full-time men were added to the service and other reforms made by which it is hoped that the city may be able to secure from the underwriters’ association the lowest key rate for insurance. A new city engineer has been chosen to direct the important department of public works. Large problems have been marked out for solution in this field, including the control of Coyote creek, sewage disposal, paving, and street cleaning. . In spite of this stirring record of five months’ work,-perhaps it would be nearer the truth to say because of it,-some opposition has developed recently to city manager Reed. It appears to be engineered by a small clique of old line officeholders who were dismissed after their inability to measure up to the new requirements had become manifest. Quite naturally this opposition takes the form of an appeal to a perverted local

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19171 COMMISSION MANAGER GOVERNMENT 241 patriotism, a sort of municipal know-nothingism. A small number of appointments of men not at the time living within the immediate limits of the city furnished occasion for the cry: (‘San Jose for San Joseans.” City manager Reed’s reply would seem to establish clearly the pettiness of this attack. “Out of seven heads of departments selected by the manager,” he writes, “but one is not a San Jose man. The only other outsider is the manager’s personal assistant. . . . Out of 208 permanent positions in the classified service there are only three filled by technical non-residents. Even these are not genuine outsiders, for it is hardly to be said that persons living in the country adjacent to San Jose, who have been educated in our schools and employed by our citizens, are outsiders. ” Another ground of attack is the rather vague insinuation of corporate influence over the new administration. The absurdity of this charge is evident to all who will take the trouble to study the record of the new city manager. The alleged impracticability of college professors is also being worked overtime, although in the present instance it is quite clear that the extreme practicality of Mr. Reed is alone responsible for the attacks upon him. No doubt San Jose did make something of an innovation in choosing its new executive from the academic career. Hitherto men trained in engineering have been preferred generally for such positions. In smaller cities where the revenue is not sufficient to justify good salaries both for a manager and a city engineer no doubt this course is justified. In cities with larger revenues it is doubtful whether men of engineering training largely should be chosen as city managers. Engineering talent can always be secured, but broadminded executive ability is a much rarer quality needing cultivation in a somewhat more liberal environment. Walter Lippmann is undoubtedly right in maintaining that the statesman,-and this is as true in the municipality as in the nation,-“need not be a specialist himself, if only he is expert in choosing experts. It is better indeed that he should have a lay, and not a professional view. For the bogs of technical stupidity and empty formalism are always near and always dangerous. ” It cannot be summed up better than in the words of city manager Reed himself: We stand to-day in a spirit of deep humility before the solemn responsibilities of the future. The force of traditional habits of thought on government and politics must be overcome. The municipal machine must be speeded up to secure substantial public improvements without increase of expenditure before success is assured. There is no more necessary, no more noble piece of work for real men left in our country. Other cities are hopefully watching our efforts. If we fail we set back not only San Jose, but every other city struggling toward light. If we sueceed, it will only be by a strong united effort of council, manager and people, moving together in harmony and confidence. The case of Progress versus Reaction is now up to San Jose.

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CITY MANAGER PROGRESS DURING 1916 1 N INTRODUCING the speakers the chairman of the meeting, PresWe are to allow three minutes to each speaker on the program, and one minute for myself. The city managers have been asked to tell us the most important accomplishment of each of their cities during the last year. The first city manager was inaugurated in this country eight years ago. There are now twenty-eight states in which there are city managers. There are seventy cities managed by city managers, and there are eightyeight cities in which the city manager system has been adopted. We will hear first from Mr. Waite of Dayton. ident Lawson Purdy, of the National Municipal League said: I HENRY M. WAITE Due to the new state law most of the smaller cities of Ohio are living within their income. None of the larger cities is succeeding in doing this. All have outstanding promissory notes. Dayton had $125,000 of these notes, and it was issuing bonds for the operation of the city. The new government has stopped entirely the issuance of such bonds; has lived within its income; has paid off $50,000 net debt, and is carrying over a surplus from 1916 into this, and will carry $40,000 from this year into 1917. GAYLORD C. CUMMIN, JACKSON, MICHIGAN The greatest accomplishment of Jackson during the past year has been .an increase in governmental harmony. We have harmony between city departments, which was never known before. We have harmony between city employes in the departments, which was never known before. We are acting in concert with the county of Jackson, which was never done before. We are co-operating with the school board in matters of recreation. We are co-operating with all civic agencies, which was never done before. That is being done because the administration of the city of Jackson is not jealous of any good that can be done by any agency, as long as it is for the good of the city, and we don’t care who gets the credit. KENNETH B. WARD, SANDUSKY, OHIO The most important accomplishment of Sandusky has been the instalSo far, it has resulted Iation and maintenance of a city manager plan. in an increase in more and better service, and a decrease in the cost. National Municipal League, Springfield, Mass., Nov. 23, 1916. 1Being the report of a joint meeting of the City Managers’ Association and the 242

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19171 CITY MANAGER PROGRESS DURING 1916 243 C. A. BINGHAM, NORWOOD, MASSACHUSETTS Whatever has been accomplished in Norwood has been accomplished by the constant co-operation of our citizens, and not so much a matter of work on the part of the manager, because he is simply a part in the proceedings. I think our most important endeavor has been to improve and repair our streets, which were full of ruts and holes and in very bad shape. Today, instead of receiving complaints from automobile owners because of broken axles and springs, we have to arrest them for speeding. We have increased the efficiency of the various departments, especially in the purchasing department, where we combine all purchases, includGg the department of schools. We have our storeroom full of coal. We have increased the efficiency of all departments, especially the electric light plants, but I think that our main accomplishment has been to get the people to work together in better harmony, and especially between the different officials, as Mr. Cummin remarked. R. L. FITZGERALD, WINNETKA, ILLINOIS We can trace a saving of $9,000 in purchases. We have installed an accounting system that tells us at all times where we stand financially and what we are doing. It shows that we have reduced the floating debt from $9,000 to $4,000. When you take into consideration that the total revenue from all taxes is only $24,000, that is quite an item. We have also reduced the floating debt on the water works by $8,000, and the entire amount will be wiped out very shortly. We have reduced the debt on the municipal lighting plant and have made lower rates than all adjoining-towns and put the electric light plant where it gives us a revenue of $30,000 over and above all expenses of depreciation and fixed charges, which can be used by other departments in municipal work. ARTHUR M. FIELD, WINCHESTER, VIRGINIA The city operates under and in accordance with a town charter, and has a mayor and council of twelve, elected by the people, and they elect most of the other officers. The council is a political body entirely elected by wards. The city manager, I think, was put in more for good luck than anything else. Nevertheless, we have got better service this year and have done more work and have reduced our operating expenses $6,000 in a total budget of $75,000. Next year we expect we will reduce them by at least $10,000. HARRISON GRAY OTIS, BEAUFORT, SOUTH CAROLINA The elimination of the factor of politics from the city administration We have organized our is the one big thing in our town this past year.

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244 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March local government along the lines recommended in the model charter of the National Municipal League, and have turned a deficit into a surplus with considerable less revenue than the city has ever had heretofore, making an investment equal to 7 per cent on the manager’s salary for the past year. We keep the citizens in constant touch with the government by constructive, continued publicity. J. G. BARNWELL, ROCKHILL, SOUTH CAROLINA The most important accomplishment of our administration is that the floating debt has been reduced $7,000. Seven thousand dollars were made on the electric light plant, and 10 per cent deduction was made in water rates. All the departments are now working in unison. We have accomplished much and we contemplate further advances. CHAIRMAN PURDY: The next and last speaker of the city managers is the new president of the City Managers’ Association, Mr. Carr of Niagara Falls, New York. 0. E. CARR, NIAGARA FALLS The city manager plan of municipal administration went into effect in Niagara Falls on January 1, 1916. From t,he standpoint of the citizen I feel safe in saying that the greatest accomplishment during this year is a reduction of the tax rate of 97 cents per thousand dollars without an increase in the amount of valuation. This, without decreasing the efficiency of any department, but, on the contrary, extending the means of municipal work. My own opinion, however, as to the greatest accomplishment in Niagara is not quite along those lines. Niagara Falls, like many of our cities, is divided very evenly into two political camps. In spite of that fact, however, there was no question asked of the city manager when he went there or previous to his appointment as to which of these two political parties he belonged. Furthermore, in the various departmental appointments in Niagara Falls, the administration was criticized more on account of not making appointments on non-partisan lines than for any other reason. I will say further in this same connection that the administration of the fire and police departments has been and is now out of politics, both as to appointments and as to discipline of members of either of those departments. Not only that, but the members of the police department are now able and for the most part do exercise their duties without any regard to the political affiliations of the party whom they may have reason to suspect, or against whom complaint is made, irrespective of his standing in the community. That is the sort of criticism we desire.

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19171 CITY MANAGER PROGRESS DURING 1916 245 I want to say in this connection that our fines in Niagara, our police court fines for the year 1915, amounted to about $3,900. For the first ten months of 1916 our police court fines amounted to $7,800. CHAIRMAN PURDY: I must call your attention once again before we adjourn to the fact that in sixteen minutes the city managers have told you more than we have probably ever heard before from a like number of cities of real accomplishment in those cities, and if that does not show a real efficiency under the city manager service I do not know anything else that would.

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A PROGRAM OF POLITICAL DEMOCRACY AND CIVIC EFFORT1 BY H. S. GILBERTSON New York City HAT I propose to do in these remarks is to point a way in which, I am confident, the body of men and women of whom this W gathering is highly representative, could go very far in shaping the future of American political democracy. We do not now exercise any very effective leadership. Powerful democratic movements go on, in the same old way by an endless series of experiments and bad guesses, either without any guidance or under the guidance of men who are distinguished more for benevolent instincts than for their knowledge of the principles and measures which make for popular rule and efficient administration. In the face of this situation we have been blind to a big opportunity; we are lamentably equipped for our task. But we can remedy that condition by going to the bottom of things and facing our failures squarely. As we look back upon the powerful popular movements of the past we know perfectly well that most of them were so ill-conceived and so illtimed that they actually defeated their own purposes. In the early part of the last century there was a mad rush to get every public officer on the election ballot, because it was perfectly obvious that that was democracy. There was no analysis of community life, no distinction between politics and administration-just a wild, leaderless stampede after an attractive, superficial idea. The progress of democracy was set back; how many decades it would be impossible to say. And who can begin to estimate the cost of this great mistake in terms of graft and inefficiency and the general lowering of political morals that followed? In our own time the direct primary movement has gone the same wayan idea probably right in principle, it swept the country like a prairie fire. And now it has proven a huge disappointment because it came into being out of its due order when it was out of keeping with the existing organization of our governments. Even some of the most active promoters of the direct primary are going to extremes in the other direction and are repudiating it. The initiative and referendum movement also suffered grievously for lack of standards, so that many of the constitutional provisions which put them into effect have proven practically worthless. While these movements have been running their several courses, what has the competent leadership of the country been doing? In two or three special fields it has been demonstrating that carefully prepared standards 246 An address delivereqat the annual meeting of the League, Nov. 24, 1916.

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19171 POLITICAL DEMOCRACY 247 are acceptable and will be sought after and adopted by the leaders of the people. The civil service reform organizations have been effective in establishing certain standards of official employment. The National Municipal League and the Short Ballot Organization have done something to standardize municipal characters. The bureaus of municipal research have done much to raise standards of administrative procedure and organization. In these and a few other limited fields men of special training have come into their own as constructive leaders. But so far from attempting to direct the main course of democratic development, the type of men to whom the leadership should be committed have been principally spectators. But I do not wish even to seem to minimize the efforts which have been made by earnest men within and out of these organizations. These men have been careful, cautious and sincere. The fact is that they probably have not been quite sure of themselves. In our constructive political thinking we have passed through a period of incubation in which a lot of ideas and remedies were developing. The fittest have survived. It is not long ago, perhaps not over a half dozen years, since each of these ideas had its separate distinct group of proponents who looked with tolerance but not with any great enthusiasm upon the others’ favorite reforms. Every intelligent political reconstructionist knows perfectly well that the new political democracy, if it ever comes about, will be the product of the practical working out of several ideas, each of which was once the peculiar possession of certain individuals or groups. I believe that we are now about ready to formulate a rather comprehensive constructive program of political democracy upon which a great constituency could be united. And I believe that the emphasis in national civic work should in the immediate future be rather less on the discussion of principles and should be very much more definitely directed toward a well-considered campaign to put into practice the principles which are now so generally accepted among progressive thinking people that they may be set down as practically undebatable. My own thinking along these lines was started by a casual statement by Henry L. Stimson in the course of an address in the New York constitutional convention last year. Mr. Stimson was one of a group of men in that convention who are generally acknowledged to represent the keenest practical intelligence in the Republican party-men like Elihu Root, George W. Wickersham, Herbert Parsons and John Lord O’Brian (there was a corresponding group on the Democratic side). They had set themselves seriously about the business of constructing a modern commonwealth. They had listened attentively and sympathetically to the active promoters of every specific political I shall indicate shortly what I think they are. But they have been getting together! Now what are these principles?

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248 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March reform; and the program which they evolved and fought for in the convention was a composite of the fundamentals of democracy as enunciated by such organizations as the National Municipal League, the bureau of municipal research, the civil service reform league, the municipal government association and the Short Ballot Organization. Mr. Stimson in summing up the program said in effect: I‘ What we have been trying to do in this convention is to erect a government, the cornerstone of which is the principle of responsibility. We started out with the executive budget -that implied a clearer definition of executive responsibility with reference to the finances of the state. We took up home rule for cities and for counties-that involved the fixing of community responsibility for taking care of its own proper affairs. We have taken up the civil service clause whose purpose is to fix the undivided allegiance and responsibility of the employes of the state to the visible government. We recently took up a provision for a short practice act, the effect of which would be to fix the responsibility of the judiciary over its own procedure. And finally now we are taking up the short ballot, for the purpose of fixing citizen responsibility and still further defining executive responsibility.” I think I am perfectly safe in saying not only that all of us here believe in it but that it has the support of a vast constituency everywhere, which is waiting for competent leadership to work out the specifications and put the thing through. I have not by any means enumerated all the items in a complete program, but rather some of the items upon which I think we are all agreed. I strongly suspect that after a further period of incubation we shall want to come out for legislative responsibility to be achieved through a singlechambered legislature, a simplification of procedure and provision for expert bill drafting and a few other accessories of a well-rounded democracy. Now I believe that through a program organized around this comprehensive idea, we could very shortly broaden the constituency interested in political reconstruction. For thirty years our various organizations have been industriously cultivating the sympathy and the pocketbooks of a relatively small group of rather well educated citizens in different parts of the country. I should say that there were a few thousand of them at most. They are the only people who have the patience to grapple with or to sympathize with these more or less technical and special reforms. They constitute the limited class of people who are willing to devote themselves to what seem to most people mere abstractions. On the other hand I know that there are thousands of plain citizens who are itching to get into the kind of a fight for a more efficient democracy in which they can make themselves felt. We cannot get them into the Short Ballot Organization because they know perfectly well that the short ballot is not a complete remedy. They are perfectly willing to give There you are-the principle of responsibilit,y.

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19171 POLITICAL DEMOCRACY 249 it passive support but they do not think it important enough to bleed and die for. For the same reason they do not warm up to the civil service reform associations or bureaus of municipal research. Political parties offer these people no outlet for their energies. So far as any active, positive political service to their communities is concerned, they are practically disfranchised. The fact is that our organizations, owing to the lack of a complete program, have had nothing to offer those important groups of public-spirited citizens who approach the problem of representative government through a special interest like public health, charities, engineering. We have thrown aside great opportunities for demonstrating that representative government is a very tangible, vital, practical thing; that it is the leverage for effecting any far-reaching public purpose. We have yet to learn the art of the successful advertiser who sells his goods because he individualizes his appeal. People do not buy Dutch Cleanser because of its chemical formula. They buy it because it “chases dirt.” A program of responsible government offers an approach to the solution of a lot of human problems. In Dayton, for instance, the new government, as you know, has performed a variety of important services that directly touch the lives of a great many people; it has decreased the infant mortality rate something like 50 per cent, it has given legal aid, better recreation facilities, etc. NOW, I have no doubt the citizens of Dayton appreciate these services and if you were to ask them what did it they would say “our new city manager government”-not our new budget system, or the short ballot, or the civil service provisions in the charter, but the combination of all these things which gave them an effective leverage to the things they wanted; what we who are constantly working in political science call the principle of responsibility applied to government. I believe that people would warm up to such a big fighting program as I have outlined. And the basis of my belief is that they have already actually done so in some four hundred cities. Commission government is a program of responsibility. The average citizen sees it as a complete whole. He does not linger long upon its short ballot features, or its civil service provisions or its non-partisan elections. Indeed he takes his commission government mostly on faith. He knows that it is well sponsored and‘that it really works in other cities and he goes out and fights for it with as much zeal as a ward heeler who expects some definite reward. There are now some ten or twelve million people who live under a local government organized around this principle and in general they know that it is good. I believe that those millions and some millions more who envy their good fortune are right now in a receptive mood to listen to a proposition for commission government in counties, states and nation. By that I do not mean the commission plan or any other mere form of 4

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250 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March organization, but the principle which underlies its success. Commission government principles applied to the nation would mean among other things the establishment of a budget system and the end of the porkbarrel. It would end the spoils system in the post-office and treasury department and the diplomatic service. It would put an end to the abuse of senate “courtesy.” By that I mean first of all a campaign to popularize fundamental reconstruction, not a special phase of it, but the fact that government all along the line needs more or less reconstruction before it can perform the services which we, the people, expect it to perform. It means, secondly, the formulation of an adequate program to meet this situation; a program which will grow from year to year as our knowledge advances and conservatism recedes. It means, thirdly, the framing of specific measures and their advancement through publicity and other legitimate forms of political pressure. How can such a plan be put before the people? In the first place I believe that the present multiplicity of organizations, each covering a phase of political reform, overlapping at many points, leaving many important fields untouched, coming before the same constituency interminably with appeals for funds, is in itself the greatest sort of impediment to our civic movements. I believe there should be an organic unity which will follow very closely the lines of our unity of purpose. And so I am going to make certain suggestions which may be treated as a “ pipe-dream, ” or otherwise, as you see fit. I believe that the ideal way to bring about this unity would be for the half dozen or so propaganda and discussion organizations like the National Municipal League, the civil service reform league, the National Voters League and the Short Ballot Organization to sink their identity in a new organization which would cover the whole field of representative responsible government. Some of you will immediately object that these organizations are firmly rooted in the affection of particular groups of people who would not relish the experience of acting as pallbearers at their own funerals. That is doubtless a very real difficulty, but although I may be indulging in a “pipedream” I am convinced that the practical advantages which would accrue to these separate interests would more than compensate for the loss of identity. What would it mean to our civic work, if instead of several slimly attended meetings of this Municipal League, the civil service reform league and the others, they were combined into one great gathering of civic leaders on the scale of the National Conference of Charities and Correction that would make a real impression not only in the city of their meeting place but in the press of the country. It would mean not simply the sum of the attendance and the publicity and the prestige of the But I have said that we must have a fighting program.

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19171 POLITICAL DEMOCRACY 251 separate organizations, but the sum multiplied several fold because of the wider circle of citizenship to which we would appeal. At present we are constantly competing against each other and against dozens of other organizations in related fields for membership and contributions-with what success we all know too well. But unless I miss my guess, the dynamic force of a comprehensive program, backed by a strong organization employing modern methods of publicity would bring in more funds than the separate units, for reasons which I have already suggested. At the same time I would make it possible for individuals to express their special interest in special phases of the program just as they now express that interest through one or more special organizations. The work of the present organizations should go right on, but through departments of the new organization. And, in order that any financial supporter might express his particular interest, I would segregate the funds so that those who wished to emphasize civil service could devote a part or the whole of their contribution to that specific phase of the work. Others would prefer to put theii whole financial weight behind the municipal movement, and so on. From the general funds these separate funds would be supplemented according to some predetermined principle, which ought not to be difficult to decide upon. I am convinced that the future success of our civic organizations is dependent upon their ability to make a big appeal to the imagination of the people, to humanize the issues as they have been humanized in some of our cities. We certainly cannot do this as distinct units. We can do it in my opinion by pooling our interests and our resources. There are situations in which it is actually much easier to 'do the big progressive thing rather than the safe little conservative thing. We civic workers in my opinion now face an unprecedented opportunity to do a big thing, if we are prepared to attack it in a big, constructive, fearless way. And a similar logic applies to finance.

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DISCUSSION OF MR. GILBERTSON’S PAPER BY RAYMOND B. FOSDICKl New York City N DISCUSSING the subject of co-ordination or amalgamation of civic forces, Mr. Gilbertson has addressed himself primarily to I the latter, evidently on the theory that of the two possibilities, amalgamation is preferable. I confess I cannot quite follow Mr. Gilbertson in this belief. There are so many human factors to be taken into consideration in the amalgamation of separate organizations that I am afraid we should find such a plan far more difficult than it looks on paper. Each of us is primarily interested ill a particular line of civic work. Some of us believe in single tax, and are bending all our energies to that end. Others of us have no sympathy with single tax, and see in municipal research the avenue of most rapid civic advance. It would be extremely difficult to find common factors enough for such an amalgamation as Mr. Gilbertson suggests. And even if we did succeed in combining on certain movements or ideas as the basis of the militant program that Mr. Gilbertson talks about, I am fearful that we should antagonize large sections of the public in our endeavor to gain support for the plan. The public could not whole-heartedly endorse an organization which included certain movements in which it had no interest or with which it frankly disagreed. As a result, we would weaken the whole cause by trying to associate it with movements which for the time being, perhaps, are too undeveloped to obtain any appreciable amount of public support. Moreover, I would suggest the thought that progress is not achieved in the fashion that Mr. Gilbertson implies. Reform is never accepted wholesale. A little progress in this direction is followed by a little progress in another direction, or from another angle. These advances are irregular, sometimes irrational, often without relation to each other, but by and by we find that the whole line has gradually moved forward. The-result has been achieved not by a mighty “drive” but by a series of petty skirmishes. The methods by which human society changes its form may not be scientific but they have to be given pretty weighty consideration. While, therefore, believing that such an amalgamation as Mr. Gilbertson has indicated is impossible at the present time, I am heartily in favor, as anyone would be who has studied the subject, of a far greater degree of 1 Former commissioner of accounts of New York city; author of “European Police Systems.” Civic ideals never advance in a uniform line. 252

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19171 DISCUSSION OF MR. GILBERTSONS PAPER 253 co-ordination between civic agencies than now exists. If we could harness up the energy that is lost and misspent through duplication of work alone, I think we would have momentum enough to reach a good many civic goals that now seem far ahead of us. Overlapping of activity is one of the chief characteristics of our civic agencies. In New York city, for example, we have a training school for public service and an institute for public service, both answering-at least both assuming to answer-the same needs. If the money which supports both these agencies could be used to support a single agency, the work could be far more effectively conducted. But here again we have to take human characteristics into consideration. Differences in temperament are often the sole basis for different organizations, and our theories of co-ordination suffer from the frailties of human nature. We may not succeed in eliminating all the duplicating organizations in civic work, but at least we can highly resolve never to lend support to any new society unless it can prove by preponderating evidence its individual right to live. We can afford to be ruthless in this matter, particularly when we remember that fully 25 per cent of our civic agencies-and I -am sure my figures are conservative-should be scrapped. Many of our organizations-I mean the necessary ones-have no effective means of getting their ideas before the public. Either because they do not know how or because they are without proper facilities, they are unable to popularize the proposals which have met with the approval of a few specialists. There is no widespread educational program to embrace the latest ideas in civic reform. A few movements like the short ballot proposition and the city manager form of government are striking exceptions to this general rule. The central ideas incorporated in these two propositions have by a very effective process been given wide currency throughout the entire country. One hears about them everywhere, and the gentleman whose paper I am discussing has had no unimportant part to play in this remarkably effective piece of political education. But there are other civic ideas with which the public is little acquainted, or imperfectly acquainted, because of the lack of educational propaganda on a broad scale. The executive budget, for example, the relation of cost accounting to effective government control, the broad principle of a responsible executive, could be made the basis of an educational campaign that would do more to wake up the country than anything else I can imagine. The trouble with many of our organizations is that they represent small groups of experts, whose thinking is largely confined to themselves. We are not putting across to the public on the scale that it should be put across, the result of our deliberation and investigation. For example, the need of a national budget has been fully established by competent research. The facts have been completely developed by One phase of co-ordination is not often discussed.

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254 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March the Taft commission of 1912, by Willoughby’s forthcoming volume on English budget practice, and by the forthcoming book on Canadian financial procedure. Very few people have read or will read these somewhat technical reports and books. They can be made the basis, however, of a propaganda that would arouse the whole country to the necessity of a responsible budget system in Washington. The same thing is true of state budgets. Maryland, for example, has recently adopted an executive budget system which may well serve as a model for other states. All that is necessary to its wider adoption is to give substantial publicity to its operation and effectiveness. Similarly, the principles of efficient state management in the form of a responsible executive have been pretty fully developed, and a propaganda on this point would lay the foundations for the reorganization of state government which is inevitably bound to come. The principles of county government are also being worked out; and here, too, there is a need of systematic publicity. This situation seems to me to present a unique field for co-ordination. Why should not all our many organizations club together to support a common selling agency or clearing house, whose business it would be to take the well established results of study and investigation, and by temperate, sure-footed, and dignified publicity put them before the entire country? Such a program for political education, supported by bodies like the bureau of municipal research, the institute for government research, the National Voters’ League, the National Chamber of Commerce, and the National Municipal League, would be far more effective than any of the retail methods at present employed. In this fashion our various organizations could find a common ground for fellowship, and out of this ultimately might come an approach to the amalgamation of which Mr. Gilbertson has been speaking.

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THE CITY’S CARE OF THE NEEDY’ A PROGRAM FOR A DEPARTMENT OF CHARITIES BY MARY KINGSBURY SIMKHOVITCH New York City 0 NE of the most amazing lacks in our knowledge of city administration is the total absence of historical sketches of departmental development. Since Mr. Woodruff kindly asked me to address this gathering, an ancient habit of mine I had acquired in my youth, especially in Germany, led me to try to reinforce what I have to say by documentary evidence and support. There isn’t any! As far as I can learn, and I shall be delighted if I am misinformed, no such material is available to the student of city government. There are indeed spasmodic reports published by the city departments of charities from time to time, but these are records of administrative detail or more often roseate and partial pictures perverted with an eye to forthcoming appropriations. What I have to say, therefore, in regard to the position of the charities departments to other aspects of city development will be quite unsupported by adequate initial study. Let us hope that the attention of community students in the field of political administration may be directed to meet this need. But certain broad lines in the development of the city’s care of the needy are familiar to us all. We need only to organize the material fresh to our joint experience to be able to deduce from it, I hope, some salutary reflections on the course this care should take in the immediate future. NEGATIVE CHARACTER OF EARLY GOVERNMENT CONTROL Our city governments in their early history were negative in character. Laissez-faire-implicit in our entire social attitude-was at its height in our cities. Protection of life and property practically summarized the city’s efforts in government. Police and fire departments were perceived as necessary for the common welfare. But the citizens otherwise were not thought of as engaged in a joint enterprise, but each was expected to protect his family’s health, educate his children, engage in any kind of work any number of hours, live in any kind of building and enjoy such recreations as he saw fit. If these recreations became a public scandal, the will of the community began to organize itself in opposition and there ‘An address delivered at the annual meeting of the National Municipal League, Nov. 24, 1916. 255

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256 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March fell under the ban of police surveillance or other social contro1,’the saloon, houses of prostitution and gambling resorts. INCREASED EMPHASIS ON POLICE POWER OF THE STATE From the police powers of the state sprang a development of social responsibility. From the negative point of view of protecting the public against a menace to public health, a positive program of public health began to emerge. And under this most fortunate banner have marched into recognition an increasing number of social obligations. The slogan of public health has supported industrial improvement. This is the line travelled successfully from court to court, and sustained with increasing emphasis and certainty. Any reform that can take on the form of an improvement in public health has a chance of a successful issue. Under the general heading of public health measures we have improved our food and water supply, introduced medical inspection into our schools, controlled our building regulations, introduced building zones, etc. Our health boards are endowed with extraordinaiy powers which they are utilizing with increased boldness and with a larger and larger measure of public support. The course that public health programs have followed have all been from the negative and protective to the positive and preventative. Health officers early endeavored to isolate conspicuously infectious disease@. Smallpox houses were seen to be necessary. The care of the sick indeed has been from times immemorial a recognized community obligation where private charity and humanitarian impulse failed to meet the need. But as the sick in well-to-do families are generally looked after by their kinsmen it was naturally the sick poor that fell to the community’s care and the accent was on the poor rather than the sick-not the poor sick but the sick poor needed the community’s assistance. From the initial provision against the spread of contagion and the care of the sick our city health departments have come now to the point where their great emphasis lies in the educational task of preventing disease and creating a positive constructive program of public health welfare. School children are examined for physical defects and treated for them. Insidious disease is checked and cared for in its incipient stages. The standards of purity in the food supply are raised. Dwellings are made by law fit for human occupancy. Opportunities for degradation are lessened or driven out in the name of public health. The evils of alcoholism and prostitution are beginning to be perceived from the angle of health rather than morals and hence to be subjected to a more rigorous and drastic regulation. EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT While this evolution has been taking place in the health department a similar story may be instanced in the care of the departments of education.

