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National municipal review, January, 1918

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National municipal review, January, 1918
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National municipal review
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National Municipal League
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Volume 1, Issue 1

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Full Text
NATIONAL
MUNICIPAL REVIEW
1918
Editor
Clinton Rogers Woodruff
Associate Editors
Alice M. Holden Herman G. James
W. J. Donald Howard Lee McBain
C. C. Williamson
VOLUME VII
January, 1-130
March, 131-236
May, 237-337
July, 339-448
September, 449-544
November, 545-655
PUBLISHED FOR THE
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE
BY
THE RUMFORD PRESS CONCORD, N. H.
1918


NATIONAL
MUNICIPAL REVIEW
Vol. VII, No. 1 January, 1918
Total No. 27
AMERICAN CITIES DURING WAR TIMES
BY CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF Philadelphia
OUR American cities have stood steadfast during these most critical times; they have functioned normally; they have co-operated vigorously and intelligently; they have helped generally.
So far as the record goes to date there has been no serious let-up in the prosecution of the normal municipal activities; although there has been a justifiable diminution of new undertakings because of the scarcity and diversion of labor, and the high price of materials. There has been a general recognition that it is not wise economy to postpone work that is necessary “to keep a pavement in good condition, to invite disease by failing to provide the necessary sewers and water supply to new sections of the city, to leave the city at the mercy of fire by neglecting to keep the pumping equipment in perfect repair and adequate in capacity, or to provide sufficient reliable hose, or to endanger health by failure to provide for sanitary disposal of refuse.” If these things are needed they should be done, without, however, omitting any economies possible in planning and construction.
INTEREST IN CITY PLANNING
As a natural corollary there has been an unprecedented interest in city planning and housing. The annual conferences of the two organizations devoted to these subjects, the one at Kansas City, the other at Chicago, were among the largest in their respective histories and the discussions showed how deep and how widespread was the interest, and the same observation may be made of our sister Canadian organizations and cities. The resolution adopted at the Winnipeg meeting of the Civic Improvement League of Canada embodied the thought that the provincial
‘Annual address of the secretary, National Municipal League, Detroit, Mich., November 21, 1917.


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.N ATI UN AD MUN1C1TAD KDV1FW
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governments be urged “to pass planning and development acts in all the provinces so as to secure that land will be laid out for purposes of economic use, health, convenience and amenity.”2
At the National City Planning Conference in Kansas City it was repeatedly stated that, although the country must necessarily expend a large part of its energy at this time in war preparation, it is, nevertheless, highly important that city planning and replanning activities should not be put aside. Indeed, the importance of thorough town-planning is actually emphasized by present conditions. This fact is recognized in Europe to such a degree that plans have already been prepared for rebuilding the destroyed towns of France along lines determined by modern requirements.
The nations of Europe are placing themselves on a basis of efficiency which will continue after the war, and, if this country is to keep pace, from now on it must accept the facts and prepare to meet them. It is in the cities that commerce and industry are centralized and the results of organization—or the lack of it are most apparent there. No city can perform its function efficiently as a unit of any nation-wide organization unless wisely and carefully planned to meet its own special conditions, and our American cities are beginning to realize their duties and obligations along these lines.
France, who has set before the world during this war, so many and so varied examples of courage, patriotism and foresight, has set still another in the new Loi Cornudet which provides that every municipality shall organize a planning commission, which will decide on its future growth. Every improvement will have to conform to the city plan, whether it is
! The policy of the federal government is set forth in the following letter:
Mh. Will H. Hays, Chairman,
Indiana State Council of Defense,
Indianapolis, Indiana.
The Council of National Defense has considered the question you raise in your recent letter as to the attitude which should be taken relative to improvements, public and otherwise, which involve large construction work, and recommends as follows:
Every effort that this country is capable of making should be applied to bringing the war to a speedy and successful conclusion. The resources of the country in a general way may be said to consist of men, money and material, and during the period of the war any new enterprise or undertaking should be tried and justified by the test: Will the men, money and material so applied best contribute in this way to the winning of the war?
New enterprises which are not fundamental to the efficient operation of the country’s necessary activities should not be undertaken. This will not result adversely upon business or conditions of employment because every man and every resource will be needed during the war. All efforts should be centered to help with the war.
Newton D. Baker, Secretary of War and Chairman Council of National Defense.
October 1, 1917.


1918] AMERICAN CITIES DURING WAR TIMES
3
made in newly-developed territory, or replaces a construction of long standing and the whole development will be controlled by a central department of the national government in Paris. Paris itself, having outgrown the Haussmann plans, has organized a bureau which will care not only for the city, but for the whole metropolitan area.
If battle-torn and scarred France can take thought of the morrow, what of America which has yet to feel the pinch in any really serious degree?
HOUSING AS A WAR MEASURE
“As a war measure in itself, we must look to the housing of our workmen, which is just as important as the adequate and efficient housing of the troops. Both classes are on the firing line—the one on the battlefield and the other in industry—and both are indispensable to the cause.” This is the deliberately expressed opinion of the secretary of the National Housing Association, who does not hesitate to declare further that victory for America may depend upon the solution of the housing problem in America. “It is up to us who know the situation,” he has said, “to help the government solve it. The war has made acute a situation that has long been serious in our industrial centers, and the social dangers, which we would not recognize before, are more manifest than ever. Now with great manufacturing plants running at double capacity and men crowding into industrial centers to man them, we find that no adequate provision is made for their housing. In many places they sleep men in three shifts, using each bed twenty-four hours in the day, occupied by three different men, each having the bed for eight hours.”
COMMUNITY HEALTH
The war program of the American Public Health Association brought vividly to the front not only the special problems of the army and the navy, but the special community problems which must be faced and solved if we are to have an effective army, an early peace and a wholesome aftermath. “The war may, and if we can make it, it should, stimulate the world to a realization of the existing possibilities in life and health conservation,” declared Prof. Irving Fisher at the National Conference of Social Work at Pittsburgh.
To this phase of the problem our cities are likewise addressing themselves with devotion and intelligence, notwithstanding the depletion of the ranks of medical and health officers by the demands of the army and navy.
CO-OPERATION WITH THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT
, In the field of co-operation the cities have performed wonders. They have helped in the execution of the selective draft law; in the food conservation campaign; in the Red Cross work; in the various other cam-


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IJ anuary
paigns made necessary by the war not omitting the flotation of the two liberty loans. In addition to all of this, the cities on the seaboards, and especially those on the Atlantic Coast, have prepared themselves, to a remarkable degree, for such emergencies as are likely to arise in the event of a prolongation of the contest or of a foreign invasion.
THE MORAL HEALTH OF THE COMMUNITY
Would that as much could be said about activities designed to protect the morals of the communities and their war-added populations! While cities are planning wisely for the future; while they are discussing the housing and health problems of the present and the future; while they are co-operating to advance the several causes essential to the preservation and maintenance of our government, they must not forget the need for moral protection as well. The old idea that morality is only a personal affair dies hard. It is, to be sure, a personal affair, just as physical health and well-being are, but there is a community responsibility as well that cannot with safety be evaded or shirked. Its inherent difficulties afford no excuse for not facing it fairly and squarely.3
One of the great lessons we must take from this war is that war preparedness, like charity, as Caroline Bartlett Crane points out, begins at home, and whenever we strengthen the defenses of sobriety, chastity, personal honor and human decency in our home towns, we are powerfully strengthening our national defense against a foreign foe.
There is an encouraging side to the situation, however. At its meeting in May the Playground and Recreation Association of America declared for cities made ready to do their bit for the soldiers; communities prepared to offer our men in khaki recreational and social opportunities from which their desire to serve their country has suddenly cut them off; open houses and hospitality instead of a welcome only from open saloons and houses of ill repute; the mobilization of the social and recreational facilities of the communities near training camps for the soldier in his free time. The citizens of most of our communities, and quite frequently the cities themselves, are co-operating to give men living under abnormal conditions a substitute for home influence and “for the social, recreational
• “ The attitude of the community has got to be continuous and growing in its hospitality and in its conscientious recognition of the right way of solving the problem of the soldier. These boys are going to France; they are going to face conditions that we do not like to talk about, that we do not like to think about. They are going into a heroic enterprise, and heroic enterprises involve sacrifices. I want them armed; I want them adequately armed and clothed by their government; but I want them to have invisible armor to take with them. I want them to have an armor made up of a set of social habits replacing those of their homes and communities, a set of social habits and a state of social mind bom in the training camps, a new soldier state of mind, so that when they get overseas and are removed from the reach of our comforting and restraining and helpful hand, they will have gotten such a state of habits as will constitute a moral and intellectual armor for their protection overseas. You are the makers of that armor."—The Secretary of War.


1918] AMERICAN CITIES DURING WAR TIMES
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and cultural features of normal life; of co-ordinating existing adjacent groups of people eager to be of service to city governments; of organizing all available forces; of utilizing all the communities’ resources and calling into being new forces to meet new needs and new problems.” The soldier of to-day is the citizen of to-morrow, and we want to preserve as much as possible of his strength, honor and decency.
the cantonments: model cities?
The cantonments afford a wonderful opportunity to teach a wholesome lesson in community living so far as such living can be accomplished without the spiritual co-operation and influence of women. They are each, to all practical intents and purposes, cities of 40,000 souls. They represent problems of housing, sanitation, feeding, discipline, amusement, morality, religion. Upon their successful management depends alike the safety and efficiency of our army and of our various communities.
SOCIAL ACTIVITIES AND PHASES
In the field of social work we find a more cheerful note in that the anticipated let-up of social activities, governmental and organization, has not manifested itself. Taking a leaf out of England’s experience very few states and cities have abandoned or modified the rules and regulations designed for the protection of workers and citizens generally, built up through long years of arduous effort and struggle. The National Conference on Child Labor closed its sessions at Baltimore with the conviction firmly established that whatever war measures this country is obliged to adopt there should be no let down in the standards for child protection. Time and again this note was struck as the vital necessity of continuing all efforts to further our American democratic ideals was pointed out. The lowering of standards abroad was used as an illustration of the fact that the excitement of war is fatal to the training and development of the younger generation and that social advance is retarded when childhood is impoverished.
A similar report may be made concerning other lines of social work: housing of labor, workmen’s compensation, and conditions of labor generally. In point of fact there is a growing feeling that we are looking forward to a great socialized future and any backward step will militate against its harmonious and wholesome development. There is also a growing tendency to regard questions that have heretofore been solely regarded as political as having social import and significance. In the words of the social service commission of the (Episcopal) diocese of Pennsylvania in reference to the police scandals in the city of Philadelphia :
The fifth ward shame and tragedy has a far-reaching social significance which must not be overlooked. The use of the police powers of the


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[January
government for political ends is anti-social in the highest degree. Any policy which involves the use of the police and other officials of the government for any other than a public or community end results not only in a perversion of the power of government, but in the creation of a sentiment on the part of the poor and the ignorant that government exists not for the good of the community, but for the ends and purposes of a chosen few. Apart from the loss of life through the failure of the police to preserve the peace, not to speak of their direct connivance in the events leading up to the sad tragedy, which is a matter that is to be determined in a court of justice, the most distressing and humiliating features brought out at the hearings were those which revealed that the police were using their great powers to drive the poor and ignorant into the support of men contrary to their personal convictions and loyalties. When we consider the character of the population of the fifth ward made up of men, women and children who have sought these shores as a protection against governmental oppression and inequalities; when we consider that the federal, state and municipal governments are spending untold sums of money for the general improvement of their condition, and at the present time are engaged in a struggle, the basic principle of which is the establishment of democracy throughout the world; when we consider that the honor of this country is pledged to the maintenance of the higher political and social ideals the world over—we stand aghast at a political situation which tolerates for one moment a situation such as has been disclosed to exist in the fifth ward, and which in embryo at least exists wherever political organizations of the same stripe are permitted to exist. The perversion of the powers of government to any other end than that of the good of the community is a policy fraught with the utmost of danger to the continuance of free institutions and to the development of a sound social sentiment in the community.
THE CITY-MANAGER PLAN: A WAR MEASURE
“The city-manager plan is a war measure in all that the term implies. The sheer necessity of finding some way out of the present mess will compel the people to take action” is the way a New England editor described the movement for establishing improved governmental machinery in our cities. The facts fully justify the description. Never in the history of the National Municipal League has there been a more insistent demand for assistance in charter revision and never has there been more interest manifested in its Model City Charter. Until this year the discussion of the principles involved in this plan of government had been confined to the middle-sized and smaller cities, but now it is being seriously considered in the largest cities of the country: New York and Chicago.
At the beginning of his administration Mayor Mitchel and the board of estimate and apportionment appointed a charter committee, instructed to recommend changes in the organization. Various reasons contributed to the practical dissolution of the committee, but a member of the committee, Henry Bru&re, submitted a “Plan of Organization for New York City,” so that the mayor might “ call the recommendations it contains to the attention of any subsequent charter committee.” His proposed


1918] AMERICAN CITIES DURING WAR TIMES
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reorganization was primarily directed toward “ definitizing responsibility and providing more effective administrative machinery.”
The outstanding features of his alternative plans were :
1. Further development of the mayor’s office into one of policy guiding, general supervision and control, analogous to that of the president of a large corporation.
2. Development of the board of estimate as a board of direction in law as well as in fact, and the imposition on that board of a responsibility that it now regulates, but does not bear.
3. Development of a complete department of finance, centring full control over revenues, funds and disbursements, now to a large degree scattered.
4. Provision of centralized, responsible executive and administrative direction in the office of a city manager, subject to the control of the board of estimate and the supervision of the mayor.
The details of the appointment and consequent responsibility of the city manager, whether to the board or the mayor, is left for future consideration. The manager will have no responsibility for policies except as a requested adviser of the board. He will have nothing to do with the police department or with the civil service or law departments. The most radical change suggested involves the assumption by the board of estimate and apportionment of more complete responsibility for the effective management of the city.
In Chicago the proposition has been put forward by the Chicago bureau of public efficiency in the form of a bill for the reorganization of the municipal government, “the main purpose of which is to apply to Chicago a modified form of the city-manager plan of government, with nonpartisan methods of electing aldermen.” The bill also reduces the number of aldermen from 70 to 35, one alderman from each ward, and extends the term of aldermen to four years, subject to popular recall. Other features of the bill are incidental to these objects. Thus while “the nation is engaged in the great task of helping to make the world safe for democracy, we are reminded by the Chicago bureau of efficiency,” says the Chicago Post, “that we have not yet made democracy safe for the city.”
In these cities where the plan has been tried there has been a steady improvement in all administrative branches and a general feeling of satisfaction with the results. Certainly there has been no serious effc't to undo what has been accomplished.
The town of Goldsboro, North Carolina, with a population of 11,000, widely advertised for a city manager, an experiment which has been fully reported in.the National Municipal Review.4 “Twenty years ago, such an advertisement would have been considered a hoax,” as the
4 See vol. vi, p. 605.


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[January
Toledo Blade has editorially pointed out. “In those days, the management of a city was still a mere matter of getting the votes. Anyone was qualified who was a naturalized citizen. People were born to governing a community just as they were born to breathe God’s air. The one was no harder than the other. No better sign of progress could be furnished than that citizens of a city, having each the right to serve as manager, should humbly confess their want of knowledge by advertising abroad for a qualified employe. Democracy does not demand that every man shall be recognized as divinely given to conduct office. It does demand that in government there shall be a broad application of common sense. And putting men in charge of cities who know their business, who have good judgment and broad vision, is common sense of the highest grade.”
THE NEED FOB COMPETENT OFFICIALS
If we are to have carefully planned and adequately protected and developed cities, then we must have competent officials to administer them and herein is the strength of the city-manager movement for in it is involved the idea of executive efficiency and concentration of administrative responsibility along with representative legislative body charged with policy-determining responsibility.
A component part of any such plan must be a comprehensive merit system to secure the selection of competent officials to serve with the city manager. Some idea of the growth of this branch of the movement is to be found in the annual assembly of civil service commissioners, devoted to a consideration of the ways and means whereby such officials can be the most surely selected. It is not a propagandist body, but a technical one and each year registers an increased number of delegates present and a keener discussion of the details of selection. Hand in hand with this growth we must note the establishment, as in the Western Reserve University (Cleveland), of schools for training for municipal administration and public service, and official recognition of the need of such training in the passage by the Wisconsin legislature of a bill to establish a course in public training at the state university.
The most essential factors in fair and effective application of the merit principle in civil service continue to be the following: The examination and certification of eligibles, the system of promotion, the provision for removal, the constitution of the commission. As compared with the work of dividing and administering adequate and appropriate tests for attracting and selecting the best equipped persons for administrative offices, and giving them assurance of permanency of tenure and advancement according to proved fitness, all other phases of the work of civil service commissions are of supplementary and secondary significance.5
* For an extended review of the development along these lines see F. W. Coker’s survey of municipal civil service reports in the National Municipal Review, vol. vi, p. 692.


1918] AMERICAN CITIES DURING WAR TIMES
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In a circular letter sent out last spring to its members, the National Municipal League asked these questions:
WHAT IS GOING TO HAPPEN AFTER THE WAR?
“Did you ever stop to think what is going to happen after the war? Do you realize what the appropriation of billions of dollars by federal, state, county and city governments will mean to this country? Many think that because our economic condition is so good now that everything will be taken care of nicely later. In the history of the entire world a period of prosperous years has always been followed by lean ones. Does not exceptional spending by governments, exceptional prices for commodities, exceptional industrial conditions now, mean exceptional taxation and other exceptional problems later? Where will the burdens fall? Are we ready for them? Are we getting ready?”
“You will hear the cry of efficiency and economy in government louder than ever, especially when cities begin to broaden their functions and exercise new ones in coping with new problems, when seen. But they should be foreseen. Someone has to point them out and lead the way, and it is up to us to apply ourselves to this task.”
This the League has been doing and as a consequence its services have never been in more demand. This has been largely due to the fact that the rapidly increasing burdens of federal and state taxation have made economy and efficiency of the greater importance. This has by no means been reflected in the election results in the larger cities, but it is bound to be reflected in more careful attention to tax rates and expenditures. Another factor has been pointed out by the investment bankers association : Citizens in many parts of the country are beginning to realize the wrong which has been imposed on this generation by corrupt and careless municipal financing in the past, and have decided not to place a similar load upon the shoulders of their children. Moreover, they see that methods of the past, if continued, would soon make it impossible for their cities to borrow money at all on moderate terms.
Another significant indication of the trend is the fact that in 1916 cities throughout the country borrowed $502,800,000 in long term loans as compared to $492,500,000 in 1915. This shows an increase of only $10,000,000 in the total amount of loans over the preceding year as compared to an average increase of $50,000,000 for the three years.
The truth is even more favorable than the figures indicate. According to a prominent New York investment broker, who is in close touch with municipal conditions in all parts of the country, a great many cities have been more than usually hesitant in the last two years about incurring new expenses, so that the total amounts of bond issues for these years represent a greater proportion than usual of loans refunding old issues. The citizen demand for better municipal administration, in the judg-


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ment of this association of investment bankers, is growing in almost all parts of the country, while the powerful interest of the financial backers of cities is with the citizens in the fight. The signs of the times spell progress.
WASTE AND EXTRAVAGANCE
In his speech on the federal deficiency bill, Senator Martin, of Virginia, in no uncertain tones declared that
We must call a halt in extravagance. We must keep within due bounds, and we must not appropriate money that is not essential. We have had quite a number of deficiency bills during this session of Congress. I hope to God this is the last. If we keep on, we had better turn the whole resources of the country without anything more than three lines over to the administrative departments of the government and let them take what they need and spend what they choose. It has come to be a perilous situation. Over $20,000,000,000 in five months! At the pace we are going, if the war lasts another year, $50,000,000,000 will be required. And where is it to come from? Is our country to be impoverished for generations? Yes, if it is necessary to prosecute the war. But, in God’s name, do not let us do it unless it is absolutely necessary.
These words may with equal force and effect be applied to our city financing and during the next five years will be. For the federal and state burdens will go on increasing even should the war be happily ended before that time.
Indeed similar words found utterance in some of the state legislatures during their recent sessions. In supporting his budget bill in the New York assembly, Senator Wagner said:
Every city council, every state legislature and congress itself might do well to consider the new plan of budget making which I have proposed for the state of New York ... an adaptation of the system employed by the British parliament suggested by President Lowell of Harvard University.
The governor of New York has adopted an admirable program of publicity to justify spending the money of the state, but publicity alone does not solve the problem of public waste. When the governor presents a budget calling for the expenditure of $68,000,000, how many citizens, to say nothing of the legislators themselves, have either the expert knowledge or the time to analyze the figures and determine whether or not the proposed expenditures would be justified? Publicity for extravagance which is not detected is a convenient method of passing on to the public the responsibility for the waste. . . .
City councils and boards of aldermen present similar conditions to those found in state legislative bodies. Members of the faction in power are loath to curtail the expenditures of their own department heads. Minority finance committees should be appointed by the heads of city governing bodies as a check upon the expenditures proposed by the majorities and empowered to employ experts to investigate proposed appropriations. The principle involved is one capable of broad application.