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19171 THE CITY’S CARE OF THE NEEDY 257 While it was early recognized that no democracy is on a sound foundation that does not abolish illiteracy, education in colonial times was entirely voluntary, haphazard and private in character. The first schools of the people in New York city were charity schools. It was not until 1874 that New York state established its compulsory public school system. The rich felt a responsibility to the state for the education of the poor but the community as a whole did not recognize its joint responsibility and its common task until much later. Education began as a privilege of the well-to-do. It gradually widened to an appreciation of its value to all and then blossomed out into a positive and vital necessity for which the community must hold itself liable and responsible. A rich girl visiting a public school with me one day said “Oh, Mrs. Simkhovitch, what a lovely charity. )’ What was going on in her mind was evidently this, “Schools are expensive. I went to an expensive school. Poor people can’t pay for it. Therefore it is a charity. ” The idea of a community’carrying on a joint enterprise in which the primary consideration is not the amount of money that each contributes but the amount of service the community confers on its members with the knowledge that it will all come back fourfold had not dawned on that girl’s mind. We do not often meet it in the field of education because we have become accustomed to the American public school system and are deadened to its revolutionary implications. For we have moved far from the early ideal of getting rid of positive illiteracy and we are now practically all united in defending a positive educational program which will provide for the free education of all children up to maturity with as many further free educational opportunities presented as economic circumstances allow. The state that educates its citizens will reap its own reward. We are so convinced that a better and more prolonged and varied education is necessary to our community welfare, and we are so convinced that drastic public health measures are valuable and necessary, that we may now practically take it for granted that prosperous cities will spend more money and energy in developing educational opportunities and a constructive health program, and will meet with no opposition except from those sinister interests whose only program consists of keeping down the tax rate regardless of social consequences. CLASSIFICATION IN THE CHARITIES’ DEPARTMENTS This school too must be expensive. Therefore rich people must be paying for it. And this mental attitude is far from uncommon. But when we come to the charities’ departments we find a different I do not mean evolution, or rather as yet a very slight or no evolution.

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258 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March to say that no progress has been made in administration. There certainly has. The terrible indifference or worse which used to surround the inmates of alms-houses is disappearing where it has not gone entirely. The poor are no longer lumped together indiscriminately, old and young; men, women and children; insane, criminal, diseased and simply poor. The old are treated with more respect. More is involved than an improved terminology when the old poorhouse is called “The City Home for Dependent Adults. ” There is also an improved mental attitude and a more humane care. Sanitation has been vastly improved and the whole tone of the city’s care of dependents in institutions has decidedly advanced. Occupations have been introduced that give interest, hope and vigor to the inmates. The sick poor are segregated in hospitals, the insane are removed to proper institutions, the mentally defective are beginning to be classified as they ought to be. And yet when all this is admitted it must be pointed out that the city’s responsibility for its needy has in no way been so constructively considered or met as has the city’s responsibility for the education of its young people and for the general health of the community. A humane and intelligent classification has taken place. NO BASIC PROGRAM HAS EMERGED There are indeed serious gaps in the carrying out of the community program for proper education and health but in the case of the departIn the case of education there is at least a census taken of all children and they are all registered in the various schools of their choice. But I do not know of any department of public charities that has ever taken any kind of census of those of the community who are living below the standard of living which should obtain in that given community. Just as the uneducated child will prove to be the uneducated voter, so the children brought up in families where the proper standard of living is not maintained will in all probability become sooner or later in one form or another public charges. Should not a constructive program for a department of charities then include as its basis a careful study of the standard of living of the community which it serves? The results of that study might show defects in sanitation, in personal hygiene, in educational equipment, and also in industrial evils of unemployment, seasonal employment, and inadequate income. The New York department of charities has a bureau of social investigation which aims at doing the same thorough work with individual families as is done by private societies dealing with industrial and family distress or destitution. But, as in the case of the private societies, the weakness of this plan consists in the fact that it reaches only the more obvious cases, whereas the slow process of social deterioration that takes place in families where -merits of charities no constructive program has ever emerged.

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-19171 THE CITY’S CARE OF THE NEEDY 259 the standard of living is going down remains often unnoticed until positive breakdown takes place. Visiting teachers, settlement visitors, parish visitors all have access to normal homes. It is not feasible or proper that the relationship thus established should become common property, but it would not be unsuitable to register in some central bureau anonymously the type of help that agencies are giving which results in tiding families over temporary distress or which permanently re-establishes their proper standard of living. This might help a bit in the collection of adequate data on which to build a community program for the proper care of the needy. A BUREAU OF PREVENTION But something more effective than this is needed. A bureau of prevention would seem to be an obviously necessary field of machinery for every progressive department of charities. Such a bureau would naturally classify the causes of family poverty, discovered by its social investigators. These are already known to be, 1. Inadequate income 2. ‘Alcoholism 3. Unemployment 4. Sickness 5. Old age 6. Inadequate training for livelihood, etc. 7. Death of bread-winners Take, e.g., no. 6, inadequate training for livelihood, etc. Now, no department of charities would dream of undertaking to furnish vocational training for the young, although it is known that the lack of it makes for poverty. But that ought not to hinder the departments of charities from giving vigorous public support to vocational education on the ground that it will be a help in abolishing poverty. So in the same way it has never been clear to me that the department of charities should be given the care of the sick poor. The sick should be the care of the department of health, just as vocationa1 training is the duty of the department of education. The uneducated should be sent to school, the sick to hospitals, the convalescent to sanatoria. And a good bureau of prevention would advocate and promote social insurance legislation with especial reference to sickness. So, too, a bureau of prevention would recommend the proper care of dependent children. Children belong in homes; homes with a little not a big “H.” And we must be grateful indeed that inore and more children are boarded out in proper families rather than dumped even into the best institutions.

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260 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March OUT-RELIEF AGAIN POSSIBLE Out-relief was condemned in the past, not because home life is not best, but because city government was so corrupt that it was felt, and rightly felt at the time, that the wrong people would get the relief if administered to people out of institutions. The very fact that people hated to go to the poorhouse would keep out those who did not need relief. This was true-but it never met the problem. It simply concealed it. It meant that people who needed relief did not get it or else secured it from private sources. The whole method of institutional care of the dependent tends by its very nature to conceal the magnitude of the problem with which a constructive department of charities ought to deal. It has now been generally conceded that in the case of poverty due to the death of the bread-winner, adequate care of children would better devolve upon the widowed mother than upon any institution. Pensions for widows are now being supplied by many communities. The argument against out-relief becomes weaker as city administration improves. The last decade has shown a diminishing political corruption in all American cities, and we may naturally, therefore, expect to have the whole question of out-relief again reconsidered in the light of our improved political situation. More especially ought this to be emphasized in the case of the aged. Even if we had adequate social insurance there would be a certain number of aged poor who would have to be in one form or another pensioned. In many country communities the few dependent poor are boarded out by the selectmen as the simplest way of looking after people who have fallen into absolute poverty. I believe that the time has come when we ought also to consider boarding out the aged dependent in cities. I know that this is done in many instances and I believe it would be a great service if we could find just how this plan is actually working out, both financially and from the point of view of happiness and well-being of the aged poor themselves. As it is now, these poor old people drift in arid out of almshouses. There is no stability or dignity in a situation filled with so much insecurity. Difficulties of proper inspection must be reckoned with, but these difficulties are not insuperable, as has been discovered in the case of the boarding out of dependent children and the community care of widows’ families. A bureau of prevention would certainly stress prevention for unemployment and would endeavor to do what is possible to lessen seasonal unemployment. But most important of all is it that a city department of charities should face the undeniable fact that the most important difficulty it has to meet is inadequate income. If the department of education did its work, and the department of health did its work, the chief difficulty that the departAn extreme distaste for the almshouse is universal.

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19171 THE CITY’S CARE OF THE NEEDY 261 ment of charities would still have to meet would be that which comes from incomes of families, inadequate to maintain a standard of living which is necessary to keep families from sinking into dependence. PUBLICATION OF WAGE STATISTICS I think that it would be quite within the proper province of a department of charities, therefore, to collect wage statistics of its locality and to publish them.’ Publicity would tend to reduce the most shameful inadequacies of wage payment, and would draw the attention of the public as nothing else could do to the fact that where wages are inadequate, the community has to make up the deficit in the care of those who are broken down by an inadequate standard of living. Industries paying inadequate wages would then be seen to be what they are, parasites upon the community, accepting aid which they themselves should give. Taxpayers’ organizations fighting the increased cost of city administration ought to be chiefly interested in maintaining the social structure so that it does not break down. But it is to be feared that many of those who dre opposed to payment for proper care for the wreckage that takes place in society are among those who themselves are responsible for that wreckage. CONCLUSION To capitulate, the first duty of a department of charities would, therefore, seem to be to know the extent of poverty which exists, its second to establish a bureau of prevention which would include a study and furtherance of social insurance, the removal of unemployment (especially seasonal unemployment) and an industrial report including a public statement of wages paid in the industries of the community (such a bureau would also co-operate with educational and health departments but would not endeavor to encroach upon their fields as is done at present); and thirdly, such a department of charities should endeavor as far as possible to reduce its institutional care, although there will probably Competent counsel informs me that a liberal construction of the powers of the board of chanties of the state of New York would justify it in making an investigation of the general standard of wages and publishing the results. While there is no decision erpressly dealing upon the point, the question is reduced to one of construction of the statute. The Laws of 1909, chap 57. sec. 9, state that: “State board of charities . . . shall . . , investigate the condition of the Collect statistical information in respect to . . . the number and condition Section 19: “The state board of charities . . . may, in its discretion . . . make other If the board has this power, it follows necessarily that it has a right to subpoena witpoor seeking public aid and advise measures for their relief. . . . of the poor receiving public relief. I’ and special reports. nesses in the exercise of such power.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March. always be a certain number of persons who will have to be looked after in institutions. But, in general, dependent children and the dependent aged can be both humanely and as economically (or almost as economically) looked after outside of institutions as in them. Themiddle-aged dependent sick should be looked after by the health authorities. If such a program were to be inaugurated we should have the city’s care of the needy brought up to the same high and constructive level as are the educational and health departments. Such a department might properly be called, not a department of charities, but a department for the prevention and care of destitution. Its aim would be to abolish itself. As it is now, the department of charities is a dumping ground. The amount of poverty in a neighborhood is the measure of its educational, health, and industrial inefficiency, The more imposing the charitable institutions, the more clearly does our social inefficiency manifest itself. Until the community learns to tackle the question of poverty from the point of view of the community as is done in the case of education and health, we shall never be able to show efficient results. But it is here that the trail of private profit as opposed to community interests is most in evidence, and until private profit is subordinate to community welfare, a genuine attempt to meet this situation is bound to be feeble and inefficient.

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PRIVATE AND PUBLIC WELFARE ACTIVITIES BY ALLEN T. BURNS‘ Cleveland, Ohio HE program committee has suggested the subject, “When should private welfare activities be assumed by the public.” You all remember only too well the fall of 1914. We were all wondering what we should do to get through the terrible winter of unemployment. Pursuant to that very common thought the Cleveland foundation made a study of the relief-giving agencies in its home city. It announced at the end of that piece of research that poverty is a community responsibility; that the community must come to know how much poverty there is; its causes and methods of prevention; that the community would adopt preventive measures only as the community felt the burden of poverty through the tax rate. Thinking we had said something profound, we rested on our oars, and nothing happened, except for such private effort as tried to meet the emergencies of the winter. Some of you will remember the Pittsburgh survey of 1909. Perhaps as striking a feature of that report as any was a very clear description of how the old theory of compensation for accidents had broken down; that courts could no longer determine just whose was the fault of the accident and so failed utterly to meet the situation. Because of this breakdown between legal theory and practice it was recommended that some new form of public compensation for accidents should result. But nothing happened in Pennsylvania-at least not for many years. When I remembered these two incidents and what seemed to be the fundamental character of the principles that had been announced as the results of these two inquiries, the whole plan of my address for to-night was changed. I had made out what seemed to me an adequate list of six principles that should guide the public in taking over private welfare activity, but as I went over the two instances mentioned, and manyothers, it seemed to me that the public was not acting on any philosophical or sociological basis in assuming welfare activity. For all practical purposes, it might be wiser to ask: “When does the public assume private welfare activities? ” A case already cited may, perhaps, enlighten us: That report of the Cleveland Foundation did nothing to lead the private relief agencies, especially the largest private relief agency of Cleveland, to turn over its work to the public. In only 44 per cent of the families cared for by this society was there adequate service rendered by the visitors, and in only 263 T 1 See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. vi, p. 182.

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264 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March 50 per cent of the cases was adequate relief given to keep those families on a basis of physical welfare. What happened was that the private agency capitalized that report, or partially capitalized it, and proceeded to raise larger funds and make still larger expenditures in the effort to meet this need. So zealous werethey, indeed, that they have, within the last three years, piled up a deficit of eighty thousand dollars. Just recently their donors met and said: “This burden is becoming too great. If we are going to support you for another year you must begin to hand over some of your welfare activity to the city.’’ It was a practical situation, and no philosophy used. Likewise, in the Pennsylvania situation regarding compensation for accidents, nothing happened from the pronouncement of the new legal principle that must be followed. Of course, the need was felt by the families of those five hundred working men that were killed every year in Allegheny county, but the state of Pennsylvania seemed to do nothing about it, until the United States Steel Corporation took an interest. The United States Steel Corporation had a compensation department, but its local competitors did not, so there was a compensation commission appointed by the state, with a local attorney for the United States Steel Corporation at its head. Eventually, because of the combined sense of need on the part of the working men and the feeling that the burden had been carried too long by private organization, and that it should be shared by the public, Pennsylvania became the thirtieth state in the Union to adopt a workmen’s compensation law. Take the most recent assumption of private welfare activity by the public-the Adamson bill, as we call it. There was no very long philosophizing about just where private functions end and where public functions begin before that bill was passed. It was a practical situation which had to be met, and though we may like it or may not, it was met, and the public has approved the verdict of the jury. In other words, society is very much like individuals, for when an emergency arises they are apt to act first and philosophize afterwards. All human nature faces practical situations and meets them, and thinks about why it was done after the need has been cared for. It does little good to sociologize as to when private welfare activities should be taken over by the public. We should study when it happens and how it happens and get ready for the procedure that is surely coming along with giant strides. Just take a few more actual occurrences to illustrate the point: I remember in the city of Chicago that one of the social settlements had a little back yard of fifty-five or seventy-five feet, and in summer days some five hundred children used to play on that vacant lot. A great many settlements were trying to take care of the recreation needs of Chicago in some such inadequate way. To the astonishment of us all, one day a political office holder announced that there was to be an issue of five or

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19171 WELFARE ACTIVITIES 26 5 six million dollars of bonds to meet the recreation needs of a part of Chicago, and we wondered where he got the vision. It was a stroke of lightning from a clear sky. Somehow he had been tipped off that a popular exigency was arising, and being much more sensitive than most reformers as to what the people are thinking, he saw that here was something that the public was bound to assume. In the city of Detroit I found that what has been thought of as one of the most technical pieces of service, the central reference bureau, the clearing house of all applications for charity, had been taken over by the city-for the sole reason so far as I could see, that the men who had been supporting it would no longer do so. Yet in three years the number of cases reported to the central agency had doubled; the chances of duplication of relief service had been taken care of just to that extent, solely because the questions arose as to whether the men who had once been putting their money in this form of service would continue to do so, and whether undue duplication was not occurring with the work done privately. There we have an illustration of the public realizing that private resources were not meeting their need and at the same time of private resources feeling overburdened. The anti-tuberculosis movement is another case of both excessive burden on private resources and the feeling by the public of unmet needs. Both parties suddenly woke up to the fact that the death rates were not being decreased, and suddenly we found that this’activity of a private welfare society was being assumed by the public. And well might it be, with very little theorizing, for in the city of Chicago within the five years that the tuberculosis work has been under the city rather than under private auspices there has been this kind of increase of service rendered: The first figure in each case is for the private agency and the second figure for the public. New patients, instead of 4,000, 14,000; of positive diagnosis, instead of 1,800, 6,600; dispensary visits increased from 23,000 to 70,000; nurses’ visits to homes from 20,000 to 76,000; free beds from 10 to 650. Nothing but a practical situation. We will find in the answer to this question, “Shall the public take over private welfare activities, ” that the public will take them over when a preponderatingweight of public opinion feels an unmet need and so makes the transfer advisable. Preponderating weight does not always mean majorities of persons, sometimes only the majority of the forces effective in creating voting majorities. But when the public refuses to have the burdens borne privately, we may be quite sure that they are going to be taken over, whether they are according to our theories or not. There seem to me to be two principles that have been followed-sometimes one and sometimes the other-sometimes a mixture of both: The people see something they need and they take it. Or the private agency feels it has borne something long enough and will get rid of it. If you will study the very rapid growth There was no theorizing about it; and so it is going to be. 5

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266 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March of welfare activities on the part of our public agencies you will find no other common principles underlying it. Yet, on this very practical basis, there has been the most astonishing increase. Just note the list of what public agencies are now doing in the welfare field: They are giving family relief and seeking to restore the family to independence; they are granting mothers’ pensions; they are conducting visiting nursing; the anti-tuberculosis fight has been mentioned; infant hygiene and milk distribution bureau; public chaperones; municipal social settlement work; public dance halls and kindergartens; manual and vocational training; employment bureaus; insurance and savings organizations; social research; provident loans; legal aid; fixing of working hours and wages. And every one of these activities has been assumed within the last fifteen years by some public agency. Surely, not because society has set to philosophizing, but because practical questions had to be met. And that process is going on in some places more slowly, and in others more rapidly, but we may be perfectly sure that that course which has perhaps been going on more in our western cities will start in the East, and such things will take place. I can hear some objections offered that it is a great pity to dam up and give no outlet to the plenteous resources of private philanthropy. If this assumption of the welfare activities by the public were to have that result, surely it would be regretted. But there is no such sequence necessary, nor is it taking place. There are still new complications, new social situations, enough to take care of all our private thought and money. Just let me give you an illustration from a single agency in Detroit that has put over on the city practically all of its relief-giving in the last three years. In the first place, there are always a few extra critical cases of distress or a few non-residents in the city that evidently cannot be cared for by the necessarily legalistic public charity. For these a private agency will have to care. But this Detroit agency in addition to doing that has established a new department of visiting housekeepers, women skilled in domestic science and in care of families, whose business it is to give domestic science lessons in the homes of those who have not learned to keep house, and who wish to make the most of the family income. Then, again, this agency has tackled a problem sufficient for the resources of any private philanthropy. They are trying to do something about the discrimination against the negro in both housing and employinent. Let me submit to you that as long as such situations continue, the private agencies will not be out of a job. A fourth thing this agency has found to do in spite of giving up what has been considered its traditional activity. It is quite necessary after a public agency has taken over private welfare work that there be on the part of the interested citizens a very careful study of the kind of work the Let us see what it has still on its hands.

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19171 WELFARE ACTIVITIES 267 public agency is doing, and so this old associated charities of Detroit gets a report of every case that comes into the public registration bureau three times from one or more agencies. These (( trouble” cases are looked into. The first thing done is to see whether the agencies helping such families are working in an adequate and efficient manner. They are asking whether the agencies of the city are so organized and so aligned as to be most effective, or whether reorganization or, perhaps, disorganization of some society, would make the situation more useful to those who need the services. But this new activity goes behind the need of the helpful service. Its staff is also studying the causes of these mishaps; these breakdowns in some life; is going into industrial conditions, into physical, into governmental, to find out what the real causes of poverty are, ad then urging upon the community the setting up of the pieces of machinery that are necessary to prevent poverty. When the community realizes the value of this new private welfare activity, the community in its turn will take over this research department, and Mrs. Simkhovitch’s wish, which we all share, will be realized there. This last activity of the Detroit associated charities perhaps indicates the biggest field for private welfare societies, after their original work has been assumed by the municipality. We are likely to think of government in a good deal the way that the old German did about a clock he bought. He went into a store to buy a clock, and he asked the clerk how often he would have to wind the clock that he had selected, and the clerk told him it would run seven days without winding. ‘(Then, l1 said the German, “how long will it run if I do wind it ?” We have thought that the government was somewhat automatic, and that it would run itself. When the playgrounds were assumed by the officials of Chicago, those formerly conducting them did not sit down, fold their hands and say, “Our work is done.” They organized themselves into a playground association for the purpose of acquainting the community with the good done by these playgrounds, and for the purpose of suggesting ways in which the playgrounds could be made still more useful. In other words, they considered that this public activity would be successful only as the public showed their interest and attention to what the public servants were undertaking. The success of the public playgrounds of Chicago has been due in large part to these private agencies and to persons who have found this new outlet, and who, with careful persistence, guard and promote and develop the activity which has been taken over. Right in the same city the need of continuance of just this sort of private welfare activity was illustrated in the last great civic tragedy-the death of Doctor Sachs, head of the tuberculosis sanitorium. When the city took over that institution, many thought their work was done. Because public attention was diverted to some other problem, the tuberculosis sanitorium became involved in politics and

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268 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March led to the loss of that most valuable public servant. So do not despair as to the need and urgency for private welfare activity, be the public never so forward in assuming those pieces of work which we have so fondly cherished. There is still one more objection that I can see in the faces of some of you: Your reformer is oftentimes a man so enthusiastic about his program of pubIic welfare that he has forgotten that there is a financia1 consideration. The committee suggested that I do no more than touch on this, because the subsequent paper was to deal with the question of municipal expenditure. I wish our presiding officer tonight might repeat his very full and fundamental treatment given to this question of the financing of public welfare activities at the last National Conference of Charities and Corrections. Just let me state briefly what he said. Mr. Purdystated that the modern patriot of our dayis thought to be the man who brings a new citizen to a community. We consider him a patriot because every citizen who comes to a community adds one thousand dollars of value to the real estate value of the city. I‘ Now, if the booster of the town is such a patriot, by dint of adding to the wealth of the community,” said Mr. Purdy, “why haven’t these welfare activities just as good a right to high approval? Are not residents attracted or held by a good school system, by an adequate playground plan, and beautiful -yiks just 6s big assets as those secured by city boosters? Are not the welfare activities that are securing these new residents or saving lives adding just as really to the wealth of the conmunity?” If the welfare activities of the community thus create wealth, why should we hesitate to finance these welfare activities from the resources which they create? Just as surely as the community when it has felt its need, hastens to provide for welfare activity, so surely will the community thus creating wealth take this wealth to conduct the necessary public welfare activities. I shall only mention this point.

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CHICAGO’S GREAT OBJECT LESSONS BY VICTOR 8. YARROS Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy I. THE POLICE PROBLEM ROBABLY but little surprise was excited in educated circles by the In P the last several years very high police officials, including the head of the detective bureau, have been indicted, tried, convicted and sentenced to penitentiary terms for the crimes of blackmail and graft. We have come to expect an annual or semi-annual clean-up campaign of this sort, and we take it for granted-and quite rightly-that no permanent or lasting benefit can result from such campaigns. To see official crooks and civic traitors sent to prison satisfies one’s primitive sense of justice, and, in addition, one feels that perhaps, for a time, such a consummation may put “the fear of God” into the breasts of the most hardened and cynical of our criminals in uniform. But, of course, there is a fundamental police problem, and the question is whether the majority of Chicago’s citizens-her more intelligent citizens even-have grasped this problem and know where, and in what, its solution lies. As a matter of fact, Chicago’s painful experience has practically demonstrated the soundness of the solution proposed by scientific thinkers and based on European as well as limited American experience. The object lesson has been furnished, though it has not been driven home. The sources of police corruption, here as in other of our cities, are mainly these: The social evil, professional gambling, and the lawless saloon. Mayor Thompson, either through ignorance and folly, or because of political ambition and hypocrisy, aggravated the saloon situation by his order “to enforce the state law against Sunday closing” regardless of local sentiment and of custom, tradition and precedent. The order has never been impartially enforced; powerful spoils politicians and others have treated it with indifference or contempt. The order became a prolific source of favoritism, cheap politics, corruption and gross unfairness. Many saloon-keepers sought and obtained “ protection.” This protection had to be purchased. Saloon-keepers sans pull resented the injustice and decided to “take a chance.” Police officials, seeing and knowing that the anti-Sunday saloon was largely a farce, used their own discretion-corruptly or otherwise. (‘ Passing the buck’’ became a favorite practice. The honest police captain had every reason to fear ’See article entitled “The Liquor Question and Municipal Reform,” by George C. recent police disclosures and “graft” scandals in Chicago. Sikes, NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. v, p. 411. 269

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270 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March that if he took the mayor’s public protestations seriously and “enforced the law” strictly, influential politicians of the mayor’s faction or brand would “get him” on false charges. The dishonest and crafty captain knew that he was comparatively safe so long as he was backed by the “ right people.” There has been no substantial change. The indictment and forced resignation of Chief of Police Healey and several subordinates were followed by the appointment of a new chief and a new ‘(first deputy chief” who are generally believed to be honest and tolerably independent. The anti-Sunday saloon law is now enforced by them with reasonable impartiality. Perhaps the captains and other subordinates are “lying low” and pursuing a policy of watchful waiting. But violations of the law continue; arrests are made every Sunday; many saloon-keepers refuse to take the new policy seriously, and the mayor’s various activities and utterances have not been of a character to inspire either confidence or respect. In a few weeks, or months, the collection of tribute is sure to be resumed. The temptation has not been removed; the opportunities for “pickings” are as ample as ever. It is not in police nature to ignore such opportunities. The Sunday saloon question can be settled, and should be settled, by applying the local option principle in this sphere. Chicago ought to have the legal right to vote the Sunday saloon in or out; more, the several districts or wards of the city ought to have local option with regard to the question. It is idle and unintelligent to expect the newcomers from Italy, Greece, Bohemia, Hungary, Russia, to share the view which the nativeborn of Puritan descent, for example, take of the Sunday saloon. Where there is no real agreement, or like-mindedness, the law should, so far as possible, recognize honest, deep-rooted differences and conform to them. District local option is accepted by Prohibitionists when the anticipated result favors their policy; it should be as cheerfully accepted by them, and by all true believers on democracy, when the result is likely to be unfavorable to them. District option as to the Sunday saloon would in time eliminate police blackmail and corruption. Nothing else cannot even under an enlightened and incorruptible mayor. Professional gambling and prostitution, manifestly, are not amenable to local option. They are bound to remain sources of police corruption and criminality. But they need not remain rich and easy sources of corruption. An honest and high-minded mayor, assisted by a vigorous and honest chief of police, and by competent and fit subordinates, would have no very great difficulty-although considerable difficulty-in dealing with professional gamblers and brothels. Consistency, uniformity and reasonableness-these are the desiderata in policy, these the conditions of successful warfare on policemen and politicians who victimize unfortunate women and protect or license gamblers. This is the situation to-day.

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19171 CHICAGO’S GREAT OBJECT LESSONS 271 In Chicago, the mayor appoints the chief of police. All subordinates are supposed to be under a merit system. Unfortunately, the appointment of chiefs has been governed by politics, by caprice, by anything but the proper considerations. Our chief has no security of tenure; he may be dismissed at any time-or forced to resign, which is the same thing-for any reason-good, bad or indifferent. Our chiefs have had to study the mayor’s moods, words, intonations. They have hadtwo sets of orders, one for public consumption, the other for private. A genuine merit system, the right kind of examinations, higher standards for applicants, sufficient training and discipline after appointment, are among the elements of police reform. We cannot have these elements unless we first secure a first-rate mayor and get from him a first-rate merit commission. In Chicago we have a notorious humbug in the mayor’s chair and a grotesquely unfit “merit” commission-a commission which has been aptly called by the municipal voters’ league “a wrecking crew.” Of late its performances have been less reckless, but there is little consolation in this fact. The state’s attorney and the grand jury, to repeat, have put “the fear of God” into certain hearts, and public indignation has counseled a measure of discretion. To sum it all up, the solution of Chicago’s police problem lies in a modern charter, home rule, district option wherever applicable, a sound merit system and a strong, fit and fearless civil service commission. A fit mayor could do something even under existing conditions-Mayor Mitchel has done something in New York-but we should think of permanent remedies and facilitate the tasks of good officials-at the same time hampering and shackling poor officials-by devising and installing better governmental machinery and more modern methods. There is nothing new in all this, but Chicago has emphasized the soundness of it in a dramatic and impressive way. 11. THE MAYOR vs. THE COUNCIL In the foregoing the existence and importance of the mayor had to be assumed. But Chicago has been led to ask herself another questionWhy a mayor at all? Chicago, as has been stated many times, is (‘ council-goverred.” Not many appreciate the full significance of this statement. The Chicago city council enjoys real power, and there is no tendency to weaken it. On the contrary, the tendency is to increase the counciIJs power and influence. The legislature unwisely attempted to deprive it of the power to regulate public utilities, but we expect this false step to be retraced. Public sentiment is for home rule even as regards the regulation of public utilities. Governor Lowden is committed to this principle, and so are the present leaders in the legislature.