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1918] AMERICAN CITIES DURING WAR TIMES
Such opposition committees would depend not only upon their own investigations for exposing waste, but would afford those citizens who desire economy an opportunity for telling what they know. Chambers of commerce and independent business men, too often fearing to incur the disfavor of the politicians in power, are silent, whereas they would gladly lodge their complaints with a minority committee which would be eager to take them up.
I am sure that this would greatly encourage the application of business principles to spending the public’s money. The question is—do the public want economy sufficiently to demand it vigorously enough to get it?
These are the words, not of a representative of a bureau of research or a reform body, but of the leader of the Democrats in the New York senate, elected on a Tammany ticket!
STATE AND COUNTY AFFAIRS
This speech of Senator Wagner brings to mind the work which has been inaugurated to reorganize state and county affairs, as well as those of the cities. The latter are no longer neglected—although still requiring the closest of attention and almost infinite patience. The past year has seen forward steps in state reorganization in Illinois and Kansas, with important developments in several others. Likewise the county, so long "the dark continent of politics,” is beginning to claim a share of attention. The determination of the National Municipal League to give consideration to these two phases of governmental activity has been received with approval. References to these to the uninitiated may seem out of place in a review of American cities during war times, but to those who know by experience how closely interlaced the state, county and city, their appropriateness is at once obvious. City government cannot be segregated from state and county government and any attempt to do so will add to the difficulties of an already serious situation.
THE POLITICAL SITUATION
Politically speaking, the events of the year have been far from encouraging. They illustrate if that were necessary that the “war has not disposed of the city bosses as yet.” The defeat of Mayor Mitchel was no doubt the result of the inevitable reaction which follows exceptionally useful and progressive administrations. At the same time it is discouraging; one is almost tempted to say disheartening. It brings to mind these words of M. Marmontel in “Belisaire” (published in 1796): “ Whoever devotes himself to the service of his country, should suppose her insolvent; for what he hazards for her is inestimable. But he must at the same time expect to find her ungrateful: for whoever looks for a reward for a free and generous sacrifice of himself, is foolishly inconsistent. . . . The allurements of ambition: honors, titles, rank, . . . what are they but wages? He who desires them has his hire.


NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[January
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We must either give or sell ourselves, there is no other alternative. The former is the act of freedom, the latter of slavery: you, gentlemen, will incline to that which agrees best with the propensities of your hearts.”
Experience leads one to believe that much of the good which has been accomplished during the past eight years covering the administrations of Gaynor and Mitchel will continue and that then there will come another great surge forward and still further advances gained and held.
At the same time how must our gallant youth that have gone to the front feel, when the greatest city of the land deliberately hands her whole government over to men who have shown time and again that they think first of their organization and secondly and often remotely of their community.
Here is how a Philadelphia boy thought about the situation in that city:
George wanted to know what could be done to help out “over here.” I will write and tell of anything I see; but one thing is sure—that there is no fun in fighting to save democracy for a lot of grafting politicians, and nothing would put more “pep” into me than to know that the people at home were awake to their civic responsibilities. While I believe that eventually we will win out, we have a hard job on our hands and graft is as much of a foe as autocracy.
ABANDONMENT OF PABTY LINES
Philadelphia’s reply is no more encouraging than New York’s—but the situation is not uniformly bad throughout the country. In the vast majority of the commission- and city-manager cities party lines have disappeared and there are now over five hundred such communities. In California party lines have practically disappeared in city campaigns. Even in New York and Philadelphia, leading politicians identified with their respective parties have abandoned these parties in local contests. Elihu Root, Theodore Roosevelt, Charles E. Hughes, and William H. Taft openly supported the re-election of Mayor Mitchel and in Philadelphia no less a person than the Republican national committeeman, Senator Penrose, openly repudiated the Republican tickets and supported the Town Meeting ticket.
Dayton, Ohio, affords a very striking contrast to the metropolitan cities of the Atlantic coast. She has, by a substantial majority, endorsed her city manager charter and the admirable execution of it. At the primaries the Socialists on a light vote polled the largest vote, the opposition being divided. At the general election on November 6, however, the opposition was united and the vote in favor of the sitting members of the commission was substantial. The lowest man on the Citizens’ ticket received 2,841 more votes than the highest man on the Socialist ticket.
Springfield, Ohio, is another city which by an equally substantial


1918] AMERICAN CITIES DURING WAR TIMES
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majority endorsed the city manager idea and its very excellent local embodiment. Progress in the smaller cities, especially those of the central and far west is much more rapid and substantial than in the larger cities of the east. In fact, political progress in Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore and Chicago is only intermittently encouraging, whereas in most of the smaller communities of the country, and especially in the section mentioned, a larger measure of persistence is shown.
In writing to a city clerk the assistant secretary of the Union of Canadian Municipalities said:
Sometimes, when I sit back in my chair, I think over the different temperaments of our municipal men between the Atlantic and Pacific; of their ideals, their aspirations, and their ways of striving to attain their ends.
The westerner hustles and pushes, and thinks the east is mighty slow. The easterner goes slow (apparently) and quietly smiles at the western hustle and wear of energy.
It is all very interesting to one in close touch with municipal men in the east, middle, and west, of our wonderful country. As I have said before I say with greater emphasis again—municipal men, our Canadian municipal men are the virile, active men of Canada, the men with ideals, public spirited, and the real backbone of our political institutions.
They get many kicks and cuffs, and heaps of slander from the incompetent, the indifferent, and the incapable; and from a host of community parasites.
However, general public opinion has advanced wonderfully of late, and we all are just beginning to find out that whole-hearted interest in municipal affairs is the foundation stone of all good government.
THE NEED OF A CONSTRUCTIVE PROGRAM
Something more than reform by protest or town meetings is necessary. There must be a constructive program persistently followed up. The political organizations set an example which reformers should follow. In many places they have, and in those places the results abundantly justify the effort. The politicians are always “on the job,” the day after quite as much as the day before. Their machine is always in order. They know what they want and they go after it—usually until they get it. They vote rainy days as well as bright ones. They vote their full strength at unimportant as well as important elections—but what of the Independents and reformers? In Philadelphia there were 50,000 men who were qualified, who failed to register and 50,000 who qualified who failed to vote. Half of either group would have repudiated the brutal practices of the dominant faction and both together would have administered a rebuke from which there would have been no recovery. There is just one phrase for those 100,000—civic slackers!
There are certain municipal conditions which militate against efficiency in time of peace as well as in wan. Indifference to duty is one of them. Another is the failure to recognize duties as well as rights.


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l J anuary
STEADFASTNESS OF CIVIC ORGANIZATIONS
There is a silver lining, however, to these clouds. It consists of the steadfastness with which the volunteer civic organizations are holding their grounds. They represent the regular army of civic advance. In the face of war they have shown no slightest intention to yield an inch of ground or to retire from their positions. They have added war-time duties to their regular ones. Their officers are serving the government in various capacities, but they have not given up their civic duties. They have added to the sum total of public patriotic duty. They have not substituted one form of it for another. “True municipal reform is based on actual knowledge,” to use the words of the Detroit civic league, “of actual conditions. The plan is to secure better conditions by a progress which shall be permanent, not temporary. The municipal revival has given way to the personal work of the man who makes a science of the task of government, who is not afraid to co-operate with officeholders who are honest and who are doing the best they can with the antiquated machinery with which they have to work.” The league might have added that they add to a stern sense of public duty an enlightened comprehension of method and a persistency of endeavor that will in the long run win the battle for civic decency and efficiency, to all of which is being added a sense of community dependency and co-operation which is making solidly and definitely for real democracy.
MUNICIPAL PENSIONS1
BY LAWSON PURDY New York
IN MAKING an address as president of the League I did not a year ago and I shall not to-day attempt to review what has been done by the cities of the country during the past year because for many years the secretary of the League has so well performed that function.
A year ago I selected two subjects which seemed to me of importance and present interest. This year I propose to develop somewhat a subject concerning which I have a few words to say and that is municipal pensions—pensions of all kinds. I speak of that to-day because more and more that subject is pressing upon the people of the cities of the United States and because, on account of the war, it is being pressed upon the government of the United States.
The action of congress furnishes a text for an address on pensions because congress has adopted an entirely new course. All of you know that after the Civil War the United States started a system of pensioning
1 Presidential address at the twenty-third annual meeting of the National Municipal League, Detroit, Mich., November 21, 1917.


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disabled soldiers and dependent relatives of soldiers who had been killed. We know that in the years since the Civil War we have spent annually a greater and greater sum until very recently, and that in the aggregate the amount expended for pensions by the United States on account of the Civil War has reached enormous figures.
A NEW PRECEDENT
Congress, having that history in mind, apparently has decided that the provision for those who are maimed in battle and for the dependents of those who may be killed, shall be made once for all by means of insurance. It seems that congress does not propose to settle upon later generations a large part of the expense of this war in the manner in which it was imposed after the Civil War. Probably very few people in the United States realize the expense that lies ahead of them if the plans are carried out for pensioning civil servants that will be proposed in the course of the next few years.
For a good many years some cities of the country, not few in number, have been making some provision for aged and infirm firemen, policemen and school-teachers. Soon all cities will be doing that and many cities will be doing more. In the city of New York we have started to make provision for widows having small children to bring up. Recently seven states have appointed commissions to consider the whole subject of the care of aged and dependent persons. In doing so they are only following the example of some European countries that have already inaugurated such a policy.
new York’s commission
Recently a commission in the city of New York made an exhaustive report on the pension systems then in force in the city of New York and within the year a commission of the state of Illinois has reported upon the pension systems of Illinois. Both of these reports, the report in the city of New York and the report for the state of Illinois, show that in not one single city of the United States that has established provision for aged and infirm policemen, firemen, school-teachers or others was the system based on sound actuarial principles.
The city of New York, for a long time, made a provision of 2 per cent of the pay-roll to be set aside for firemen and I think for policemen and then certain increments to the fund were provided from certain sources of revenue,—a very careless, utterly inaccurate method of making provision.
At the time these reports were made these pension funds were either absolutely insolvent or on the verge of insolvency. The reports set forth the experience of foreign governments and foreign cities and the best actuarial computations in this country which show substantially the


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same thing, namely, that the cost of such pensions for the aged and infirm civil servants themselves and such provision as has been made for their dependents adds about 30 to 35 per cent to the pay-roll.
There is no city in the country that would contemplate at once establishing a system that would call for an addition to the expense of city government of 30 per cent of the pay-roll, but that is what they are facing if they establish the pension systems that to a considerable extent are now in force and that are proposed.
Usually they only propose a retiring allowance of 50 per cent of pay received in active service, or less than 50 per cent. It would be quite worthless for me to stand here and tell you these things if I had nothing to propose that would help to solve the problem that must be met, for these pension plans will be established and in my own judgment they ought to be established.
It might be worth while to say just a few words about why they ought to be established. It is practically the universal testimony of those familiar with the personnel of city departments and national and state departments as well, that because administrators have hearts they keep in the service old men and perhaps to some degree old women, too, if we have women in the civil service. Formerly we had not many; we will have many as time goes on. They keep these old men in the service long after they are able to earn in proportion to their pay.
In my own department in the city of New York we have had old men whose places were, after their death, filled for one-third the annual salary by men who did twice the work. Now just see how much cheaper it would be if those figures are 50 per cent true to retire the old man on half pay and hire a man for less than half of his former pay to do the work better and do more work than he did in his declining years!
PENSIONS A MATTER OF EFFICIENCY
From the point of view of mere efficiency in government and economy in government, it is better to pension the person who is really superannuated or infirm and hire a substitute for him than it is to keep him on at the old rate of pay. Beyond that, however, we all know that persons in receipt of small incomes (and 95 per cent of city employes are in receipt of small incomes) are unable or at least unwilling systematically to lay aside a sufficient sum to care for themselves in their old age. We are confronted with that absolute condition and I think beyond any question of doubt, the cities of the United States in time, and no very long time, will make provision for pensioning their old, worn-out employes.
It is the experience in all countries, so these reports tell us, that employes who are hired with the expectation that they will be cared for in old age regard that old age care as part of their pay and really it is part


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of their pay. There has been a good deal of discussion as to whether the person hired should be paid a fixed sum and his employer, the city, should contribute all of the amount in addition that is necessary to provide him with a pension or whether the employe should receive a larger sum and be compelled himself to contribute or whether that amount should be divided.
In my opinion that question is entirely immaterial as to new hirings and new contracts. It is material as to the old ones because we have here clerks hired at a hundred dollars a month or seventy-five dollars a month or a hundred and fifty dollars a month or more and if part of the pay they are now receiving is taken from them for their future pension, it is material to the city and material to the employe; but in future contracts, so long as the pay is no more than adequate for the service and in addition to the pay that is received now, there is deferred payment in the form of pension for the future, whether you call it contribution of the employe or contribution of the city is entirely immaterial.
All the employes have come to feel (where these systems have been enforced) that what they were receiving was deferred payment. It is very material, however, how much this is going to cost the cities of the country and whether the burden will be a continuing burden and so hamper all the cities of the country in their effort to do other things than care for their own employes.
ACCRUED LIABILITIES AND NEW CONTRACTS
Last year I made a proposal which has never been tried out by any public body so far as I am aware, that when we establish a pension system we should distinguish between new employes and old, between what the insurance people call accrued liabilities and new contracts, and should make such provision for the new employes that the expense after a few years would be a decreasing expense instead of an increasing one.
It can be demonstrated that for the same sum that must be appropriated to provide pensions under the present plan the same pensions can be paid by preserving intact as principal, every dollar that is paid in, and using exclusively the income of that capital fund.
There is one objection that is made to this plan, that employes who remain in the city service too short a time to receive a pension feel that they should receive back upon retirement all or part of the sum that has been paid into the pension fund for their account. That objection can be met under the plan that I propose, the retirement from the service of any employe need not deprive him of any benefit that he has expected to receive by continuing in the service until his retiring age. What should be done, I think, is this:
For every employe there should be paid into the pension fund a sum adequate to produce the result which would be no more than the sum


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necessary on any plan that has heretofore been proposed. It appears that it will take about 15 per cent of the pay-roll to care for the employes themselves. The other 15 per cent is required to take care of their dependents. If there is set aside 15 per cent of the pay-roll for every employe and that sum is put at interest, invested in the bonds of the city, let us say, or in such other safe security as will adequately protect the fund, and the bonds pay 4 per cent, in about thirty-five years there will be a fund sufficient to pay more than half salaries to all the survivors.
This plan does not contemplate caring for the dependents of these employes. That is another proposition which can be cared for in the same manner but I am talking now solely of the cost of caring for the employes of the city themselves after they have reached the retiring age.
A year ago I had been able to obtain the assistance of the actuary of one of the large insurance companies who made certain computations for me. I hope some time to carry those computations out so as to have a variety of illustrations. Those figures showed that if men entered the service at the average age of twenty-five years and served for forty-five years, 10 per cent of the pay-roll would give every man who retired 95 per cent of the salary that he had been receiving, substantially his whole salary.
If, instead of setting aside 10 per cent, 15 per cent were set aside, it is obvious that that point would be reached at a somewhat earlier age and if only half pay were given it would be reached at a much earlier age.
This computation shows further that after such a system had been in force in any city for a period of from fifty to seventy-five years, no further contributions on the part of the city would be necessary; the fund itself would provide an annual income adequate to pay all pensions and further adequate to pay the increment that would be necessary to care for the enlargement of the force provided the city did not grow with too great rapidity. In that event, it would only be a matter of a few more years before the increment would care for all the dependents.
RETIREMENTS AND WITHDRAWALS
If a man retires from the city service to take other employment he should be allowed to continue paying into the pension fund so that he should receive the same benefits as any other employe of the city. If he didn’t choose to pay in further into the pension fund, he should be allowed to draw in proportion, at the time he had reached retiring age, to the amount that he had paid into the pension fund or that had been paid in for him. If he had served the city for ten years and 15 per cent of his pay had been turned into the pension fund, when he reached retiring age he could have the earnings of that fund; he never would lose anything by having had some sum paid into the pension fund for his benefit.
Once having established such a system for city employes, there would


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be no objection and there would be very great advantage in allowing every citizen that saw fit to do so to become a participant in that pension fund by paying into it such sums as might be found administratively convenient and practical. Then it would be within the power of every person in the city to provide for his old age at the minimum of expense and with the utmost certainty that he never would lose the sum that he had paid into the care of the city.
Can you imagine anything which would give the citizens of the city a greater interest in their city than that every one of them, by his own efforts, might become a participant in a great system of provision for old age for the time when he can no longer work?
The same system will apply, perforce, should it be adopted to the care of all those who might become dependent upon the city’s bounty and they would be paying their own way and taking care of themselves in their old age under such conditions as they saw fit instead of being turned into great institutions which, however good they may be, are not like one’s own home.
I can hardly hope in the course of a few moments to convey to you this idea of the solidarity of all the people of the city and the possibilities that this holds out in the way in which it has grown upon me through thinking of it for many years. If, by this brief presentation, I can start some one here from some city in the country to taking this subject so to heart that some city may start this system, I have perfect confidence that it will grow and spread from city to city, from state to state and to the nation itself so that all the federal employes shall in this fashion be enabled to have a certain provision for the future and so that within a brief span of time, as history is measured, it shall be without present expense to the inhabitants of the United States.
WAR TIME EXPERIENCES OF CANADIAN CITIES1
BY W. D. LIGHTHALL, K.C.
Montreal, Canada
IN THAT intercommunication which is of late years constantly taking place between the municipalities of the United States and those of Canada, largely through the National Municipal League and the Union of Canadian Municipalities—which I represent—our cities of Canada usually look to yours for experiences. But in the case of experiences of the present war we find the rule reversed. No sooner had you come
1 Opening remarks of Mr. Lighthall as chairman of the session of the National Municipal League meeting at Detroit, November 23, 1917, on “War Time Experiences of Canadian Cities.”


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into the conflict than your military leaders appeared at our review grounds and at our officers’ training corps; your gallant soldiers were seen fraternizing with our kilties on the streets; we lent you military instructors of all ranks and services familiar with actual fighting at the front, and our returned soldiers were frequently called to your public meetings to describe the situation in Belgium and France. And to-day some of us dwellers in the larger communities in Canada have been asked to come here and try to tell something that might help your communities from what we have seen and felt during these last sad but glorious three years and a quarter.
FIRST EFFECT OF THE WAR
The first effect of the war upon us is something you will never have,—a stunned sense of disastrous surprise. You also were surprised at that time, but you were not yet struck. You had some stock exchange panic, it is true, but we had far more; we knew we were actually plunged into a stupenduous conflict, for which we were absolutely without preparation. For months our banks shut down on even the most ordinary enterprises. One banker expressed it—“We may all go to pot together.” A well-known capitalist sat in tears in a leading club of Montreal after vainly trying to raise a few thousand dollars to save hundred of thousands of good property. “I have lost everything: I am entirely ruined,” he moaned. And he was but a type of many. But the general commercial panic—fortunately soon surmounted—was but secondary to other things, the military anxiety over the fateful fighting in France, the possibilities of invasion at home, of explosions, of destruction of our canals, railways, and buildings, and above all the anxiety over our sons and other relatives destined for the front. But the blood that runs in our veins and yours is not given to fear or loss of will. We immediately gathered thirty-three thousand eager young men in khaki and shipped them to England, with the pledge of more. We were pleased to learn that you watched their progress as kinsmen. There were not a few of you among even those immortal first crusaders. They could not resist the call of chivalry and liberty.
Then first we knew what war, though far off, meant in our cities. The wrench of the heart of the mother, and then her noble pride in the sacrifice of her son; the young wife’s fears, but her trust in her brave man; the father’s silent consent; the forebodings and excitements of parting. Afterwards the feverish interest in every incident of the war affecting in any way “our boy.” All these you have lately had like ourselves. And here I can say something that wifi help each anxious parent. Do not read the news of every fight with the thought that your boy may have come to harm. On the contrary you may conclude that nothing has hurt him. Because, assuming that your war department system is like ours, the earliest news of a casualty to him will come to yourself by a govern-


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ment telegram before the newspapers get it. Unless and until, therefore, a telegram has come to you, assume that all is well.
WAR TIME CASUALTIES
Another fact may also help you. We read in the newspapers of many accidents every day. But in actual life serious accidents are rare. So it is with war. One reads the lists of killed and wounded, but forgets that the vast majority of the army survives. The deaths and cripplings are bad. I do not wish to minimize them. But they are apt to be overestimated and make us unduly depressed. The total deaths of our first contingent (the 33,000) are about 8 per cent in three years. In civil life about 3 per cent of them would have died anyway. Their deaths by the war were therefore one in twenty in those three years. Should the war last another year, then at the same rate your first contingent might lose one is sixty. And during the winter it ought not to be one fourth of that, because winter is not a fighting season.
Yet with all these deductions, we have had sad and grave times. To send 400,000 (soon to be 500,000) men overseas has made a drain upon our manhood equal to five or six millions from the United States. Consequently, the daily list of casualties mean much to every community. Blow after blow falls every few days. Some bright and generous youth, who a short time ago was our happy neighbor, dies in some heroic effort. We shudder at the fall of the stroke upon the unhappy mother and father. We reverence them and their signs of mourning. But each time the carrying on of the war becomes in us a deeper and deeper religion, so that the lives of our heroes shall not have been laid down in vain. We have come to regard earthly things as mattering little, and to live for glorious ideas, like the resolves of men of former great days. Our feelings, we think, resemble those of the height of your Civil War. Your present generation have yet to fully understand these stern and solemn feelings. Your oldest G. A. R. men understand them. Our churches are decorated with allied flags and “Rolls of Honor.” Alas, too, memorial tablets are increasing. At the end of each service the congregation standing at attention sings a stanza of “God Save the King”; and at times, the new stanza:
God save our splendid men,
Send them safe home again:
God save our men.
Send them victorious,
Patient and chivalrous;
They are so dear to us,
God save our men.
ORGANIZING FOR THE WORK
Our experiences in the way of organizing to meet the various demands of the war have been many. Let me give a sketch of what has been done


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in the city of Montreal, whose population is about 800,000. Montreal differs from most of our places in that it is not the city hall which is the center of patriotic action but the Canadian club. It is in this ever active body that are hatched the whirlwind campaigns for the Canadian patriotic fund, for the Red Cross, and for the war loans. The Red Cross and the war loans you are familiar with—but the work of the Canadian patriotic fund is unique. It is an immense voluntary organization which keeps the wife and family of the soldier in comfort during his absence. Its whole management is perfect down to the smallest detail and it is a treat to go into the large offices and watch the despatch of innumerable applications, complaints and inquiries under the leadership of a wonderful woman, Miss Helen Reid. It has collected and administered in Montreal alone over $3,500,000. An interesting fact is that it is entirely managed by women, none of whom had previous business experience. The problem of affording club homes for the numerous uniformed men in the city is attended to by the khaki league, a voluntary institution peculiar to Montreal, and which runs many departments very popular with the soldier. Hospitals are chiefly provided by the government by means of the hospital commission, but volunteer aid detachment nurses (V. A. D.’s) have done a great deal in private institutions, together with professional nurses, some of whom have gratuitously given their time and skill.
The large numbers of returned men give rise to several other problems —such as re-educational classes for those whose wounds and mutilated limbs unfit them for their former employment. Those gassed and shellshocked also present serious questions. They start at sudden sounds, fight battles in their dreams and require very sympathetic treatment. One question of deep importance has been how to see to it that the soldier, his sacrifices, and his war aims shall not be forgotten in the years after the war. Some of us thought the solution to have been reached by your Grand Army of the Republic. We have, therefore, aided in forming The Great War Veterans’ Association which now numbers between twenty and thirty thousand and will probably when peace arrives contain four hundred thousand. It already promises to be one of the most powerful of the new influences in Canadian life. It has been imitated in Australia, and ultimately the hope is that all soldiers of the allies will be linked together in The Great War Veterans of the World. The most precious of all honors is to wear the gilt wound stripes and the button of the returned soldier.
With all our losses, our anxieties, and our stern and serious days, no Canadian worthy of the name will ever regret that our boys sprang by instinct to the help of the oppressed and took up the battle for the common liberties of mankind. You also, men and women of our blood, were bound to be there. We felt you could not keep out of it, although the


1918] WAR TIME EXPERIENCES OF TORONTO, CANADA 23
stupid Hohenzollern, true to type, took your long tried patience for fear of his might.
Throughout all these conditions the place and office of municipal authorities is plain. It is to lead and to co-operate in all movements of relief and action.
WAR TIME EXPERIENCES OF TORONTO,
CANADA
BY HIS WORSHIP, MAYOR T. L. CHURCH War-time Mayor of Toronto
THIS subject is a large one to deal with at all in an adequate way. When war broke out Canada was unprepared to meet conditions and dislocations, which resulted, but recovered itself very quickly. Toronto is a city of 486,000 in population at present, with an area of about twelve miles along Lake Ontario by ten miles inland, and is almost entirely built up. Our city has sent already in the neighborhood of 60,000 soldiers overseas to fight in Flanders and in France, under the voluntary system.
War has made many changes in our city. A municipality in war time must cease spending money on local improvements and stop its capital expenditures as far as possible, except for works under construction. It should be careful not to add to the capital debt except for works which are revenue producing and absolutely necessary.
Returned soldiers should be given the preference in all civic positions exclusively.
The city should insure its soldiers who enlist in this fight for humanity. Every resident of Toronto receives one thousand dollars cash indemnity from the city.
The work of many civic departments is multiplied in war time, while in the public works department the work is lessened. The police department is overworked in war time. They have to assist the federal and state authorities as well as look after aliens and alien enemies.
Our larger cities, in winter, become a training camp for soldiers. Cities give city properties free to the government for camps for soldiers, and the city’s own car lines carry the soldiers free, although the private street railway company here makes them pay a fare.
Unemployment is very largely eliminated. Owing to the work provided by munition plants and other war works labor is at a premium.
The city should take the lead in all patriotic work, such as Red Cross and patriotic funds, assisting them in every way possible. The best that a city can give the soldiers is none too good for them for all they are going to suffer for us. In Toronto the returned men are met by a band,


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given a civic welcome and taken to their homes in automobiles, and otherwise looked after, and as soon as discharged are found suitable positions.
Employers of labor and manufacturers when their employes return from the front should not expect 100 per cent of efficiency from them and should not reduce them to a minor position at lesser pay, for were it not for the soldier to-day the manufacturers’ business would be nowhere in such a war as this.
The coal and food situation may be materially relieved by civic cooperation and the city should by joint action assist the federal and state government in regulating prices, and also in the fuel and food situations.
Proper guards should be placed on all public property. They have a twenty-four hour a day guard on our waterworks and on other public buildings. An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure. At the beginning of the war we had a military guard, but this has been substituted by a civil guard under the control of the police department.
Officers of all ranks should not forget that the soldier of to-day is a civilian. The men should be treated properly, not as inferiors. This is a democratic country and the men have left their civil positions for the good of the colors and civilization. While discipline is necessary there should be a democratic spirit between the officers and men of all ranks.
The people are severally taxed by federal and state' enactments and while the municipality’s expenditures are doubled for war purposes, their revenues are becoming depleted all the time; but the assessment of the city in war time should as much as possible not be interfered with. The province imposed a war tax of one mill on the dollar per annum on the assessment of the city.
We have 60,000 soldiers from Toronto on active service, but only some 50,000 are included in the civic insurance inasmuch as they had not all been residing in the municipality prior to 1914.
The city should assist the soldiers in seeing that they get proper transports, assist in notifying their relatives, have a civic bureau to look after the soldiers’ wants and needs. The city should pay the difference between the military pay and the civic salaries of its own employes who have joined the colors, while they are on active service.
The war is a gigantic affair and rigid economy should be practiced. American cities should not make the great mistake that Toronto has made of assuming too many federal responsibilities. Toronto has spent vast sums to assist recruiting which the federal government should have paid. We have given over to the government a ten-million dollar property known as the Canadian National Exhibition Grounds and buildings to house the troops for eight months of the year.
Preparations to receive the returned men should be made, as in less than a year they will be coming back in large numbers to the United States, wounded and medically unfit. Now is the time to prepare a hos-


1918] WAR TIME EXPERIENCES OF TORONTO, CANADA 25
pital scheme and local hospitals to take care of the situation before it is too late.
Sports in war time are not a luxury, but a necessity. They help perfect the training of the troops. The troops in training must have some recreation, and in each military district there is a military sporting programme for all seasons of the year on a large scale. It is a good thing to have a sportsmen’s patriotic association in each city to collect funds from the theatres and elsewhere to provide Christmas presents for the men overseas and their children and dependents at home. The sending of sporting goods to the training camps and to the men overseas is a commendable form of help. Soldiers should have their own military police to deal with breaches of discipline on the streets, especially in the evenings. Our civil police do not interfere with the soldiers. They are left to their own military police to deal with them. Two hundred and fifty soldiers each night patrol the streets all over the city for a few hours, and they look after their own men, although the conduct of the troops has been most admirable.
The curtailment of sports in war time is a mistake, although the money collected from sports should go to patriotic uses.
The railways should give cheap fares to the soldiers for week-end trips.
Adequate leave should be given to the married men with the colors from time to time in the training camps to visit their families, on weekend passes. The authorities should not forget that while discipline is necessary, the men in training have families and home ties. Liberal leave and passes should be given at all times, but not to interfere with the training. Arrangements should be made by the city to get information re casualties and have the news properly announced to the suffering families.
The women’s organizations of the city are the backbone “in keeping the home fires burning,”—as it were. Toronto has made a splendid showing in regard to money contributions—the best of the cities in His Majesty’s overseas dominions. The women encouraged their men to enlist, and did not make it hard for them to do so. They also did great work in the Red Cross and other patriotic campaigns.
All contributions for patriotic purposes should be under civic control. If not some fraud is bound to be practiced on the public. A license should be obtained from the chief of police or other civic agency before anyone is authorized to collect for patriotic purposes. This will prevent overlapping and any imposition on the public from countless appeals.
The commercial men and manufacturers have done nobly in this war, and vie with each other as to who can do most for their employes with the colors. The churches and the pulpit have also done splendid work and their co-operation is most essential and necessary, also the school children and the boy scouts and other fraternal societies.


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[January
Military hospitals should be provided for in the cities with lots of surrounding grounds. Every city should have a large base hospital for its troops in training and those returning.
The following is a summary of the war disbursements and liabilities assumed by the city of Toronto since the war started amounting to over $7,000,000.
WAR DISBURSEMENTS AND LIABILITIES OF CITY OF TORONTO, TO OCTOBER 31, 1917
1. Insurance of soldiers..............................$2,680,087.55
2. Canadian patriotic fund.............................. 300,000.00
3. Canadian patriotic and Canadian Red Cross fund. . . . 500,000.00
4. British Red Cross.................................... 250,000.00
5. Overseas Y. M. C. A. fund............................. 25,000.00
6. Canadian Red Cross.................................... 20,504.40
7. Italian Red Cross...................................... 5,000.00
8. French Red Cross....................................... 2,500.00
9. Belgian relief fund................................... 25,000.00
10. Palestine war relief fund.............................. 2,500.00
11. British sailors relief fund........................... 25,000.00
12. Seamen’s hospital fund................................. 2,000.00
13. Canadian war veterans’association..................... 11,000.00
14. Sportsmen’s patriotic association...................... 2,500.00
15. Maple leaf club. . ...................................... 500.00
16. War prisoners’ relief fund............................. 5,000.00
17. Purchase of aeroplanes................................ 22,800.00
18. Purchase horses, rifles, ammunition................... 69,930.45
19. Salaries of enlisted civic employes.................. 975,274.35
20. Food, clothing, etc., for soldiers overseas........... 16,052.96
21. Maintenance and temporary barracks.................... 14,853.11
22. Recruiting grants to battalions, etc.................. 67,083.02
23. Wages paid to those protecting city property......... 333,073.84
24. Paid to soldiers for picket duty......................... 945.00
25. Rent of hospital and hospital accommodation........... 13,386.42
26. Receiving returned soldiers and miscellaneous......... 11,951.23
27. Provincial war taxes, 1915-1916-1917............... 1,736,357.00
Total...........................................$7,118,299.33
This large total is being added to through the falling in of life insurance which the city is carrying. The number of lives now covered by insurance is 41,645, of which 32,596 are carried by the city, involving a contingent liability of no less than $32,596,000. The remaining 9,049 are carried by life insurance companies, at an annual charge of approximately $176,000.00.
The following are the gross assessments of the city for 1914, 1915, 1916, and 1917:
1914 ...................................... $513,380,984
1915 ....................................... 565,300,294
1916 ....................................... 589,036,455
1917 ....................................... 592,123,873
1918 (unrevised)............................ 605,107,430


1918] REPRESENTATION IN DAYTON AND ASHTABULA 27
The Toronto harbor is being rebuilt at a cost of $26,000,000 of which the city contributes $20,000,000. Notwithstanding the war, these works are not being shut down, because they are, in the main, revenue producing. The British forgings plant, on which three and a half millions has been spent, has located on the harbor property, which would not have been secured if the harbor had been closed down. They are manufacturing munitions.
The following is a statement of the amount of money collected by the city of Toronto towards the patriotic fund and the patriotic Red Cross:
First patriotic appeal...................................... $1,100,000
Second patriotic appeal (of which $250,000 given to Canadian Red Cross)............................................... 2,400,000
Third patriotic appeal....................................... 3,300,000
British Red Cross Appeals:
(1) Appeal no. 1......................................... $550,000
(2) Appeal no. 2............................................ 740,000
(3) Appeal no. 3............................................ 837,000
Secours National:
Amount of cash subscriptions.................................. $104,157
Value of different kind of goods contributed............. 200,000
REPRESENTATION IN DAYTON AND ASHTABULA
BY RAYMOND MOLEY Western Reserve University
SHOULD the city council of the future be large or small? Should it be chosen by wards or at large? If chosen at large, should the Hare system of proportional representation be used or should it be partially renewed at alternate elections? These are questions of paramount importance to cities contemplating charter changes. Moreover, they are questions of fundamental interest to everyone connected with the theory or process of government. The answers to them involve the future of the representative system.
The recent elections in two Ohio cities that have braved the uncertainties of governmental experimentation, are rich in practical lessons for those who seek a better type of representative government. Ashtabula and Dayton are both governed through city manager charters. Both have had two elections under the new system and both have received a considerable amount of notice from students of city government. On account of the dissimilarity of the methods used in the two cities in choosing their commissions, a comparative study seems appropriate at this time.


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[January
It must be frankly stated that the difference in size of Dayton and Ashtabula very largely detracts from the value of the comparison. Day-ton has a population of 140,000 while Ashtabula is only an eighth as large. This means that Dayton has in a great measure outgrown the characteristics of a small city while Ashtabula retains a considerable amount of provincialism. Nevertheless, both are alike in general economic interests and in the fact that their populations include a large proportion of the foreign born.
dayton’s election
The manager plan was adopted in Dayton in the period following the great flood, which almost prostrated the business life of the community. John H. Patterson, president of the National Cash Register Company, the hero of the flood, became the chief statesman of the reconstruction. A non-partisan organization was formed which promoted the formation of a new charter and nominated five candidates for the new commission. These were all elected. Four were business men and one a labor unionist. In the election of 1915 one of the non-partisan members was displaced by a Democrat. During the past two years a considerable feeling has developed among the laboring classes that they have not been properly represented in the government. Much of the criticism that has been leveled at the singularly efficient and vigorous administration of Manager Waite can safely be attributed to this disaffection. This feeling the Socialists carefully stimulated, and in the pre-primary campaign of 1917 they skilfully capitalized it. In the primaries the three Socialist candidates ran far ahead of all others,1 with the non-partisan commissioners winning the other places on the ticket. The defeated Democrats threw all of their strength to the support of the Citizens’ ticket in the pre-election campaign.
The campaign was sensational and bitterly fought by both sides. The Citizens’ candidates stood on their record, claiming support on the basis of the increased efficiency and economy of the Waite administration. With the exception of a Socialist weekly, they had all of the newspaper support of the city. Governor Cox, a citizen of Dayton, supported the Citizens’ candidates both in person and through his newspaper. The “extravagancies and failures’’ of the “local capitalistic clique” received the attention of the Socialists. They made few specific promises, however, of changes in the policy or administration of the government. They did not commit themselves against the city-manager form of government nor against Manager Waite himself. The campaign was full of generalities and practically no local issue of importance was raised upon which the two sides actually differed.
The most important feature of the later weeks of the campaign was the
1 See National Municipal Review, vol. vi, p. 623.