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272 NATI6NAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March If, then, the city is governed by its council, why the mayor with his veto, his spoils, his extra-legal and political influence, his machine? Why, having maintained council government in spite of reaction elsewhere, and having succeeded in reclaiming and elevating her council to such an extent that to-day it is a safe instrument of rational reform even at its weakest, why should not Chicago boldly take a stride forward and abolish the mayor? That is, why should not a new charter be framed and submitted to the people, and why should not this new charter provide for a city manager subject to the council instead for a mayor? Why stick to the federal plan and invite friction, waste, inefficiency? Mayor Thompson, by his blunders and offences, has made it vital and acute. Intelligent men in and out of the city council are answering it in the right way. The mayor, with us, is a fifth wheel. Give the city a strong merit system, a city manager, a scientific budget, and the mayor becomes a superfluity, if not a nuisance. Mayor Thompson has ventured to do things which abler and more sensible mayors shrank from. He has challenged the council. He and his appointees have waged war against it. He has traduced and misrepresented many of its members. He has fought them brazenly at the polls. His machine has fought good aldermen in obedience to his wishes. The mayor has defeated a few of his opponents and critics at the primaries or elections. Cant, misrepresentation and abuse have not been employed in vain in local politics. Still, on the whole, our council has defeated the mayor and defeated him badly. The press rails at him, the courts have overruled the decisions of his tools, the progressive and decent citizens know that he is a complete failure as mayor. His ignorance and indolence are proverbial. It is natural enough that in these circumstances the proposal to do away with the mayor should attract warm support in various quarters. But do not hard cases make bad law? Has not Chicago known good mayors and poor, untrustworthy councils? Did not Mayor Harrison fight Yerkes, the franchise-grabber, at a time when the council and the press almost approved a piratical franchise policy? Do we not owe many reforms to our late executives? May we not need executive vetoes in the future as we needed them in the past? The answer is that whatever the mayor and his veto power may have done for clean government in the past, to-day and for some recent years the friction between the mayor and the council has proved a very serious obstacle to good government and honest municipal politics. The council has been greatly improved; the aldermanic office, in spite of the letter of the law, has been made non-partisan in the eyes of the intelligent voters. Steals and corrupt deals have become impossible in our council. If the council is not as strong intellectually as it should be, this fact is largely This general question is up in Chicago. He is neither useful nor ornamental. He is utterly discredited.

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19171 CHICAGO’S GREAT OBJECT LESSONS 273 attributable to the mayoral factor, to efforts of the executive to control the council, to use it. The mayor’s machine regards every able and independent alderman as an enemy and secretly, if not openly, seeks to defeat him at the polls. False issues are raised by the mayor and his machine for this purpose. The average voter is apt to become confusedespecially if the mayor happens to possess the gift of buncombe. Where the mayor is strong, a fusion movement is necessary to take his office out of partisan politics. Where the council governs, as in Chicago, public attention is properly fastened on the council. To expect two successful movements at the same time-one to elevate the council and another to insure the election of fit and non-partisan mayors-in the same city ia to expect the improbable. It is certainly significant that in Chicago there is not even the faintest sign of a fusion or non-partisan movement with regard to the mayoralty. We have our hands full taking care of the council and preventing deterioration. We are not likely to get a much abler and stronger council until we make up our minds that one governing body is enough, and that the mayor can and should be dispensed with in favor of an efficient city manager and expert administration. Students of government in our big and heterogeneous cities will find it profitable to watch the developments in Chicago on the question of non-par tisan councils versus partisan and spoils mayors.

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EDITORIAL THE LEAGUE BROADENS ITS FIELD Our Springfield meeting is likely to be chiefly remembered for having inaugurated the movement to extend the League’s activities to include the improvement of county and state government. The discussion of the proposals will be found in the January issue (pp. 183-191). After a careful survey of the field and a consideration of the questions involved, the following resolution prepared by President Purdy and Vice-president Childs was unanimously adopted: WHEREAS, municipal progress is reaching the point where it is increasingly embarrassed by the relative backwardness of state and county government, Resolved, that the League shall hereafter devote such time and attention as may be practicable to the problems of county and state government and that efforts be made to raise additional funds to meet the expenses of the proposed broadening of the League’s activities. A letter setting forth the above facts and others relating to the proposed development of the League’s activities was sent to all the members of the League on January 29. The response has been cordial and hearty. Beginning with this issue the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW will be published bi-monthly instead of quarterly. This action is a part of the policy of development inaugurated at Springfield and authorized by the executive committee at its meeting of December 28, 1916. This will bring the magazine into closer and more frequent touch with the members and subscribers, and will increase its effectiveness as an interpreter of current municipal events and as an organ of sound public opinion on governmen tal problems. A further step in this development has been the appointment of C. 0. Dustin as assistant secretary. Until March 15, Mr. Dustin was the director of the Springfield, Mass., bureau of municipal research. His work in that connection and with the annual meeting in November last is well known. On April 1 he will enter upon his duties, which will include the development of the financial and publicity sides of the League’s work and arranging for a larger co-operation with other organizations working in the same field, and in preparing for the annual meeting in November. The secretary of the National Municipal League bespeaks the hearty co-operation of the members with Mr. Dustin. The present issue of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW will be designated as the Mar& number, and the remaining issues will appear on May 1, July 1, September 1 and November 1. The number of pages in each 274

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19171 EDITORIAL 275 issue will be smaller, but the total for the year will be the same as heretofore. This change may necessitate the rearrangement of some of the departments, but the inconvenience, if any, will be of a temporary charact er . By reason of the conversion of the REVIEW from a quarterly into a bi-monthly, the publication of the following papers which we had planned to include in the next issue will be carried over to the May issue: “The Building Zone Plan of New York City,” Robert H. Whitten; “Methods of Financing City Planning Projects,” Nelson P. Lewis; “City Planning and Political Areas,” George E. Hooker; “What Has Been Accomplished in City Planning During 1916,” George B. Ford; “City Planning Progress-Discussion at the Springfield Meeting.” Among the other articles which will have to be carried over under this arrangement is one by Dr. Delos F. Wilcox on “Experts, Ethics and Public Policy,” and another by Frederic Rex of Chicago analyzing the measures relating to municipal administration and legislation submitted at the November election.

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NOTES AND EVENTS I. GOVERNMENT AND ADMINISTRATION Charter Revision in Philadelphia.-In the summer of 1916 a committee was appointed to consider the revision of the Bullitt bill under which Philadelphia has been operating since the first Monday of April, 1887. This committee in turn appointed a sub-committee which late in December submitted a report under eleven heads. 1. The city and county of Philadelphia. That the existing constitutional distinctions between city and county in Philadelphia should be abolished, and the powers of local government vested in a single municipality. This requires an amendment of the constitution. 2. Making certain elective offices appointive. It was recommended that the city solicitor, one of whose functions is to act as legal adviser to the mayor, and the department heads should be appointed by the mayor, and that the receiver of taxes should be appointed by the city treasurer who is the responsible custodian of the city’s funds. These changes do not require an amendment of the constitution. 3. Relieving the judiciary of political functions. The committee very strongly urged that the board of judges should be relieved of the appointment of the board of revision of taxes which is essentially an administrative body, and the board of education which now is a body charged with the duty of determining important questions of policy and wielding the taxing powers but answerable to the people only through the judges, whose selection ought to be independent of political policies. It also recommended that the duty of granting licenses had been harmful to the reputation of the bench in the community, and should be transferred to a board of commissioners to be appointed by the governor or mayor with overlapping terms. 4. Organization of councils. A redistricting of the city providing for 25 wards in place of the 48 was recommended, and a council composed of one representative from each of the new 25 wards suggested in place of the present bicameral system. A salary of $2,500 with an additional $2,500 to the chairman of the finance committee was recommended. 5. Functions of council. The committee recommended that it should be within the power of councils to determine the methods by which assessments of real estate should be made, and that it should be possible for council to delegate to an executive department minor administrative duties that now devolve upon it. 6. The office of mayor and the executive departments. 9 rearrangement of some of the functions of existing departments in order that there might be a better and more logical definition of functions was urged. 7. City revenue and borrowing. Under this head sundry questions of finance were considered. Among other things the committee recommended that real estate owned by public service corporations which is not now subject to local taxation should be taxed as other real estate, and that ground rents should be taxed as personalty. The committee was also of the opinion that the present method of collecting the personal property tax is inadequate. 8. hppraisement of real estate for taxation. . There should be in the committee’s judgment a delegation by the state legislature to the city council of the power of determining the method of arriving at the actual value of real estate and it should be made the duty of the board of revision of taxes to apply the method thus laid down. 9. Control of revenue and appropriations. The committee was of the opinion 276

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19171 NOTES AND EVENTS 277 that a requirement for an annual submission to council of a co-ordinated budget for action by council at a stated time was essential for the attainment of genuine financial efficiency. By budget was meant an estimate made by a responsible public officer, of proposed expenditures and suggestions for financing them. 10. The city’s contracting powers and limitations. The present provisions embodied in the statutes of the state, restricting and limiting the right of the city to exercise discretion as to the terms upon which public work may be done, should be replaced by a provision granting to city council discretion to determine within proper limits the terms and conditions upon which city work may be let by contract or the terms and conditions upon which such work may be performed by the city’s employes, without contract, provided, however, that no city contract for services should be for a longer period than five years. 11. Control of elections. The committee believed that the powers and duties of the present registration commissioners could very properly be expanded so as to control elections, certainly to the extent of vesting in it the powers and duties now exercised by the county commissioners. It was also recommended that the board should be given by constitutional amendment the power to appoint the election officers as well as registration officers in the various divisions of the city, and that these offices might advnntageously be combined. * The San Diego County Charter.-The San Diego (Cal.) county charter was defeated on February 27, but it is an interesting document, for all that. It marks a turning point in the reform of county government when communities as large as this take such advanced positions as the freeholders did at so many points. The charter really “goes the limit” in its acceptance of the county-manager idea, in the extent to which it recognizes the merit principle of civil service and in the spirit which underlies modern public welfare work. Framed under the home rule provisions of the California constitution, it provided among other things for an enlarged board of supervisors, one each from nine districts-five from San Diego and its suburbs and the remainder from the outlying districts, these supervisors to be elected at large for overlapping terms. The board was to have only legislative powers and the members were not to be compensated for their services beyond the amount of their actual expenses incurred in pursuance of their duties. The county manager was to be chosen by the supervisors from a list submitted by the civil service commission. He was to be the actual manager of affairs as well as purchasing agent, road commissioner and surveyor. Under these limitations it is obvious that the county manager would have to be a trained engineer. The appointing power of the manager would not have been large, since all of the principal county officers, with the exception of the civil service commission, the board of public welfare, the sheriff and the district attorney would have been appointed by the board of supervisors, but would doubtless have taken politics out of consideration and left the county manager to all intents and purposes the actual master in administration. In some respects the county manager was given such large powers as to lead one to suspect that the charter framers somewhat misconceived the theory of the commission-manager plan. For instance, the board of supervisors could not increase the number of officers in any department or the items in the annual budget, except with the county manager’s consent. This provision, of course, put the chief servant of the board of supervisors in the rather anomalous position of being able, formally, to dictate to his official superiors. Doubtless, however, in practice the situation would have worked itself out without serious difficulty. In the matter of civil service, the charter took very high ground indeed. The commission consists of three members, one selected by the governor, one by the judges of the superior court and the third by the

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278 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March board of supervisors. This combination of appointing power should at least have secured independence. Whether or not it would have been a harmonious body is open to some question. All of the principal county officers would have been chosen from lists supplied by this commission. Incidentally, the proposed new charter, by taking various officers from the ballot and in some cases consolidating two or more, laid the basis for a short ballot county in which the only elective officers were the board of supervisors, the sheriff and the district attorney. Among other notable provisions of the charter are those which provided for the creation of the office of defender, the institution of a modern audit and purchasing system and the improvement of the judicial township and constable system. A specially constituted board of public welfare consisted of two members appointed by the governor, two by the judges of the superior court, two by the board of supervisors, with the county manager as chairman, ex-officio. This board was charged with the care of the county hospital, county poor farm, the detention home and all indigent and outdoor relief. The executive officer would have been the director of public health and charities, to be appointed by the board from an eligible list supplied by the civil service commission. The county manager plan is included in the scheme of the city and county government association of Alameda county, Cal., and in the new charter proposed for Napa county. Governor Clark of Iowa twice, during his term, recommended county managers for that state. The adoption of the county-manager law is aho part of the program of the county government association of New York dtate. H. S. GILBERTSON. 1, Commission Government in Buffalo.Commission government has just finished its first year of existence in this city and, in the opinion of most unprejudiced observers, has made good in several definite respects. The franchise and referendum clauses of the charter were used with good effect at the last general election without friction or extra expense. The questions on the ballot received a reasonable attention on the part of the voter and the vote apparently was satisfactory to the majority. This use of the popular feature has begun to educate our people to a more careful consideration of public questions and to an appreciation of their duties as citizens. Very definite improvement is seen in the police force, which is much more responsive to public demands than under the old charter. Much less criticism is heard of the chief, who is an appointee of the present government, than of his predecessor. The health department has undertaken and is carrying out a progressive development in the shape of the establishment of four health centers located in sections of the city where the attention of the health department is most needed. These health centers extend the functions of the health department directly to the spots requiring attention and as each health center is in charge of a health physician giving his entire time to the work, it correlates other health activities such a5 babies’ milk dispensaries, tuberculosis clinics, and all the regular activities of the health department. The result has been most beneficial to the poorer element of the population. Education has received a new impetus by the appointment of an excellent board of education by the mayor. The work of this board is hampered by a division of responsibility between itself and the commissioner of public affairs. An effort is being made to correct this weakness in the charter by an amendment now before the legislaturp which will give the entire administrative control to the board but will leave the appointment of the board itself and the control of its budget in the hands of the commission, Discussion of this necessary change is arousing the interested attention of the citizens at the present time. The administration of the parks has been much improved in the direction of

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19171 NOTES AND EVENTS 279 developing their use for the public by the addition of many baseball diamonds, tennis courts, skating rinks, toboggan slides, etc. In the department of finance and accounts the commissioner has, by his careful and scientific survey of the situation, raised the assessed valuation over two hundred million dollars. A large part of this increase has been obtained hy the inclusion of the machinery in factories as real property, under a recent decision of the court, by an increase in the valuation of public service corporation property and of the larger industrial establishments. The attempt has been made to distribute fairly the burden of taxes, and that it has been reasonably successful is shown by the fact that there have been very few protests. This will reduce the rate of taxation considerably and in this way relieve the small taxpayer of a burden which has been growing too heavy for him to carry. As a whole the tendency of this commission is to spend money rather than to save it but at the same time their efforts have been in the direction of a more democratic distribution of the benefits of the city government than heretofore. KNOWLTON MIXER.’ Buffalo. * An Engineer’s View of Commission Government.-During this time (since the adoption of commission government in Galveston), certain defects have been found in the system. In the commission plan providing for three or five commissioners, each commissioner is head of a department and there is apt to be continuous friction between the departments. The commission plan gives one commissioner as much power as another, and the commission has no power to remove or discipline one of their number. Quite frequently, one commissioner resents interference from the other commissioners, thus giving the city three or five separate little governments. While the commission plan got rid of ward log-rolling, it substitutes department 1 A member of the council of the National Municipal League. log-rolling. A commissioner in order to get his own way in his own department, has to swap votes with and not criticize the other ‘commissioners’ budget, which does not tend toward economy. The commission plan presupposes that commissioners will be elected who have had much experience in the handling of men and the directing of their labors. If only such men are elected, however, much of the population is not represented by men in their own class or walk of life, and usually we find that there are men elected to the commission not because of their special fitness, but because they are good fellows and have a large acquaintanceship among the population who deliver the vote. The commission plan ignores experience or the value of experience, as the commissioners are frequently elected for only one term, and, therefore, do not hold office long enough to learn the job. With such an insecure tenure of office, it does not seem worth while for a commissioner to study the problems connected with his department, nor is he likely to give his whole mind to the completion of projects started by his predecess0r.l * Portsmouth, Va.-T. B. Shertzer of New York city has been appointed the first city manager of Portsmouth. When the position was created the council received 157 applications. The salary of the city manager has been fixed at $4,000 a year. Mr. Shertzer was at the time of his appointment a constructive engineer with the Texas company at Bayonne, N. J., and he-has also had experience on the New York subway and with the New York water supply and public service commissions. * Bristol’s Town Manager.-Bristol is the largest urban community in Bucks County, Pa. It is trying an experiment, having appointed under a three years’ contract a town manager at a salary of $2,000 a year. It will be his duty to conduct the affairs of this center “under 2From an address by Henry Gerharr, U. Ssurveyor-general for Montana.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March a purely business administration and to get the highest point of efficiency in administration.” The appointee is John Roberts. 1! “Firing” Engineers in Boston.-If it was intended to demoralize the department of public works in a large city, what better course could be taken than to “fire” some seventeen of its best and most experienced civil engineers because they had not been active in re-electing the mayor? The Engineering News of January 11 states that that was just what happened in the department of public works for the city of Boston. These men were under civil service rules. One of them, Mr. McInnes (the most valuable engineer in the city’s water department), with two others, appealed to the courts and those courts have found that the removals were “without proper cause and in bad faith.” If it were desired to discourage any high-grade professional expert from accepting appointment in the Boston municipal service, what better course could be hken than was taken by the mayor of Boston in removing Lewis K. Roorke, some two years ago? Roorke w&s by far the best appointment made for a head of any Boston department in the last ten years, being a civil engineer of great ability and large experience. The National Board of Fire Underwriters’ report shows plainly how the installation of the high pressure service has since been delayed and bungled, so that it will be some years before Boston gets the decrease of fire risk it should have been enjoying now. Mr. Roorke’s position was not strictly under civil service rules. By the Boston charter every such appointment has to be submitted to the state civil service commission who must find after “careful inquiry into his qualifications . . . that in their opinion he is a recognized expert, or he is qualified by education, training, or experience for said office.” (Notice “or” instead of “and”.) This is but slight protection. It is in the nature of a “pass” examination. The mayor has perfect freedom to appoint anybody who can “pass,” while if the place were under strict civil service rules the mayor would be limited to a choice of one of three, giving very little chance to reward a political worker. There would also be an appeal in case of removal “without cause or in bad faith.” The new system used for seventeen years-of appointing to such high positions through an unassembled competitive investigation of training, education, achievements in life, personality, etc., conducted with the aid of appropriate specialists,-has produced wonderfully good results in hundreds of civil service positions with salaries from $3,000 to $10,000. Such a system, if adopted in Boston, would take the heads of departments completely out of politics. It would take contracts also out of politics and would be the best antitoxin for municipal waste and corruption. RICHARD H. DANA. * The Smoke Nuisance in Chicago.-The Chicago railway terminal commission has gone on record to the effect that it sees no reason why the ordinance to adjust certain matters between the South park commissioners, the city and the New York Central railroad should not provide for the electrification of the suburban service of the railroad within five years of the date of the passage of the ordinance, and the complete electrification of all branches of the service in Chicago within ten years from the passage of the ordinance. Among those signing the report are: Bion J. Ainold, Walter L. Fisher, E. H. Bennett, Frank I. Bennett, commissioner of public works; Morton S. Cressy, assistant corporation counsel; Ellis Geiger, chairman, committee on railway terminals; John F. Wallace, chairman, railway terminal commission. * The Cincinnati Municipal Reference Library.-The library is under the control of the university, the head of the political science department of the University of Cincinnati being in immediate charge. The city gave the space in the city hall in a room adjoining the council chamber.

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19171 NOTES AND EVENTS 281 Some months ago the mayor decided that “to save expense” the library should be moved from the city hall to Burnet Woods, some three miles from the city hall and heart of the city where its good influence would be entirely negatived. It was shown that the library cost the city nothing in so far as it was a charge not on the city but on the University, an expense of $1,200 a year. “Want of space” then became the excuse for the removal of the library as it was claimed this room should be used by the charter commission to be elected April 17. As a matter of fact the space without the library would not be of any real value to the commission as the library proved invaluable to the former charter commission of two years ago. Numerous civic organizations became active in urging that the library be allowed to remain at the city hall. The board of education adopted a resolution against its removal and stated that it had held sessions there so that it could have at hand information that could be obtained nowhere else. The former charter commission urged that it remain in its present place. In all, nine civic organizations passed resolutions urging the retention of the library at the city hall. Mayor Puchta then made the rather surprising statement that he had questioned all the department heads and found that,with one exception, none of them used the library. On January 9 the mayor’s ordinance for the removal of the library was unanimously passed, under suspension of the rules, by council. Just what will be done with the library is at present undecided, although civic organizations have been considering re taining it in the heart of the city. 81though the ordinance can exclude it from the city hall, it cannot force the library to go to Burnet Woods since all branches of the university are regulated by state law and are not subject to ordinance of council. So far as the bureau of research is concerned, the city has a department that is known as the bureau of information and research which does little more than exist 6 and whose title seems to be rather a misnomer. The former, which has always been active for the betterment of municipal affairs, hrts found it practically impossible to co-operate with the administration. HERBERT F. KOCH.~ ?1? The Missouri City Manager League was formed in December at a conference at Excelsior Springs under the leadership of Leslie E. Bates, for the purpose of getting through the legislature an optional city manager bill applying to third class cities, between 3,000 and 30,000 population. The bill may be extended to include other classes of cities. Missouri cities are also supporting bilk for extensive amendments guaranteeing larger powers of home rule in police excise and public utilities matters, and the right of excess condemnation, with the creation of county planning boards and city plan commissions in all cities. * New York Police Records.-The entire system of police records in use in New York hrts been revised by Police Commissioner Woods. Arrests, accidents and complaints are recorded by patrolmen on the street on loose leaf pocket memorandum forms which have been specially prepared to give pertinent data of each case with a minimum amount of writing. Formerly the patrolmen wrote these reports on scraps of paper or in their personal pocket memorandum books. In the station house the data of arrests, accidents and complaints are transferred to cards under the direction of the lieutenant instead of being entered in books. Each precinct sends its cards to the district inspector daily to be collected by a messenger in an automobile and taken to headquarters where the data from an average of 2,000 cards received daily are transferred to punched Hollerith tabulating cards. By means of this system all police activities are recorded and classified with a minimum of clerical labor and the department has a complete record of every case available at any time. LEONHARD FELIX FULD. 1 Executive secretary, Cincinnati city club.

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282 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW 11. POLITICS [March Atlanta’s New Mayor.-Asa G. Candler, the multi-millonaire manufacturer of coca-cola, began his term as mayor of Atlanta, Georgia, January 1. He was nominated in the primary in August, 1916, over a single opposing candidate by a vote of two to one. Prior to his entry into the race, three candidates, all of whom were identified with the existing political potpourri, had announced their candidacy. They were all regarded as good men, but by virtue of their connection with city politics they had a drab color to the popular view, and the general attitude towards the race was characterized by indifference and a feeling that there was no use trying to secure any effective improvement in the city’s administration; but two of the candidates withdrew from the race in favor of Mr. Candler, who was induced against his personal wishes to make the fight because he recognized the baleful effects upon the city’s welfare which citizen indifference were causing. Mr. Candler is said by local correspondents to be a deeply religious man “whose spiritual nature has found expression in regular church activity and generous gifts to many good causes, including a million and a quarter dollars to Emory University. He could not resist the call to service when a group of citizens faced him with the public demand for it. His liberality is widely appreciated and his honesty and sound sense widely trusted. He seemed the only man in the city who combined the power to win the election and to bring the people together in a government for public welfare.” After his election in the primary a street car strike took place and a new source of division arose. Mr. Candler’s participation in the efforts to preserve order caused an independent candidate to come out against him. This candidate did not receive even a solid labor vote, and Mr. Candler began his administration as the “people’s mayor.” ‘Unless otherwise indicated the items in this department are prepired by Clinton Roger8 Woodruff. There is already a different public attitude towards the city government. Cooperation between different departments and between citizens and civic organizations with public officials is becoming more and more apparent. Mr. Candler went into office on no other platform than that of his personality. He made no extravagant promises. In the primary he surprised people with his ability as a campaigner. He took his audiences into his confidence. He would give vent to statements like this: “They say I don’t know anything about city government. When they proposed to make me president of the Central bank, Gene Black said I didn’t know anything about banking, but I told Gene I could learn about banking and I guess some of you know that I can tell when it is safe to lend a fellow money. I can learn about city government, too, without ha,ving to unlearn a lot of things some other fellows know to your sorrow.” “There is every reason to believe” our correspondent writes, “that Mr. Candler has learned and is learning, and that he recognizes the handicaps of inflexible tax laws and an obsolete charter. Doubtless he feels that he must make the people also recognize these handicaps before he can speak freely, and that in order to open their eyes and unify opinion for changes which must come if his administration is to be genuinely successful, a fact basis must be laid through research and appraisement. “Mr. Candler is a big man whose money has not dulled his sympathy for the little things which make up life for the average human being. He is approachable and cordial in manner. He is decisive without being overbearing; quick but sure of judgment. He is outspoken without a trace of bitterness. An incident which throws much light upon him occurred recently when Harry Gardiner, ‘the human fly,’ sought permission to climb his skyscraper. . There was some question in the mind of the manager of the building,

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19171 NOTES AND EVENTS 283 as to legal liability in case Gardiner should fall in the course of his climb. They took the matter to Mr. Candler’s lawyer who advised that they submit it to Mr. Candler himself. So Gardiner and the manager and the lawyer went down to his office and explained how Gardiner wanted to climb the building, and that there might be some accident and liability. ‘Well,’ said Mr. Candler ‘I always decide against a fool.’ They all laughed and Gardiner went in search of another skyscraper. ” * The Completed Vindication of A. Leo Wei1.-A special grand jury of the intermediate court of Kanawha county, West Virginia, in January, 1915, returned four indictments against A. Leo Weil, the purpose being to cover different phases of the same alleged offence.’ The circuit court of the county granted a writ of prohibition which, upon hearing, was made permanent, prohibiting the intermediate court from further proceeding in any way with the cases. The state appealed from this decision to the supreme court of appeals of West Virginia, and the circuit court was reversed. From the decision of the state supreme court, the defendant was granted an appeal to the supreme court of the United States where the case is now pending. The criminal charges against the defendant grew out of the rate case of the Manufacturers Light & Heat company against the public service commission, involving the fixing of gas rates for industrial and domestic consumers throughout a large section of the northern part of the state. The rate case a short time ago was amicably adjusted, and the suits involving the several phases of it pending in the federal courts were dismissed. In the formal statement the prosecuting attorney, who had prepared the indictment said: As a result of the investigations which I made while prosecuting attorney of the county and recent developments in connection with the criminal charges, which ‘See article on “The Vindication of A. Lso Weil,” NATIONAL JIU~ICIPAL REVIEW, rol. iv, p. 455. satisfied me that there was not sufficient evidence to justify the state in bringing Mr. Weil to trial, I became and am convinced that it was impossible to secure a conviction. The criminal charges have already cost the state much money, and to proceed further with this case upon the indictments would involve the further expenditure of large sums. Being familiar with these cases in every detail, and convinced as I am that a conviction could not be secured, it would be abortive to proceed further. The present prosecuting attorney of this county, with the consent of the court, has signified his willingness to nolle pros the indictments pending against the defendant upon this recommendation from me, and with the further assurance that this action is satisfactory to all parties interested in the prosecution. The following is a statement made by the present prosecuting attorney: The Weil indictments were pending when I went into office as prosecuting attorney, and upon investigations of the contemplated procedure, theretofore undertaken by the state, and the evidence upon which it relied to secure a trial and conviction, I became convinced of three things : First: The state could not secure a conviction for the alleged offence under its circumstances. Second: That no offence in fact had been committed. Third: That if trial and conviction mere to be based alone upon the statements of such witnesses as one Guy Biddinger, upon whose evidence the state’s case was predicated, and who is now under uumerous indictments in Illinois, Kanawha county for the next four years would have a minimum of criminal court work. In the first two, I have been borne oat by the statement of Mr. Townsend, former prosecutor, who was originally in charge of the case and who in view of his statements should have taken this step himself. It is my hope and desire to prosecute violations of the law as contemplated b the statute of this state, but to make sucg prosecutions justly. I am convinced of the injustice that has been done in this matter, and don’t hesitate to remedy it to the extent of my ability. This is my answer to those who seek prosecutions for political purposes in Kanawha county throughout the next four years.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March The Interesting Experience of Paducah, Ky.-On January 1, 1916, five men took office, four as commissioners, one as mayor. A suit was immediately filed against four of them, alleging fraudulent election, and in June the court of appeals ordered them “ousted.” The question then arose, who had the power to fill vacancies. The governor jumped into the breach and appointed two of those who had been ousted, and two others; the remaining commissioner, against whom no suit has been filed (who simply sat still in the boat), then appointed four commissioners to fill the vacancies. The two of those ousted who were not reappointed by either the governor or the hold-over commissioner, refused to vacate, until the court of appeals decided the governor had the power to appoint, and all the others stepped down and out. The appointments were to hold until November, when another election was held. At that time, about Kovember 10, four entirely new commissioners were declared elected to sit with Mr. Washington. No sooner had this board qualified than suit was filed under a new “corrupt practices act” against the four new men. This suit is now pending, but it is believed that the present incumbents will have to step out. It has been suggested by representative citizens that when the time came for the next regular election (the men being elected only for the year November, 1916, to November, 1917) they would endeavor to secure four or five (as the case may require) men of unimpeachable character, and good business ability, to run for office, and every endeavor would be made to have them elected, and that these men pool their salaries and hire a city manager. The great difficulty now is that the salary ($3,000) is too much for the type of men who run for office, and it would be hazardous to make the salary more, until the people are sufficiently aroused to demand the best men for office. 111. JUDICIAL DECISIOXS An Important Billboard Decision.-On January 15, 1917, the supreme court of the United States1 affirmed the decision of the Illiois supreme court2 which sustained a Chicago ordinance provision prohibiting the erection of billboards in any residence block without the consent of the owners of a LLmajority of the frontage of the property on both sides of the street in the block.” Following the line of reasoning pursued by the Illinois court, the highest court of the land did not base its decision upon aesthetic considerations. The prohibition involved in the ordinance was justified wholly upon the ground that it was “in the interest of the safety, morality, health, and decency of the community.,’ Referring to the evidence in respect to insufficient fire and police protection in residence districts, which the lllinois court held to have been erroneously excluded at the trial, the United States court declared broadly that even if this kestimony were neglected there remained 1 Thomas Cusaack Co. v Cily of Chicago 3 N.%TION.kL ~ICNICIPAL REVIEW, VOI iv, p. 312. sufficient evidence to show the propriety of the prohibition in question. In spite of the grounds upon which the decision was reached, this case will naturally be acclaimed with joy by all those who are interested in furthering the cause of municipal aesthetics. The court evidently did not deem it necessary to discuss the question whether these usual subjects of the police power-the public safety, morality, health, and decencycould have been adequately protected by regulation falling short of actual prohibition. The requirement that billboards should be constructed of fireproof materials, without obstructive supports, and with sufficient clearance above the ground to prevent the harboring of lawbreakers and immoral persons or the collection of inflammable rubbish or filth would doubtless have accomplished every one of the specific public purposes mentioned. But the court elected, without considering these details, to rest its decision upon the broad grounds indicated.