1918] REPRESENTATION IN DAYTON AND ASHTABULA 29
attitude of the Socialist party on the war. The candidates themselves seem to have made no specific criticism of the national government, but their unquestioned adherence to Socialist principles was used by the opposition with telling effect. The “red flag of revolution” was used to characterize the men who were claiming the support of the voters of the city. The following challenge to the voters upon the front page of one of the newspapers is notable:
“The red flag which is carried by the Socialists of this country is the flag of destruction, disloyalty and dishonor.
“The Star Spangled Banner is the flag of patriotism, of virtue, of liberty and of justice.
“Under which flag do you stand?” The Socialists replied that they were not disloyal and taunted their critics with the counter charge that the Citizens’ candidates were “wrapping themselves in the flag.”
The election resulted as follows:
Switzer, non-partisan.............................. 17,248
Schroyer, non-partisan.............................. 16,661
Mendenhall, non-partisan............................ 16,474
Barringer, Socialist................................ 13,633
Geisler, Socialist.................................. 12,248
Farrell, Socialist.................................. 11,940
The Socialists, polling 42 per cent of the total vote cast, were unable to displace a single member of the existing commission.
ashtabula’s election
Ashtabula is a city of about 17,000 population, composed of two parts, two miles distant from each other, the harbor and the city proper. The harbor is the part surrounding the ore docks and is largely populated with foreign born. It is noteworthy that proportional representation has been introduced into America through a trial in a city with a real problem in geographical representation, and that less complaint has been voiced within the past two years by residents of the harbor, on the grounds of discrimination in favor of the city proper, than ever before.
The first election in Ashtabula under proportional representation, held in 1915, resulted in the election of a commission of seven members, representative of widely diversified interests. “The business element may be said to have three representatives. The Irish, Swedes and Italians each elected a member of the council. The Socialists elected a member. On the liquor issue three of the successful are pronounced drys, three are classed as liberals and one is very wet!”2
Two years’ experience under the new system seems to have satisfied its friends and silenced its enemies. No demand has been made for a
2 See National Municipal Review, vol. v, p. 36.


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[January
change. The consensus of opinion seems to be that the commission elected in 1915 adequately represented all shades of opinion and all types of interests. After the commission took office, in 1916, a city manager was selected. For this position the commission selected a local man who had been closely identified with partisan politics for many years. He did not carry the spirit of partisanship into the administration of his new position, appreciating the fact that his tenure depended upon the coalition of local interests which had no relation to the old party alignments. His appointments were not partisan; he abolished a number of useless positions and in the general administration of affairs displayed a large amount of common sense and of sympathy with the special needs of the community. Perhaps the cause of good city government can sometimes best be served through such a gradual transition from the old partisanship.
The issues in the election just held differed somewhat from those of 1915. The question of prohibition, which was important then, has been eliminated on account of the fact that the city has since gone dry. No avowed Socialist was a candidate and the war was not mentioned in connection with the municipal election. No attention seemed to be given to the national party affiliations of any candidate. In this connection it may be asserted with positive emphasis that in the municipal affairs of Ashtabula there is no Republican or Democratic alignment at the present time. Few people seem to know and no one cares for the national party to which the candidates belong. The only issue upon which concerted effort was made by a well defined group of voters was religious. Some weeks before the election a dispute between the Guardians of Liberty and the Roman Catholics concerning the use of a school building for an anti-Catholic lecture ended in the courts. As a consequence, the Guardians of Liberty selected four candidates from among the sixteen and concentrated their efforts upon the task of electing them. Instructions were given to voters to express choices only for these four candidates, and on election day marked sample ballots were passed out in large numbers by representatives of the anti-Catholic group.
The outstanding fact in the election returns3 was the election of Rinto, Amsden, Swedenborg and Mack, the candidates endorsed by the Guardians of Liberty. In addition to these, Hogan and McClure, former commissioners, and William E. Boynton were successful.
COMPOSITION OF ASHTABULA’S NEW COMMISSION
The new commission seems to be as representative of the expressed will of the voters as the one elected in 1915. Rinto is a young lawyer of Finnish descent. His standing with the Finns is shown by the fact that
* See the result sheet at the end of this article.


1918] REPRESENTATION IN DAYTON AND ASHTABULA 31
he received two thirds of all the votes cast in the precincts inhabited by voters of that nationality. His residence is in the harbor district and he was by all odds the choice of the voters of that section. This preference, coupled with the endorsement by the Guardians of Liberty, accounts for his large vote. Amsden is a dock superintendent for a large coal corporation. He received strong support in the precincts in which most of his employes reside. Swedenborg is the proprietor of a small manufacturing establishment. He is known as a substantial Swedish-American citizen and he received almost the entire vote of the members of his nationality. Mack is a foreman in a printing establishment. His greatest strength was in the middle class precincts. Hogan is a leading physician and a Roman Catholic. He was elected in 1915 and was president of the first commission. He seems to have received strong support from the Roman Catholics. The strength of the anti-Catholic bloc is shown in the fact that in the distribution of Rinto’s 143 surplus votes,. Hogan received not one. Boynton was a member of the commission which wrote the city charter, and it was largely due to his efforts that proportional representation was adopted. He is a railway engineer, a member of the brotherhood - of locomotive engineers, and a life-long friend of labor. McClure is a department manager in a large retail store. He is one of the two hold-over members of the commission. Corrado, elected in 1915 after long service in the city council, was representative of the “wet” interests as well as of the Italian voters. In this election he was defeated in the final count. His election in 1915 did not add to the quality of the council, but it was evident that he was chosen by interests sufficient to be represented. In the present election he lost a large part of the Italian vote.
The council chosen is representative of all the elements of the city which seemed to desire representation. There is no labor vote in Ashtabula such as is found in larger cities. The city is predominantly middle-class with the addition of a foreign born element which seeks representation of nationality and creed rather than economic interest. There is evidence in the Ashtabula election to indicate that sectional preferences may function very easily in the proportional representation system. The harbor is represented. Three of the four wards of the city are represented.
The habit of voters in the small city to prefer candidates who live nearby is shown in the first-choice votes in the precincts. In twelve of the sixteen precincts the candidate receiving the highest number of votes was a resident of that precinct. This indicates that proportional representation does not eliminate locality representation when it is genuinely sought by the voters. The virtue of proportional representation as shown, in the Ashtabula election is in the fact that while the voters were not restricted to candidates living near them, they had the opportunity to> retain all of the benefits of the old system.


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[January
DAYTON’S DIVISION
The experiences of Dayton and Ashtabula throw much light upon the claims which have been urged for proportional representation as a method of selecting a city council.
The claim has been made by opponents of proportional representation that while election at large under the Dayton plan tends to divide the community into two permanent groups, proportional representation would increase the number of permanent groups to a number practically equivalent to the membership of the commission. There is much evidence to show that such a permanent division is already present in Dayton. In the primaries the Democratic organization placed three candidates in the field. Prior to the adoption of the city-manager charter Dayton was normally Democratic and the organization of that party was very strong. The strength of the new Citizens’ party is shown by the fact that it defeated the Democrats. It is fair to assume that the Citizens’ party, if it seeks continuity of power, will in the future perfect its already well organized power. The Socialist party will probably become the chief competitor of the Citizens’ group, and the politics of Dayton for a long time will be dominated by these two groups.
ASHTABULA’S RELIGIOUS GROUPING
It is early to prophecy as to the future of party divisions in Ashtabula. The recent election resulted in the victory of four candidates supported by an anti-Catholic movement which had existed only a few weeks. The history of the country tells us that political organizations which originate in religious quarrels are seldom permanent. The opposition of the anti-Catholic group in Ashtabula is directed at the Roman Catholic Church as a religious institution rather than at any economic power that it may possess. For this reason the opposition group is not likely to reveal much solidarity. Other temporary issues will come which will, like this religious quarrel, function through the proportional system. The system gives possibility for this constantly shifting alignment. That it will result in the formation of a number of permanent parties is not to be expected.
As life increases in complexity, interests not only become more diversified but lose more and more of their permanency. To give to voters sixteen or more avenues of choice is more in keeping with this evolution than to adopt a system which tends to divide a community into two permanent parties. The need of a modern community is a method of choosing representatives which will allow the most complete freedom to the changing interests which will present themselves. It is unnecessary to provide artificial party divisions in a democracy. These divisions will act through the government if our system of representation offers the oppor-


1918] REPRESENTATION IN DAYTON AND ASHTABULA 33
tunity. The pressure of want, the grip of tradition, and the attraction of like for like can be trusted to provide political impulse and guidance. Proportional representation, more than any other system that has yet been devised, offers the flexibility necessary for the free play of these forces. If we frankly recognize the presence of these interests in society and believe in a government which offers them the opportunity to reach an equilibrium we can scarcely escape the logic of proportional representation.
The tactics of the Guardians of Liberty indicate the method which we may expect a group to adopt in seeking control of a legislative body elected by proportional representation. In this case the election of four members is indicative of the accuracy of the estimation by the anti-Catholics of their own strength. However, if they had chosen to work for six or seven candidates, the ultimate result would have been the same, although probably Rinto and Amsden would not have been elected so early in the count. If the strength of the group had been equal to only two-sevenths of the vote cast, the fact that four members were supported would not in the smallest degree have injured the opportunity of the group to gain two members, their just quota.
The practical result of this is to throw representatives of conflicting interests together at the meetings of the commission. Their differences may be subjected to frank discussion. This is surely more conducive to an intelligent understanding by all of the various points of view than the operation of a system which makes of the minority a critical element shut out entirely from participation in the government.
The stock argument of opponents of proportional representation is that it is too complicated. This tends, they say, to lessen interest in elections and to discourage the exercise of the suffrage. The result sheet shows that very few voters failed to use second and third choices, while the vast majority expressed seven or more preferences. Very few ballots were invalid on account of improper marking. In 1915 10 per cent of the votes cast were invalid. In 1917 this fell to 7 per cent. This is not an unusual number of invalid ballots for any election. The reason why most of these ballots were invalid was the fact that crosses instead of numbers were used in marking preferences. When we consider that Ashtabula has a very large number of foreign born voters who have not been citizens many years and add to this the thought that making crosses is almost as much of an Anglo-Saxon heritage as representative government itself, this slight reversion to habit is not remarkable.
It may be well to remind the reader that under the Hare system all first choices are counted by the precinct officers immediately after the close of the polls. The ballots on which first choices are indicated for a candidate are put into an envelope bearing his name and the number of ballots thus deposited. After this is done for each candidate, all envel-
3


34 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January
opes are sent to the central election board, who have charge of the tabulation of transfers.
TECHNIQUE OF NEW SYSTEM
The election officials at Ashtabula have thoroughly mastered the technique of the new system and the process takes no more time than the old system. The counting and tabulation by the central board this year took less than five hours, which would not have exceeded four had not a precinct official made an error in his returns. The tabulation requires care and accuracy, which is of course true of any system of vote counting.
In this connection a recent article in the National Municipal Review4 contains a statement which betrays a grave lack of understanding of the practical methods used in counting the votes. It is asserted that the practical working of proportional representation is so involved in technicalities that under it election officials would have more opportunity for fraud. In Ashtabula all ballots, after being sorted by precinct officials, were enclosed in sealed envelopes and sent to the central board. The count took place in the afternoon of the day following the election. The public was admitted and a number of the spectators amused themselves by tabulating on sheets of their own the transfers as announced. The whole proceeding was as open and as free from mystery as the drawing of the draft numbers in Washington last June. The imperative need for accuracy, the check which the result sheet provides, and the presence of spectators renders fraud practically impossible.
The comparison of representation in Dayton with that possessed by Ashtabula is most significant. In Dayton 42 per cent of the voters are manifestly without representation in the government. This minority has in the campaign been stigmatized as pro-Kaiser and anti-American, and it will not have for at least two years an opportunity to express its criticism within the body which, according to our theory of government, is the mirror for reflecting all classes and all interests. Within the commission is regularity and a cohesion solidified by the fires of a bitter campaign. Without is a large body of citizens gathering its forces for another onslaught two years hence. No doubt this system which provides periodical life or death struggles is productive of a certain kind of stimulation and is interesting to that which Veblen designates as the “habitual bellicose frame of mind.” But there may be difference of opinion whether it constitutes an approach to a higher type of democracy.
4 Proportional Representation: A Fundamental or a Fad, Herman G. James, National Municipal Review, vol. v, p. 306.


ASHTABULA, OHIO. ELECTION OF COUNCIL, NOVEMBER 6, 1917 Number of Valid Ballots, 3,176 Number of Seats, 7 Quota or Constituency *1 H~) —398
Names of Candidates Total First choice Ballots ! Transfer of | Surplus Ballots | Transfer of De Rosa's Ballots Result Transfer of Neill's Ballots | Transfer of Boerngen's Ballots Result Transfer of Koski’B Ballots Result ! Transfer of l Bart ram’s Ballots 1 Transfer of Candela's Ballots Result Transfer of Tilton’s Ballots Result Transfer of Reed's Ballots Result Final Result
Amsden 348 + 50 398 Elected Elected
Bartram 104 + 6 no 0 110 + 2 112 + 4 116 + 4 120 -120 Defeated
Boerngen 69 + 1 70 0 70 + 2 72 - 72 Defeated
Boynton 228 + 5 233 + 1 234 + 1 235 + 9 244 + 4 248 + 33 281 + 13 294 + 46 340 + 45 385 Elected
Candela 154 + 3 157 + 4 161 + 4 165 + 2 167 + 2 169 + 6 175 -175 Defeated
Corrado 214 + 1 215 + 4 219 + 4 223 0 223 + 17 240 + 2 242 + 13 255 + 2 257 + 5 262 Defeated
DeRosa 19 0 19 - 19 Defeated
Hogan 357 0 357 + i 358 + 3 361 + 4 365 + 12 377 + 4 381 + 17 398 Elected Elected
Koski 90 + 2 92 + i 93 + 5 98 + 2 100 -100 Defeated
Made 196 + 21 217 + i 218 + 4 222 + 6 228 + 4 232 + 9 241 + 9 250 + 26 276 + 66 342 Elected
McClure 200 + 7 207 0 207 + 5 212 + 11 223 + 17 240 + 11 251 + 6 257 + 40 297 + 64 361 Elected
Neill 52 + 3 55 0 55 — 55 Defeated
Reed 196 + 3 199 0 199 + 3 202 + 10 212 + 2 214 + 8 222 + 1 223 + 24 247 -247 Defeated
Rinto 541 — 143 398 Elected Elected
Swedenborg 255 + 38 293 0 293 + 3 296 + 4 300 + 10 310 + 23 333 + 34 367 + 25 392 + 6 398 Elected
Tilton 153 + 3 156 0 156 + 7 163 + 6 169 + 8 177 + 20 197 + 4 201 -201 Defeated
Non-transferable ballot*. + 7 7 + 12 19 + 14 33 + 20 S3 + 4 57 + 78 135 + 38 173 + 61 234
Total valid ballots 3,176 3,176 3,176 3,176 3,176 3,176 3,176 3,176 3,176 3,176
co
Oi
1918] REPRESENTATION IN DAYTON AND ASHTABULA


36
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[January
THE NOVEMBER MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS, 1917
BY THE EDITOR
QUITE naturally the New York and Philadelphia municipal elections claim the largest share of general public attention, and because they went the way they did cast a gloom, which only a wider survey will dispel. If one looks at the results in the middle-sized cities of the country, and especially those in the state of Ohio, one may take courage to go forward. It was not always so in Ohio. There was a time when her cities afforded grave cause for concern, but since the adoption of the municipal home rule amendment in 1912 (whether because of it or irrespective of it) there has been a steady progress.
DAYTON
Dayton has, ever since she adopted the commission-manager form of government, occupied a prominent place in the national eye. Her government had distinctly made good under the city managership of Henry M. Waite, and this autumn the question arose as to whether her citizenry would support the advances which had been accomplished or would turn her affairs over to the representatives of discontent.
In August the situation was dubious indeed. The Socialist candidates were the top men in the poll, the Citizens’ candidates coming next but quite a way behind. In the words of a Socialist leader: “ The great victory of the Socialists in Dayton, Ohio, at the primary election in August, was won squarely on the anti-war issue, and any attempt to minimize the significance of the victory is an effort to hoodwink the rest of the country. The contest was clearly between the business interests and the workers, and the workers registered their protest against the war, and voted for peace. ” This clearly indicated the reactionary result: the determination of a municipal election on national issues (and right here it may be observed that Mayor Mitchel and his friends made the great mistake of trying to give to the New York campaign a national character). The friends of progress in Dayton, however, forced the issue—which was admirably expressed in a leaflet headed “Community Insurance.” Its first page read:
Take out a POLICY with Good Government—the safest insurance in the United States.
The only PREMIUM is your VOTE.
The LIFE OF THE POLICY is four more years. RENEW your policy of four years ago.
To vote for Messrs. Switzer, Shroyer and Mendenhall, is merely to secure insurance against civic and industrial turmoil.
Can YOU afford to let it LAPSE?


1918] NOVEMBER MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS, 1917
37
The campaign was lively from the start and easily maintained the statement that the city hall news had displaced the sporting and the market news in the daily papers.1
dayton’s opponents
Dayton gave the response that was expected and is now preparing to go forward to justify the expectations aroused by the campaign. In the words of the Dayton Journal, a persistent supporter of the Citizens’ candidates from the start:
A splendid yet grave responsibility now rests upon the commission. They have the chance now to establish non-partisan government as an institution and a model for every American municipality.
Our government has given the people an honest and efficient administration. The interests of the taxpayer have been protected as a sacred trust. Now we must go further. Our government must be more humanized and get down close to the masses of the people, and their neighborhood wants and needs must be looked after with effective care and promptness. In the years to come this policy of making the masses of the people part of the government and engaging their intimate interest in the government must grow in power and scope so that the interest in honest and efficient municipal goverment under the Dayton non-partisan plan will reach into every working man’s home in this splendid community.
Now that the great victory for good government has been won, the real work of progress and the accomplishment of greater things must begin. New conditions are forming, events plainly indicate that humanity must be a brotherhood, working in co-operation and sympathy that every man and woman may get a fair deal. Happiness and contentment and progress must include all the people, not some of the people. And so far as our municipal government can work to this end, no stone must be left unturned to establish and maintain a progressive policy based on the broadest humanity and sympathy with those who toil, the working men and women who by their loyalty to right things, their loyalty to their country and their approval of an honest and sincere endeavor to give them good municipal government, made the victory in Dayton possible.
SPRINGFIELD, OHIO
Springfield, Ohio, is another city in which municipal issues decided the election and integrity and efficiency won the day. The splendid record of City Manager Ashburner was endorsed. The candidates at the primaries for the three offices to be filled in the city commission were the three members of the commission whose terms expire on January 1, also three Socialists and one other candidate, a former councilman of the old political stripe. The primary vote resulted in the nomination of the three members of the commission, two Socialists and the former politician, from which three were to be elected. The three commissioners received very heavy pluralities over the other candidates and the election of all three
1 For results see Dr. Moley’s article in this issue.


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[January
was well assured from the start, and their primary pluralities were turned into substantial majorities at the general election, the vote being nearly two to one.
SANDUSKY
In Sandusky an awkward and distressing situation has existed since the beginning of the city manager regime, resulting in the enforced retirement of one city manager and of a mayor, the latter on account of his inability to secure a renewal of his bond and the resignation of two commissioners. It is difficult to sum up the difficulties in a single paragraph, but a contributing factor of considerable importance was a free lance commissioner who seemed to be more interested in creating trouble and difficulties than in working out a constructive program. This disturbing element has been curtailed through its failure to elect its slate.
TOLEDO, OHIO
In Toledo the municipal campaign resolved itself into a contest between the Socialists running on a pacifist platform and the pro-war people who united on the candidate that was brought forth by the local Democratic organization. The Socialists were defeated, receiving about one third of the votes cast.
Toledo’s charter provides for non-partisan nomination and election. As a result of the primaries, however, three candidates who represented very definite groups, if not actual party organizations, were nominated. Cornell Schreiber, the mayor-elect, was formerly city solicitor under the Whitlock administration. Two years ago he ran for the nomination as mayor, but was eliminated in the primaries. This year he had the support of the Democratic organization and received the highest number of votes in the primaries. George M. Murphey, formerly chief of police, was the second nominee for mayor. He was a Republican in politics and had also gathered around him the anti-Catholic elements in the community. The third nominee was the Socialist, Robert T. Haworth, a machinist.
Mr. Murphey died shortly after he was nominated and it was found that the charter made no provision for appointing a substitute. This left the contest between Schreiber and the Socialist. Before Murphey’s death it was evident that in spite of the non-partisan provisions of the charter the contest would be along national party lines. Democrats were to vote for Schreiber, Republicans for Murphey, and the Socialists for Haworth. After Murphey’s death part of his campaign committee endorsed the Socialist candidate but this was repudiated by other members of the committee.
While the interest of the election was centered mainly in the mayoralty contest, the organized political elements of the community under cover


1918] NOVEMBER MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS, 1917
39
of the non-partisan provisions of the charter were working for the control of the council. The result of the election shows three Socialist council-men, six Republicans, and seven Democrats.
This year Toledo abolished its police court and its justice courts, and in their place substituted a municipal court with four judges who would divide the criminal and civil dockets among them. The election of the municipal judges excited a great deal of local interest and the old police court judge and two of the former city judges were elected as judges of the municipal court. The fourth was a popular young progressive Republican.
The Socialists made an attempt to capture the school board, three of the five members of which were to be elected. One of the Socialists came close to election, but most of their candidates were far behind. The two members of the present board who were candidates were re-elected.
The wet and dry issues were hotly contested and the wets won. Six different bond issues and special levies were submitted. All of them but one carried, and that one was to provide a special tax levy for maintaining the branch public libraries which have recently been built.
The fact that Toledo voted for saloons and against public libraries would be more significant if the vote on the questions submitted to the people really represented their intelligent choice. As a matter of fact, however, much of the voting was pure guess work. The long ballot in Toledo has been abolished and a great many short ballots substituted for it, each voter receiving nine different ballots when he entered the voting booth.
OTHER OHIO CITIES
In Akron the new charter issue carried by 1,500 majority and the 15 candidates for the charter board endorsed by the citizens committee of 100 were elected. The Socialist candidate for mayor received 375 less votes than the total Socialist vote for mayor two years ago.
The Columbus election was over subordinate offices, but the civic league was quite well pleased that no one was elected whom it had not approved.
There was very little of general interest in the Cleveland election. The present mayor was re-elected on a preferential vote which was as follows:
First Second Other
Choice Choice Choices Totals
Harry L. Davis................. 48,827 4,819 1,651 55,297
W. A. Stinchoomb............... 32,837 5,511 1,801 40,149
C. E. Ruthenberg............... 21,378 4,625 1,642 27,645
Hugh F. Taylor.................. 2,173 6,736 3,740 12,649
E. B. Bancroft.................. 2,693 5,655 3,943 12,291
Davis’ plurality—15,148 all choice votes
Following the precedent established six years ago, the civic league expressed no opinion on the merits of the respective candidates for this office;


40 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January
because they were sufficiently well known and the principles for which they stand so fully discussed in the press.
Cincinnati has adopted a home rule charter, being the last large city in the state to take advantage of the home rule amendments.
EAST ST. LOUIS, ILLINOIS
East St. Louis, Illinois, sprang into an unenviable notoriety last summer through a race riot that shocked and horrified the state and country. The need for a change in the local government became glaringly apparent and as a first step a movement to inaugurate a commission form of government was inaugurated. In spite of the organized opposition of the city officials and the allied liquor interests and machine politicians, the commission form of government proposition carried, by a two to one vote. The significant feature of the revolution was the activity of women for the commission form. A fourth of the votes cast for the proposition were women’s votes, and the women used automobiles during the day in getting men to go to the polls. Without the aid of the women, the step could not have been accomplished, even in face of the disgraceful exhibition of lax government and aggressive crime which the city has just had.
But the East St. Louis people must not think they have finished the reformation of the city, as the editor of a neighboring paper pointed out. The machine politicians will at once begin adjusting themselves to the new condition. They were against the adoption of the commission form, but now that it is adopted, they will try to use it. They will have their slate of candidates for commissioners, and will depend upon the lack of cohesion on the part of the reform element to elect their slate. And if they succeed in electing their candidates, government under the new form may be as rotten as under the old form. Changing the system of government gives better opportunity for efficiency, but if the wrong men are elected, the whole scheme may fall through.
DETBOIT
In Detroit the chief issue was the revision of its charter and charter revision carried by a vote of 27,422 to 9,994. The proposal for a small council (about nine) elected at large on a non-partisan ballot carried by 23,637 to 10,852. The aldermen’s amendment to the present charter calling for one alderman to a ward.after January 1, 1919, at $2,000 per annum, carried by 18,966 to 16,331. Mayor Marx and some others who campaigned in behalf of charter revision, differed with the citizens’ league in favoring this third measure. Many voters voted for it, thinking it meant “small council. ” Only nine -candidates for charter commission could be elected and only nine were nominated. They were brought out solely by the efforts of the citizens’ league.
The vote is a vindication of the citizens’ league policy and plans. All


1918] NOVEMBER MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS, 1917
41
the elements of so-called “good government” were with it, including all the newspapers. In spite of the war interest it got out a fair vote. “ In time of war prepare for peace” was the basis of the argument for refusing to postpone this question. The league was opposed publicly and vigorously by an organization of ward aldermen, with whom were working a small group of I. W. W. radicals assuming to represent union labor. Yet even in the “lower” precincts there were good majorities for the measure.
The campaign was waged by organization of voters in the big factories, churches, and through letters to the 18,674 signers of our initiative petitions. Many meetings were held, particularly in the factories at noon hours, and newspaper publicity was a great help. The big fight, however, will come with submission of the completed charter.
BUFFALO
Buffalo has a commission-government charter with the usual non partisan features, but this year’s mayoralty election was fought out on partisan lines, the Democrats supporting the sitting mayor, Louis P. Fuhr-man, and the Republicans, George S. Buck. The latter was preferred by the Buffalo municipal league and was elected by a handsome majority. Concerning his public work the league said:
George S. Buck, county auditor 1912-1917; he voted for the public interest on all our nine test measures occurring during his term as supervisor, except one, on which he was not recorded; he was a leader in the great transformation which has taken place in the board of supervisors; he has been a most efficient county auditor and has saved the county thousands of dollars annually through a budget system, careful accounting, appraisal and inventory of county property and through improved specifications which have resulted in real competitive bidding and through drafting the bill resulting in a county purchasing agent; has a large knowledge of municipal affairs. Of late years the auditor has some of the functions of a mayor to the county. He was a worker for the existing new charter, but has refused to sign the above home rule charter pledge.
NIAGARA FALLS
While Niagara Falls has the city-manager form of government, candidates for all offices were nominated under the old charter, which the manager plan was designed to displace. The constitutionality of the city-manager charter is contested. Justice Bissell has decided that it is unconstitutional and he has been upheld by the appellate division. The question is now before the court of appeals. Arguments were made November 19.
If the present form of government is declared constitutional then only two members of the council should have been elected. If it is declared unconstitutional, then a mayor, president of the common council, city treasurer, overseer of the poor, three assessors, and thirteen aldermen, a full city government ticket would be required by the old charter, but the


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city-manager government was vindicated by the handsome victory achieved by the People’s ticket, nominated by the Republicans. The election was practically a clean sweep for the Republicans, who were committed to the city-manager form, and whose platform declared for a continuance of that form through the establishment of a legal charter.
Maxwell M. Thompson, who headed the People’s ticket, was elected over George H. Courter, who ran on the Citizens’ ticket, by a plurality of 607 votes. All three of the Republican candidates for assessor were elected. It is in the election of these three candidates that the people expressed themselves on one of the main issues of the campaign, the question of assessed valuations and the tax rate. The Democrats made their fight on the declaration that the people had been exploited by the present city-manager government. The Republicans took the stand that the present system of city management was what the people wanted, and the vote indicated that this estimate of the public view was correct.
POUGHKEEPSIE, NEW YORK
Dissatisfaction with the aldermanic system of government found expression at the polls in Poughkeepsie in the defeat of Mayor Wilbur and the election of Ralph Butts on the latter’s expressed promise to place before the people a proposition to change to the commission system. Agitation for a change has been going on ever since Newburgh adopted plan C. The results of the city-manager system in Newburgh were placed before Poughkeepsians in the late campaign as an argument for the progressive step there. Mayor Wilbur has gone a long way in instituting business administration in Poughkeepsie and the people were not unappreciative; but they wanted more progress than is possible under the aider-manic plan, and when Wilbur arrayed himself against the change they decided on a new deal in public control as the first and perhaps most important step to attain the kind of government desired.
NEW YORK CITY
The New York situation is difficult to summarize. There is a general feeling that the Mitchel campaign was badly managed and that it was a great mistake to inject national and international issues into what should have been a campaign conducted solely on local issues. In the words of the Wall Street Journal:
Mr. Hylan’s election was hailed by the German newspapers as a triumph for the Kaiser, and a mandate for peace at any price, particularly as the Kaiser’s faithful representative here was a good third in the race, where Mayor Mitchel was only a bad second. But Mr. Hylan is an American, and in spite of his unfortunate affiliations in the past, he must realize, like all thinking Americans, that he represents a democracy which the rigid German mind cannot comprehend.*
1 The vote was as follows: Hylan, 297,282; Mitchel, 149,307; Hillquit (Socialist), 142,178; Bennett (Republican), 53,678.


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The only word of encouragement so far uttered since Mayor Mitchel’s defeat is that of the institute for public service of which Dr. William H. Allen is director. In a bulletin issued the day after the election, Dr. Allen said:
Reform had no right to fool itself into forgetting that human progress is due quite as much to protests against evil as desire for good. So far as the rest of the country cares about what happens in New York City, it is important that the truth be told about the breakdown of our last reform administration. Please do not misread the public’s intention. Never in our history has the New York voter been more specific in his definition of what an efficient municipal government ought to be. If the spotlight of publicity is kept on what our newly elected officials do, there is every reason for believing that we shall have a better government these next four years than we knew how to want before this last election.
PHILADELPHIA
Philadelphia had a hectic campaign. Seven weeks before election there was organized a Town Meeting party to defeat the candidates of the Republican party which were nominated at the primary on September 17, which the now notorious fifth ward scandal tainted. Notwithstanding the perfection of the Republican machinery and its absolute control of immense patronage and the short duration of the campaign, the Town Meeting party, which had the support of a portion of the Republican machine, elected enough members of councils to destroy the heretofore absolute control of the city’s purse strings and came very near to electing its city ticket. At the time of this writing the count of the vote is proceeding and the claim has been made that there was a widespread effort made to defeat the will of the people. As one old-time political leader said, “Another victory like this for the machine, and it will be undone.”
One Pennsylvania city, Altoona, voted to go on the city-manager basis under the lead of its aggressive chamber of commerce. Candidates for the office of commissioners were pledged to cut down their salaries to provide an $8,000 salary for a city manager, and they were successful at the polls.
Newark, New Jersey, adopted the commission form of government this autumn, and on November 15 elected its first commission. The election of Thomas L. Raymond, the present mayor in Newark, to the commission was most interesting. The commission movement was favored by the politicians on each side, because they were hostile to Raymond; he headed the poll, no doubt because he was personally regarded as decent, independent and efficient.
CHICAGO
Concerning the Chicago situation Dr. Graham Taylor has this to say in the Chicago News:


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The people’s verdict on the confused issues of the judicial election is both decisive and hopeful. Those who sought to carry the Socialist party ticket by intruding national issues into this purely local election, or at least to demonstrate by the election returns a great division in public sentiment regarding the prosecution and continuance of the war, decisively failed to do either.
But they did achieve an unexpected result which may bear good fruits in future judicial elections. They forced the two great parties to become so far non-partisan as to unite in framing and pushing through to triumphant election a fusion ticket. The non-political nature of the judges’ position and function was thus far conceded by the party managers and overwhelmingly ratified by the voters.
OTHER CITIES
Louisville, Kentucky, a nominally Democratic city, went Republican. This party likewise carried Indianapolis, partly as a rebuke to the Democratic administration, many members of which are now under indictment for election frauds.
In Massachusetts, Haverhill voters defeated a city-manager form proposition, as did the voters of Winchester. Waltham voted to adopt one, and Lynn voted to abandon its commission form.
By an overwhelming majority running about four to one, citizens of Clarksburg and its suburbs adopted the Greater Clarksburg charter at the special election, thereby putting Clarksburg properly upon the map as the third largest city in West Virginia. The total vote was 2,939 for and 760 against the charter.
Pueblo, Colorado, rejected the proposed single-tax amendment to its city charter by a vote of two to one. Two amendments proposing an entire change in city government from the present commission form to that of commissioner-city manager were defeated by approximately the same majority.
Generally speaking the Socialists achieved no victories. Their votes in places were numerous, but nowhere preponderating. In New York, Chicago, Cleveland and Buffalo, where Socialism might have been ex.-pected, owing to the immense foreign influence, to show alarming gains the results can hardly be encouraging to the anti-American leaders. Their fight in those cities was made on an anti-war, anti-American platform, and the verdict was against them overwhelmingly, in some places because of the desire to register a pro-American verdict, but in most places because there was a desire emphatically to resent the intrusion of national and international affairs in local campaigns. Where there were “immense” Socialistic gains they were due principally to a previous lack of interest in Socialism. To record a gain of 400 per cent for Socialism means little where the previous Socialist vote was only two or three hundred. Nevertheless the Socialist movement is one that should not be


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ignored. It represents a closely compacted political organization, with power to attract the elements of discontent and it is quite as unscrupulous in its appeal to passion and prejudice as any of the older political machines.
THE CITY MANAGERS’ ASSOCIATION1
BY OSSIAN E. CARR Niagara Falls
IT IS four years since our association was organized,—four years full of progress in municipal government in America. Public sentiment has been slowly crystallizing in regard to the matter of government. Disinterested people are becoming more and more allied with the societies which are developing and organizing a movement looking toward improved municipal conditions. As an association, the city managers have no precedents. Our thought has to be exercised in a new field. How quickly we are beginning to sense details peculiar to our position in government and to reflect upon them!
I have said that four years ago we were organized as an association. By a coincidence, it happens that just four of us who were city managers then are with the association now. We have had an idea before of the large percentage of mortality which attended the position of city manager. Now we see that it is really true. One of the duties which should be added to those of 010- secretary should be the tabulation of those who are gone from the profession, tired of the conditions that they found surrounding them.
Humanity must ever have a means of absolving itself from individual blame or responsibility. Humanity joyfully acclaims the city manager the butt of all mischance. The plan fixes the responsibility. The manager realizes this, even though the irate citizen holds him accountable for weather and other malevolent manifestations of providence.
CONTRASTS WITH OTHER PROFESSIONS
The lawyer who makes a mistake is able to explain it away to his client, or he goes forth seeking a new client and sues the talker for libel. The doctor who makes a mistake buries it and a silent monument marks the spot where it lies. But if a city manager makes a mistake, how the opposition does fall in line to see that it receives full publicity and how the citizens joyfully come at the call to lend their services to send it to all the suburbs! On the other hand, the manager works long hours to an end, achieves it and passes on to another. It may be that the problem is organization, it may be finance, and it may be construction. If good,
1 Presidential address of Ossian E. Carr as president of the City Managers’ Association, delivered at Detroit, November 20, 1917.


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the result of his effort is greeted with a silence and he must perforce be content with the approval of his own consciousness of work well done.
These conditions of society account for so many managers leaving the field in order to take up a profession where mistakes are accepted as part of man’s finite nature. There were many changes of managers in 1916, still others in 1917. Some of the reasons for removal are strange and paradoxical. One city manager was openly charged with demoralizing the Republican party. He did not consult the party chiefs for names to fill appointments. He played no favorites. He took his position seriously and he applied a private conscience to a public office, all of which, tested by public sentiment, was wrong, and the manager was removed. The paradoxical part of this is that it took place in a municipality which was so progressive as to vote for the city-manager form of government. The strangest part of it is that I could name several manager cities affected in this way.
TACT AS A QUALIFICATION
At different times in the past, we have discussed the qualifications which we decided a manager should possess. The consensus of opinion has seemed to be that the one kind of ability most needed was executive ability. We engineers modestly conceded that if an engineer should chance to have this kind of ability, his engineering training would be very useful. I do not know but that, in observing the careers of many of us, some spectacular, some meteoric, some commonplace, that I have been moved to place tact in the very first row of essential qualifications. Tact is needed in securing the appointment, in dealing with the public, but above all in relation with the commission. It is so essential that unless it is exercised, the tenure of office of the individual is bound to be short, regardless of executive ability, efficiency and education.
Commissioners asked one city manager his reasons for discharging a certain official. He replied that he could discharge any employe with or without reasons and, further, that he need not state reasons to the commission. The manager went on to say that, while in this particular case, he would grant their request and specify reasons, he wished his action to be considered no precedent. Thereupon he gave a half dozen reasons, any one of which would have been sufficient grounds for dismissal. But this man is no longer city manager. He lacked tact. I doubt whether he would be retained as manager of a private corporation, no matter what his production record, but with a private corporation production record does count. With a municipality he had no chance whatever.
The situation is complicated for the average manager in that he has in his commission men who were never in favor of commission-manager government. It is a large part of the work of the manager to keep these men from developing active antagonism. He must have no feelings in


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the way some of his recommendations are rejected. Possibly it may be for the good of the community that they are. He always knows that the records will show just what his recommendations were on the various propositions. Many of the people come to understand these handicaps. Perhaps, too, the commission may come to realize in time that his advice is not lightly given, in fact that his action and advice is exactly what they are paying for. He must not feel irritated if the commission refuse to-accept entirely his recommendations. It is their city and they are responsible to the people.
In the light of these facts, we come again to the conclusion which has often been mentioned in our meetings, that no people can or will have a government better than the majority of the citizens deserve and desire,, and, out of this conclusion, yet another,—that no form of government can correct errors in thought on the part of its citizens.
MOLDING MUNICIPAL THOUGHT
Our government is built on the idea that the majority of our citizens will inform themselves on civic and national facts. It is obviously possible to achieve the ideal better in national policy than in civic conditions. We have for the purpose in the nation a wide variety of periodicals which open up the range of human thought from so many different viewpoints that it is possible to sift them to arrive at sound conclusions.
But in all of our American cities our municipal thought life is molded by the daily press. These papers belong to either one party or the other. Consequently, the news given out is colored with partisanship. I believe that all city managers long for a press that will print city affairs fairly and impartially, that will exercise a criticism constructive and not destructive.. I believe the editors also are thinking over this problem. William R. Nelson, of the Kansas City Star, has reared for himself a monument more potential than the form adopted by another well wisher of the people who built libraries over the length and breadth of the land. Mr. Nelson did more, because he left the city in which he had spent his energies the paper which he had made great. Moreover, his idea for its future was that of non-partisanship. He realized the educational value of his work. The board of control comprises, by the terms of his will, the presidents of the Universities of Kansas, Missouri and Nebraska.
Our schools have been taken out of politics, but our great universities of the common people—the newspapers—are still in them. The hope for the future is that more of our wealthy men may become interested not only in libraries and colleges and foundations, but also in newspapers,, that our editors may adopt the ideals of the non-partisan press. Municipalities would thereby eliminate the expense of cross purposes and misunderstandings. Criticism would point out the road toward betterment, and we would have efficient government by a well-informed people.