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19171 NOTES AND EVENTS There is no question, moreover, that the case sustains the rule that billboards may be absolutely prohibited, at least in residence districts; for it was pointed out that the provision allowing the erection of billboards with the consent of property owners was in the nature of a concession to the billboard interests. The prohibition could have been made absolute. The claim, therefore, that the ordinance was impaired by this provision was “palpably frivolous.”’ Although the point was not stressed, this case must be taken to sustain the competence of a city to create zones or districts for purposes of billboard exclusion. This would be in line with recent decisionsa upholding zoning ordinances enacted for the purpose of excluding more or less offensive trades and industries from residence districts. HOWARD LEE MCBAIN. Q City Manager Charter.-In Kopczynski v. Schriber,3 the validity of the charter of Grand Rapids was attacked partly on the ground that after creating the office of mayor it conferred certain powers on the city manager in conflict with those of the mayor. The relator in the case was trying to get a mandamus compelling the city clerk to accept and file his nominating petition for alderman, an office not provided for by the new charter. The court insisted that this was not the proper proceeding in which to test the validity of the new charter, but felt that public policy required that they consider the question. They decided that the charter, in so far as it provided for the election by the council of one of their own number as mayor, did not conflict with the home rule act4 requiring the election of a mayor, since the word “election” is not limited in its meaning simply to a vote of the people. They decided that the city charter did not conflict with the constitution and was not invalid in its entirety. Richmond, 223 U. S. 137, 1912. 394, 1915. ‘The case was distinguished from Eubank v. ?Notably Hadocheck v. Sebasfian, 239 N. 8. a 161 N. W. 238. 6 Pub. Acts 1909, no. 279, section 3. 0““ Construction of Municipal Powers.In the case of Stevenson v. Port of PartZand,s the incorporated port of Portland planned to erect bunkers and coal ships in order to meet the competition of Puget Sound ports. The plaintiff sued to prevent the carrying out of the plan. In 1908 the voters had initiated and adopted a measure, attempting to confer this power. The court decided that the port would have to get enabling legislation, although they admitted that the coaling would be incidental to the public purpose for which the port was created. In New Orleans v. Shuler,@ it was decided that by a charter giving the city all powers, privileges and functions which pursuant to the constitution could be granted to or exercised by any city, the legislature has delegated to the city the power to license or prohibit placing gasoline storage tanks under sidewalks with the pump at the edge of the wdk. The defendant refused to pay the license fee and claimed that the power had not been delegated to the city. The upper court affirmed his conviction of violating the city ordinance. * Home Rule.-In Loop Lumber Company v. Van Loben Sels,’ it was decided that the statute requiring a contractor for city work, before entering on performance, to give a bond for payment of materiala and labor, is inconsistent with the city’s freeholder charter, purporting to provide all the conditions precedent for a contractor for city sewer construction proceeding with the work, including the giving of a bond, conditioned, however, only on faithful performance of the contract, and so inapplicable to such work in such city. The California constitution makes the city charter absolutely controlling, and free from impairment by general laws as to all “municipal affairs.” Q Mandamus Salaries.-In People v. Prendergast,S the New York board of estimate and apportionment was manda5 162 Pacific 509. 8 73 Southern 715. 7 1S9 Pacific 600 (California). g 111 N. E. 860.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March mused to appropriate salaries for positions established by law and salaries fixed by law. A special statute' was held to be an exception to the Greater New York charter. The county register appoints; the board of estimate canonly appropriate. This is a splendid example of state interference with local affairs. It shows how difficult budget procedure becomes under such conditions. * Municipal Exemption from Liability for Torts.-There have been decided recently a number of cases in which municipalities have been sued on the ground of negligence in the management of parks and other recreational facilities. In most of them the usual interpretation of no liability for acts of the sovereign in the performance of governmental functions as distinguished from private proprietary or corporate acts has been continued. In Bolsler v. City of Lawrence,? the Massachusetts supreme court said that though the city makes a small charge for use of its public baths from which it derives a comparatively insignificant income, that does not affect the public character of the baths so as to render the city liable for the torts of its officers in connection therewith. This is the conventional Massachusetts view. In Robbins V. Omaha3 the Nebraska court said that although a boy was drowned from a raft in a pool in a public park, the pool and raft did not constitute a nuisance and the city's demurrer was sustained. There was a brief dissenting opinion in which one judge felt that unless it was conclusively shown that the city was performing a governmental function the plaintiff stated a good cause of action. In Hibbard v. Wichita4 it was decided that maintaining a zoological garden in a public park is a governmental function and that the city is not liable in damages for injuries inflicted by animals on visitors through the negligence of the city's officers or agents in not properly confining them. One judge felt that the 1 Laws of 1913, chapter 776. 2 114 N. E. 722. 4 159 Pacific 399. 8 160 N. w. 749. city maintained a nuisance and should he liable. In Pope v. New Haven6 the court decided that when the city gives a fourth of July celebration with fireworks and a spectator is killed by a bomb failing to explode in the air, the city is not liable because it is engaged in a governmental duty. The city held the celebration under authority of its charter and not for pecuniary profit. It was held in a dangerous place, however, near a crowded street. The court said in passing that if the act had been intrinsically dangerous the city would have been liable. We now come to a case in which the city was held liable, Kokumo v. Loy.8 Here the employee of park was injured while trying to unload a cannon under the direction of one acting for the park superintendent. The park commissioners were appointed by city councils. The court said that there were two kinds of acts, one, political and governmental, the other, private, proprietary or corporate. Liability depends upon the capacity in which the city was acting at the time. In this case the city was acting in its corporate capacity. clr Municipal Pensions. Although the Seattle charter' provides that any person in the civil service disabled in the course of his duty shall receive full pay during disability, not to exceed thirty days, and half pay not to exceed six months, the employe will receive this pay though he is injured by a third party in the course of his employment and recovers from the third party. The lower court felt that the pension should be compensatory and not cumulative. The upper courts reversed the decision and the causes were remanded with instfuctions to enter judgment for the plaintiffs. * Municipal Regulation of Gas Rates.In Newark Natural Gas and Fuel Company v. The City of Newark, Ohio,9 the question was whether an ordinance fixing 6 99 Atlantic' 51. 6 112 N. E. 994. 7 Article 16, section 32. 8 159 Pacific 816. 0 37 Supreme Court Reporter 1.56.

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19171 NOTES AND EVENTS the maximum price for natural gas at 20 cents per thousand cubic feet for a period of five years with 10 per cent discount for prompt payment, described as 18 cents “net” is confiscatory and therefore contrary to the due process clause of the fourteenth amendment. The gas company, in this case a distributing company only, operated under a 25-year franchise which permitted a rate of 25 cents for ten years, but the company within the period had reduced the rate to 18 cents net and maintained it for several years before the ordinance of 1911 was passed. The company refused to accept the terms of the ordinance and insisted on a 25 cent rate. The city filed a petition for a mandatory injunction. The court decreed for the city, but without prejudice to the right of the gas company to apply for a modification if it should appear later that a rate of 18 cents did not render an adequate return. The supreme court of Ohio1 affirmed the decree. No confiscation was found after full examination of the value of the property. The supreme court of the United States affirmed the decision of the state court, stating that the gas company had failed to show that the ordinance had the effect of depriving it of its property without due process of law. ROBERT EMMET TRACY. IV. MISCELLANEOUS Charitable Transportation in the South.-A year’s experience as secretary of a charity organization society in a southern city affords sufficient proof of seriousness of the charitable transportation problem of the south. During 1916 the associated charities of Jacksonville has dealt with 530 homeless men, and never less than seven transient families per month, one month as high as 21, and an average of 14 per month. The esperience of other charity organization societies throughout the seven southeastern states is quite similar. For esample, during the past fiscal year of its society, Atlanta had 225 homeless men and 89 transient families; Charlotte, N. C., 98 homeless men and 11 transient families; Columbia, S. C., 190 homeless men and transient families. The Jackson, Miss., society worked with 272 homeless men and 19 transient families; while New Orleans had the highest number of homeless men, namely 1,250, and a large number of transient families of which they could give no definite statement as no count had been kept separate from that of the resident families for which they cared. Jacksonville, however, has had to face the problem perhaps more often than any other southern city. It was this fact that led Mayor J. E. T. Bowden to call the first annual convention of the mayors’ 192 Ohio State 393. association of the South Atlantic and Gulf states, in Jacksonville, January 18, 19 and 20, 1916. plied the method for dealing with certain social problems of public significance, and in this particular case the way had been paved for dealing with this question by a committee on charitable transportation of the National Conference of Charities and Correction. In conjunction with the Russell Sage Foundation this committee has worked out a transportation agreement that has now been signed by over 600 cities and societies throughout the country. By its terms no charity transportation of any form is to be granted until it is definitely established by other means than through the applicant’s statements that the applicant will have at the point of destination, such resources as will insure his condition being materially benefited by the change in locality. One of three conditions must be fulfilled before it can be adjudged that the applicant’s condition will be bettered: He must have at the point of destination E legal residence, or friends or relatives who will care for him, or a positionawaiting him inwhich he can earn a living. The purpose of the mayors’ convention, as the meeting in Jacksonville came to be called, was stated in these words, “to consider the best methods of handling the Private organizations have often sup.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March traveling dependent and to adopt rules and regulations, prohibiting sending such from one city to another.” Early in its session a committee brought back a proposed model ordinance which incorporated, word for word, the national transportation agreement, and made it obligatory upon any city, which might subsequently adopt the ordinance, to fulfill the terms of the transportation agreement in the issuance of charity transportation. This was adopted by the convention as the principal feature of its proceedings. A copy of it was sent to every society and charitable organization in Georgia, North and South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida. Subsequent to the convention, this ordinance was passed by a number of the cities. Exact results are not available, but such cities as have passed it are the larger centers. The vast number of smaller places throughout .these states have not as yet taken any definite stand. The general practice of the railroads has been to issue a straight two cent mile rate on the recommendation of the mayor or some charitable organization in the city from which the transportation is to be secured, to any point lying within the area of the southeastern passenger association. The social results have been very bad indeed. It is actually easier for the dependent to travel from city to city in the south, especially if he is maimed or disabled so that he may become a successful beggar, than it is for him to live in one particular spot. For example, recently a crippled beggar who had lost both of his limbs in an accident, rolled into our office on a wheeled contrivance of his making, and asked for assistance. Upon being interviewed he disclosed the fact that within the past two years he had passed through 102 southern cities, the names of which he remembered, besides others, doubtless, which he had forgotten. In practically all of these cities he had found it possible, after begging a few hours, to secure through someone, cheap rate transportation to the next town. Bad as the effect of this haphazard way of passing on dependents has been upon the homeless men, it is much more disastrous, of course, in its effect upon families where there are little children. Some months ago a mother and seven little ones arrived in Jacksonville, having been passed on bya smaller town a little farther down the state. Her story was that they had arrived in the former town penniless, and that kind-hearted people had taken up a collection with which to send them to Jacksonville. The associated charities attempted by every means, so long as their legal residence could not be established anywhere else, to plant them firmly here, but it seemed that for years they had been travelling from one place to another, living in a hand to mouth fashion upon the mistaken generosity of the public, and it was only a few weeks after they came in spite of the fact that they were being assisted materially and otherwise, that between night and morning, the whole family disappeared to go on its wandering, precarious way. The south is literally full of such families. They have become detached from their own locality and have found that city after city will gladly take up a collection for them, or secure relief from the city officials, sufficient to send them to the next town to avoid making a real investigation, or providing any systematic method by which they can earn or otherwise be furnished a real livelihood. It was, however, not so much the effect of this haphazard policy upon the homeless men and families themselves that caught the attention of the mayors and social workers who met at the convention, as it was the tremendous expense ultimately involved. The testimony of such societies and cities as have signed the transportation agreement, is that the taking of this step, even without a reciprocal agreement on the part of many other cities, has meant an immediate saving in money. It has been demonstrated that an attempt definitely to plant the transient family in the new community, and to realize its economic and social possibilities is less immediately costly to the city, in the average instance, than the sending of the family on to the next town.

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19171 NOTES AND EVENTS It is impossible to calculate the still greater saving which would result providing all southern cities should adopt the principles of the transportation agreement, and thus, not only protect themselves from the expense of wholesale issuance of charity transportation, but also refrain from burdening sister cities through the passing on of paupers. A much more rapid method of making progress is that suggested by the action taken by the trunk line passenger association of the east, and the central passenger association, which operates out of Chicago. That taken by the former prohibits railroads from issuing charity transportation except on the recommendation of the society which is a signer of the national transportation agreement. The same principle has been adopted by the central association, only in this case the united charities of Chicago is alone accredited for such issuance. Were the southeastern association to adopt this principle it would materially hasten complete co-operation among the southern cities through the universal signing of the transportation agreement. The whole question was up before the southeastern association early in 1916, but no deiinite action was taken. The feeling seemed to be that the granting of transportation only on the basis of signature to the transportation agreement could not be enforced at the present time owing to the small number of such signers throughout the southern states. However, this consideration of the question has paved the way. It may be possible that by working at both ends the difEcult situation can some time be met, Meanwhile, among themselves, the charity organization societies of the south are living up to the agreement. Occasionally they are also able to secure control of granting of transportation in their respective cities by securing close co-operation of the city government, even though the cities are not signers of the agreement. This is notably true in New Orleans, and Munroe, Ala. In still other cities, even where the city is a signer, it has been found to be satisfactory to have a private organization make the investigations and administer transportation under the law. Examples of this are to be found in Jackson, Columbia, and Jacksonville. This regulation of charity transportation is only one of the first steps in the long struggle which will be necessary before the transient family and the wandering homeless man are made social phenomena of the past. Our loose social organization, the comparatively few opportunities in small towns for proper industrial training and vocational guidance, and many other facts, contribute to the causes which uproot individuals and family groups from localities, and start them wandering about over the country in the hope of securing real or imagined advantages. However, the spirit which is now working so strenuously for the systematic regulation of charity transportation is the spirit which will eventually save us from more fundamental social difficulties, HOMER W. BORST.' * The College in Politics.-A rather novel illustration of what a college may do for the cause of good government is found in the recent experiences of Reed College in Portland, Oregon, where the college provided speakers on the initiative and referendum measures in the election of 1916 to sixty audiences reaching perhaps onefifth of the registered voters. The ballot presented eleven measures covering a wide range of issues, such as registration of ships, single tax, rural' credits, variations of prohibition, antivaccination, Sunday closing laws, single item veto, normal schools, and tax limitation. To form an adequate decision on these measures demanded a vast amount of information and research. The task of spreading this information over the whole city was truly great. It was approached in the following manner: For a month prior to the campaign, five members of the faculty and seventeen students from the departments of politics, sociology, economics and public speaking formed themselves into a group for the purpose of studying the measures. Spe1 Associated charities, Jacksonville, Fls.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March cia1 committees of research were appointed on each measure. The group then met at regular intervals and discussed the measures from various angles. As a result at the end of a month they felt pretty thoroughly prepared to present the measures adequately and to answer the thousands of questions that were sure to come. A publicity agent and manager were appointed by whom circular letters were sent out to the various clubs and organizations of the city offering the services of the college speakers. As a result, during a campaign of six weeks, speakers addressed sixty audiences averaging seventy individuals in the audience. If each individual in the audience on the average discussed the measures with five other individuals, the Reed College speaker probably reached one fifth of the registered voters. This is a conservative estimate, for in Oregon before an election there is a great deal of discussion on the measures between individuals. Furthermore, these meetings covered the area of Portland fairly thoroughly. There were really few individuals in the city who did not live within three quarters of a mile of a place where a meeting was held. The meetings were held in school-houses, churches, settlement houses, community centers, club houses, libraries, fraternity halls, private homes and hotels. Usually three speakers addressed each meeting for perhaps an hour and a quarter, Questions and discussions followed for an hour. The discussions were generally lively and sometimes were a little warm for the speakers, inasmuch as there were partisans or specialists on a particular issue in the audience. This activity was of very great value for the cause of intelligent voting, as the information was thorough, accurate, unbiased and spread widely. It was also of educational value to the speakers. It is also a precedent showing that a college’s activities need not be confined to the classroom and the athletic field, but rather that a college may enter politics and speak on political, social and economic issues. WILLIAM F. OGBURN. Reed College. American Political Science Association and Municipal Government.-At the meetings of the American Political Science Association held at Cincinnati during the last week of December, two sessions were devoted to the discussion of municipal government. At the session of Thursday, December 28, Henry M. Waite, city manager of Dayton, gave an interesting address on “Three Years of CommissionManager Government” in which he laid particular emphasis on what had been achieved in the humanitarian departments of the Dayton administration; such as promotion of public recreation, interest in music, and the general awakening of civic interest in things worth while. Hon. Henry T. Hunt, former mayor of Cincinnati, read a carefully prepared paper on “The Obstacles to Municipal Progress,” in which he dwelt upon the difficuky of transforming civic ideals into concrete realities of administration. Ex-Mayor Hunt’s address, which was of a most interesting character, will be published in the American Political Science Review. The foregoing papers were discussed by Dr. Robert C. Brooks of Swarthmore College and by Dr. L. D. Upson of the bureau of governmental research, Detroit. There was a further discussion from the floor in which Professor John A. Fairlie of the University of Illinois, Professor Edgar Dawson of Hunter College and Professor Henry Jones Ford of Princeton University took part. On Friday, December 29, there was a luncheon conference on “Bureaus of Reference and Research as Aids in the Teaching of Political Science.” Professor s. Gale Lowrie of the University of Cincinnati presided. Short addresses were made by Professors Lowrie, F. G. Bates of Indiana University, W. B. Munro of Harvard University, Charles A. Beard of Columbia University and R. T. Crane of the University of Michigan. It came out very plainly in this discussion that the problems confronting a bureau of research in connection with a university were altogether different from those of bureaus maintained for cities either under public or private auspices.

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19171 NOTES AND EVENTS 29 1 Community Giving.-Gifts in money or in art treasures, reaching a grand total of $300,000, have been recently presented to the city of Denver by her citizens. When Mayor R. W. Speer reentered office last May he announced that one of the chief adornments of the civic center should be a Court of Honor to Civic Benefactors, where all giftsof moment would berecorded in stone. This announcement awakened a sense of civic patriotism, of which the gifts that followed were merely the expression. Mr. J. A. Thatcher, a pioneer banker, gave a $100,000 fountain, designed by Lorado Taft of Chicago. The heirs of Junius F. Brown, a pioneer merchant, presented paintings valued at $100,000, which had been collected by the merchant during his lifetime. John C. Shafer of Denver and Chicago, a newspaper proprietor of Denver, presented a $50,000 painting. Various individuals and business concerns raised $50,000 for a monster pipe organ in the municipal Auditorium. Another citizen gave $20,000 for an ornamental entrance to the city park, and still another $10,000 for an ornamental gateway. One citizen presented $5,000 for bubble drinking fountains in the business district. And these, apparently, are but the forerunners for greater gifts, for a citizens’ committee is now being organized to raise funds for a municipal art gallery on the civic center. W. F. R. MILLS.^ * Secretary’s Trip.-The secretary of the National Municipal League left Philadelphia on January 23 for a trip which occupied twenty-four days and included visits to Austin, Waco, Fort Worth and Dallas in Texas; Kansas City and St. Joseph, Mo.; Topeka and Lawrence, Kansas; Chicago, Ill.; Milwaukee and LaCrosse, Wis.; Minneapolis, Minn.; Davenport, Iowa City and Des Moines, Iowa. Most of his 29 addresses were before business bodies, although four state universities were included in his trip: Texas, Colo. ‘Manager of improvements and parks, Denver, Kansas, Minnesota and Iowa. The secretary reports a very general interest in the city-manager form of government as embodied in the model city charter of the National Municipal League, also in the subject of city planning as involving preparedness along governmental, material and social lines. Everywhere he found a deep interest in the control of the liquor traffic through prohibition. He further reports a general and enthusiastic response to the recent announcement of the League’s determination to take up for constructive consideration the questions of county and state government. While in Topeka he had an extended interview with the governor of Kansas, the Hon. Arthur Capper, a long-time member of the League, who is not only interested in the city-manager form of government, but in the suggestion of a state manager to look after the various state institutions and bureaus. * St. Louis Outer Park and Boulevard System-The recent approval of a three million dollar road bond issue by St. Louis county, makes possible the development of the outer park and boulevard system advocated since 1907 by the St. Louis civic league. The movement has had a rocky career for nine years, with obstacles thrown in its way by the legislature, the supreme court and city officials. It was once defeated in a popular election, largely because of the feeling that the city would be taxed for the benefit of the county (St. Louis being entirely separate from the county). While the voting of the bonds will not make possible the purchase of the scenic reservations contemplated in the original plan, it will at least provide boulevards and highways connecting the city and suburban towns with the chief scenic areas on the three rivers which bound the county. The county is planning to employ an expert engineer to conceive the plan in the spirit of city planning. * Instruction of Policemen.-In 1915 Raymond B. Fosdick of New York gave a course of six lectures to the police of

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292 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March Washington. There were two lectures to sergeants and patrolmen on methods of patrol, use of weapons, methods of supervision, etc., two were devoted to the detectives on matters relating to their department, and two to the higher offices of the department, all illustrated throughout with references to European methods. Mr. Fosdick has been invited by Professor William Bennet Munro of Harvard to deliver the same addresses to the policemen of Cambridge, and especially to consider criminal identification, methods of patrol and supervision, and the scientific detection of crime. This course has been inaugurated at Harvard at the suggestion of Mayor W. D. Rockwood of Cambridge. Plans for the establishment of a school for policemen and another for firemen of San JosB, Cal., are being made by City Manager Thomas H. Reed. The courses for the firemen will include lectures by prominent fire chiefs and experts from the coast, and will include administration and practice in climbing, jumping and rescue work and study of the lighting methods. The policemen will be required to make a study of the ordinances of the city and the laws of the state and of the whole penal code, and will also be given a thorough training in first aid work. One of the most important parts of the course will be the study of criminal identification, including finger prints, the Bertillon system and the modus operandi of the system. The faculty of the law school of Northwestern University has offered a course of systematic evening instruction to the members of the Chicago police force. Members of the faculty of Columbia University, including Professor Gifford, Emory R. Buckner, Dr. Bernard Glueck, and Professor McBain, are giving a course for the policemen of New York City, in which more than five hundred members of the force are enrolled. I? Motion Pictures of Recreation Activities.-Park Commissioner Raymond V. Ingersoll of Brooklyn' has shown what can be done through motion pictures in bring'A member of the Council of the National h1unicipi.l League since 1909 -EDITOR. ing to citizens a vivid impression of actual conditions and activities in s system of parks and playgrounds. During the summer of 1916, more than 3,000 feet of films were taken under careful supervision. It takes about one hour to show these films. They were first produced at the Triangle theatre, Brooklyn, at an entertainment at which all the employes of the park department were present. Since then the department has responded to scores of invitations to have the pictures shown in the public schools and before various organizations. As Brooklyn has a large area, a population greater than that of Philadelphia, and more than 40 separate park and playground properties, these pictures are serving to show to the people certain existing opportunities for wholesome outdoor recreation, with which very few are completely familiar. The pictures show some of the picturesque landscape in Prospect park, on the boulevards, and along the shore fronts. There are also illustrations of interesting park operations, such m the spraying and pruning of park and street trees. The chief emphasis, however, has been placed upon active recreation. Three hundred tennis courts in Prospect park are shown in active use as are also 25 baseball diamonds at the Parade grounds. Boating on Prospect park lake and winter skating on this lake and on the small artificial ponds, which have been built in various parts of the borough, make scenes full of life and activity. Pictures are shown of games and dancing in the playgrounds; and interesting views are given of children in the wading basins, swimming pools and on the Coney island beaches. Views of the children's farm gardens are particuhrly picturesque and appealing. * The League of Iowa Municipalities has heretofore had no special legislative funds, but this year it is asking the different cities and towns, members of the league, to pay from $5 to $20 according to their population, to pay the expenses of the legislative committee and employ a man at Des Moines to read all bilk and see that they do not have anything in them that would

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19171 NOTES AND EVENTS 293 be detrimental to the cities and towns. This man will also keep track of each bill as it is reported by the different committees and see that after the bill is reported by the committee that it has nothing inserted that would be detrimental to the cities and towns. In writing of this work, Secretary Pierce of the Iowa league says: “I might state that the Iowa league of municipalities probably gives more time to legislative matters than any other league, as we feel that in a way we represent the people and that it is up to us to look after their interests as opposed to the interests of the corporations’ special interests, who usually have large lobbies at the legislature to see that their interests are taken care of.” * The Texas City Planning Association met in Sherman, February 8. There was an attendance of over 400 from northern Texas and southern Oklahoma, in addition to the 600 Sherman people. The Dallas News is now featuring the papers that were read. It is expected they will be published in pamphlet form. * “New Jersey MunicipJities,’, devoted to efficiency and progress in municipal administration, is the title of the official organ of the New Jersey state league of municipalities. The editor is Claude H. Anderson, who is in charge of the bureau of municipal information conducted jointly by the Princeton University library and the New Jersey state league of municipalities. In addition to being well arranged, the magazine is well printed which adds to the pleasure of its reading. * “The Modem City” is the title of a new “international magazine” published by the League of American Municipalities as its official magazine. Its editor is Robert E. Lee, the secretary of the organization. The first number, which contains 64 pages, is profusely illustrated and contains the pictures of the mayors of the leading cities of the country and the officers of the League. This publication bears the same title as another publication published at Indianapolis, of which J. Ewing Cowgill is editor, volume 2, number 1 of which bears the same date as the first number of the first mentioned publication. The Indianapolis publication is designed according to its publishers “for thinking people who live in cities.” * Municipal Year Book of the City of New York.-Eight thousand copies of the 1915 edition of this book edited by Dr. C. C. Williamson were sold in 1916. As a text-book it has been used extensively in the schools and colleges of the city and by those preparing for civil service examinations. * Public Health Notes.-The American Journal of Public Health carries a department of reports and notes giving the more important developments in the field of public health. The same publication is carrying on a bureau of information which readers of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW are at liberty to resort to and which they will find most helpful. * A Woman Council.-Umatilh, Oregon, has the unique distinction of having a legislative body composed entirely of women, due to the fact that the women’s ticket defeated the men’s ticket at the recent election. The new mayor, Mrs. E. E. Starcher, defeated her husband for the office. * Fairhope, Alabama, the oldest single tax community in the United States, celebrated its twenty-second anniversary on January 22. * Professor William Bennett Munro has been appointed by Governor McCall of Massachusetts, chairman of the committee to prepare information for the use of a constitutional convention to be convened this spring. His colleagues are Roger Sherman Hoar of Concord, and Prof. Lawrence B. Evans of Medford. These appointments are made upon the authority of an act which has just passed the legislature empowering the governor to appoint a commission of “three learned

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294 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March and discreet persons, whose duty it shall be to compile such data as may seem desirable for the use of the delegates to the convention and to transmit it without comment or expression of opinion.” (I? Lawson Purdy, the president of the National Municipal League, spoke in Pittsburgh before the chamber of Commerce at luncheon, and before the civic league at a dinner on February 5, and on February 26 in Cincinnati before the council of social agencies. On March 5, 6 and 7 respectively he spoke at Rochester, Syracuse and Colgate universities. 4 James H. Wolfe, of Salt Lake City, a member of the council of the National Municipal League, has been appointed assistant attorney general of Utah. * H. G. Hodges, of the department of politics and municipal government, Western Reserve University, has been chosen secretary of the recently appointed committee to investigate the city manager plan and its availability for Cleveland. * James H. Quire, formerly secretary of the Berkeley city club has become legislative reference librarian in the state library at Sacramento. J. R. Douglas of the political science department of the University of California has succeeded Mr. Quire as secretary of the cliib, 4 Winfred B. Holton, Jr., formerly assistant director of the New York bureau of municipal research, has been appointed director of the San Francisco bureau of governmental research. 4 John Ihlder, for a number of years field secretary of the National Housing Association and later superintendent of the Ellen Wilson homes of Washington, has been made secretary of the Philadelphia housing commission. * Dr. L. G. Powers, former chief of the division of wealth, debt and tasation of the census bureau is giving instruction in statistics at the University of Wisconsin. * Charles Mulford Robinson has been appointed city planning adviser to the city of Greensboro, North Carolina. * William B. Howland, since 1904 treasurer of the American Civic Association and from 1910 to 1911 a member of the council of the National Municipal League died suddenly while sitting at his desk on February 27. Mr. Howland, a lifelong publisher, is perhaps best known for his connection with The Outlook, although latterly the owner and publisher of The Independent. Mr. Howland was a forceful and stimulating coadjutor with all the modern forward movements. Although a member of the council of the League for only one year, he was a member of numerous committees and was always available for advice and suggestion. He gave freely and effectively of his esperience and inspiration. Warm-hearted and sincere in his personal relations, he will be missed by a wide circle of friends and acquaintances in the various organizations with which he was actively identified. A meeting in memory of Mr. Howland was held at the National Arts Club, New York, Friday afternoon, March 2, with J. Horace McFarland presiding. Among the speakers were Hon. Alton F. Parker, Lord Aberdeen, Dr. Albert Shaw, Ernest H. Abbott of The Outlook, John DeWitt Warner, Herbert S. Houston, George Kennan and the secretary of the Xational Municipal League. 4 Robert D. Jenks, for a number of years chairman of the council of the Xational Civil Service Reform League, died January 24, after a short illness. Mr. Jenks was connected with the old Philadelphia municipal league and for a number of years was a member of the National Municipal League, although the bulk of his active work was in connection with the National Civil Service Reform League.

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DEPARTMENT OF PUBLICATIONS 1. BOOK The Story of the Pennsylvania State Police. By Katherine Mayo. With an Introduction by Theodore Roosevelt. New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons. 8) x 53, pp. 364. Illustrated. $2.50. The Pennsylvania state police was created by an act approved on May 2, 1905, by Governor Pennypacker. The history of the force organized under this law is told vividly and with enthusiasm by Katherine Mayo in this volume. It is the story of a little band of picked men whose energy, courage, resourcefulness, and devotion to “the finest thing in the world” mark them as an organization unique in the United States. Major John C. Groome has been superintendent of the state police since the beginning, with undivided responsibility for every phase of the work. The troopers pass a rigorous physical and mental examination, and then are taken on probation for four months, during which time they receive instruction in the criminal, forestry and game laws of the state. At present a11 except five members of the force are honorably discharged soldiers from the United States army. The schooling of the trooper by no means ends with his four months of probation. On the contrary, recruits’ schools troop school, and non-commissioned o5cers’ schools are held in every barracks four times weekly. In these various classes are studied criminal law, criminal procedure, the laws of evidence, detective work and psychology, the game, fish, forestry, and automobile laws, police duties, including conduct of atrols, the manner of making arrests an! preferring charges, etc., detailed sectional geography of the state, discipline, deportment, the preparation of reports, vouchers, and official communications, care of equipment, stable hygiene, diseases of the horse, and horsemanship. And the man in his sixth term of service is as strictly kept to his own grade of class-work as is the newest novice. Regular mounted and JUSTICE TO ALL. REVIEWS dismounted drill, and frequent target practice are also obligatory. Appointments to the higher positions are made only from the ranks, and the men are enlisted for a term of two years. There is no instruction book or manual, dependence being placed on regular military discipline and the occasional promulgation of general orders by the superintendent. For these troopers there is no guard house and no second offence; a first offence entails dismissal, for the superintendent means what he says. Politics plays no part where this force is concerned; the men maintain a strictly impersonal attitude toward the people, and are never stationed long enough in one section to form sympathetic connections. They understand perfectly that “the state police has no purpose save to execute the laws of the state.” The question-“ What good could two or three state policemen be to a whole country?”--which was raised at the inception of the state police, has been effectually answered by their record of accomplishment. The force seems omnipresent. Its 230 men cover the state, tracking criminals, putting out forest fires, preserving order during strikes, delivering a terrorized section from the grasp of the Black Hand, catching horse thieves, guarding against violations of the game laws with a rigor unknown in local constables and wardens, patrolling the waste places between town and town, and otherwise filling in the gaps left by the uncoordinated authorities of city and state. The book teems with records of clever detective work followed by unceasing pursuit of the offender until he is foundand apparently he is always found. After that he is seldom left unconvicted, for the state trooper knows what constitutes a crime, and is skilled in the proper presentation of evidence before a justice. 295

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March The book is an indirect plea for such an organization in other states. It quotes state and city officials, heads of large corporations, and individuals in private life, who express a belief that the security of life and property, particularly in the rural districts, has measurably been increased in Pennsylvania within the last twelve years; this without taking into consideration the socializing influence emanating from the presence of an organized body of highly trained and disciplined men who are unflinching in the line of their duty. Miss Mayo has approached her subject rather from the standpoint of the history and the usefulness of the state police than from an impersonal, scientific standpoint. If any adverse criticism could justly be made of her book it would be that it is a bit too eulogistic in tone. The work is plainly that of an outside observer who was favorably predisposed toward the subject. While the book clearly indicates the potential value of such a force to any community, it is in no sense a guide, except in the most general way, as quoted above, for the organization and training of similar forces in other states. No attempt is made to form a comparison as regards scope, training, equipment, personnel, or the number of convictions obtained as against the number of arrests made, between the Pennsylvania state police and, for instance, the French Gendarmerie or the Italian Carabinieri or even the Canadian Northwest mounted police. The reader is left with the impression that the state police is an excellent institution, but he remains in the dark as to just how good it is in comparison with older and more experienced organizations of the same general nature. RAYMOND B. FOSDICK. New York City, * WOMAN’S SUFFRAGE BY CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT. By Henry St. George Tucker. New Haven: Yale University Press. $1.35. The author is not concerned, according to his own statements, with the question of woman suffrage. He has simply chosen the proposed amendment to the constitution, providing for woman suffrage as an excellent example of an “attempt to break down that just equilibrium between the federal and state governments.” The author does not claim that the constitutional amendment would violate any principle of law, written or unwritten. “My plea,” he says, “is for the preservation of the integrity of the constitution in all of its parts as the surest guarantee of liberty for the American citizen.” Therefore the constitutional suffrage provisions; that the qualifications for voters for the house of representatives and senate be the same as the qualifications for the voters for the most numerous branch of the state legislature; and that each state appoint the electors to vote for the president and vicepresident, should be carefully maintained. These provisions, Mr. Tucker claims, give the states exclusive and full power over suffrage. But Madison, the author of these clauses of the constitution, interpreted them as giving the states control at the outset, but as reserving to congress the power of control over suffrage.l The fourteenth amendment, which defines United States citizenship and reduces the basis of representation of those states which deny the right to vote to certain citizens, and the fifteenth amendment, which prohibits the states from denying suffrage on account of color or race, show that the federal government has already acted to some extent within this field and has been upheld by the courts. Nor was it a principle of the just division of the suffrage power between national and state governments which determined the suffrage provisions of the constitution. “We have most abundant proofs that the question” of suffrage regulation was “a matter of merestate policy,” in that a reduction of the various state suffrage qualifications would have thrown “a great embarrassment in the way of the adoption of the constitution.”Z Even if we agreed that these provisions gave the states the full power over state and federal suffrage, and that the makers I Speech at Virginia Convention, 1788. 2 Story, Commentaries on the constitution,^. 404.

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19171 BOOK REVIEWS of the constitution founded these suffrage provisions on a principle of division of powers, would we agree that the preservation of these regulations was the “surest guarantee of liberty”? Evidently not, for we have already amended the provisions relating to the election of the president and senators, nor would anyone argue that the present provision defining the method of electing the president should not be changed because it would “impeach the integrity of that instrument.’, Many changes have been made and many more will be made as nenconditions arise, that were “clearly never intended by the makers of the constitution.” Are the pure food and drug acts endangering that just equilibrium between federal and state governments or would the federal laws concerning military education? These questions as well as the question of suffrage must be decided on their own merits and not on the grounds of some theory respecting the “integrity” of the constitution. Mr. Tucker presents only one argument, in discussing the question on its merits, which is based on the principle that, “The nearer the government comes to the man-the closer it touches him in his home life-that there his power should be greatest for the protection of his home and his rights.” Thus, “in those matters in which all are equally interested, the federal government should act for all, but in matters in which each locality alone is interested no outside power should be permitted to interfere.” We agree with this general theory, but does it help us separate federal from state functions in the questionable fields? Certainly the federal suffrage would by his own theory be a matter for federal control. Also local improvements, restrictions as to dogs and fences, as he says, are purely local and should not be controlled by the federal government. But where is the line to be drawn between national and state governments in the field of commerce, education, suffrage and taxation, for instance? This theory of local self-government does not show us, nor has he given us any other material that goes toward the solution of 7 this, the real problem of state rights and local self-government, to say nothing of establishing the view that the control of suffrage is given or should be given entirely to the states. M. P. BASSETT. New York Training School for Pzbblic Service. s CITY RESIDENTIAL LAND DEVELOPMENTSTUDIES IN PLANNING. Edited by A. B. Yeomans, Landscape Architect, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Pp. 138. 75 half-tone and color illustrations. $3. A selecOion of twenty-seven plans from a larger number submitted by architects and landscape architects in a competition recently instituted by the city club of Chicago are shown in this most attractive book. The terms of the competition called for a comprehensive plan of a layout for residential purposes of a typical quarter-section in the outskirts of Chicago. The competitors were asked to submit descriptive texts with their drawings and these have been printed along with the selected plans. The report of the jury and critical reviews of the plans from social, economic and esthetic points of view by Carol Aronovici, William B. Faville, Albert Kelsey, Irving K. Pond, and Robert $. Pope are also included. The form and makeup of the book are unusually good. The plans are large and carefully printed. The type is of a size which makes the book attractive for reading and the aggregate of the illustrations and explanatory texts combined, make the whole book an accomplishment of which the city club may indeed be proud. It is unfortunate, but to be expected, considering the limitations of the competition and the unique character of the problem, that so many of the plans shown fail both in the technique of execution and in a grasp of the essentials of a problem of this character. Perhaps the most valuable and interesting portion of the book are the reviews by Messrs. Aronovici, Faville, Kelsey, Pond, and Pope, which conclude the volume. The book should

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298 NATIONAL [MarchMUNICIPAL REVIEK prove interesting to the real estate man, the architect, the engineer, the sociologist and hundreds of others, who see in a proper solution of such problems as are embodied in this one, an opportunity for bringing into the lives of the great mass of city dwellers, more wholesome family life, larger opportunities for recreation and play and fuller enjoyment of social and esthetic pleasures. New York City. GEORQE B. FORD. * A SOCIAL STUDY OF THE RUSSIAN GERMAN. By Hattie Plum Williams. A thesis presented to the Faculty of the Graduate College in the University of Nebraska in partial fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. University of Nebraska, Department of Political Science and Sociology, Lincoln, Neb. Hattie Plum Williams has begun an interesting study of one of our least known immigrant groups in her work “A Social Study of the Russian German.” This, as the author points out in her inlowing: of those who have been in America over five years, 60 per cent own their own homes, of those here for less than five years, 8 per cent own their homes. One wishes that here Mrs. Williams had given some idea of the value of these homes as well as the wealth of detail about number of rooms, size of lob, number of summer kitchens, etc. From the first part of this book one gathers a fair idea of picturesque communal life transplanted from the Volga. The second part deals with “Birth and Death, Marriage and Divorce.” It is a wealth of detail and statistics interesting chiefly because the author seeks to establish a working basis for the compilation of future and more reliable figures. Pervading the study is a carefulness of method and an attempt at accuracy which is highly commendable. It is regrettable that more and similar studies are not being made of our smaller and less wellknown immigrant settlements throughout the country. NELLIE M. REEDER. Wellesley, Mass. troductory note, is but a part of a more ’ * detailed study which will appear later under a slightly different title. This particular group of immigrants comes from two provinces in Russia which were settled in 1763 by Germans at the behest of Queen Katherine of Russia who offered them in return for their settlement of the Volga provinces of Saratow and Samara immunity from military duty, religious freedom and continuation of German schooling for the young. The status of these colonists was greatly changed by the Serf Act of 1861 and we find in the early ’s that they were beginning to emigrate to America. We find their settlements in Kansas, Nebraska and the Dakotas. Mrs. Williams shows very clearly and ably that the group which settled in Lincoln, Nebraska, is an exception to the sociological rule that passage-paid immigrants are an undesirable class. This semi-rural settlement of Russian Germans is highly moral, religious, thrifty and very cleanly. The thrift is shown by the folOUR AMERICA: THE ELEMENTS OF CIVICS. By John A. Lapp. Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Company. $1.25. ELEMENTARY CIVICS. By Charles McCarthy, Flora Swan and Jennie McMullin. New York: Thompson, Brown and Company. 75 cents. These two text-books are to be added to Dunn’s “The Community and the Citizen” as encouraging sign-posts, pointing the way out of the Valley of Dry Bones where the teaching of formal civics in both elementary and secondary school has been slowly shrivelling for the last two decades. The Lapp book is the larger of the two, and hence finds space for a fairly adequate discussion of the elements of civic welfare such as the protection of life and property, the safeguarding of health, provision for education, recreation and civic beauty, as well as means of communication and transportation,, the promotion and control of business, the care of dependents. There

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1917J BOOK REVIEWS are interesting chapters on conservat,ion and on the keeping of records, besides the usual chapters on the legislative, executive and judicial branches of government, Despite a chapter on “Some Rural Problems,” this text-book is primarily one for urban rather than rural schools. For the latter, one must g~ to a text like Field and Nearing’s “Community Civics’’which should have been called “Rural Civics.” The Lapp book is well equipped with such indispensable accessories as excellent illustrations, suggesive questions for investigation and discussion, and a number of useful appendixes among which is one on “Where to write for further information.” Brief bibliographies accompany each chapter, the most of which are for teachers or for upper high school pupils. However, as a whole the book may be used most profitably in the junior high school. Fortunately, it is so planned and written as to meet the interests and needs of boys and girls of that age, to whom the appeal is coming to be made most strongly by the teachers of the new “Community Civics.” The McCarthy, et al., book’ is especially strong on the historical side; in fact, its historical excursions come rather early, before the pupil has laid a basis for them by acquiring a fairly good knowledge of things as they are. A trip “From the Cave Dweller to hzodern Boston” is rather startling for the unprepared youngster to take in four pages, even though he stop at a picture of the Boston Public Library on the way! Seriously, the book is written in the new spirit and with the new viewpoint, and its illustrations, its questions for discussion and its appendixes are commendable. If it were only twice as long, more consecutively planned, and better balanced in its historical perspective, it would deserve to stand high in the estimation of teachers of elementary civics. Here’s hoping that the second edition may appear soon! J. LYNN BARNARD. Philadelphia School of Pedagogy. NATION-4L .\‘IcNICIPAL REYIETV, Yd. Yi, p 134. MUNICIPAL ENGINEERING PRACTICE. By A. Prescott Folweo, Editor of Municipal Journal. New York: John Wiley and Sons. Cloth; 6 x 9 in.; pp. 422; 113 illustrations. $3.50 net, Drawing from a wide range of experience and data gathered as engineer, professor and editor, the author presents a little of the theory and much of the prac-. tice of municipal engineering. The volume contains little on water-works, sewers or paving, since these subjects have been fully treated elsewhere. It deals with the population growth of cities; the elements of city planning; sidewalks and other street details; bridges and waterways; city surveying; street lights and Rigns; street cleaning; garbage and refuse collection and disposal; public markets, comfort stations and baths; parks, cemeteries and shade trees. As a whole, the book is for engineers and heads of administrative departments, but it contains much information well within the understanding of any intelligent citizen. The illustrations are truly illustrative and of wide appeal. ?c THE BREWERIES AND TEXAS POLITICS. Volumes I and 11. These two volumes contain the testimony developed in the prosecution by the state of Texas of various Texas breweries for violations of the anti-trust law of the state and the use of their corporate funds and afisets in clections in violation of both the general and specific statutes as well as the constitution. The evidence consists mainly of letters, telegrams and documents as well as the oral depositions of the brewers. The defendants in effect pleaded guilty to the charges brought and accepted a fine aggregating $281,000, together with the expenses incurred by the attorney general and the court costs amounting to $8,000. Moreover, all agreed that their charters be forfeited. If there were any doubt as to the participation of the brewing interests in politics, t.he facts set forth in this testimony would quickly and effectively dispel the idea. 1605 pages.

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298 NATIONAL [MarchMUNICIPAL REVIEK prove interesting to the real estate man, the architect, the engineer, the sociologist and hundreds of others, who see in a proper solution of such problems as are embodied in this one, an opportunity for bringing into the lives of the great mass of city dwellers, more wholesome family life, larger opportunities for recreation and play and fuller enjoyment of social and esthetic pleasures. New York City. GEORQE B. FORD. * A SOCIAL STUDY OF THE RUSSIAN GERMAN. By Hattie Plum Williams. A thesis presented to the Faculty of the Graduate College in the University of Nebraska in partial fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. University of Nebraska, Department of Political Science and Sociology, Lincoln, Neb. Hattie Plum Williams has begun an interesting study of one of our least known immigrant groups in her work “A Social Study of the Russian German.” This, as the author points out in her inlowing: of those who have been in America over five years, 60 per cent own their own homes, of those here for less than five years, 8 per cent own their homes. One wishes that here Mrs. Williams had given some idea of the value of these homes as well as the wealth of detail about number of rooms, size of lob, number of summer kitchens, etc. From the first part of this book one gathers a fair idea of picturesque communal life transplanted from the Volga. The second part deals with “Birth and Death, Marriage and Divorce.” It is a wealth of detail and statistics interesting chiefly because the author seeks to establish a working basis for the compilation of future and more reliable figures. Pervading the study is a carefulness of method and an attempt at accuracy which is highly commendable. It is regrettable that more and similar studies are not being made of our smaller and less wellknown immigrant settlements throughout the country. NELLIE M. REEDER. Wellesley, Mass. troductory note, is but a part of a more ’ * detailed study which will appear later under a slightly different title. This particular group of immigrants comes from two provinces in Russia which were settled in 1763 by Germans at the behest of Queen Katherine of Russia who offered them in return for their settlement of the Volga provinces of Saratow and Samara immunity from military duty, religious freedom and continuation of German schooling for the young. The status of these colonists was greatly changed by the Serf Act of 1861 and we find in the early ’s that they were beginning to emigrate to America. We find their settlements in Kansas, Nebraska and the Dakotas. Mrs. Williams shows very clearly and ably that the group which settled in Lincoln, Nebraska, is an exception to the sociological rule that passage-paid immigrants are an undesirable class. This semi-rural settlement of Russian Germans is highly moral, religious, thrifty and very cleanly. The thrift is shown by the folOUR AMERICA: THE ELEMENTS OF CIVICS. By John A. Lapp. Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Company. $1.25. ELEMENTARY CIVICS. By Charles McCarthy, Flora Swan and Jennie McMullin. New York: Thompson, Brown and Company. 75 cents. These two text-books are to be added to Dunn’s “The Community and the Citizen” as encouraging sign-posts, pointing the way out of the Valley of Dry Bones where the teaching of formal civics in both elementary and secondary school has been slowly shrivelling for the last two decades. The Lapp book is the larger of the two, and hence finds space for a fairly adequate discussion of the elements of civic welfare such as the protection of life and property, the safeguarding of health, provision for education, recreation and civic beauty, as well as means of communication and transportation,, the promotion and control of business, the care of dependents. There

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1917J BOOK REVIEWS are interesting chapters on conservat,ion and on the keeping of records, besides the usual chapters on the legislative, executive and judicial branches of government, Despite a chapter on “Some Rural Problems,” this text-book is primarily one for urban rather than rural schools. For the latter, one must g~ to a text like Field and Nearing’s “Community Civics’’which should have been called “Rural Civics.” The Lapp book is well equipped with such indispensable accessories as excellent illustrations, suggesive questions for investigation and discussion, and a number of useful appendixes among which is one on “Where to write for further information.” Brief bibliographies accompany each chapter, the most of which are for teachers or for upper high school pupils. However, as a whole the book may be used most profitably in the junior high school. Fortunately, it is so planned and written as to meet the interests and needs of boys and girls of that age, to whom the appeal is coming to be made most strongly by the teachers of the new “Community Civics.” The McCarthy, et al., book’ is especially strong on the historical side; in fact, its historical excursions come rather early, before the pupil has laid a basis for them by acquiring a fairly good knowledge of things as they are. A trip “From the Cave Dweller to hzodern Boston” is rather startling for the unprepared youngster to take in four pages, even though he stop at a picture of the Boston Public Library on the way! Seriously, the book is written in the new spirit and with the new viewpoint, and its illustrations, its questions for discussion and its appendixes are commendable. If it were only twice as long, more consecutively planned, and better balanced in its historical perspective, it would deserve to stand high in the estimation of teachers of elementary civics. Here’s hoping that the second edition may appear soon! J. LYNN BARNARD. Philadelphia School of Pedagogy. NATION-4L .\‘IcNICIPAL REYIETV, Yd. Yi, p 134. MUNICIPAL ENGINEERING PRACTICE. By A. Prescott Folweo, Editor of Municipal Journal. New York: John Wiley and Sons. Cloth; 6 x 9 in.; pp. 422; 113 illustrations. $3.50 net, Drawing from a wide range of experience and data gathered as engineer, professor and editor, the author presents a little of the theory and much of the prac-. tice of municipal engineering. The volume contains little on water-works, sewers or paving, since these subjects have been fully treated elsewhere. It deals with the population growth of cities; the elements of city planning; sidewalks and other street details; bridges and waterways; city surveying; street lights and Rigns; street cleaning; garbage and refuse collection and disposal; public markets, comfort stations and baths; parks, cemeteries and shade trees. As a whole, the book is for engineers and heads of administrative departments, but it contains much information well within the understanding of any intelligent citizen. The illustrations are truly illustrative and of wide appeal. ?c THE BREWERIES AND TEXAS POLITICS. Volumes I and 11. These two volumes contain the testimony developed in the prosecution by the state of Texas of various Texas breweries for violations of the anti-trust law of the state and the use of their corporate funds and afisets in clections in violation of both the general and specific statutes as well as the constitution. The evidence consists mainly of letters, telegrams and documents as well as the oral depositions of the brewers. The defendants in effect pleaded guilty to the charges brought and accepted a fine aggregating $281,000, together with the expenses incurred by the attorney general and the court costs amounting to $8,000. Moreover, all agreed that their charters be forfeited. If there were any doubt as to the participation of the brewing interests in politics, t.he facts set forth in this testimony would quickly and effectively dispel the idea. 1605 pages.

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300 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March NEW YORK CITY BUILDING ZONE RESOLWTION. By George B. Ford. Xew York: New York Title and Mortgage Company. 1917. $2. Mr. Ford has done an excellent piece of work in preparing an edition of the now widely discussed New York city building zone resolution, restricting the heights and use of buildings and prescribing the minimum sizes of their yards and courts. While his explanatory notes are designed to be of special service to owners, builders and architects, they will be helpful to all students of this problem. Mr. Ford expresses only his own personal interpretation of the law, but as he was the consultant of the commission these views will be of great value. 11. BOOKS RECEIVED THE CORPORATION OF THE CITY OF CAPETOWN. Minute of His Worship the Mayor, for the Mayoral Year ending September 11, 1916. Capetown, South Africa: Cape Times Limited. 1916. GOVERNMENT. By Thomas Harrison Reed A.B., LL.B., Associate Professor of dovernment, University of California. Yonkers-on-Hudson, N. Y. : World Book Company. 74 x 5, pp. 549. Illustrated. GOVERNMENT TELEPHONES. The Experience of Manitoba, Canada. By James Mavor, Ph.D., Professor of Political Economy in the University of Toronto. New York: Moffat, Yard and Company. 7f x 62, pp. 176. $1. HOUSING PROBLEMS IN AMERICA. Proceedings of the Fifth National Conference on Housing, Providence, October 9, 10 and 11, 1916. Published by the National Housing Association, 105 East 22d Street, New York. 9 x 52, pp. 563. $2 postpaid. By Frank A. Gilmore. Prepared especially for use in the city schools. Madison, Wis. : Madson Board of Commerce. 8 x 5$, pp. 192. MANUAL OF ACCOUNTING, REPORTING AND BUSINESS PROCEDURE OF THE CITY AND COUNTY OF PHILADELPHIA. By John M. Walton, City Controller. Second Edition. Issued by the City Controller in conformity with existing laws and ordinances. 11 x 8+, pp. 215. PHILADELPHIA YEAR BOOK, 1917. Published by the Philadelphia Chamber of Commerce. PRINCIPLES OF AMERICAN STATE ADMINISTRATION. By John Mabry Mathews, Ph.D., Assistant Professor of Political Science, University of Illinois. New FORX AND FUNCTIONS OF AMERICAN MADISON, OUR HOME. 9; x 12$, pp. 544. York: D. Appleton and Company. 8 x 5$, pp. 534. $2.50. PROFITABLE VOCATIONS FOR BOYS. By E. W. Weaver, Pd.M., formerly director of the Vocational Guidance and Industrial Education Bureau of the Buffalo Chamber of Commerce, and J. Frank Byler, Ph.D., principal of the George Brooks School, Philadelphia. New York and Chicago: The A. S. Barnes Company. 7t x 4Q, pp. 282. $1. THE PUBLIC DEFENDER: A Necessary Factor in the Administration of Justice. By Mayer C. Goldman, of the New York Bar. With a Foreword by Justice Wesley 0. Howard, of the Appellate Division, New York Supreme Court, Third Department. New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons. 73 x 4Q, pp. 96. $1 net. SIXTY YEARS OF AMERICAN LIFE: Taylor to Roosevelt, 1860 to 1910. By Everett P. Wheeler, A.M., M.S. New York: E. P. Dutton and Company. 8 x 5i, pp. 489. $2.50 net. STATE GOVERNMENT INTHE UNITED STATES. By Arthur N. Holcombe, Assistant Professor of Government in Harvard University. New York: The Macmillan Company. 8$ x 93, pp. 498. $2.25. THE TAXATIOK OF LAND VALUE: A Study of Certain Discriminatory Taxes on Land. By Yetta Scheftel. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. 8 x 5, pp. 489. $2. WACKER’S MANUAL OF THE PLAN OF CHICAGO, MUNICIPAL ECONOMY. By Walter D. Moody, Managing Director, Chicago Plan Commission. Especially prepared for study in the schools of Chicago under the auspices of the Chicago Plan Commission. Second Ec!ition. 10 x S, pp. 137. Illustrated.