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Still, we can report progress. Dayton has passed through a political struggle, let us hope the last breath of the machine. The people supported the administration. Niagara Falls speaks in election uncompromisingly for her form of government. Just now weTiave a particular interest in good government. We are a nation at war. At this time there is every evidence of a long struggle, resource against resource. Any waste of funds, any waste of effort is bound to help our enemies. The war is bound to produce a wonderful incentive toward economical government in the United States. We look forward to a year of unprecedented growth.
RECENT RESULTS IN THE SOCIAL AND CIVIC SURVEY MOVEMENT
BY MURRAY GROSS Philadelphia
THE present year has seen the people of the United States drawn into active participation in the lamentable world conflict, and the interests and efforts of the country centered upon the problems and exigencies of war. This has compelled the nation as a people to stimulate and make effective individual sense of responsibility and service in the affairs of the country, and particularly to study, organize, and make economically available the whole power and resources of the people. This task is so enormous, and the study involved has assumed such character and scope, that it promises to culminate in a general and complete recognition of the scientific survey method as the basis for constructive plans and action, and to lead the way to a new era in the accomplishments of local, state and national life, based on comprehensive investigations in preparation for efforts to solve specific community problems.
RESULTS OF THE SPRINGFIELD GENERAL SURVEY INSPIRING
In the survey movement, the year 1916 marks the completion as well as the beginning of a considerable number of notable social and civic survey studies which will be the basis for carrying forward comprehensive and co-ordinated plans for community betterment in the social, economic, and political life of the people. To a marked degree, however, it was a year of fruition, a year during which there were in process of realization plans and recommendations worked out by surveys completed or begun in earlier years. Thus it is in the case of Pittsburgh, Birmingham, Ala., Syracuse, N. Y., Newburgh, N. Y., Topeka, Kan., Buffalo, Rochester, N. Y., Norfolk, Va., Richmond, Va., Cleveland.
Nothing has appeared more illuminating as to the force and value of


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the scientific survey in community life than the summary of the results of the Springfield general survey prepared by Dr. Shelby M. Harrison, director of the department of surveys of the Russell Sage foundation and published as an article in The Survey, February 3, 1917.
It may be well to be reminded that the Springfield general survey, made largely during 1915, covered seven phases of the city’s life, including the schools, the mental defectives and insane, recreation facilities, housing, public health, charities, and corrections. Moreover, it dealt with a typical American city with a population of 60,000 people, one of the 80 per cent of incorporated places in the United States that range from 25,000 to 150,000 inhabitants. Hence it is that the developments in this city as a result of the survey are of widespread interest and warrant a brief recapitulation here.
These are some of the developments in Springfield following the survey: In the public schools: committees of the board of education reorganized to promote their efficiency; junior high school system adopted; four junior high schools organized; high school organization and course of study changed, including the introduction of better system of supervised study and discipline; modern high school building erected to accommodate about 1,500 pupils previously inadequately provided for; lighting, ventilation, general sanitation, and fire protection of all schools improved; patrons’ clubs organized in every district of the city, and nearly every school house used as a social center for neighborhood meetings; manual training, household arts, pre-vocational training and guidance in the schools promoted; school census revised to secure more valuable information; seven branch libraries established in schools and five in other centers; and new salary schedule established for teachers and janitors, with rates based on efficiency. In recreation: director of hygiene employed by the board of education for playgrounds, athletics and social centers; athletic organization extended among elementary school children; athletic contests and a play festival held; equipment of park play sections extended; free public golf courses established; bathing beaches constructed; and burlesque theatre cleaned up. In delinquency and corrections: sheriff pledged to turn into the county treasury approximately $7,500 per year profits from feeding prisoners in the county jail; large and flourishing red-light district closed; woman of energy and ability appointed as deputy sheriff; two additional probation officers appointed; juvenile detention home improved; city jail prisoners put at work in farming and gardening on farm land owned by the city. In health: child-welfare station to promote infant hygiene work established; movement started for new contagious disease hospital; one hundred and twenty acre farm purchased for a sanatorium for the tuberculous; free dispensary established. In mental hygiene: methods improved in handling cases of insane and feeble-minded before the county court; and some improve-


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ment in handling cases requiring mental examination before juvenile court. In charities: work of associated charities completely reorganized; better co-operation between public and private agencies established; placing out work initiated by Home for the Friendless; trained nurse added to its staff, and physical condition of the children improved; central council of social agencies organized; and city conferences on social work started. In city and county administration: more equitable rules for assessing corner lots adopted; cost accounting system installed; detailed monthly reports in issue; better water and fire protection facilities secured, and garbage collection started.
This recapitulation of results demonstrates the force the survey exerted in the city upon official and public opinion alike and is evidence that social and civic improvements went on at a pace which could hardly have been expected to be paralleled without the comprehensive insight furnished by the facts and recommendations of the survey. This survey is particularly worth the attention of every municipal official and citizen of the country.
SAN FRANCISCO SURVEY MAKES POSSIBLE A ONE MILLION DOLLAR
MUNICIPAL SAVINGS
Out on the Pacific coast, San Francisco is working out the plans of the administrative and government survey made by the New York bureau of municipal research under the direction of Dr. F. A. Cleveland. This voluminous study of the municipal activities of the government of San Francisco presents almost seven hundred pages of intensive investigations and recommendations, which, when carried into effect, will save the people of the city approximately one million dollars annually. As stated by the San Francisco Argonaut, it was first the intention of the San Francisco real estate board to conduct an investigation of the “rapidly rising taxes” itself, but the task proved too large. “The financial jungle,” so says the paper, “was almost impenetrable. The city accounts furnished nothing from which it was possible to construct a statement of the actual needs of the city in the past or in the future. There were innumerable indications of inefficiency and waste, but it was impossible to identify them except from the basis of some comprehensive and accurate survey.”
The general impression left upon the mind by the report of the survey is encouraging in that if there was inefficiency and maladministration they were not of a willful or vicious character. The chapter on financial mismanagement, however, is heavy enough and serious enough to weigh upon the conscience of any municipality. The survey found that nearly a million dollars a year was wasted by five departments of city government,—finance, fire, health, coroner, and public works. In the report, new sources of revenue are estimated at $52,000 a year, and the assur-


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ance given that a “complete revision of the city’s license system should add several hundred thousand dollars to the annual revenues.” A reform of purchasing methods would save $100,000 a year. Another $100,000 a year could be saved on registration expenses. The fire department spends $88,000 a year more than it should. The department of health ought to economize to the extent of $33,540. And the department of public works showed a waste of $500,000 a year.
It is exceedingly regrettable that it is impossible to include here the fifty-five pages of recommendations made in the report, for they constitute a terse program of administrative reorganization and reform of exceptional value to every official municipal administrator as well as every citizen. The abbreviated statement in regard to the financial side of the department of public works, however, is so striking that it is given as an illustration.
“In considering the possible economies in the administration of the public works activities of the city,” says the report, “it is first necessary to establish a basic factor of service. In the following tabulation the statement of possible savings is predicated upon a service equal to that now being obtained. The point is not made that it would not be desirable in certain instances to apply the savings which might be effected to increasing a part of the service. The following amounts are calculated
on an annual basis:
Elimination of holiday pay for teams would result in
a saving of approximately................................. $10,000
Reduction in number of teams and employment of automobile transportation would result in saving.. 35,000
Reduction in rate paid for both double and single teams to that of prevailing market rate—approximately ....................................................... 20,000
Reduction in the general yard assignments...................... 10,000
Reduction in force through consolidation of corporation yard and night emergency forces................$10,000- 15,000
Reduction in number of watchmen and the elimination of high priced labor as caretakers............. 6,000
The use of the bureau of architecture forces for the
design of public buildings (part)................ 5,000- 10,000
The abolition of the positions of brick inspectors.. 2,500- 3,000
The transfer of the high pressure system to the board of public works; the use of uniformed force for operation inspection; the use of pumping plants
for manufacture of electric current.............. 75,000-125,000
Reduction in the number of low pressure hydrants in
high pressure zone.................................. 8,000- 15,000
The establishment of a central shop and municipal
garage............................................. 10,000- 15,000
The handling of part of the building repair work by contract; the closer co-ordination of the power plant force and the revision of the method of controlling work orders.................................. 10,000- 15,000


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Improved methods of sewer cleaning; the amalgamation of side sewer department with other sewer construction work; the use of improved methods of catchbasin cleaning, and reduction in amount of
supervision and administration.................. $10,000- 15,000
Improvement in the methods of street flushing; combination of small cleaning gangs; the use of equipment on more than one shift; the purchase and use
of more equipment................................ 25,000- 75,000
The abrogation of expensive dumping privilege agreements; the use of the dumping trestle at the old incinerator......................................... 5,000- 10,000
Improvement of the working force in the bureau of streets; purchase of more roller and automobile hauling equipment; the increased use of contract method of construction; the abrogation of asphalt filler contract agreements; the reduction in yard costs; the reduction in division supervisory overhead costs, etc..................................... 100,000-200,000
The reorganization of the department would result in a saving in the cost of supervision and administration through the centralization of functional activi-
ties of......................................... 10,000- 15,000
Total........................................$450,000-500,000”
MINNEAPOLIS SURVEY WELDS EDUCATION AND INDUSTRY CLOSER
TOGETHER
One of the most important means of promoting the social and economic welfare of men and women is a proper educational system. For this a thorough knowledge of industrial processes and industrial conditions is necessary. In this respect, one of the most notable additions to the literature on education is the vocational education survey of Minneapolis made by the National Society for the Promotion of Industrial Education and published as a bulletin of the United States bureau of labor. It follows the general plan of the vocational education survey of Richmond, having in view an analysis of the conditions pertaining to local industries and systems of education, and a desire to ascertain what kind of instruction is needed, but it is more comprehensive than the earlier study in that the number of industries studied is more numerous and varied. The report of the survey is a volume of six hundred pages, and constitutes an intensive study of the following educational problems: To what extent is there a need for vocational education; to what extent are public schools, other agencies, and apprenticeship meeting the need; what vocational education is needed in the building trades; among the electrical workers; the metal workers; the wood workers; in the flour mills; in the baking business; in the laundries; in the garment trades; among dressmakers and milliners; in the knitting mills; in department store salesmanship; in office work; in home gardening and agriculture;


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and what practical arrangements is possible between the schools and the trades and industries.
The facts and conclusions given by the report of this survey are in general peculiar to the same trades and industries throughout the country, and the methods suggested for dealing with the local school and industrial conditions in Minneapolis will be helpful to communities everywhere. The report is an important addition to the means at hand for solving the educational problems of the country.
OTHER COMMUNITIES NOW ENGAGED IN SURVEY PROJECTS
Scientific survey methods are now being utilized and applied in the following communities: Nassau county (N. Y.) in the reconstruction of its roads; Newark (N. J.) in the revision of its charter; Springfield (Mass.) in the installation of an accounting system; North Adams (Mass.) in a general program of betterment covering all fields of municipal activities; Plainfield (N. J.) in a general program of community advancement; Stamford (Conn.) in the installation of an accounting system; the state of North Carolina in the audit and realignment of the accounts of its treasurer; San Francisco in a study of its industrial situation; Detroit (Mich.) in a reorganization of the department of public works; Mobile (Ala.) in a study of the school system of the city; the state of Rhode Island in an intensive study of the penal system of the state; Columbus (Ohio) in a comprehensive study of municipal activities; Kansas City (Mo.) in a reorganization of the health department, hospitals, fire department, and certain branches of the public works department; Jamestown (N. Y.) for charter revision and improvement in municipal government; Sharon Parish, Tuscarawas (Ohio) in rural uplift work; Boston (Mass.) in a study of urban disease; Council Grove (Kan.) and Muscatine (Iowa) for general civic betterment; Bridgeport (Conn.) and Penn’s Grove (N. J.) in the solution of problems following upon growth of munition-making population.
NEGRO EDUCATION IN THE SOUTH1
BY WILLIAM H. BALDWIN, 3RD Brooklyn, N. Y.
IN THOSE muggy days at the end of August when only the press of war work was considered sufficient stimulant to keep Washington hard at work until late into the night, Philander P. Claxton, United States commissioner of education, held a two-day conference which marked a new epoch in the long uphill struggle to give the 9,000,000 ne-
1 The negro is penetrating to all sections of the country, and the industrial centers which have need for his labor have incurred the responsibility of determining whether he will become an asset through intelligent guidance or a menace to the community


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groes in the south the education they must have to take their due place in the body politic. For those whose interests are confined to things “practical,” it may be pointed out parenthetically that the south, although 80 per cent rural in population, is draining the surplus food production of the rest of the country to the extent of many millions of dollars a year—and the negro forms the backbone of farm labor in the south.
Two months before Commissioner Claxton called the conference, his bureau had issued a two-volume “Study of the Private and Higher Schools for Colored People in the United States.” This was the result of three years of exhaustive investigation of 747 institutions by Dr. Thomas Jesse Jones, a specialist of the bureau; and it was made possible through the co-operation of the Phelps-Stokes fund, of New York. Endorsed by leading students of education as the most valuable contribution to their work since the Flexner report on medical schools, Dr. Jones’s study nevertheless met with a certain amount of suspicion on the part not only of many negroes in the south, but also of white men identified with certain colleges and so-called universities for the colored youth. Dr. Jones had emphasized the need for the co-operation of the north, the south, and the negro with “an abiding faith” in each other; and the great achievement of the Claxton conference was the revivification of this faith between the leading spirits of these three elements. A man who has attended every important conference on the race question during the past twenty years said the discussion was the frankest and best willed he had ever seen. As the conference divided its five sessions according to the five main divisions of the Jones report, a summary of the discussion will bring out the principal points in the government document.
As a background to his investigation of the private institutions Dr. Jones studied the field of public provision. He finds that the states apportion their school funds according to the total population of each constituent county. The money is then divided between the two races according to the wishes of the county officials, with the result that the negro gets on the average only one-fourth of his just share. In some counties the disproportion increases to twenty to one or worse. As a consequence, most of the schools are taught in abandoned cabins, children of all ages and degrees of mentality from a radius sometimes as great as six miles are crowded in under one teacher, and the average school term is
life through neglect. If the former policy is followed it must take into consideration the background of the migrant. Mr. Baldwin’s article is at once a review of the Jones report and an account of the conference called by Commissioner Claxton. The Jones report is entitled: “Negro Education: A Study of the Private and Higher Schools for Colored People in the United States,” prepared in co-operation with the Phelps-Stokes fund under the direction of Thomas Jesse Jones, specialist in the education of racial groups, United States Bureau of Education. Volumes I and II. Washington: Government Printing Office. 1917.


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less than six months. As for the teachers, there are only 30,000 of them— one for about every sixty-five children of school age—and of the total at least one-half have had less training than a New York city boy must have to qualify for his working-papers. Bad as the conditions seem at first glance, they are offset, first, by the fact that they are an improvement over the past and, second, by the growing spirit of fair-mindedness and sense of responsibility on the part of the white south. Dr. Jones testifies to this progressivism, and it is significant that the frankest and most outspoken talk of the whole conference was made at this first session by the superintendent of education in Louisiana, a southern white man. It was the unanimous opinion of the conference that the southern states should assume entire charge of the elementary education, freeing the private institutions for the secondary field and special work.
THE DEARTH OF TRAINED TEACHERS
But even more generous appropriations from the public funds would not get far without an adequate corps of trained teachers, and this problem came up for discussion Rt the second session. Dr. Jones’s study brings out the fact that some 6,000 new teachers must be recruited each year to keep the present staff of 30,000 teachers filled. Yet only 2,500 young men and women are graduated each year from all the schools which make any pretense of providing teacher-training. Next to increasing the salaries of teachers in colored schools—in some southern states the average annual salary is below the $150 allowed to jailers for the feeding and clothing of a prisoner—the great need is for county teacher-training schools supplemented by simpler courses in the last year or two of the private secondary schools. At present less than thirty counties out of a total of 1,055 in the south have such schools; but the movement is growing and meanwhile the private institutions are rendering valuable support.
It is in the general field of secondary education that the great contribution of the private institutions is made; for there are in the south only eleven state schools, sixty-seven city high schools, and twenty-seven county training schools for negroes in addition to the sixteen land-grant colleges which are supported in large part by federal funds. Philanthropy, indeed, functioning through individuals and churches in the north and increasingly through the sacrificial offerings of the colored people themselves, has built up 625 schools and colleges valued at $30,000,000 in land, plant, and endowment, and gives $3,000,000 annually for the operation of these institutions. Hampton, Tuskegee, Fisk University and Meharry Medical College are the best known of these schools, but Dr. Jones brings out the fine, though more modest, work of many smaller institutes and colleges which are meeting urgent needs in various parts of the south. And the speakers at the conference—white and colored,


56 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January
northerners and southerners—bore him out in his tribute to the achievements of private generosity and initiative.
Taking the group as a whole, however, there are certain tendencies which Dr. Jones has found it necessary to criticize, offering at the same time concrete suggestions for future policy. These are briefly as follows: First, the transition from white to colored teachers has been too rapid in many institutions for the maintenance of the proper educational standards. As the colored people as a whole become better educated, they naturally will be in a position to furnish an increasing number of trained teachers; but in the interests of better relations between the races, segregation in teaching colored children would be bad policy. From the early Reconstruction days the north has sent down some of its best sons and daughters to teach the negro and they have brought with them certain contributions to the education of the colored people, which no southerner, black or white, could possibly duplicate. Dr. Jones blames the north largely for an appreciable lessening of this missionary zeal, resulting in a marked decline in the north’s influence on the preparation of the millions of negroes for real citizensihp in the United States.
GARDENING A BASIC STUDY
The second criticism is that the school work too often ignores the environment of the pupils. Eighty per cent of the southern negroes are classed as rural and farming is their chief pursuit; yet even the so-called agricultural schools fail in many instances to give agriculture more than a perfunctory place in the curriculum. He advocates, therefore, a thorough and “enthusiastic” course in gardening for every pupil as fundamental to all school work. With this as a basis he outlines a scheme for building up a correlated plan of education, branching out at the top into such highly specialized schools as Hampton and Tuskegee and such colleges as Howard and Fisk universities. Carrying the adaptation of study to environment a step further, Dr. Jones urges that courses and teaching methods be kept simple especially in the schools drawing their pupils from a backward countryside. Thus, thorough training in the fundamentals of farming and a general knowledge of the use of tools and paint for the repairs and simple construction work of the farm are more to point than a smattering of agronomy, pomology, and such specialized trades as masonry, blacksmithing, and harness-making. And the simpler courses have the added advantage of less cost in equipment and faculty.
The justice of these suggestions was readily recognized at the conference; but when the session on college and university training opened, it was soon apparent that the representatives of many of these institutions were hostile to what they thought was the tenor of Dr. Jones’s recommendations in their field. In the ensuing frank discussion, however, those who had come to protest vigorously were shown that they had mis-


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interpreted the report’s attitude, and in the end they pledged their hearty co-operation in putting into effect the Jones program. At the bottom of the misunderstanding was the jealousy with which the negro guards his opportunities for higher education, opportunities won by the sweat of his own sacrifices and the generosity of the north in the face of complete indifference—often amounting to open hostility—on the part of the white south. His inheritance from slavery is a bad perspective toward the status of manual labor, and even now the splendid agricultural and industrial schools which are consecrated to building up a solid, independent citizenry, are twisted by him into attempts to “keep him in his place.” The result has been that through his own churches and through winning the unintelligent generosity of some northerners, the negro has built up scores of so-called colleges and universities which struggle along without the resources, faculty, or even the student body essential to real collegiate work.
It is just these institutions which Dr. Jones would reorganize into valuable parts of the whole educational scheme and supports to the few schools which measure up to college standards; but the proponents of the “colleges” misconstrued his recommendations as a direct attempt on the part of the federal bureau of education to restrict the opportunities of the negro for higher education. What amounted to the charge of “Jim Crowism” in education was raised at the conference. Dr. Jones answered it, first, by proving his conviction that the negro must have ample provision for higher education and, second, by pointing out that misbranding low grade work as college education was no less heinous a crime against the body politic than the sale of adulterated food was against the physical well-being of the nation. Commissioner Claxton, a southerner, who presided over the conference with rare judgment and contributed not a little to the discussion, drove this point home to the protestants when he said that he had been working for years for just the same sort of a reorganization and weeding out of the unfit among the white colleges of the country. The net result was that all who attended the conference unanimously pledged themselves to co-operate in making out of the present chaos in private endeavor an effective whole as the basis for further development.
With the champions of the colored colleges won over to hearty support, the final session of the conference—discussion of ways and means of co-operation between the various elements—closed in a spirit of mutual goodwill and “abiding faith” that entitles the conference to rank as one of the milestones in the progress of better relations between the races. Hereafter the Jones report and the Claxton conference will be considered as one, for the former visualized as never before the shortcomings and potentialities of negro education and the latter gave a new vision and renewed inspiration to the leaders of the north, the south, and the negro.