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19171 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 111. REVIEWS OF REPORTS 301 Standard Specifications for Personal Service.’-This report of the bureau of standards of the board of estimate and apportionment of New York city is a contribution of except,ional value to the science of public employment. It represents at least four years of intensive study of the most extensive municipal service in .4merica, and embodies a comprehensive plan for the standardization of conditions of employment in that service. In the language of the report itself, ‘f the standard specifications for personal service aim to furnish a simple and logical classification of all employments in the city government, with general descriptions of duties, appropriate titles and rates of compensation, and conditions governing initial appointment, advancement and promotion as a basis for appropriation and current fiscal and civil service control and for information to present and prospective employes and the public.” Standardization of personal service, as a movement for administrative reform, has hardly passed the pioneer stage, and its technique is still in the process of experimentation and refinement. The proposed plan of the bureau of standards is a bold effort to apply to an enormously large service a set of minutely detailed specifications governing the selection, compensation and promotion of employes, and its operation will be watched with the keenest interest in all parts of the country. Many features of this plan commend themselves immediately. This is true especially of the classification of positions along functional and vocational lines which is an aid in making specific appraisals and in establishing definite avenues of promotion, and also of the detailed descriptions of standard duties which help to avert a great deal of argument regarding the grading of individual jobs. Doubtless ‘Since this review was written the report has been revised to some extent and reprinted. The volume is not wailable for free distribution. but may be purchased from the Municipal Reference Library, 512 Municipal building, for $1.00, postpaid.-EDIToRr.4L NOTE. some of the specihations can be improved, particularly those applying to the clerical service, but this is due more to the inherent difficulty of the task than to any fault of workmanship. Opinions will differ as to the wisdom of including in a legislative measure rather detailed qualification statements which will require frequent revision by the civil service commission in accordance with its experience in holding examinations. The proposal to make efficiency records part of the scheme of advancement and promotion is in line with a general tendency in municipal employment in this country, but is not supported by any brilliant successes of similar experiments in the past. Those who are interested primarily in the humanitarian bearings of this report will find gratification in the fact that the bureau of standards inquired into the cost of living of a workingman’s family in order to determine what would be a proper wage for unskilled laborers, but they cannot help feeling keenly disappointed in the practical application of the bureau’s conclusions. After finding that $840 a year is the smallest income on which an unskilled laborer’s family of five persons can maintain a “standard of living consistent with American ideas,” the bureau recommends $840 as a maximum rate which is attainable only after at least seven years of satisfactory service at lower rates! The introductory statement of this report contains an excellent discussion of basic principles and methods of standardizing personal service. WILLIAM C. BEYER.~ * Administrative Code of the Philippine Islands.-The Administrative Code of the Philippine Islands is a compilation of material relating to the administration of the islands enacted into law, and composed for the greater part of laws of the Philippine government in force, rearranged under appropriate general group f Bureau of municipal research of Philadelphia. 3Effective July 1, 1916. 1128 pp.

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302 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March headings. Parts of the code have been drawn from acts passed by the United States Congress, from civil service rules, auditor’s circulars, orders of the War Department issued before the Philippine government was organized, opinions of the attorney general, President McKinley’s instructions, etc. Entirely new matter is also included. While the code relates to the administration of the entire government, including a customs service, postal service, postal savings banks, superior courts of justice, the Philippine currency, internal revenue, etc., comment will be confined to such portions of the code as pertain to municipal government. The laws relating to the administration of provinces and municipalities were particularly in need of revision. In 1907, when a compilation of laws was made, but which was not enacted into law, the committee stated that due to the enormous number of amendments, both express and implied, which had been made to the original provincial and municipal acts, it had been impossible in many instances for the committee to determine from the language of the amended act, what the administrative practice in certain particular cases was. Municipal home rule in the Philippines is greatly restricted, many municipal functions being controlled either by the insular government or the provinces, and there appears to have been a reduction of the powers granted to municipalities by the original Taft code rather than an extension of them. Under the conditions existing in the Philippines, however, it is probable that better results are secured through centmlization. Municipal governments are ctassified as municipalities, townships and settlements. Municipalities are those organized under the general municipal act in regularly organized provinces. Townships and settlements are governmental units organized in specially organized provinces. A township is practically the same as a municipality; a settlement is a much more simple form of government. In the Moro Province, now known as the Department of Mindanao and Sulu, there is another municipal enabling act which is different from any of the above. It may be well to state that the legislative power of the Philippine legislature, composed of the Philippine commission and the Philippine assembly, extends to a11 parts of the Islands not inhabited by Moros or other non-Christian tribes, which are under the sole jurisdiction of the Philippine commission. The specially organized provinces, including the Department of Mindanao and Sulu, with their municipalities, are those inhabited by non-Christian tribes or Moros. In addition to the above, there are two chartered cities; Manila, the largest city in the Philippines, and Baguio, the summer capital. Manila is allowed to eIect a municipal board of ten members who each year are required to elect one of their number as president of the board. The governor-general of the islands appoints the mayor, the city fiscal and his assistants, the judge and clerk of the municipal court, the justice of the peace, the city engineer and his assistants, the chief of police and his assistant, the chief of the fire department, and the city superintendent of schools. Aside from the two chartered cities, municipalities and townships are of the mayor and council form. Each has an elected presidente or mayor, and a council of from eight to eighteen members, depending upon the population of the municipality. The chief financial ofiicer of the municipality, the treasurer, is appointed by the provincial treasurer. Each provincial board exercises general supervision over all municipalities within the province; the provincial governor appoints the chief of police of each municipality and the provincial board authorizes the number of police to be employed. Education is under the control of the division superintendent of schools who is responsible to the insular government at Manila. Health and sanitation is likewise controlled by a health officer, who is responsible to Manila. The construction and maintenance of roads, bridges and

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19171 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 303 ferries is likewise controlled to some extent by the insular government through a district engineer. Each municipality is required to prepare an annual budget by January 15 of each year. The appropriations for school purposes must be approved by the division superintendent of schools after which the whole budget is required to be approved by the provincial treasurer. Municipalities render monthly accounts to the district auditor, who examines and settles them and who is also required to make periodical visits to the municipalities for the purpose of examining the treasurer’s office. Standard forms of budgets and accounts are required of all municipalities in the archipelago. A matter worthy of notice is that municipalities under the jurisdiction of the Department of Mindanao and Sulu have the right of excess condemnation. Since the municipal act relating to this department is the latest one enacted, it indicates that the Philippine commission is progressive in adopting advanced legislation. On the whole the administrative code is a step in the right direction. It repeals laws no longer operative and parts of laws relating to matters which are better left to the judgment of the officials of government. The code is of convenient size, with index section numbers at the top of each page, facilitating reference thereto. The enactment of a code, however, along the lines indicated, is a drastic step and its value depends upon the degree of care exercised in its preparation. THOMAS R. LILL. East Orange, N. J. * Missouri Children’s Code Commission. --So many topics are included within the work of the Missouri children’s code commission that even to mention them in a brief review is out of the question. The commission was somewhat too large and unwieldy for sufficiently frequent meetings to bring about a unanimous conclusion on all questions. It has, nevertheless, done a larger and more thoroughgoing piece of work than any of the state commissions on child laws has yet done. In general it may be said that they have ctttempted to bring the laws of Missouri on all children’s questions up to the most modern standard; endeavored to make possible for the country districts the same kind of high grade and universal service for children that is already rendered children in large cities; and have done this both throclgh the laws and the administrative methods which they suggest. Among the laws suggested it seems worth while to mention the following: The recommendation of the committee on marriage laws of the National Committee on Uniform Laws; the abolition of the common law marriage; and notice of five days before the granting of IL marriage license. It proposes to bring the statutes of Missouri concerning illegitimate children up to the best modern practice by providing for support and inheritance from the father as well as from the mother. It goes further than United States practice by making possible support from all men who could possibly have been the father in cases of doubt, although inheritance is restricted to inheritance from the definitely ascertained father. A model child labor law; restriction of the work of women before and after pregnancy; the extension of the country districts health work, including routine medical examination of children, and recreation work, throwing open the public schools after school hours for public purposes; fulltime compulsory education applicable to the country aa well as the city; a juvenile court for each county in the state. In general this court is to operate under what may be called a model law, providing for non-criminal jurisdiction, for jurisdiction over children up to eighteen years of age, and on parental petition in cases of incorrigibility up to twenty-one, for adequate power over contributory delinquency, for referees to hear girls’ cases, etc. Some of us had hoped that Missouri would recommend as a promising experiment something like a state circuit court Among other proposals are:

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March for hearing juvenile cases, rather than relying upon the county court judge, whose chief business is the hearing of other kinds of cases. Experience in so many states has shown that local judges elected for straight judicial work either through hostility or indifference are unwilling to undertake juvenile work. Some day some state will have to work out something better. Unfortunately, because of local conditions, the commission found it necessary, even against its own judgment and against the tendency of modern thought, to continue within the jurisdiction of the juvenile court cases of dependency. Important as all these modifications of the law are, it is, however, on the administrative side that the commission has been most inventive. Its chief contribution is the recommendation for the establishment of boards of public welfare in each county. Following the successful experience in Kansas City with the board of public welfare, the commission recommends that in every county in the state the three county judges,-who, it should be understood, are not judicial officers, but are the administrative officers of Missouri’s counties,-the county superintendent of schools and the judge of the court hearing children’s cases shall ex-oflei0 constitute a county board of public welfare, which shall work through a paid county superintendent of public welfare engaged by the board, who must hold a certificate of fitness from the state board of charities corresponding to the teachers’ license issued by the state educational authorities. The boards of public welfare are to have under their jurisdiction all the following kinds of work: truancy and probation for children; mothers’ pensions; supervision of children in institutions and placed out in foster homes; probation and parole work for adults; local work in the state free employment bureau; placing-out work; inspection of commercial amusements; local health work. It is provided that the state supervisory agencies dealing with health, charities and corrections shall have direct relations of a supervisory kind with these local boards. Work in country districts throughout all the states in the Union is backward. Specialized work which cities are able to support is impossible in the country districtsChildren in the country districts suffer. The Missouri plan promises well, as an agency economically possible and expert in bringing the best which the cities have worked out to bear upon the problems. that arise in the country. It is earnestly to be hoped that the legislature will adopt at least this much of the Missouri plan in order that their promising experiment may be tried out. One or two other administrative matters seem to deserve mention. The requirement that the county superintendents of public welfare shall be licensed by the state board of charities as school-teachers are licensed by the state board of education, is an important and pregnant provision. The suggestion for the provision of a state bureau for the feeble-minded to be managed under the extension department of the University, by which accurate diagnosis and record of mental deficiencies can be made for all courts, poor law officials and institutions throughout the state, seems also to have large possibilities. The giving of additional powers to the state board of charities, especially that requiring annual license of charitable agencies, follows some successful experience in other states. ROY SMlTH WALLACE.’. * Municipal Efficiency under Popular Control?-The October, 1916, issue of Equity undertakes to present “an authoritative record to date of the experience of American municipalities under the commission or other new and improved forms of government, including their use of the initiative and referendum and the recall.” To obtain this record the editor sent inquiries to “responsible officials or citizens of prominence” in more than 550 municipalities which were known to have the commission, commission-manager, or 1 Executive aecretary, the Seybert institution, Ptuladelphia. 8The October, 1916, issue of Equity, Philadelphia. 311pp.

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19171 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 305 some other new and concentrated form of government; replies were received from 449 of these municipalities in the 43 states which make some constitutional or statutory provision for the municipal reforms indicated above; the five “unworthily distinguished” states are New Hampshire, Vermont, Rhode Island, Delaware and Indiana. The issue contains an introduction of a dozen pages, setting forth the method pur, sued in assembling and checking up the reports and presenting a discussion of the scope, operation and effects of the newer devices. This discussion is colored by the propagansist purposes of the magazine. Following this introduction there is a comparative table briefly analyzing general laws and constitutional provisions concerning municipal home rule, commission or commission-manager government, and the initiative, referendum and the recall. A short examination by the reviewer discloses a few incorrect or misleading expressions in this table. For example, for Mississippi the laws are named as follows: “commission law 1908 and 1912 permissive; law of 1914 obligatory”; the Mississippi law of 1914 relates solely to the initiative, referendum and the recall, not to commission government. For Ohio the 1913 I. and R. law is not named in the appropriate column; the petition percentage for the referendum under the 1913 law should be given as 10 instead of 6. The major part of the issue is devoted to a more extended rlsumk of constitutional, statutory and charter provisions, and to the survey of experiences of the municipalities operating thereunder, arranged in alphabetical order of states. For each state the summary of state laws and constitutional provisions is followed by the reports from residents of the “reformed” cities. Each city report is under the following divisions: (1) a sketch of the form of government and provisions for the initiative, referendum and recall; (2) a brief statement on the instances of the use or on the non-use of the methods of direct popular control in that city; (3) an evaluation of results of the city’s experience with the new devices. The reports from the municipalities were made in most cases (nine out of ten, approximately) by city officials-mayors, city managers, city clerks, etc. The opinion of these writers as to the success of the new plans is favorable in the great majority of cases. To the reviewer, this part of the work seems of little value, despite the editor’s statement that “it is clear that officials, as a class, would be inclined to regard with scant favor the existence of powers enabling the voters to interfere with privileges heretofore resting entirely in the hands of officials.” Officers as a class are inclined to express themselves approvingly, or at least forbearingly, with regard to institutions under which they themselves are operating. A more pertinent observation is that in the report by the city manager of St. Augustine: “An official is undoubtedly prejudiced, and, of course, we say the plan has worked well.” It therefore seems of little significance that, for example, the mayor of Baton Rouge should report that the “plan works very satisfactory,” or that the city clerk of Saginaw should explain that “taxes have not been materially reduced, but the money has been made to go farther,” or that the mayor of Lawrence, Kansas, should acclaim-“This plan has pleased the people. I have been elected a second time.” The second parts of the city reportssketching questions that have been submitted in each city to popular vote, and the results of such votes, and also retailing the instances of recall electionsconstitute the distinctive contribution made by the volume, making more romplete and up-to-date the editor’s earlier recapitulation of these experiences, in the October, 1914, issue of the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW.^ Considering the difficulties in assembling adequate data on these points, the study in this feature seems as thorough as could be reasonably demanded. The first parts of the reports -summarizing provisions of laws and charters-is useful as extending and presenting in a compact form information oblSee NATIONAL MUWCIPAL REYIEW, vol. iii, pp. 693-701.

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306 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March tainable in another shape in the Short Ballot Digest. The pamphlet may be regarded on the whole as a serviceable compilation of facts relating to the newer forms of municipal organization and popular control. The heading-“nation-wide movement for municipal efficiency under direct popular control’’ is, however, broader in its connotation than the scope of the survey, which leaves out of consideration many essential elements in the movement for municipal efficiency. F. W. COKER. Ohio State University. * Joint Report on Foods and Markets of Governor Whitman’s Market Commission, Mayor Mitchel’s Food Supply Committee, and the Wicks Legislative Committee.This report was submitted to the Governor of Kew Yorlr on December 28, 1916. Mayor Mitchel’s food supply committee, of which George W. Perkins is chairman, had begun to study the problem of food supply and marketing conditions in 1914; the Wicks legislative committee had been holding hearings throughout the state and in New York city for several months; the governor’s commission, of which Mr. Perkins was also chairman, had been appointed more recently. These three bodies joined in the preparation of this report. The causes of high prices and “existing conditions” are found to be as follows: the lack of “comprehensive” market departments for the state and for the principal cities; the European war; ignorance on the part of the public with regard to the relative values of different foodstuffs; lack of proper transportation and terminal facilities; the difficulties under which farmers of New York operate and the exodus of boys from the farm to the city; and the lack of supervision over interstate transactions in farm produce. To remedy these defects, the joint committee advocates an elaborate system of market departments, the furtherance of co-operation, the encouragement of cold storage, adequate supervision of coinmission men and wholesalers, and the extension of agricultural education. The system of market departments is to include: (1) a state department of markets, with commission appointed by the governor, which is to study and analyze sources of farm produce and methods of marketing, to inform the public about market conditions, to educate the public concerning food values, to issue bulletins from day to day giving correct market prices and to prevent false and misleading market quotations, and to have power to subpoena witnesses in order to make in-0 quirks into all matters concerning the production and distribution of products; (2) municipal market departments of similar nature; (3) an interstate market commission; and (4) a state board of foods and markets, to consist of the state commissioner, the interstate commissioner, the Kew York city commissioner, and “four or sis other commissioners to be appointed by the governor.” In some ways this report is encouraging. It docs not decry the whole middleman system; it realizes the futility of retail public markets where farmers sell direct to consumers; it does not denounce the cold storage interests as highway robbers: it realizes that the majority of middlemen are honest. In other respects the report is disappointing. As a result of the activities of three commissions it gives us no new and important facts about the marketing system, although it is to be hoped that the extensive hearings held by the Wicks committee may yield something of this nature in the future. The advocacy of better terminal facilities and of wholesale terminal markets all sounds very plausible, but nowhere is there given any positive evidence of actual losses under the present system, or possible savings under the proposed system. Careful analyses of marketing costs of different products are necessary before any such evidence can be given, and such analyses have apparently not been made. AIthough market departments can perform useful services, the report apparently puts too much faith in the possible accomplishments of such commissions. It would be easy to give such departments

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19 17j REVIEWS OF REPORTS 307 too much power, and there are indications that the joint committee might go too far in this respect. There is also danger that the officials on such commissions may not have sufficient expert knowledge of market practices and of the fundamentals of market distribution to carry out their function; wisely. That such a complex system of cornmissions as is advocated would prove beneficial would be decidedly questionable even if there were enough capable men to fill all the positions that such a system would involve. The suggestion that market commissions issue daily price sheets and prevent the publication of false and manipulated market quotations indicates that the joint committee has not gone into the matter thoroughly enough to learn that there is an efficient and honest system of market reporting already in existence in New York city. This is one of many indications that the joint committee has not gone into many important matters thoroughly enough to furnish a basis for wise legislation. It is too early ab present to foretell what the resulting bills or laws may be, but the indications point at least to the possibility and danger of unwise legislation. L. D. H. WELD.' 5 The Chicago Loan Shark Survey.-The November Bulletin of the Chicago de partment of public welfare is devoted to the report of a survey of loan shark conditions in that city conducted by the department's bureau of social surveys under the direction of Dr. Earle E. Eubank. The survey grew out of the experiences of the department of public welfare in dealing with small borrowers who had been forced to submit to the exactions of usurious money-lenders. The purpose of the survey was: (1) to ascertain and present concretely the facts concerning the extent and character of the operations of professional money-lenders in Chicago; (2) to suggest ways and means of eliminating their extortionate practices; and (3) to suggest methods of meeting the demand 1 Professor of business administration, Sheffield Scientific School, Yale University. for small loans by means of legitimate substitutes for the loan shark. The study included the extent of the money-lending business in Chicago; the devices employed to attract borrowers and secure high returns; the condition of the laws with respect to usury; the methods used in other communities to eliminate the loan sharks,-including publicity campaigns, legislation, organized defence of Ioan shark victims, and substitutes in the form of employer's loan funds, co-operative loan associations, credit unions, the Morris plan and the remedial loan societies. The survey brought to light the existence of 229 separate loan concerns in Chicago, against 199 of which over 3,000 cases of extortion were obtained. It was estimated that 139 separate concerns actively operating on November 1, 1916, were doing an average annual businem of $85,000 or a total of $11,000,000. It was shown that most of the lenders are associated in a clearing house which affords mutual assistance in obtaining information regarding applicants and collecting overdue accounts. As the usual rate of interest exacted is in the neighborhood of 120 per cent per annum, the reader of the report cannot fail to appreciate the magnitude of the evil in Chicago; its effect upon the efficiency and general welfare of borrowers and the need for an organized movement toward its elimination. As a result of the survey the department of public welfare recommends: 1. That remedial loan societies be formed at once to make loans at reasonable rates on security of chattel mortgages and personal character. 2. That laws be enacted placing all money-lending organizations under the supervision of state authority; limiting the interest on loans to 3 per cent per month without additional fees; requiring that borrowers receive copies of the law and clear statements of the terms of their loans; rendering illegal loans void and unenforcible, and providing penalties of fine and imprisonment for violation of law by licensed or unlicensed lenders. The object which the survey sought to accomplish was distinctly worth while.

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308 NATIONAL RiIUNICIPAL REVIEW [ M arch The study was unusually well done; the report is presented in a clear and convincing manner, and, judging by the experiences of other cities, the recommendations made are distinctly in the right direction. -4. H. HAM.^ * Boston Public Schools.2-The people of America believe in education. They have always believed in it in a general, “charterof-our-liberties,” Fourth-of-July-oration manner, but now they are beginning to believe in it in a practical fashion. They have spent more money on universal public education in the last quarter century than any other people in the world, and they stand ready to spend vastly greater sums, if they can be convinced that they are receiving an adequate return for the investment. Just as the people of the middle ages poured forth their treasure to build churches and cathedrals as the embodiments of their highest ideals, so the people of to-day are contributing of their means to establish, equip, and adequately maintain temples of learning, which represent their conception of what is highest and best and most worth striving for in modern civilization. But they are becoming practical in their belief in education. They are beginning to realize that universal education, with the maximum development of each individual’s productive capacities, is a tremendously complicated and intricate matter, quite as complicated as modern society itself, and as such is worthy of a lifelong study by the best intellects of the time. When questions of educational organization arise, they are no longer settled on the basis of high-sounding phrases, or according to the opinion of some eminent 1 Russell Sage Foundation, New York city. a Report of a study of certain phases of the pubtic school system of Boston, Mass. Made under the auspices of the Boston finance commission by James H. Van Sickle, chairman, and a number of specialists constituting the survey committee. Boston: Printing Department. 1916. Pp.219. Report on the Boston school department, with especial emphasis on the need for a reorganization of its central administrative system, by the finance commission of the city of Boston. Boston: Printing Department, 1916. Pp. 66. clergyman or politician, but they are referred to a group of educational specialists for careful study and expert advice. This is what has recently happened in the city of Boston. The finance commission thought that in some respects the city was not getting as much as it should for its investment, but instead of plunging in at random and perhaps crippling valuable educational projects, it invoked the aid of experienced educational investigators in determining what steps should be taken to increase the efficiency of the school administration. The special committee was not asked to survey the Boston schools, but to confine its attention to certain specific problems, the most important of which were the cost of administration, the organization of school districts, the number and length of school sessions, the reduction of the elementary course from eight to seven years, the value of vocational schools, and desirable school-house construction. Perhaps the most radical recommendation of the committee is the abolition of the board of superintendents, as a board, and the assignment of the members to supervisory positions under the direction of the superintendent. The report of the committee reveals a curious instance of the persistence of New England individualism in the conduct of school affairs. While the superintendent is nominally the head of the schools, and has to assume the responsibility for the working of the system, he has little real power to formulate and carry out any well-defined policy. He is only one of five practically co-ordinate agents of the school committee, the other four being the secretary, the business agent, the board of superintendents, and the school-house custodian. This division of authority frequently gives rise to such friction as to seriously hamper the work of the schools and to constitute a source of waste and inefficiency. The effect of the committee’s recommendation would be to centralize authority in the hands of the superintendent, to secure for him a controlling voice in everything that pertains to school administration, and then to hold him to account for results.

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19171 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 309 Other recommendations of the committee are the reorganization of school .districts on the basis of average daily attendance, the establishment of junior high schools, the regrouping of special departments, the extension of vocational education and guidance, employment of more teachers and decrease in the size of claszes, and the extension of the superintendent’s authority to the selection of school sites .and the erection of school buildings. The report is especially severe in its criticism of Boston’s independent school-house department, and makes serious charges of laxity, friction, waste, and obstructionism in the conduct of the department. The members of the board of superintendents, joined by Superintendent Dyer, felt impelled to publish a “Reply” to the, report of the survey committee. The finance commission, in its official report to the mayor, ratified practically all the findings of the survey committee, except the subordination of the school-house depmtment to the superintendent, and took occasion to rap the board of superintendents quite sharply for the intemperate language of their “Reply,” and for their presumption, since they were particularly under investigation, in taking any official action in the matter. The finance commission emphatically recommends that the board of superintendents be abolished, and that the individual members be designated assistants to the superintendent. The whole tenor of the two reports is, as a member of the survey committee expressed it, “to give Boston a real superintendent of schools”, and marhs the tendency toward increasing centralization of authority in school administration. * Report of the Licensing Board of the City of Boston, rg16.~-This report is of 1 Brooklyn Training School for Teachers. 2 In view of the controversy arising out of the recent actions of the licensing board of Boston, we submitted Mr. Plaisted‘s manuscript to a wellinformed publicist of that city, who made the following observation with regard to it: “The enclosed comments seem to me to be fair for just what they claim to be. They do not claim to be a full discussion of the merits of the case in the J. CARLETON BELL.^ special interest on account of the changes in the personnel of the board during the summer of last year and the controversy that arose in connection with these changes. At the time charges were made that the changes had been brought about by persona interested in the liquor tra5c, with the object of infiuencing the policies of the board. Comparison with the board‘s report for 1915 does not, however, show any considerable difference in style or in the subjects discussed. The report states that no changes in the board’s general policies have been made as a result of the changes in personnel, but that some licensees were led to believe that the board’s requests could be disregarded, thus making it necessary to confirm the notices previously issued. The board goes on record as believing that if the requirements of present laws which forbid sales to intoxicated persons and to minors and which prohibit immoral solicitation in hotels and cafbs, and the board‘s regulations forbidding treating and giving credit for liquor to be drunk on the premises were followed strictly, the offensive features of the liquor business would largely be eliminated. On certain particular subjects, all of which appear to have been mentioned in previous reports, some special emphasis is laid. The question of treating customers in saloons is considered of special importance and it is suggested that as bartenders sometimes treat customers, contrary to tlie orders of their employers, it might be well to license all bartenders in order to combat this practice. This suggestion has been vigorously opposed by the bartenders’ union before the general court and seems not to have been received with much favor by members of the legislature. It would seem, however, that the board’s authority to refuse renewal of license gives removal of R. W. Woods and the other commissioner, nor do they claim to be a judgment on the effectiveness of the present board. More would need to be said on these two points if they were under discussion. Mr. Prest, one of the new members of the board, is a lawyer, who for many years was a resident of the South End House and is undoubtedly in sympathy with most of Wood’s ideas.”