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[January
TENDENCIES IN CITY SCHOOL BOARD ORGANIZATION
BY BBUCE M. WATSON1 Philadelphia
WHEN Bill and I went to school, the problems of school administration were few and simple. The school directors hired the teacher to keep order, and fired him if he didn’t. School architecture was “standardized,” even to the color of the school house, which was red. Ventilation was unknown. The plumbing consisted of water-pail and dipper. School furniture was made, and nailed down, by the carpenter who built the school-house. Fuel and chalk were the only school supplies. Teacher and pupils did the janitor work.
The course of study, consisting of the three R’s, was uniform the country over; so there was no discussion as to what should be taught. Every child used the books which he brought to school—books, oftener than not, from which his elder brothers or sisters, parents, uncles or aunts, had been graduated; so there was no problem of text-book adoptions.
Secondary education was the business of private schools. There were no shops, kitchens nor laboratories; no libraries, gymnasiums nor school gardens. There was no science of teaching; there were no “special subjects”; there were no standard tests, no compulsory attendance, care for defectives, health supervision, open air classes, school clinics, vocational guidance, or civic centers; no Gary system, nor other of the thousand perplexities of the modern school organism.
All of these things have come with the passing years, and have changed the character of school administration from the simplest to one of the most complex problems of management. The school board can no longer be all things to all teachers, patrons, pupils, and the public.
There still remains much to be learned before the ideal will have been reached in this as in every other field of governmental activity. And yet a few propositions may be accepted as proved by the best experience of the country, among them the following:
LEGISLATION AND ADMINISTRATION
The school board should be a legislative and not an administrative body.
It should study the needs of the school system in a broad way, determine general policies to be pursued, and employ expert administrators to carry out these policies. It follows as a natural corollary that these experts should be given authority commensurate with their responsibility. The present tendency in this direction was well enunicated at the last
Secretary of the public education and child labor association of Pennsylvania.


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meeting of the National Education Association, by Mr. O. M. Plummer, of the Portland, Oregon, school board, who said:
When a board of education, after much consideration, selects a superintendent, its work is half done. When it puts in the balance of the time letting him alone, and looking to him for administrative results, its work is well nigh complete. It is apparently a question of a few years until school board people will confine themselves to the larger policies of the entire system, allowing the details to be worked out by the proper heads.
SIZE OF BOARD
A city school board should consist of from five to nine members, and the size of the city should have little weight in determining the number.
This number is large enough to include members representing a sufficient variety of types of training, modes of thought, and business or professional experience. It is small enough to work effectively.
Dr. Elwood P. Cubberley, in his book on city school administration sums up the case for a small school board as follows:
The experience of the past century is clearly and unmistakably that a small school board is in every way a more efficient board than a large one. It is less talkative, and hence handles public business much more expeditiously. It is less able to shift responsibility; it cannot so easily divide itself up into small committees, and works more efficiently and intelligently as a committee of the whole.
The tendency toward smaller school boards is shown by the fact that, of the forty cities of the country having a population of over 100,000 in 1905, there were, in that year, seventeen that had school boards of over nine members. The aggregate membership of these seventeen boards was 352, or an average of 22 members for each board.
In 1917, only seven of those cities have school boards exceeding 9 members, and only one has a board of over 15 members. The aggregate membership of the seventeen boards has been reduced to 198, and the average to 12. The most notable changes made during the present year in the direction of smaller boards have been in New York, from 46 to 7; Detroit, from 21 to 7; and Chicago, from 21 to 11.
ELECTION AT LARGE
Members of the school board should be chosen to re-present the city at large, and not by districts.
This change comes along naturally with the smaller board. Of the forty cities mentioned above, thirteen had board members chosen by wards or districts in 1905. All but four of these had changed in 1917 to representation of the city at large. The advantages of representation of the city at large are two: First, better men, those who have a city-wide reputation and standing, rather than petty ward politicians, are chosen. Second, members so chosen see the needs of all of the schools of all of the


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[January-
city all of the time, and work to that end, rather than to secure for their individual wards or districts or constituents some material advantage in the way of school buildings, equipment, or appointments, often inimical to the best interests of the schools.
ELECTION OR APPOINTMENT
The ratio of the number of cities having elective boards to the number having appointive boards remains practically stationary, about 2 to 1.
Accordingly the experience of cities employing either of these two methods is not conclusive as to its advantage over the other. And yet it is significant that no report from a city having an elective board suggests a change to an appointive board, while several from cities having appointive boards make a plea for an elective board.
From one city having a board appointed by the mayor comes this report: “In this city only one mayor in ten rose to the occasion and appointed representative citizens. The other nine appointed political heelers, gumshoe politicians or personal friends.” Of the situation in Chicago the School Board Journal says, “A law taking the appointing power out of the hands of the mayor, making the school board elective, and requiring non-partisan choice of all candidates, is the only hope for a true solution of the difficulty.” Other cities, like New Haven, Jersey City and Newark, seem to have had a happier experience with appointment by the mayor.
Where boards are elected at large the plan is generally satisfactory, the only changes suggested being in the particular method; Election by wards is universally condemned.
Board members should be chosen for relatively long terms, and preferably not more than one or two at a time.
By the observance of this rule, sudden reversals of school policy are avoided; there is little temptation to an individual or group of people to “put over” something on the schools, and better choices result from centering the interest of voters upon one or two names at a time.
WOMEN ON SCHOOL BOARBS
There is an extension of legislation making women eligible to vote for members and hold membership in school boards.
However, as far as available records show, there is little tendency on the part of cities to increase the number of women members of their school boards. Even in states that have equal suffrage the practice of electing women to school boards is not general. The writer recalls two cities which elected women to membership in their school boards for several years, and later discontinued the practice. This apparently was not due to any deliberate change of policy, and certainly not to dissatisfaction with women’s service in the board. Wherever chosen they have per-


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formed the duties of the office with dignity and intelligence, with exceptional devotion and conscientiousness.
Perhaps the most significant evidence of the trend of school board organization in the directions herein outlined is found in recent enactments of state legislatures, and in provisions of newly revised or reconstructed city charters. Thus have been crystallized into laws these principles that have first received recognition through voluntary action of individual school boards.
The school code enacted by the last legislature of New York takes a most advanced step, by prescribing as follows:
All present boards of education having more than nine members shall be reduced to nine, and that of New York city to seven.
In all cities hereafter created the board of education shall consist of five members, elected at large for five years, one each year.
In all cities the superintendent of schools shall have direction of all employes, including supervisors, teachers, janitors, health supervisors, etc.
Teachers and other employes of the education department shall be appointed only on recommendation of the superintendent of schools.
The superintendent shall have a seat in the board and the right to speak on all matters, but not to vote.
The superintendent shall have power to suspend teachers, recommend text-books for adoption, prepare the context of the course of study authorized by the board, etc.
In conclusion, we are justified in believing that the present trend in school board organization is altogether in the direction of greater efficiency and consequently of better schools, more judicious expenditures, and better returns for the money and effort.
CONFERENCE ON PUBLIC OWNERSHIP
BY HOMER TALBOT University of Kansas
THE prime significance of the National Public Ownership Conference, held in Chicago, November 25, 26 and 27, seem3 not to be found in the resolutions of immediate or ultimate action, but in the rather clear indication that this meeting represents the beginning of a nation-wide organized public opinion in favor of the public ownership of public utilities.
That public sentiment in support of municipal ownership of local public utilities and federal ownership of the telegraphs, telephones and railways, has been gaining, quietly but steadily, is a fact well known to careful students of present-day public affairs.
What the movement has lacked, up to the calling of the recent conference, has been national organization. The Public Ownership League


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[January
of America is expected to bring together and unite in common counsel and action the hitherto disassociated persons and organizations favoring the new rule in public utility control.
PERSONNEL AND PROGRAM
The gathering at Chicago was remarkable alike in its personnel— representative of men and women of almost all parties and walks of life—and in the practical, “get results” character of the discussions.
There was Charles Zueblin—who spoke vigorously and effectively of the need of public ownership of railways, both from the military and economic standpoints; former congressman David J. Lewis, of Maryland, member of the federal tariff commission, who was given the closest attention in his disclosures of the immediate need of public ownership of the telephones and telegraphs; former governor Edward F. Dunne, who gave an address on public ownership movements in Illinois; Delos F. Wilcox and Edward W. Bemis, who discussed financial preparation for public ownership, and the question of value; Albert M. Todd, Otto Cullman and Theodore F. Thieme, successful business men backing the movement for public ownership of public services; C. W. Koiner, of Pasadena, Cal., Willis J. Spaulding, of Springfield, 111., R. B. Howell, of Omaha, and J. G. Glascow, of Winnipeg, practical operators and managers of municipally owned public utility systems; and representatives of powerful farmers’ and labor organizations.
Ably handling the publicity service was Hugh Reid—who, with Carl D. Thompson, the dynamic secretary, were two of the prime movers of the occasion.
The number present? One would say somewhat larger than the total in attendance at the meetings of the several municipal good government associations at Detroit.
BENEFITS OF CITY OWNERSHIP RECOUNTED
Results gained through municipal ownership of public service undertakings in the Pacific Coast cities and in Kansas were discussed; the story of the obtaining of low priced electric current from the plant operated by the sanitary district of Chicago was told; and accounts of service gains and rate reductions from the municipal electric plants of Pasadena, Cal. and Springfield, 111.
Public ownership of the coal supply was also a topic of particular interest. The sentiment of the entire meeting favored immediate public control of the supply at the mouths of the mines; and the delegates generally felt the best permanent solution of the problem lay in the adoption of the policy of public ownership of the coal mines.
The story of how a municipal coal yard in Kalamazoo, Mich., had


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resulted in a saving to folks who were cold—if not wealthy—of $1.75 a ton on anthracite, $1.90 on bituminous coal, and $4 a ton on coke, was told by the mayor of the city, James B. Balch.
Incidentally: May it not be true that the real “city managers” of American cities are executives of the type of Mayor Balch?
DISCUSSION OF “REGULATION” IN WISCONSIN
Disinterested students of the indeterminate franchise law obtained by the private utility companies in Wisconsin, have long been hoping that the opponents of the act would be accorded the privilege of a hearing, at some meeting of national importance. This hope was realized at Chicago. The important provisions—and omissions—in the Wisconsin regulation scheme were brought clearly into light by Daniel W. Hoan, mayor of Milwaukee. For the information of its readers, perhaps the National Municipal Review may find space to publish in whole or in part the address of the executive of the Badger state’s largest municipality.
“put the flag over the railroads”
That the President of the United States immediately take possession and control of the systems of railway transportation, as authorized by act of congress of August 29,1916, was the leading resolution unanimously adopted at the conference.
The railroad resolution attracted national attention, and is given in full below:
Resolved, That in connection with the movement for the public ownership and operation of those utilities which have been shown by experience to be most efficiently and economically conducted in the public interest by direct public administration, the conference of the Public Ownership League of America calls attention to the great present exigencies of a military and domestic character demanding the immediate exercise of the powers vested in the President of the United States, and urges him:
To take possession and control of the systems of railway transportation, as authorized by the act of congress, of August 29, 1916; and to operate the same so that the necessary materials of war and the domestic necessities of the people may receive the prompt and efficient service which only the unification under government possession and administration of the railway agencies of the country can supply.
Other resolutions adopted favored the government ownership of the coal supply and coal mines; the public ownership of Niagara power development; the extension of the parcels post, and the public ownership under the United States post office department of the telephone and telegraph service.


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[January
PEBMANENT ORGANIZATION FORMED
A constitution for the non-partisan Public Ownership League of America was submitted to the delegates, and adopted; provisions were undertaken for the raising of a modest sum for going ahead with the educational work needed for the success of the cause; and plans made for the drafting of desirable men as executive committeemen.
Albert M. Todd was elected president for another year, and Charles
H. Ingersoll of New York was re-elected treasurer.
A SUGGESTION TO THE COUNCIL
The following is submitted to the officers and council of the National Municipal League by a friend of both the Public Ownership Association and the National Conference on Good City Government:
In the making of the arrangements for the annual meetings of the two organizations in 1918, is it not worth serious consideration that plans be made, if possible, for the two organizations to hold their next annual conferences in the same city, and with one immediately following the other?
EDITORIAL
THE ANNUAL MEETING
The first war time convention of the National Municipal League brought out an overwhelming sentiment that the League’s services were more needed now than ever before, and that its resources and organization should be extended to meet the new demands upon it. There was but one feeling, and that was that we could not hope to win the battle for democracy on the larger battle ground if it were to be neglected or overlooked in the cities.
As a step towards putting the League’s work upon a more efficient basis, the following resolution was adopted:
Whereas, in times of national emergencies such as now confront the country it is well to take stock of our social and municipal forces and determine wherein our voluntary associations and activities can be better organized and co-ordinated for more efficient promotion of good government:
Therefore Be It Resolved, by the National Municipal League in annual meeting assembled that the president of the League appoint a committee of five (5) members from different cities of the country, to examine into the records of the League, to analyze its contributions and subscription lists, to inquire into its activities, to consider the possibility of increasing its income, expanding its field of effort and perfecting a closer co-ordination of its work with other associations in closely allied fields of effort, and to make a full report of its findings at the next annual meeting.
Meeting with the League were the city managers’ association, the civic secretaries’ association, the conference for governmental research, and


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the newly formed association of state municipal leagues. This arrangement is greatly to be desired, but another year steps will have to be taken so that the various programs will be carefully co-ordinated and made to fit into one another more effectively than was the case at Detroit. One of the suggestions advanced was that the mornings be devoted to business and departmental conferences, the afternoons to joint meetings, and the evenings to rallies, one of which would be devoted to the annual addresses of the presidents of the several organizations. Some such arrangement is really necessary to prevent the dissipation of energy and attention through attempting to be in several places at one time.
The plan of having all the sessions in one hotel worked out admirably, facilitating the intermingling of the members which must prove of great benefit. It was unfortunate that more Detroit people did not avail themselves of the opportunity of meeting the leaders in civic work and hearing the series of admirable papers and discussions presented.
One feature of the meetings was the presence of a number of men who sharply challenged the prevailing sentiment in the League, notably in the matter of non-partisanship. In this way a very real discussion of disputed questions was brought about. It is to be hoped that the program committee for the 1918 meeting will arrange for a still further discussion along these lines, although there were some who felt that the League’s position might be misunderstood. There is little to be feared in this direction for from the beginning the League has been the open forum where earnest men and women have exchanged views with regard to ways and means as well as principles. It is only in this way that an effective working agreement can be developed.
Another year the program committee should make sure that the addresses and papers are responsive to the titles. In several cases the subjects announced were merely starting points for discussions interesting in themselves, but not pertinent to the questions to be considered. This was notably the case in the discussion of budgets, where there is a marked difference of opinion.
s


DEPARTMENT OF PUBLICATIONS
I. BOOK REVIEWS
Separation op State and Local Revenues in the United States. By Mabel Newcomer, Ph.D. Vol. LXXVI, No. 2, of Columbia University Studies in History, Economics and Public Law. New York: Longmans, Green and Company. Pp. 195. $1.75.
This monograph covers the historical development of the use of separate sources of revenue by state and locality in the United States as shown in four states where complete separation has been tried: Delaware, New York, Connecticut and Pennsylvania; three states in which a partial separation has been made: New Jersey, Vermont, West Virginia; and California which adopted complete separation in 1910 at one move, in contrast to the gradual development which took place in the other states. There is also a chapter devoted to the movement in the United States as a whole.
Of the four states that have tried complete separation, Delaware has found it successful, but as the author says, this state is so small it can hardly be considered as offering much evidence of the practicability of this scheme of taxation. New York, Connecticut, and Vermont have abandoned it. We are given the impression in the chapter on California that the plan there works admirably, but in the conclusion the author says that it is being maintained with difficulty. In spite of these seeming failures, Miss Newcomer reports a general tendency throughout the United States towards partial separation, that is, states are making greater use of other taxes than the general property tax, as for example, corporation, inheritance, and income taxes.
Advocates of separation offer it as one of the means of progress. They claim (1) it gives home rule, (2) that it is in accord
with the natural divisions of governmental activity and follows the principle already laid down in national and state revenues,
(3) that it offers improved administration,
(4) that it equalizes assessments, (5) that it equalizes the burden between different kinds of property.
Their opponents argue that (1) a unified system is better because most of the progress in taxation in the last few years has come through state tax commissions and separation keeps the localities free from such centralizing agencies; (2) it takes from cities their best sources of revenue, that is, corporation taxes; (3) it leads to wastefulness, (4) it does not give an elastic tax. The first of these objections is the greatest. The author of this book thinks, however, that there is no necessary connection between decentralized administration and separation, and in her concluding chapter even goes so far as to say that administration of state finance has been distinctly centralized by separation. This may be true of those taxes reserved to the state but can hardly be true of those reserved to the locality. Such a conclusion seems scarcely justified in view of the statement made regarding California: “The effect of separation on the centralization of administration has been much the same here as elsewhere. Separation, while bringing intangible property and that tangible property most difficult to assess, viz., the operative property of corporations, under state control, has tended to decentralize the administration of the general property tax.”
The book throughout gives one the impression of advocacy of separation yet the fairness of treatment may be well illustrated by the concluding paragraph:
“There are no advantages to be derived from complete separation of sources which cannot be derived in other ways, and 66