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310 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March it the means of dealing with this matter, because it can force employers to adopt an adequate method of dealing with employes who disobey their orders. One change in policy is mentioned in the report. It has heretofore been the practice to require holders of fourth class licenses who wish to do a bottling business to hold also a fifth class license. A fourth class license authorizes the holder to sell liquors of any kind not to be drunk on the premises while the fifth class license authorizes the holder to sell malt liquors, cider, and light wines not to be drunk on the premises. As the board finds nothing in the statutes prohibiting the holder of a fourth class license from bottling liquor it has abandoned the requirement that such licensees shall &o hold a fifth class license, but proposes to increase the fee for fourth class licenses in order not to cause loss to the city treasury. One of the most discussed questions relating to licenses in Boston has been whether it is advisable to locate licenses in out-lying residential districts. The board does not come to any conclusion on this matter as a general proposition, but suggests that for the time being it may be found most satisfactory to decide each particular case on its own special facts. In endeavoring to cope with the evil of solicitation in cafds, the board had continued the policy of requiring that men unaccompanied by women be segregated in rooms used chiefly for the sale of liquor. On this problem the board finds it difficult to produce practical results, but believes the main thing is honest and vigilant control on the part of those in charge of cafes whose friendly co-operation is necessary to permanent reform. The board also mentions that steps have been taken to avoid licensing the socalled “clubs” run by a few insiders who pay the expenses and divide the profits, most of which are received from the sale of liquor. Licenses to run billiard and pool rooms in connection with saloons are felt to be objectionable, because such rooms form an added attraction to men who hang about wasting their time and drinking more than they would n~ithout this inducement to stay in the saloon. On account of this condition “licenses for new billiard and pool rooms have been granted with care and reluctance.” Because of complaints about intelligence offices an investigation was made last spring, which indicated that the offices engaged mainly in finding employment for domestic servants were too numerous. The number of licenses issued for this type of office has consequently been reduced. No evidence was found that immorality was prevalent in hiring domestic servants through intelligence offices. Representation by attorneys of the parties appearing before the board is discussed in this as well as in previous reports. The board again suggests that representation by attorneys in cases coming before it is not necessary and that any statements made by attorneys to the effect that they have special influence with the board are false. It is noteworthy, however, that the board proposes hereafter to admit the public to any of its hearings which may be of public interest whereas all hearings before the board have previously been private. The report does not discuss in detail the controversy which arose in connection with the changes in its membership. It goes on record, however, to the effect that many of the statements made in the public press and elsewhere regarding conditions on the board were entirely erroneous, that the members of the board have worked harmoniously, and that they have been much hampered by the attacks in the press and in public statements by individuals. These attacks the report characterizes as unwarranted. .JOHN W. PLAISTED. * New York Annual Police Report for Igrg.-During the last twenty years New Yorlr has had many police commissioners. Nearly all of them have been of the highest personal integrity and of much more than average administrative ability. Yet none of them succeeded in giving the city a thoroughly efficient police administration. There were law

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19 171 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 311 yers, army officers, municipal executives and others who gained well deserved praise in the positions held by them before and after becoming police commissioners. The police commissionership of New York was regarded by many as an impossible post and by nearly everyone as a graveyard of reputations. Each commissioner introduced administrative improvements of his own and attributed the inefficiency of the department’s work to the shortcomings of the members of the uniformed force. Mayor Mitchel in 1914 selected for his police commissioner a civilian police expert, Arthur H. Woods, a man who had devoted many years to a critical study of the problems of police administration in this country and abroad. The selection of this type of commissioner was an innovation in New York and the annual report of the police department for 1915 shows the wisdom of the mayor’s choice and the exceptional ability of the commissioner. Specialization of police functions and a scientific study of the methods of operation of criminals rather than spectacular raids by special squads have resulted in the suppression of gangsters and gunmen, in the prosecution of a most vigorous and effective campaign against drug addicts and in the arrest and conviction of many of the most troublesome automobile thieves, fortune tellers, white slavers and confidence men. A systematic effort to reduce the number of street accidents has included a careful statistical study of street accidents, a campaign for the education of the public, the introduction of novel safety measures, such as play streets, car-stop safety zones, police lectures in schools and in garages, and improved methods for traffic policemen and the stern suppression of reckless drivers. Among other improvements which should be mentioned are tk+e relief by the police of more than three thousand destitute unemployed persons, which was an entirely novel police activity, the establishment of mounted patrol and patrol booths in suburban districts and the estension of the flashlight system in the urban sections of the city, the establishment of a psychopathic laboratory for the study and detection of criminals whose mentality is sub-normal, and the introduction of an entirely new system of records and reports which greatly reduces the clerical work of the men while furnishing to the supervising officers more complete and accurate data for purposes of administrative control. The most important achievement, however, has been the improvement in the morale of the uniformed force. Commissioner Woods has made it plain to the men, in deeds rather than in words, that he has their personal interests at all times sincerely at heart. The response of the men who in the past had suffered much from undeserved condemnation has been marvelous. The police school for recruits has been reorganized as a highly developed training school for all ranks with a most efficient director and competent instructors; systematic health instruction for the members of the uniformed force has reduced the annual sick list from 5,801 days to 5,050 days; gymnasiums have been established in many precinct station houses; instruction has been furnished in boxing, wrestling, and calisthenics; baseball teams and leagues have been organized; field days and athletic contests have been held and a system of efficiency records has been devised to gauge the comparative worth of the men in the routine performance of duty, for the purpose of rewarding the most efficient at the end of each month and giving to each man when he applies for promotion a rating in accordance with his actual efficiency, By his appointment of Commissioner Woods, Mayor Mitchel has demonstrated that the New York police commissionership is not an impossible position, but is one which requires specialized knowledge and training in addition to native ability. By his two years of thoroughly successful administration of the department Commissioner Woods has proven to the citizens of New York and to the people of the country, what students of police adminis

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312 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March tration have always known, that the police force of New York is composed of the finest body of men to be found in any municipal police force in the world and that its shortcomings in the past have been due largely to lack of the most efficient direction. For the first time in the history of the city, the people are proud of the efficiency of their police force and this result must be ascribed to the improved administrative methods of Commissioner Woods. LEONHARD FELIX FULD. 42 Height of Buildings in Boston.1-This commission was appointed for the purpose of revising the boundaries of the height districts established by the commissions of 1904 and 1905. These commissions had divided the city into two height districts, District A with a limit of 125 feet, and District B with a limit of 80 feet except on streets over 64 feet in width where the limit was one and one-quarter times the width of the street but not more than 100 feet. A further restriction limited the height of buildings to two and a half times the street width, The present commission was only authorized to revise the boundaries of these two districts. It had no authority to change the detailed regulations within the district. The noteworthy feature of the report is the large extension of District A which is increased to almost twice its former size. The commission also recommends that the maximum limit throughout the city be lowered from two and onehalf times the street width to twice the street width. H. S. SWAN. * The Elements of State Budget Making? -This essay attempts “to make clear, in brief and concise form, just what is involved in the adoption of R ‘budget system.’ ” In this, as in other publications of the bureau of municipal research, it is 1 Boston. Commission on height of buildings in the city of Boston. Report. 1916. 21 pp., map. (Docs. 1916, no. 114.) The elements of state budget making 63 p. Muntczpal Research no. 80, Dec., 1916. f Bureau of municipal research, New York. practically assumed that “budget system” and “executive budget” are synonymous terms. There is a tendency, in fact, to make the executive budget stand for every desirable improvement in state administration, including “carefully devised accounting methods, adequate expert service, efficient record keeping and work reporting-in short, all the processes of good management.” Leaving aside any differences of opinion that may exist as to the particular type of budget it may be most expedient for American states to adopt, it must be conceded that many of the criticisms and suggestions offered in this study are fundamentally important for any system. For instance, no matter who makes the estimates and prepares the budget proposal, great improvement would result if the legislature were to consider the budget by committee-of-the-whole procedure, instead of by standing committees. Referring to the need for a permanent staff of experts to aid the governor if he is to become responsible for the budget, the interesting suggestion is made that the office of secretary of state should become a staff agency responsible to the governor. “So, too,” it is remarked, “there is no reason why the comptroller’s office may not become the independent staff agency of the legislature.” * New Jersey Commission for the Survey of Municipal Financing.-This commission was originally appointed by the legislature of 1915 to investigate the legal provisions and the actual practice of New Jersey cities in the matter of issuing bonds and notes for financing both of a temporary and permanent nature and the way in which sinking fund needs have been met. As a result of a score or more of recommendations some important legislation was enacted in 1916 and the commission reappointed to investigate “the methods employed and the laws which should govern the financing of municipal, school district and county affairs.” A considerable part of this second report is occupied with “renewed recommendations” of which the following are

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19171 BIBLIOGRAPHY 313 the most important: (1) A new law requiring the compilation and publication of the financial statistics of New Jersey cities; (2) a uniform budget plan for all municipalities of the state, the use of a segregated form to be optional with each city; (3) laws requiring a distinction between money borrowed in anticipation of taxes and borrowings against delinquent taxes, with regulations to enforce a sounder policy in each case; and (4) a law authorizing cities to issue emergency notes. Following the commission’s recommendations of last year, the legislature required. all future loans to be in the form of serial bonds. It now recommends for existing sinking funds uniform administrative regulations and audit and supervision by state authorities, as well as a rehabilitation of inadequate funds by means of a special annual tax. The only new recommendation made in this report suggests a law requiring the filing with some duly constituted state official of certified copies of proceedings in connection with all future bond issues. “Such an officer would serve the same purpose for our municipal bonds that the county register serves for titles to real estate.” * Intoxication.-The title of Traffic Court Bulletin no. 1 compiled by Frederick B. House, the presiding magistrate of the recently established traffic court in New York city, is “Intoxication (How Proved).” In this pamphIet of ten pages Magistrate House has expounded the ten leading cases in New York on the methods by which intoxication may be proved. Expert testimony is not necessary to establish intoxication. A witness may testify as to the defendant’s appearance, conduct and language and then express his opinion, based on these facts, as to whether or not the party was intoxicated; or the witness may directly state the fact of intoxication without going into details. The pamphlet will be found of distinct practical value and helpfulness by lawyers and magistrates. L. F. F. IV. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1 Abattoirs DALRYMPLE (W. H.). The place of the mimicinal abattoir. (The Breeder’s Gazette, Aov. 2,1916: 83i-832.) Accounting BUTTERFIELD (B. F.). Logic of municipal fund accounts. (Journ. of Accountancy, Nov., 1916: 379-384.) MUCKLOW (WALTER). Measuringhancia1 efficiency of institutions. (Journ. of Accountancy, Feb., 1917: 81-98. diagrs.) NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF COMPTROLLERS AND ACCOUNTING OFFICERS. Proceedings of the tenth and eleventh annual conventions, 1915-1916. 1916. 141 pp. Contains many interesting papers on acoountmg, bonds, ensions, municipal finances, and statiatics. Mr. J. 6. Eisman of Detroit, Mich., is secretary of the aaeociation. NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF RAILWAY CONMISSIONERS. Report of the Committee on Statistics and Accounts of Public Utility Companies. 1916. 37 p. tables. Describes in terms of approval txe Interstate Commerce Commission’s method of making elaborate provision for depreciation accounts by public service co orations. NEW ‘p.om cIT~ c~MMI~SI~NER OF ACCOUNTS. City aid to rivate institutions by the city of New qork. [A report lege, Poughkeepsie, N. Y. IEdited by Miss Alice M. Holden, Vaasar Col8 by] Leonard M. Wallstein, Commissioner. 1916. 30pp. NEW YORK STATE. UNIVERSITY. Certifiedpublicaccountants : laws,rubsandinformation. 1916. 25 p . (Handbookno. 14.) PHILADELPHIA. ~OMPTROLLER. Manual of accounting,reportingand business rocedure of the city and county of Philadeyphia. Issued by . . John M. Wdton, city comptroller. [2 ed.’] 1917. 218pp. forms. STEVENSON (R. A.). Municipal accounting. 1916. 24 pp. Extension Division Bulletin No. 22 issued by the TOLEDO, COMMISSION OF PUBLICITY State University of Iowa. AND EFFICIENCY. Report on status of accounting system. (Toledo City Journ., Jan. 20,1917: 2-5.) WADDELL (T. C.). Uniform municipal accounting. (Bulletin, Natl. Tax Assn., Dec., 1916: 65-68.) WASHINGTON (State). BUREAU OF INSPECTION AND SUPE~VISION OF PUBLIC OFFICES. Uniform classification of accounts for municipal electric light and power utilities. 1916. 105 pp. -. Uniform classihation, of accounts for municipal water utilities. 1916. 103 pp. Formulated and revised by”James F. Leghorn and Millard Stryker and effecti;e Jan. 1. 1916.

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3 14 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March WORCESTER (R. H. J.). A cost-keeping s stem for a small municipal department. (gngmg. and Contracting, Jan. 31, 1917: 111-113. tables. illus.) An account of the method usedin Concord, Mass. Art NEW YORK CITY. METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART. Art education; an investi ation of the training available in New #ark City for artists and artisans. 1916. 46pp. Billboards WILLIAMS (J. T.). Billboard regulation us. billboard prohibition. (Pacific Municipalities, Jan., 1917: 566-568.) Charities BALTIMORE. BUREAU OF STATE AND MUNICIPAL RESEARCH. Part I, Districting of Baltimore for the work of charitable organizations. Part 11, The enumeration districts. Jan. 1, 1917. 19 pp. charts. MILLER (LINA D,), compiler. New York charities directory. A reference book of social service in or available for Greater New York. 26 ed. 1917. 458 pp. NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF CHARITIES AND CORRECTION. Proceedings of the forty-third annual session held . . . May 10-17, 1916. Contains papers on the follomng toplcs: promotion of social programs. inebriety, unemployment, feeblyrmndedness &nd insamty, public and private charities, the family and the community, correctrons, chldren, health. NEW YORK CITY. DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC CHARITIES. The Bulletin. Published quarterly. v. 1, no. 1. Oct., 1916. The purpose of this new Bulletin is to place at the service of the medical profession in general the store of surgical and medical material derived from hospitals under the control of the Depertment of Pubhc Charities. Charters ANON. The proposed new charter for Newark. (New Jersey Municipalities, Jan., 1917: 12,29.) NEW YORK CITY. Charter. The charter of the city of New York; chapter 466, Laws of 1901, with amendments to and including 1916 [and a history of! city charter making]. 1916. 200 pp. PEILADELPHIA. COMMITTEE ON CHARTER REVISION. Re ort of the Sub-committee on Plans to tge Committee on Revision of the Philadelphia Charter. Dec., 1916. 9pp. Approved by the General Committee, Dec. 13, Children he also Schools. MISSOURI. CHILDREN’S CODE COMM?SS!ON. Missouri Children’s Code Commusion. A complete revision of the laws for the welfare of Missouri children. 2d ed., with additional bills. Jan., 1917. 168 pp. UNITED STATES. DEPARTMENT OF LABOR. CHILDREN’S BUREAU. List of 1916. .713 pp. Eagle Library no. 119. 1916. references on child labor. 1916. 161 pp. (Industl. Series no. 3, Bureau Publication no. 18.) Citizenship WOMEN’S MUNICIPAL LEAGUE OF BosTON. Citizens’ handbook. 1916. 75 pp. chart. CLEVELAND IMMIGRATION LEAOUE. Citizenship manual for Cleveland, Ohio. 1916. 40pp. Prepared by a committee of the Cleveland Immigration League. American Club, and the City Immigration Buresu of Cleveland. City-manager Plan (Short Ballot Bulletin, Oct., 1916: 5:) See also Municipal Government. ANON. Commission-manager cities. A list corrected to Nov. 15. 1916, including the ANON. From commission to commissionmanager. Many cities considering change to new system. (Short Ballot Bulletin, Oct., 1916:3-4.) CHAMBER OF COMMERCE OF BLUEFIELD, W. VA. The city manager plan-some phases in 60 cities. [Tabular statement of] data compiled Jan., 1916, by W. L. Shafer, secretary, 1916. blue-print. SAN Jos6. CITY MANAQER. Report of progress, July 1 to November 30, 1916, submitted to the City Council, December 4, 1916. [By] City Manager Thomas H. Reed. [1916.] 8 p. SHORT BALLOT ~RGANIZATION. Tangible results at Dayton under the commission-manager plan. [1916.] 19 pp, illus. City Planning ANON. Set-back lines recommended by committee of Board of Estimate and Appointment [of New York City]-advantages .~IJ property owners and to city. (Municip. Journ., Jan. 11, 1917: 42-43. illus.) ANON. Set-back lines welcomed by home-owners; will reduce the losses incident to a change from private residences to apartment or business streets. (Record and Guide Jan. 13, 1917: 42. BATES (fi. G.). City planning. Bulletin, Indiana Bureau of Legislature Information, no. 8. 1916. 31 p. BOUTON (E. H.). ‘?Re financial effect of good planning in land sub-division. (Monthly Journ. Engrs. Club of Baltimore, Jan., 1917: 169-171.) DIMOCK (A. H.). Fundamental considerations in the making of plats. (Washington Municipalities, Jan., 1917: 1-13.) FORD (G. B.). Planning the city for community life. (Architecture, Jan., 1917: 13.) HOOKER (D. E.). Avoidance and elimination of unnecessary streets. (Washington Municipalities, Jan., 1917: 28-32.) HOOKER (G. E.). City planning and political areas. The relative importance, for city planning purposes, of the neighname and salary of the City manager. illus.)

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19171 BIBLIOGRAPHY 315 borhood, the rity and the state as political units-the need for a federal de artment of urban life. (Amer. City, Fei., 1917: 122-125.) LEWIS. (N. P.). Set-back lines should benefit owners. (Record and Guide. Jan. ~OHLER (CHAIILES K.). Legal obstacles to street widening and city plannmg. (Engmg. News, Jan. 25, 1917: 138-139. illus.) SEYMOUR (H. L.). Town planning: the laying out of curves; suggested design for graph and slide rule for computing properties of curves in town planning work. (-Canadian Engr., Dec. 21, 1916: 497-501. 20 1917: 79-80.) diagr. plan.) STILES (T. L.). City planning legislation. (Fashington Municiaalities. Jan.. SWAN (H. S.) and TUTTLE (G. W.), Relation of height and area [of buildings] to sunshine. (Record and Guide, Dec. 9, Daylight illumination of buildings. (Record and Guide, Dec. 16, 1916: 823-824. diagrs. tables.) , Requirements in planning sunlight cities. (Record and Guide, Dec. 30, 1916: 891-893. tables.) YEOMANS (A. B.), editor. City residential land development: studies in cit planning, competitive plans for subdividl ing a typical quarter section of land in the outskirts of Chicago. [1916.] 138 pp. illus. 1917: 51-59.) 1916: 787-788.1 . A publication of the City Club of Chicago. NOLEN (JOHN). Better city planning for Bridgeport: some fundamental proposals to the City Plan Commission; with, A report on legal methods of carrying out the changes roposed in the city plan for Bridgeport, gy Frank Backus Williams. 1916. 159 maps. illus. This is Mr. Rien final report, and contains also his preliminary = ort, issued in 1915. Mr. Williams’ report incIu&s references to printed materiaia on the subjects treated. CLSTVEMD MCMICHAEL (S. L.). Some practical city planning [in Cleveland, Ohio]. (Natl. Real Estate Journ., Dec., 1916: 254-256.) ELQIN Plan of Elgin [Illinois]. Prepared for the Elgin Commercial Club. 1917. 46pp. maps. illus. BRIDQEPORT BENNETT (E. H.). LONDON ADSHEAD (S. D.). The town planning of Greater London after the war. (Surveyor and Municip. and County Engr., Jan. 5,1917: 11-13.) NEWARK ANON. 1-4. 7,8, 1917.) Helping Newark to grow right, (Newark Evening News, Feb. 5, 6, Copies of the reprint o these srticles may be ob tained from Mr. Arthur B. Cozzens, secretary of the City Plan Codon, Firemen’s Bldg.. New ark, N. J. Fire Prevention ANON. Nonfireproof institutional buildings in New York City made safe against fire. (Engmg. Record, Jan. 18, 1917: 101-104. illus.) Methods employed by the city of New York in m+ng,safe many of the originally nonfireproof Institutional buildmga under the Dept. of Charities. NATIONAL BOARD OF FIRE UNDERWRITERS. COWI~E ON FIRE PREVENTION. Report on Boston. Dec., 1916. 55 pp. maps. (Re t no. 158.) NATIONAL FIRE I%OTECTION ASSOCIATION. Outside stairs for fire exits. Recommendations for their construction and installation prepared by Committee on Safety to Life. (Fire Engr., Dec. 1916: 232-237. illus.) __ . Structural defects: suggestions for their elimination and protection. Prepared by the Ccmmittee on Manufacturing Risks and Special Hazards. 1916. 17pp. illus. Syllabus for public instruction in fire prevention by Franklin H. Wentworth]. [1916.] 8pp. Fire Protection ANON. Fire departments and automatic s rinklers. (Natl. Fire Protection Quarteryy, Jan., 1917: 279-286.) 1916 fire losses [in the United States and Canada] 8231,442,995. (Natl. Fire Protection Assn. Quarterly, Jan,, . The operation of high pressure fire service systems. (Engmg. and Contracting Jan. 10, 1917: 36-38.) Data dlating to Philadelphia, Baltimore New York City, and Cleveland, taken from tho spebal reort of the Committee on Fire Prevention of the R. ationalBoard of Fire Underwriters. JAMES (G. B.). Oil. storage. (Natl. Fire Protection Assn. Quarterly, Jan., 1917: 260-270. illus.) NATIONAL BOARD OF FIRE UNDER~ITERS. Cause of New York fires. (Municip. Journ., Jan. 4, 1917: 16-17. chart.) BOSTON ANON. The “covering in” system [Boston]. How a lar e department shifts its fire companies so ttat no section of the city is left unprotected when a big fire is being fought. (Fireman’s Herald, Feb. 10, 1917: 107, 115-117.) . . 1917: 252-254.) CHIChQO RDTEERFORD (G. W.). The Chicago fire deDartment. (Municip. Journ., Aua. .z4,19f6: 216-217. j Includes plan of organization and duties of each official, criticism of fire-hydrant service, fire-prevention methoda. NEW Yo= CITY ADAMSON (ROBERT). Modernizing the New York Fire] Department; what has

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been accomplished in the metropolis during the past three years and what is planned for 1917. (Fireman’s Heralcl, Dec. 30, 1916: 574.) SAN FR.4Ncraco SAN FRANCISCO REAL ESTATE BOARD. Report of the Tax Committee on the prored two-platoon system for the San rancisco Fire Department. 1916. [4 ’%Le Committee strongly ?co.mmends against the adoption of the system at tha time. Flood Control Los ANGELES. BOARD OF ENQINEERS ON FLOOD CONTROL. Report [of the engineers ippointed by the City of Los Angeles, the Chamber of Commerce and the Municipal League to review the plans and roposals of Engineer J. W. Regan of the 8 ounty Flood Control District. . . . . Garbage and Refuse Disposal ALLEN (H. A.). Chicago’s half-completed garbage-reduction plant turns expense into income. (Engmg. Record, Beb. 10,1917: 215-218. I~~us.) Col. Allen is consulting engineer for the city of Chicago and chief of waste-disposal technical staff. ANON. Prof. Whipple re orts on New York’s proposed garbage-reauction works. n ng. Record, Jan. 13, 1917: 49-51.) (E A: 2 . est of the report made by Prof. G. C. Whipple of fjarvard University, to the deputy com’r. of the New York State Dept. of Health. CHAMBER OF COMMERCE OF BLUEFIELD, W. VA. Garbage-Methods and recommendations [of 38 cities]. [Tabular statement] compiled from special re orts, spring of 1916, for the Better Street deaning and Garbage System Committee, by W. L. Shafer, secretary. 1916. blueprint. DUFF (E. E.). Collection and incineration of garbage in SewicMey, Pa. (Municip. Engmg. Feb., 1917: 59-61. illus.) GAYTON (~OBERT F.). Dutch-oven garbage incinerator, Mason City, Iowa. (EnFng. Record, Jan. 4, 1917: 27. illus.) The fertilizer value of city waste. 1. The composition of garbage. (Journ. of Industl. and Engmg. Chemistry, Jan., 1917: 49-54. diagr. tables.) Refuse and garbage disposal-a genera1 survey. (Amer. Journ. of Pub. Health, Dec., 1916: 130711917.1 [4 pp.1 0 BRIEN (w. J.) and LINDEMTJTH (J. R.). TRIBUS (L. L.). 316 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March 1314.) . Disposal of garbage, alarge city’s problem. (Better Roads and Streets, Jan., 1917: 19,32.) Housing Crm AND SUBURBAN HOMES COMPANY (New York). Negro housing: a sound economic plan to solve a social problem of the greatest importance to every citizen. [1916.1 [8 pp.] illus. See SISO City Planning. MOLITOR (JOHN). Housing problems and modern health boards. (Domestic Engmg., Jan. 13, 1917: 48.) NATIONAL CONFERENCE ON HOUSING. Housing problems in America : proceedings of the fifth national conference, Providence, Oct. 9-11,1916. [1917.] 563 PP. VEILLER (LAWRENCE). Problem of housing industnal workers: duty of employer of labor to concern himself about conditions under which workmen live. Pts. 1-3. (Record and Guide, Jan. 13, 20, 27, 1917: 39-40, 75-76, 111-112.) Libraries CHICAGO. PUBLIC LIBRARY. Library plan for the whole city. Proposed system of regional and auxiliary branches. 1916. 7 pp. map. Li uor Problem %HICAGO. COMMISSION ON THE LIQUOR PROBLEM. Preliminary report to t,he Mayor and Aldermen by the . . . Commission . . . [appointed . . . to make a comprehensive study and report on the medical, moral, political, social, financial, economic and other as ects of the use of intoxicating li uors in 8hicagol. Dec., 1916. 65 pp. tables. Loan Sharks CHICAGO. DEPARTMENT OF PUULIC WELFARE. The loan shark in Chicago. A survey made by the Bureau of Social Surveys. 1916. 96pp. Markets BOSTON. CITY PLANNING BOARD. A summary of the market situation in Boston. Preliminary report’ of the Market Advisory Committee, June, 1915. 1916. 175 pp. Motion Pictures BRENTON (CRANSTON). Motion pictures and local responsibility: how the National Board of Motion Pictures works-the dangers of legalized censorship-the responsibilit of the local community. (Amer. dty, Feb., 1917: 125-130. illus.) NEW YORR STATE LIBRARY. Compilation and digest of the charter provisions and ordinances of the cities of New York State regulating the licensing of moving pictures, by James Hodgson. Jan., 1917. [96 pp.] typewritten. ROGERS (G. A.). The law of the motion picture industry. 1916. 58 pp. Municipal Engineering ANON. Municipal engineering in 1916. Surveyor and Municip. and County Engnr., Jan. 26,. 1917: 69-8s.) A r6aum6 of mwcipal engineenng work in England during 1916. with sections devoted to bridges, electricity supply, highways, housing, municipal Bull., i, no. 4. Nov.. 1916. Diacuaaea, among other topica, auestions of censorship and Sunday 1ee;lslsaon.

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19171 BIBLIOGRAPHY 317 buildings, refuse gsposal, sewerage and sewage &aposal, street lightmg, town planning, tramways, and water supply. BOOT (HORACE). Some nores on the uses of electricity in municipal engineering (Surveyor and Municip. and County Engr., Jao. 12, 1917: 36.) COOKE (MORRIS L.). Public engineering and human progress. 1916. 15 p neering Society. FOLWELL (A. ,PRESCOTT). Municipal engineering practice. 1916. xi, 422 pp. A paper presented before the Cleveland 8nh.. diabT. illus. Contents: fundamental data; the city plan; street surface details' bridges and waterways; city surveying; atreet ligdts, signs and numbers; street cleaning and s rinkling. disposing of city wastes' markets, cor&ort stati& and baths; parka, cembteries .. diabT. illus. Contents: fundamental data: the citv DI~: street surface details: bridnes and waterwav& &tv beving. atreet lights, signs and numbers; strekt :le& ing and s rinkling. disposing of city wastes' markets, cor&ort stati& and baths; parka, cembteries and shade trees. WITITWELL (EDWARD). A survey of municipal engineering. (Surveyor and Municip. and County Engr., Jan. 12 and 19,1917: 30-33,5456.) Refera to England. Municipal Government LSee also City-Manager Plan. HUNT (H. T.). Obstacles to municipal progress. (Amer. Pol. Sci. Rev., Feb., LEAGUE OF CALIFORNIA MUNICIPALITIES. A handbook for city officials of the fifth and sixth class cities of the state of California. 1916. 182 pp. NEW JERSEY STATE LEAGUE OF MCNICIPALITIES. New Jersey Municipalities. v. 1, no. 1. Jan., 1917. A monthly periodical 'I devoted to qfficiency and and edited gy the Director of the Bureau of Mdnici a1 Information maintnined by the League at hnceton 1917: 78-87.) rogress in municipal administration University. ROBINSON (G. C.). The experience of Wisconsin cities with the commission form of government; as expressed by representative citizens. (Mumcipality, Nova-Dec., 1916: 178-186.) Successful operation ia the general concluaian. BOSTON BOSTON. STATISTICS DEPARTMENT. Boston statistics, 1916, with memorable sites and buildings. 1916. 52 pp. CHICAGO. BUREAU OF PUBLIC EFFICIENCY. Unification of local governments in Chica 0. Report. 1917. 98 pp. charts. t a%les . Los ANQELm HAMILTON (JOHN J.). Efficient deCEXCAOO mocracy for Greater Los Angeles. Nov., 1916. 19pp. "A plea for constructive co-operation in city county and school administration aa against thl proposed policy of county disruption." SAN FRANCISCO BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH, NEW YORK. The government of the city and county of San Francisco. 1916. 681 pp. charts. tables. A survey rep& prepared for San Francisco Real Estate Board. Municipal Ownership MAXSTON (GLENN). The results of indifference to the ublic. (Electrical Review and Western Electricim, Jan. 6,1917 : . Some came8 for munici a1 ownershi . (Electrical Review an$ Western Iflectrician, Feb. 3, 1917: 191-192.) MAVOR (JAMES). Government telephones; the experience of Manitoba, Canada. 1916. 176pp; The author's condumotur are not favorable to government ownership. THIEME (T. F.). Municipal ownership; the salvation of our cities. [1916.] 20$p. UNITED STATES. COMMITTEE ON THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA (House). Munici a1 ownershi of street railways in the &strict of Cofumbia. 1916. 26 pp. (64 Cong., 1 sem. House report no. 952.) Municipal Service BREITHUT (F. E.). The status and compensation of the chemist in public semce. (Journ. of Industl. and Engrng. Chemistry Jan., 1917: 64-79. tables.) arthar reference to chemists employed by the 8nited States government, by New York etate, and by New York City. BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH, NEW YORE CITY. The en 'neer in public service, by Frederick E. %reithut. Pts. 1-2. 1916. 176~~. 27-28.) With ~ Muaicipaik&earch, nos. 78 and 79, Oct. and Nov., 1916. FITZPATRICK (E. A,). An ornanized movement to make public service acareer. (Amer. City, Feb. 1917: 134-136.) GRUENBERG ($. P.). Why do men leave the public semce? (Pub. Servant, Dec., 1916-Jan., 1917: 149-152.) KLEIN (0. H.). The chemist in the service of the cit of New York. (Journ. of Industl. and Zngrng. Chemistry, Jan., 1917: 79-81.) WILEY (H. W.), The chemist in the public service. (Journ. of Industl. and Engrng. Chemistry, Jan., 1917: 81-84.) Municipal Universities DAYTON. BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH. A report upon the feasibility of establishing a mmcipal university in Dayton, Ohio. 1917. 36 pp. typewritten, UNITED STATES. BUREAU OF EDUCATION. The co-operative system of education. An account of co-operative education as developed in the College of Engineermg, University of Cincinnati, by Clyde William Park. 1916. 48 pp. plates. (Bull., 1916, no. 37.) Parks FERRIS (H. R.). Methods and cost of maintaining thirty acres of parks and boulevards. (Engmg. and Contracting, Jan. 3,1917: 17-18.) NEW YORE CITY. DEPARTMENT OF PARKS. BOROUGHS OF MANHATTAN AND Gives data for Victoria, B. C.

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318 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March RICHMOND. Street trees for Manhattan and Richmond; how and when to plant trees on your street. 1916. 8 pp. Pavements ANON. Replacing pavement cuts; practices of 28 cities in backfilling trenches and repaving over them-power tampingSee also Public Health, Tra5c. flushing-reinforcing concrete base. (Municip. Journ., Dec. 21, 1916: 777-778.) American Society of Municipal Improvements. Paving done in 1916 and proposed for 1917. (Municip. Engmg., Jan., 1917: 28-31.) Gives statmtics for yardage laid coat and city’s share for 1916; yardage in prospe&, estimated cost and city’s share for 1917. . Street Davine in 1916: data from Abstract of report of Committee on Paving of the city engineers ahd orher offi&ls giving amounts of the various pavements laid in 1916. (Municip. Journ., Feb. 1, 1917: 130-170. tables.) Contains details of construction and cast, as well as information for contractom ooncerning local conditions in hundreds of cities. . Asphalt pavements laid in 1916 and proposed for 1917; descriptions of pavements as laid, cost per square yard and total cost. (Municip. Engmg., Feb., 1917: 63-66. tables.) . General principles concerning materials and their use in street paving and road construction. (Engmg. and Contracting, Feb. 7, 1917: 131-132.) The digest of a report presented by a special Committee of the Amer. SOC. of Civil Engineers. The full report is printed in the Deoember Proceedings, xlii, no. 10. pp. 1611-1642. ATWOOD (JOSHUA). Boston and its Rtreets. (Good Roads, Feb. 3, 1917: 13771. ilius. tables.) . BLAIR (W. R.). Paving brick. their production and economic-use. (Better Roads and Streets, Jan., 1917: 15-16.) BLANCHARD (ARTHUR E.). Present practice and regulations pertaining to pavement openings. (Engmg. and Contracting, Feb. 7, 1917: 122-123.) A paper read before the Citizens’ Street Traffic BROWN (C. C.). The desjgn of bituminous pavements. (Murucip. Engmg., Feb., 1917: 4246. illus.) COMPTON (R. KEITH). The construction and maintenance of stone block pavements. (Municip. Engmg., Jan., 1917: 2-6. illus.) Modern practice in street paving. (Manufacturers’ Record, Feb. 22, 1917: 57-60. illus.) MORSE (S. T.). A step toward the rational design of concrete avements. (Engrng. and Contracting, Feg. 7, 1917: 135-137. tables. illus.) NEW YORK. STATE BUREAU OF MuNICIPAL INFORMATION. Experience of American cities and states with concrete paving. Feb. 10, 1917. [22 pp.] typewritten. Committee of Greater New York. The report contains data received from the en ineera of 62 cities and 27 state departments of hip%ways. The treatment of wood paving blocks. (Better Roads and Streets, Jan., 1917: 12-14. charts.) Pensions UNITED STATES. BUREAU OF EDUCATION. State pension systems for publicschool teachers. 1916. 46 pp. maps. tables. (Bull., 1916, no. 14.) Pre ared for the Comrmttee on Teachers’ Salaries, !Pensions, and Tenure of the National Education Association, by W. Carson Ryan, Jr., and Roberta King. Pneumatic Tube Mail Service MERCHANTS’ ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK. I. Opposing the abolition or curtailment of the pneumatic tube mail service in any city where it now exists. 11. Letter from Hon. John Purroy Mitchel, Mayor of New York, to Hon. Champ Clark, Speaker of the House of Representatives,. protesting against additional mail trucks in the city’s streets. Dec., 1916, Police BOSTON. CHAMBER OF COMMNRCE. Re ort of the Committee on Municipal anx Metropolitan Affairs concerning one day off in eight for policemen. Dec. 27, 1916. 5 pp. ty ewritten. tables. NEW YORK CITY. POLICE DEPARTMENT. The Junior Pohceman. vol. i, no. 1. Jan., 1917. This new bulletin is published “for the purpose of kee ing the Junior Police force8 in closer touch witi one another.” TEESDALE (C. H.). 30 PP. Declares in favor otthe scheme in Boston. Ports BALTIMORE. HARBOR BOARD. A book of Baltimore harbor; its modern facilities and numerous advantages. i1917.1 [39 pp.] maps. plates. illus. BOWEN (S. W.). A municipal river terminal system for St. LOUIS. (Journ., Engrs.’ Club of St. Louis, Dec., 1916: 365-450. plans.) Expanding export trade emphasizes need for adequate water terminals. (Engmg. Record, Jan. 6,1917: 14-16.) Urges the public ownership of waterfronts, with oareful provision of all neceaaary facilities. CROW (ARTHUR). The port of London; past, present, and future. (Town Plannin Review, Oct., 1916: 4-17. plates.) #EW JERSEY. BOARD OF COMMERCE AND NAVIGATION. Report on a proposed marine terminal and industrial city on New York Bay at Bayonne, N. J. Nov., 1916. 114pp. maps. plans. Prices CHICAGO. MUNICIPAL REFERENCE LIBBABY. Comparative ordinances of cities fixing a standard loaf of bread; compiled for the Committee on Judiciary [of the Board of Aldermen]. 1916. 6 pp. typewritten. CRESSON (B. F., JR.).

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19171 BIBLIOGRAPHY 319 . Foodstuffs; retail prices in 24 cities; comparative statement prepared for Committee on Health of City Council of City of Chicago, by Frederick Rex. 1916. 7 pp. (Pamphlet no. 655-A.) Public Comfort Stations ANON. Some types of public comfort stations. (Domestic Engrng., Jan. 6, Public Defender GOLDMAN (M. C.). The public defender: a necessary factor in the administration of justice; with a foreword by Justice Wesley 0. Howard. 1917. 96 pp. Public Health See also School Hygiene. ANON. Poor city pavements as breeders of disease. 600 words. (Engmg. and Contracting, Feb. 7, 1917.) CONNORS (ARTHUR). The trend of legislation for public health. 1916. 38 pp. Bullet@ no. 9 of the Indiana Bureau of Legislative Cox (J. W.). The next step toward efficiency in public health [the proper collection of vital statistics]. (Quart. Journ., Univ. of N. Dak., Jan., 1917: 156-165.) FORD (JAMES). Bibliography of tuberculosis in its relation to house infection and housing betterment. (Amer. Journ. of Pub. Health, Dec., 1916: 1326-1333.) FRANKEL (LEE K.) and DUBLIN (LOUIS I.). A sickness survey of Boston, Mass. 1916. 23 pp. tables. 1917: 5-9. Illus.) Information. Published by the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company. This pamphlet is the fourth in a series of community sickness surveys made by the authors, the others relate to Rochelle N. Y. North Carolina, and the G. S. Healtd Service: Washington, D. C. Public health nursGARDNER (M. S.). ~~ ~~~.~ . ing; with an introduction by M. Adelaide Nutting. 1916. 372 pp. The municipality in industrial hygiene; new methods for the rotection of public health [in New York &tyl . (Scien. Amer. Supplement, Jan. HARRIS (L. I.). 6.1917: 2-3.) -, --First annuil ieport Division of Industrial Hygiene, Department of health, New York City. NEW YORK CITY. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH. The duty of health departments on the alcohol question. By Haven Emerson. 1916. 7 pp. (Reprint series no. 50.) SCHROEDER (M. C.) and SOUTHERLAND (S. G.). Laundries and the public health. A sanitary study including bacteriologic tests. (U. S. Pub. Health Repts., 1917: 225-269. tables.) TRASK (J. H.). Malaria as :r. public health and economic problem in the United States. (Amer. Journ. of Pub. Health, Dec., 1916: 1290-1297.) WISCONSIN. MUNICIPAL REFERENCE BUREAU. Dental clinics in Wisconsin cities. (Municipality, Nov.-Dec., 1916: 186-188.) Public Utilities Cent.ra1 station growth and rate reductions. (Electriaal World, Jan. 27 and Feb. 3, 1917: 173-174, 217-219. charts.) Outlines a plan for linking the time for rate reductions with the increase in the number of corrections based on the methods adopted in Milwaukee and 6t. Louis. . Massachusetts utility practices looked into. 900WOE&. (Electrical World, Feb. 17,1917.) BARKER (HARRY). Side lights on depreciation problems of utilities, 1-2. (Engmg. News, Dec. 21-28, 1916: 1167BLOOD (W. H., JR.). Some problems in the operation of public utilities. (Stone and Webster Journ., Jan., 1917: 29-38.) ERICKSON (HALFORD). Problems in rate regulation accentuated by higher operating costs. (Electrical World, Jan. 6, 1917: 5-9. table.) ANON. 1168,1212-1215.) FORD (J. F.). Public utilities and city finances. (Pacific Municipalities, Jan., HAY (T. R.). Origin and status of utility regulation. (Electrical Review and Western Electrician. Jan. 13. 1917: 711917: 569-573.) 74.) ILLINOIS. SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC UTILITIES (House). Report, together with a draft of a bill to provide local control of public utilities in the city of Chicago. Jan. 20, 1917. 29 pp. -STATUTES. A bill for an act to authorize and empower cities now having, or which may hereafter have, a population of two hundred thousand (200,000) or more to provide for the regulation of public utilities. 1917. 16 pp. (50 Gen. Assy. House bill no. 210. Senate bill no. 139.) JONES (STILES P.). The new order in public ut,ility franchises. (New Jersey Municipalities, Jan., 1917: 14-15, 25-29.) JORDAN (L. C.) and others. A method of determining a reasonable service rate for municipally owned public utilities. Discussion. (Proceedings, her. SOC. of Civil Engrs., 1916: 1973-1981.) JUNKERSFELD (PETER). Effect of local conditions on utilities. (Electrical Review and Western Electrician, Jan. 27, 1917: NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF RAILWAY COMMISSIONERS. Report of the Committee on Public Utility Rates. (Electric, gas and water companies.) [1916.] 12 PP. WHALINQ (H. B.). Regulation of public utilities. (Quart. Journ., Univ. of N. Dak., Jan., 1917: 166-176.) LIQHTINQ ANON. Modern street lightin in a small city. (Elect.rica1 Review an! Western Electrician, Feb. 3, 1917: 196-197.) 148-150.) Refers to the city of Roundup, Mont.

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320 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March DEMPSEY (W. T.). Electric street lighting in New York Cit , with particular reference to the Borougl of Manhattan. (Trans., Illuminating Engrng. SOC., Dec. WARE (LEON H.). Experience with a slidiug scale gas rate schedule. (Gas Age, Feb. 15,1917: 187-188.) WATKINS (G.P.) and LUBARSKY (L. H.). Consum tion of gas as affected by population. (6uarterly Pubns., Amer. Statistical Assn., Dec., 1916: 405-417. chart. tables.) 30,1916: 1137-1143. illus.) Refers to experience of Martinaburg, W. Va. TRACTION EVANS (H. H.). Work of the Chicago Traction and Subway Commission. (Pub. Service Record, Dec., 1916: 3-7,16. illus.) MALTBIE (W. HJ. Baltimore’s railroad problem. 27 pp. .diagr. VALUATION AMERICAN SOCIETY OF CIVIL ENGINEERS. Report of the Special Committee to Formulate Principles and Methods for the Valuation of Railroad Property and Other Public Utilities. (Proceedings, Dec., 1916: 1709-1938. tables.) How does industrial valuation differ from public-utility valuation? (Journ. Amer. SOC. of Mechan. Engrs., Feb., 1917: 115-118.) City Club of Baltimore, Bulletin, Feb., 1917. GRAY (JOHN H.). Publicity SHAFER (C. W.). Popularizing purifioation plants; how Grand Rapids dispels popular prejudice against use of chemicals in water purification plant-use of models and charts. (Municip. Journ., Jan. 11, 1917: 37-39. illus. plan.) Describrs method used to “educate” the public and dmpel suspicion and prejudice. Purchasing Aids to efficient buying. (Amer. City, Feb., 1917: 149-152.) Schools BERG (H. 0.). The public schools as municipal neighborhood recreation centers [in Milwaukee]. (Amer. City, Jan., 1917: 3543. illus.) SARGEANT (I. G.). Is the Gary system the panacea for our educational ills? (Forum, Se t., 1916: 323-326.) UNITED ETATES. BUREAU OF EDUCATION. Gardening in elementary city schools, by C. D. Jarvis. 1916. 74 pp. plates. (Bull., 1916, no. 40.) VOORHEES (H. C.). The law of the public school system of the United States. 1916. 429pp. BOSTON. FINANCE COMMISSION. Report of a study of certain phases of the public school system of Boston, Mass. [By James H. Van Sickle.] 1916. 219 pp. chart. table. diagr. (Dec., 1916, no. 87.) THOMAS (A. G.). See also Vocational Education. BOSTON BROOKLYN BROOKLSN CIVIC CLUB. The public schools of Brooklyn. Study and recommendations of the Committee on Education. (Brooklvn Civic Club Bull.. Jan.. 1917: 3-14.) “ CHICAQO CHICAGO. COUNCIL. [Tteport of the Committee on Schools, Fre, Police and Civil Service recommending a reorganization of the Board of Education.] (Proceedings, meeting of Dec. 7, 1916: 239224111 .\ Lo8 ANGB~B Report of the Advisory Committee on certain aspects of the organization and administration of the public school system, begun $pril 17 and concluded May 22, 1916. 1916. 177pp. tables. NEW YORX LO8 ANGELES. BOARD OF EDUCATION. JOHNSON (E. H.). Children as a great machine. The need of reorganization in the New York City public schools. (SurJan. 13, 1917: 425-427.) Vep~~~~~~ (ARNOLD). The teaching of printing in the public schools [of New York City]. 1916. 6 pp. PUBLIC EDUCATION ASSOCIATION OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK. The case of the Julia Richman High School. Pt. 1: HOW civic foresight, municipal interest, administrative efficiency can solve the problems of a modern school. Pt. 2: How $30,000 may be saved annually by the city of New York and the working efficiency of the school be increased if a plan like the following be adopted. Jan., 1917. 20,12 pp. illus. PHILADELPHIA SMEDLEY (EMMA). The cc-operative school luncheon system of the Philadelphia Board of Public Education. (Modern Hospital, Feb., 1917: 136-138. illus.) School Buildings CASSELL (J. D,). Heating, ventilating and electrical equipment of the Philadelphia public school buildings, high and elementar . (Merchant Plumber and Fitter, Feg. 10, 1917: 80-82.) SNYDER (C. B. J.). A new type of public school; designed for operation under duplicate school plan, as well as for use by neighborhood associations. (Municip. Engrs. Journ., Dec., 1916: 445467. illus.) School Hy iene See also Pugblic Health. BROWN (E. F.), compiler. The school nurse: a selected bibliography. Dec., 1916. 4pp. Bulletin of the Russell Sage Foundation Library no. 20. BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH, TORONTO. Facts and suggestions as to health conditions in our schools. Dec, 29, 1916. 10 pp. (School Story no. 9.)

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19171 BIBLIOGRAPHY 321 MINNEAPOLIS. BOARD OF EDUCATION. Keeping the children well. Medical inspection; school nurses; the open air school; o en air rooms. [Prepared by Charles H. 3feene.l 1916. 41 pp. illus. (Series 1916-17, monograph no. 4.) SCHAPIRO (JOSEPH). Some aspects of mhool health supervision. (Educational Administration and Supervision, Dec., 1916: 625-639. diagr. tables.) Sewage Disposal COFFIN (T. D. L.) and HALE (F. E.). Mt. Kisco sewage disposal plant. (Journ. her. Water Works Assn., Dec., 1917: 908-921. charts. tables.) EDDY ‘(H. P.). Digestion of ,activated sludge. (Surveyor and Municip. and County Engr., Dec. 1, 1916: 504-506.) A paper read before the American Society of ELLIS (J. RUSSELL). Notes on experiments with activated sludge process at Regina. (Canadian Engr., Feb. 8, 1917: 124-126. tables. diags.) HATPON (T. CHALKLEY~ ActivatedMunicipal Improvements, October. 1916. sGi& process of sewage disposal firmly established. (Engrng. Record, Jan. 6, 1917: 16-19.) Mr. Ratton is chief eneineer of the Milwaukee sewerage Commission. PHELPS (GEORGE). Brushwood as a medium for sewage filters. (Canadian Engr., Feb. 8, 1917: 117-120. REQUARDT (GUSTAV J.) . Activatedsludge power costs. (Engmg. News, Jan. 4, 1917: 18-19. illus.) illus.) Presents curves to find the power cost for sewage treatment by the activated-sludge method. SEIBER (CHARLES J.). Travis tank and sprinkling sewage filters, Paqueta Island, Rio de Janeiro. (Engrng. Record, Jan. 18,1917: 89-90. illus.) UNITED STATES. PUBLIC HEALTH SERF ICE. The sewage pollution of streams: its relation to the public health, by W. H. Frost. 1916. 14 pp. (Repriflt no. 362.) WILLIFORD (C. L.). .4ctivated-sludge plants at Houston, Texm. (Engrng. News, Feb. 8, 1917: 236-?38. ANON. Cost figures of a small sewer system. 400 words. (Engrng. News, Feb. 8,1917.) BOSTON SOCIETY OF CIVIL ENGINEERS. SANITARY SECTION. Catch-basin construction and maintenance. 1917. 63 pp. (Journ. of the Boston SOC. of Civil Engrs., Jan., 1917.) MONTGOMERY (JULIAN). Sewa e flow measurements, Austin, Texas. (l$ngrng. Record, Jan. 11, 1917: 57. illus.) SPEAR (R. E.). Combined sanitary and storm sewers, Flint, Mich. 300 words. (Engmg. News, Feb. 1, 1917. dagrs.) Refers to the “boom” City of Erginan, Arir. A topical diacuasion by sixteen participants. illus.) Sewerage .nicip.Engrng., Feb., 1917:47-52. illus.) SPRINGER (J. F.). Brick sewers. (MuSmoke Abatement HENDERSON (J. W.). Smoke abatement in Pittsburgh. (Domestic Engmg., Jan. 13,1917: 45-47. Illus.) MONNETT (OSBORN). The abatement of smoke from low pressure heating plants. (Domestic Engrng., Feb. 3,1917: 152-154. illus.) Street Cleaning and Snow Removal ANON. Flushing streets from trolley cars at Worcester, Mass. (Engrng. News, Dec. 28, 1916: 1205-1207. illus.) ANON. Street flushmg equipment. (Engmg. and Contracting, Jan. 3, 1917: 16-17.) Digest of paper presented by Mr. R. W. Parlin deputy com’r, St. Cleaning Dept.. New York City: at the last annual meeting of the American Society of Municipal Improvements. BOSTWICK (A. L.). Snow removal from’ sidewalks; ordinances concerning this matter in New York, Detroit, Buffalo, Milwaukee, Newark, Providence, Columbus, Grand Rapids and Montreal. (Municip. Journ., Dec. 21, 1916: 776-777.) Surveys HARRISON (SHELBY M,). In Lincoln’s home town. How the Springfield survey went about getting results. 1917. [12 pp.] illus. charts.diagrs. Reprinted from The Surv NEWTON. MASS. Egciencv survey of Feb. 3, 1917. the department of streets, hrestry “and water, and their allied functions. Re ort to His Honor Edwin 0. Childs by Efwin A. Cottrell. 1916. 164 pp. tables. charts. maps. Taxation and Finance See also Public Utilities. ANON. Rates in English municipalities. (Canadian Munlcip. Journ., Feb., 1917: 66-67.) BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH, TORONTO. An analysis of Toronto’s budget for 1916, based upon the oflicial estimates, rearranged . . so as to show costs of services rendered and of things purchased. 1916. 40. p. illus. Appendix I contw, as &stration of a welldrawn set of departmental estimat+ thoae submitted by the Department of Public Health, for 1916. with the accom anying details. JAYNE (IRA .). The budget [for a recreation program]. (Playground, Jan., NEW HAMPSHIRE. STATE TAX CowMISSION. Report of a special investigation relative to municipal finance and accounts. Jan. 1, 1917. 61 pp. tables. SURVEY OF MUNICIPAL FINANCINO. Report. [1916.] 21 pp. NEW YORK STATE. STATE TAX DEPARTNENT. Review of local assessments. 1916. 66 pp. (N. Y. State Tax Bull., 1, no. 5. Dec., 1916.) OHIO., BUREAU OF INSPECTION AND SUPERVISION OF PUBLIC OFFICES. Ohio 1917: 382-387.) NEW JERSEY. COMMISSION FOR THE

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322 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [March comparative [financial] statistics: citiescounties-schools, 1914. t1916.1 212 pp. diagr . PIERSON (ARTHUR N.). Finances in New Jersey municipalities. (New Jersey Municipalities, Jan., 1917: 10-11.) PITTSBURGH. COMMITTEE ON TAXATION STUDY. Report . to the Council of the City of Piitsburgh. Nov. 13,1916. 105 pp. POWELL (F. W.). The problem of additional sources of city revenue. (Amer. City, Jan., 1917: 31-34.) WILLIAMSON (C. C.). Tax legislation enacted durin 1916. (Fifth report to the Legislature, %ansas Tax Commission, Jan. 9,1917: 39-52.) Traffic BARTHOLOMEW (HARLAND). Making traffic counts; in the interests of a uniform method suggestions are made b a special committee of the American Sbciety of Municipal Improvements-some of the principal points to be given attention. (Town Development, Feb., 1917: 171. diagr.) ENO (W. P.). Street traffic regulations. 1916. 39pp. diagr. Issued under the auspices of the National Safety Council, Continental and Commercial Bank Bldg., Chicago. GOODSELL (D. B.). Traffic census apglied to the design of roadways. (Engrng. ecord, Feb. 17, 1917: 260-261. illus.) GOULD (J. E.). Intra-urban transportation and the width of paved roadways. (Washington Municipalities, Jan., 1917: HARRIS (HENRY F.). TrafEc census and pavement maintenance. (Municip. Journ., Jan., 1917: 11-13. illus.) Unemployment NEW YORK CITY. MAYOR’S COMMITTEE ON UNEMPLOYMENT. Planning public expenditures to compensate for decreased private em loyment during business depressions, gy John R. Shillady. 1916. Gives aome attention to the experience of various Euro ean countnes, as hearing on the aituation in the 8hed States. Report on dock employment in New York City and recommendations for its regularization. 1916. 82 pp. Bibliography, pp. 71-72. UNITED STATES. BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS. The British system of labor exchanges, by] B. Lasker. 1916. 67 pp. tables. (Bull. no. 206.) Valuation of Land 21-28.) 29 pp. See also Public Utilities. ASHLEY (C. S.). MCGARRY (D. F.). Value of 99-year lease (Natl. Real Est.ate Journ., Dec., The value and val(Natl. Real Estate Journ.. land. 1916: 269-270.) uine of land. De;, 1916: 249-252.) MCNAUQHTON (E. B.). Factors in realty valuing. (Natl. Real Estate Journ., Dec., 1916: 277-279.) Vocational Guidance SEATTLE. BOARD OF DIRECTORS, SCHOOL DISTRICT No. 1. Vocational guidance report, 1913-1916, by Anna Y. Reed. 1916. ,118~~. UNITED ETATES. BUREAU OF EDUCATION. Vocational guidance: recent references. [1916.] 6 p typewritten. -. Qdcational secondary education, prepared by the Committee on Vocational Education of the National Education Association. 1916. 163 pp. tables. (Bull., 1916, no. 21.) Water Distribution BARBOUR (F. A.). Loss of water in city systems. (New Jersey Municipalities, Jan., 1917: 16-17.) FINNERAN (G. H.). An emergency gan in a water service. (Journ., New EnJand Water Works Assn., Dec., 1916: 41 3426 .) HUNTER (L. MCLAREN). Water distribution system, Ottawa. (Canadian Engrs., Jan. 25, 1917: 75-76. illus.) IRVING (W. I.) and WHITNEY (H. A.). A method of determining a reasonable service rate for municipally owned public utilities. Discussion. (Proceedings, Amer. SOC. of civil Engs., Jan., 1917: Rules regulating water service adopted by state public service commissions. (Utilities Magazine, Nov., NEW ENGLAND WATER WORKS AssoCIATION. COMMITTEE ON METER RATES. Report on waste; to which is added suggestions for service charges for large meters [with discussion]. (Journ., New England Water Works Assn., Dec., 1916: 453-477. chart.) RANSOM (WILLIAM). The corrosion of water mains. (Water and Gas Rev., UNITED STATES. BUREAU OF STANDARDS. Methods of making electrolysis surveys, by Burton NIcCollum and I. H. Ahlborn. 1916. 84pp. 2plates. diagr. tables. (Technologic papers no. 28.) Water Purification ANON. Cincinnati method of agitation of surface of filter beds lengthens period of service. Engrng. and Contracting, Jan. Vocational uhlicatson no. 2. 77-85.) KING (L. L.). 1916: 19-23.) Nov., 1916: 9-10.) See also Publicity. 10 1917: 32-34.) bigest of n paper presented at the last convention of the American Chemical Society by Messra. J. W. Ellena and S. J. Houser of the dincinnati Waterworks. APPLEBAUM (S. P.). Results of nine months’ operation of a water softener at the pumping station of Springfield, 0.

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19171 BIBLIOGRAPHY 323 (Engrng. and Contracting,-Jan. 10, 1917: 3940.) HOOVER (C. P.) and others. Five waterworks make filter alum. (Engrng. News, Jan. 4. 11. 1917: 4-7. 54-56.) Contbns in introduction, Evolition and status of the rooess; Old and new plants at Columbus, O., by C. 8. H oover; Low-cost plant at Trenton, N. J.. by F. W. Daggett. Simp? plant at Sprin field Mass by Elbert E.’Lockndge. Omaha mnstalfatioi descnhed, by George T. Prince.’ HOOVER (C. P.). Recovery of spent lime at the Columbus water softening and purification works. (Journ., her. Water Works Assn., Dec., 1916: 889-893. illus.) HOUSTON (A. C.). Hypochlorite sterilization of London water. (Surveyor and Municip. and County Engr., Dec. 8, 1916: 518-523.) Experiences in water atration. Surveyor and Municip. and County Engr., Jan. 19, 1917: 57-59. JOHNSON (GEORGE A,). Water purification in America. (Engrng. and Contracting. Jan. 10. 1917: 46-47. table.) EIUNTER (H. G.). Mr. Hunter is an engineer residing in Montreal. Abstract of a paper presented on Dee. 28 before Section D of the Amencan Awn. for the Advancement of Science. WINSLOW (C.-E. A,). Tests for bacillus coli as an ‘indicator of water pollution. (Journ., Amer. Water Works Assn., Dec., 1916: 927-939. tables.) Water Supply BINNIE (W. J. E.). New York City water supply. (Surveyor and Municip. and County Engr., Jan. 5 and 12, 1917: The water supply of Parkersburg, W. Va. (Proceedings, Am. SOC. of Civil Engrs., Jan., 1917: 27-65. charts. tables.) MASON (W. P.). Water-supply (considered principally from a sanitary standpoint). 1916. 528 pp. diagrs. illus. tables. NEW YORK CITY. DEPARTMENT OF WATER SUPPLY, GAS AND ELECTRICITY. The water supply system. 1916. 28 pp. A new raw water supply for the city of McKeesport, Pa. (Journ., 7-9,28-29.) HALL (W. M.). 2 maps. illus. TRAX (E. C.). Amer. Water Works Assn., Dec., 1916: 947-958. tables.) Water Works New waterworks pro osed for Bay City, Mich. (Engrng. and Eontracting, Jan. 10,1917: 4445. charts.) . Safer water for Bay City urged in report and campaign. (Engrng. News, Feb. 1, 1917: 178-179.) . Cleveland’s new water-intake tunnel under Lake Erie completed. (Engrng. Record, Jan. 18, 1917: 94-99. eraDhs. illus.) ANON. -. Denver advised to purchase its present waterworks. (Engrng. Record, Feb. 10, 1917: 227-228.) BLACK (D. T.). Waterworks development, Welland, Ont. (Canadian Engr., Feb. 8. 1917: 121-123. illus.) HO&E (GARRETT 0.). Some problems of the water-works executive. (Amer. City, Feb., 1917: 110-114. chart.) zoning MEIER (W. F.). Legality of zone ordinances. (Washington Municipalities, Jan., 1917: 37-50.) STRINGHAM (F. D,). The police power and its application to districting and excess condemnation. (Pacific Municipalities, Jan., 1917: 558-563.) BERE~~Y BERKELEY, CAL. Ordinances. Districting ordinance. 1916. 8 pp. (Ordinance no. 452. n. 8.) See also City Planning. “Creating a ba& of dassification b means of which the city of Berkeley may be didd into dis tricts within some of wbch it shall be lawful and within othera of which it shall be unlawful to erect, construct or maintain certain building& or to carry on oertain trades or callings.” BOSTON BOSTON. COMhlISSION ON HEIGHT OF BUILDINGS IN TEE CITY OF BOSTON. Report, 1916. 21 pp. map. (Docs., 1916, no. 114.) The commission was created in 1915 by a law to revise the boundaries of the existing helght distriots. tectureLJan., 1917:

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