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there is little likelihood that it will become a permanent feature of any state’s system; but as a transitional state in the movement from the general property tax widely applied to classification for taxation it will doubtless play an important part. In the states where it has been introduced thus far it has been a mark of progress.”
The work is both factual and interpretative. It is carefully done, and is a real addition to literature on taxation.
Roy G. B la key.
University of Minnesota.
*
The Budget. By Ren4 Stourm. New
York: D. Appleton and Company.
Pp. XXVII+619. $3.75 net.
This is one of the publications of the institute for government research at Washington, and is a companion to the volume on “The Financial Administration of Great Britain,” issued by the same institute. The latter was a special report by investigators commissioned by the institute. For a general study of the subject, covering the experience of other countries besides England, the institute judiciously availed itself of a standard French work, the seventh edition of which was translated. The task was not easy as M. Stourm writes from the standpoint of French experience and uses terms not always readily intelligible to an American reader. The translator remarks that “the difficulties of rendering official and technical French into the English language, barren of corresponding terms, can be appreciated only by one who has attempted it.” These difficulties have been sufficiently overcome to enable the American reader to get an intelligent idea of budget procedure in all the principal countries of the world, albeit some details are so charged with technicality as to be difficult reading. The principles of sound budget procedure are made clear, and the information presented is of the highest value for light and guidance to the United States.
Although M. Stourm views the subject from the standpoint of French experience, it so happens that reform there has had to
contend with influences of the same nature as those which disturb American practice, —committee arrogance, “pork-barrel” appropriations, and conflicts between the senate and the house. The American situation is, however, peculiar in that in it the senate has the superior weight, whereas in other countries the superiority rests with the assembly. But this superiority appears to be due rather to the fact that the administration is present in the assembly than to any intrinsic reasons. This is but one among various circumstances that suggest that effective budget reform will involve extensive administrative readjustments. This is distinctly pointed out by Professor Charles A. Beard, who contributes an introduction to this translation which enhances the value of the work.
Henry Jones Ford. Princeton University.
*
The Socialism of To-Day. Edited by William English Walling, J. G. Phelps Stokes, Jessie Wallace Hughan, Harry W. Laidler, and other members of a committee of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society. New York: Henry Holt and Company. Pp. 642.
This volume is designed to be a source-book of the modem Socialist movement throughout the world. Its editors are such as will recommend it to the intelligent reader whether he be or be not a Socialist. By their joint labors these men have brought together a collection of official Socialist documents, unofficial Socialist utterances, and historical memoranda of exceedingly high importance. A full table of contents, frequent cross-references throughout the text, and an adequate index, greatly increase the value of the publication. Its editors have well fulfilled their purpose, for they have indeed produced a book which will lead to a better understanding, and facilitate the scientific study, of the modern Socialist movement.
The material collected is well classified. The first 369 pages, comprising Part I, are devoted to the movement internationally and by nations. Socialism in Germany is given 30 pages, Socialism in


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the United States 44 pages, and so on. Part II is devoted to “The Socialist parties and social problems.” Here the documents and readings are arranged according to subject matter primarily, and the documents within a chapter are seldom drawn from less than two or three nations. Here are taken up, under their proper titles, problems of labor unionism, compulsory arbitration of labor disputes, unemployment, high cost of living, trusts, government ownership, taxation, immigration, proportional representation, and other pressing social, economic, and political questions. The purpose of each chapter is clearly to show where the Socialist parties stand, and to show, if need be, what controversies there may be within the party on questions of principle or expediency. It is in this second part of the book that there appears a chapter on “municipal Socialism” which will be of exceedingly great interest to readers of the Review.
By “municipal Socialism,” according to the International Socialist Congress of Paris, 1900, “is not to be understood a special kind of Socialism, but only the application of the general principles of Socialism to a special domain of political activity. The reforms which fall under it are not and cannot be presented as realizing a collectivist society. They are presented, however, as means that the Socialists can and should utilize for preparing and facilitating the coming of that society. The municipality may become an excellent laboratory of decentralized economic life, and at the same time a formidable political fortress for the use of Socialist majorities against the bourgeois majority of the central government as soon as a considerable degree of autonomy is realized” (pp. 532-533).
Municipal Socialism means, then, something more than municipal ownership. For example the French Socialist party’s municipal program of 1912 includes, among other “demands,” the following: proportional representation, the referendum as applied to city affairs, the right of municipalities to form unions and federations, revision of the laws of eminent do-
main in order to facilitate measures necessary to the hygiene and sanitation of cities, formal recognition of the right of city laborers to unionize, the eight-hour day for municipal employes, abolition of the octroi, at least on foodstuffs, municipal insurance against fire, and a score more equally interesting. “Communal autonomy” or home rule is the first plank in the Italian Socialist party’s municipal program (pp. 536-538, 544).
In Italy the year 1914 was marked by a heated controversy within the party over the question whether local Socialist parties should be permitted to fuse with other parties for purposes of temporary political success. A strong minority insisted upon this right, and seceded from the party rather than yield. In the following summer elections the Socialists united with other radical elements in Naples and Ancona with consequent success in the elections, whereas in Rome, where the Socialist party refused to soil itself by fusion with the bourgeois Democratic bloc, the Clerical-Conservative candidates carried the day, while the straight Socialist vote was unusually small. The only possible explanation was that many Socialists had voted secretly for the Democratic group of candidates. Had all the Socialists done so, some Democratic candidates would probably have been elected (pp. 539-547).
These are but specimens of the material in this chapter. Here are to be found also the American Socialist party’s 1912 report on commission government, with discussion (pp. 549-557), a tentative draft of a model city charter (pp. 557-559), and a suggested municipal program for the United States (pp. 559-562). Then follow the New York and Milwaukee Socialist parties’ municipal programs, and a statement of the results of Socialist administrations in Berkeley, Butte, Schenectady, and Milwaukee (pp. 562-580). The chapter closes with a statement by Mr. Sidney Webb on municipal taxation (pp. 580-581).
How the Socialist party profits by the non-partisan ballot is interestingly attested by two Socialists in the discussion of


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the report on commission government. In the words of Delegate Wilson of California, “in every city in the state of California where we were conducting a campaign with the non-partisan ballot, the short ballot and the non-partisan ballot . . . [we found] that the only political
organization that could hold its strength through the campaign, both primary and final, was the Socialist organization” (p. 556). Delegate Le Suer gave exactly the same testimony for his home town in North Dakota. The convention of 1912 finally voted to leave to the state Socialist parties the difficult question of indorsing or condemning the commission form of government.
These are some of the things to be found in a volume which in its title betrays no interest whatever in municipal government.
William Anderson. University of Minnesota.
*
Outdoor Theatres: The design, construction and use of open-air auditoriums. By Frank A. Waugh. Illustrated. Boston: Richard G. Baxter. Pp. 151. $2.50.
This is the first orderly presentation in book form concerning architectural arrangements for outdoor auditoriums, though there have been many magazine articles, usually discussing some one example of open-air theatres. In the introduction to this pleasing volume, Percy Mackaye writes: “In direct relation to the redeeming of country and industrial districts through constructive leisure is the founding of outdoor theatres for the people.” In this paragraph Mr. Mackaye gives us a name for that recreational use of time now coming to be known as essential to the well-rounded productive existence of every worth-while man or woman. “ Constructive leisure " is right, as a phrase and as an ideal, if we Americans are to become and remain reasonably efficient.
Some of us have had dreams of a time when there would exist in connection with capitols and city halls, and in juxtaposition to other ceremonial locations, defi-
nitely arranged outdoor auditoriums which would not only serve a most excellent purpose in affording opportunities for the presentation of other dramas in the open air than those concerned with baseball and football, but would be used on great occasions instead of the abominable wooden “grand-stands.” These are invariably ugly, invariably of wasteful expense, not seldom dangerous to life and limb, and almost always the reason for that wrongful use of our national flag which occurs when it hides raw hemlock or spruce construction.
Professor Waugh tells why the outdoor theatre is worth while, how it may best be used, what are its physical essentials, and where existing examples in the United States may be seen. The illustrations in this important volume include diagrams and details, and really illustrate. As we come to realize better the net civic value of making possible “constructive leisure,” and the dignity of doing away with footy grand-stands for inaugurations and similar ceremonials, this pioneer work will be highly valued.
As always, Professor Waugh writes entertainingly and unconventionally. The volume is good to look at, and good to read.
J. Horace McFarland. Harrisburg, Pa.
*
The Natural Style in Landscape Gardening. By Frank A. Waugh. Illustrated. Boston: Richard G. Baxter. Pp. 151. $2.50.
The same author who has presented the present status of the outdoor theatre is responsible for what is actually a companion volume in format and time of publication, though there is no interdependence of the two books. Landscape gardening, or architecture; or engineering —and no one of the three nouns is accurately descriptive when associated with its qualifying adjective—is Professor Waugh’s vocation, and the natural form of it is his hobby. He writes entertainingly of it, as indeed he always writes, and in addition, sets forth a logical series of reasons for


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catholicity in landscape practice. This same catholicity may eventually become “an American style, ” the establishment of which, in the sense that there is a definite Italian style and a definite Japanese style, Professor Waugh deems doubtful.
The National Municipal Review is not the place for an extended discussion of the volume in question. It is a proper place to indicate the real value of Professor Waugh’s book to those who have to do not only with home grounds and private estates, but who are concerned in the proper and serviceable development of landscape in municipal and state parks. It is safe to say that the candid man who has read this volume will not contentedly submit to any extension of “carpet” bedding, of abnormal displays of stone dogs and wriggling carved vines in marble, in public parks, such as we occasionally see. Nor would any thoughtful reader of Professor Waugh feel satisfied that it is proper to spend money for the rearing in greenhouses maintained with the money of the public, of chrysanthemums wonderfully tied out so as to resemble nothing ever conceived by a sane imagination, of vines twisted into the shapes of stars and balls and anchors—all of which were to be seen during the autumn of 1917 in one of the parks of Buffalo.
Professor Waugh’s treatise is sound, wholesome, constructive; it is good sense in the shape of good reading. It will be of value in any civic library, private or public.
J. H. McF.
*
New York as an Eighteenth Century Municipality. Part I. Prior to 1731. By Arthur Everett Peterson, Ph.D. Part II. 1731-1776. By George William Edwards, Ph.D. New York: Longmans, Green and Company. $5.
This admirable volume establishes a precedent which it is devoutly to be hoped will be followed in the older cities of the country. It is a careful, first-hand documentary study, not of the general history of the city which has been well covered in
other books, but of its governmental life. So far as we recall there has been no exactly similar work undertaken, at least on so extensive a scale. The Johns Hopkins studies in historical and political science contained several volumes, notably the one on Philadelphia by Messrs. Allinson and Penrose, which in their way were important and significant contributions, but they do not approach in extent, thoroughness and detail the present work which is one of the “Studies in History, Economics and Public Law” edited by the faculty of political science, Columbia University.
Of the many interesting chapters that on "Regulation of Land and Streets” has a special interest in these days of congestion and zoning. The so-called “Duke’s plan” shows the congested area of 1664, when the English took possession as the municipality passed its tenth birthday. From this we see that congestion is not exactly new, nor are city plans. There was no such thing as excess condemnation in those days, but there were city lands, the sale of which began as far back as 1686, for this volume goes back to the seventeenth century on the theory that the conditions then were essentially those of the eighteenth century. These city lands were sold on various conditions, appropriate to the time. The street cleaning problem then as now was a pressing one.
An excellent perspective is maintained throughout both parts, both of which abound in documentary evidence and sanely and conservatively expressed views and conclusions. The treatment is topical, including such subjects as the city’s relation and control over trade, industry, docks, ferries, police, streets and finances, together with illuminating references to the early economic and political life of the city. The chapters dealing with the political aspects have their value enhanced by comparative references to other Colonial cities, especially Philadelphia, and by a discussion of the influences of religious organizations on the politics and development of the city.


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The Children’s Library: A Dynamic
Factor in Education. By Sophy H.
Powell. With an introduction by John
Cotton Dana. New York: The H. W.
Wilson Company. Pp. 460. $1.75.
This work is of marked value to librarians, teachers and parents—in short, to all who are interested in children. “It is presented in the hope,” to quote from the author’s preface, “that it will help li-barians understand better the modern educational attitude toward children in relation to books, and teachers to appreciate the value of the work which could be done by the public library for the school.”
It is a mine of information, well digested, comprehensive, clearly presented, and for years it may well be the starting point for new developments in library work for children. Much library work for children is hysterical, foolish, or faddy, and proceeds from a desire to do something,—a very laudable desire—without any real knowledge of child psychology or the social significance of education and the place of the book in it.
Mrs. Powell discusses the subject in eleven chapters, as follows: The place of books in education, Early libraries for children, The elementary-school library, The high-school library, The library resources of country children, Public library relations with public schools, The public library an integral part of public education, The children’s room, The children’s librarian and her training, Aids to library work with children, Book selection, Some social aspects of library work with children.
Not the least valuable part of this work is the classified bibliography of 116 pages.
Samuel H. Ranch.
Grand Rapids, Mich.
♦
Municipal Ownership. By Carl D
Thompson. New York: B. W. Huebsch.
1917. 12 mo. Pp. xi-114.
Mr. Thompson is the secretary of the newly organized National Public Ownership League, which held its first public conference in Chicago in November, 1917. His little book is written in a popular
style and is intended for propagandist use. He does not confine his attention entirely to franchise utilities, but gives considerable space to public ownership of all sorts of things, such as parks, slaughter houses, land and even schools. The book is very optimistic and uses figures freely. Evidently, Mr. Thompson believes that figures, like the Sabbath, were made for men’s use and enjoyment. It would doubtless be easy for a protagonist of private ownership to pick flaws in some of the statements made and the statistics given, but he would have hard work to overcome the sound arguments presented on behalf of municipal ownership. While claiming large financial benefits to the public on behalf of this policy, Mr. Thompson does not overlook the fact that much broader considerations than mere cheapness of service lie at the basis of municipal ownership philosophy. The diffusion as compared with the concentration of wealth, the improvement of labor conditions, the elimination of one of the most powerful motives leading to municipal inefficiency, and other fundamental things are recognized. That public functions should be performed through responsible public agencies, instead of being exploited for private profit, is a truth that is not even yet widely enough appreciated.
Delos F. Wilcox.
New York City.
*
Imperial Year Book for the Dominion of Canada, 1917-1918. Edited by A. Southall, assisted by C. H. Moody. Ottawa: The Mortimer Company, Ltd. $3.
This year book is described as “essentially a textbook for the Canadian citizen.” Replete with statistical and descriptive information concerning various phases of dominion and provincial life in Canada, it is the third of the series. The information concerning the larger cities is full and interesting, but cities as a class are not as adequately treated as it is to be hoped they will be in future volumes. There are several interesting tables dealing with


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municipal finance, bond sales and assessments. It is interesting to note that these data are included under the head of provinces, which have a large measure of administrative supervision and control over cities. Naturally there is a very considerable amount of information concerning Canada’s participation in the war. *
The History op Tammany Hall. By Gustavus Myers. New York: Boni & Liveright, Inc. 105 W. 40th St. $2.50.
Myers’ history of this famous, not to say notorious, New York political organ-
II. BOOKS
Directory op Social Work for Baltimore and Maryland, together with List of Churches in Baltimore and Vicinity. Prepared under the Supervision of the Baltimore Federated Charities. Fourth Edition. Baltimore, Md, 1917.
The Direct Primary in New Jersey. By Ralph Simpson Botts, Ph.D. New York. 1917. Pp. 349.
Drink and The War. From the Patriotic Point of View. By Marr Murray. London: Chapman and Hall, Ltd. Pp. 156. Is. net.
The Essentials of American Constitutional Law. By Francis Newton Thorpe, Ph.D., LL.D. New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons. Pp. 279. $1.75.
The Food Problem. By Vernon Kellogg and Alonzo E. Taylor. With a preface by Herbert Hoover. New York: The Macmillan Company. Pp. 213. 11.25.
The Foundations of National Prosperity. Studies in the Conservation of Permanent National Resources. By Richard T. Ely, Ralph H. Hess, Charles
K. Leith, Thomas Nixon Carver. New York: The Macmillan Company. Pp. 378. $2.
A History of the Australian Ballot System in the United States. By Eldon Cobb Evans. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Pp. 102.
An Historical Introduction to Social Economy. By F. Stuart Chapin, Ph.D., Associate Professor of Sociology and Economics in Smith College. New
ization, first published in 1901 has become almost a classic. For years the original edition has been out of print. A new firm of publishers has done a courageous and public-spirited service in bringing out this greatly needed new and revised edition. The author has in this, as in his other books (notably his three-volume “History of Great American Fortunes”) done a careful piece of research work and written a telling story of this remarkable body. Its very restraint is one among its many elements of strength and authoritativeness.
RECEIVED
York: The Century Company. Pp. 316. Illustrated. $2.
A Municipal Experiment, or The Hall of Records Power Plant. By Reginald Pelham Bolton. New York: The Bureau of Public Service Economics, Inc., 55 Liberty Street. Pp. 236.
Postal Savings. An Historical and Critical Study of the Postal Savings Bank System of the United States. By Edwin Walter Kemmerer. Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press. Pp. 176. *1.25.
Proceedings of the Eighth Annual Convention of the International Association of Rotary Clubs, Atlanta, Ga., June 17-21, 1917. International Association of Rotary Clubs, 910 Michigan Avenue, Chicago, 111. $1.50.
State Government in Pennsylvania: A Manual of Practical Citizenship. Philadelphia: The Harper Press. Pp. 272.
State Sanitation. A Review of the Work of the Massachusetts State Board of Health. By George Chandler Whipple. Vol.II. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Pp. 452. $2.50. Self-Surveys by Colleges and Universities. By William H. Allen. Yonkers-on-Hudson: World Book Company. Educational Survey Series. Pp, 394. Illustrated. $3.
Universal Training for Citizenship and Public Service. By William H. Allen, Director, Institute for Public Service. New York: The Macmillan Company. Pp. 281. $1.50.


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III. REVIEWS OF REPORTS
County Government in Texas.1—To the scanty literature on county government reform, this is a welcome and important contribution. Seventy-five pages are given to a detailed description of the uniform governmental structure which Texas law gives to the counties of that state. The various county officers are described, their powers and duties and their relations to the smaller divisions of government and to the state. A chart of the Texas county exhibits the great and unnecessary complexity of the county organization in contrast with a county-manager plan.
The remaining pages are given to criticism. Here the author has necessarily ignored constitutional restrictions and popular prejudices in his bold projects for reconstruction.
Among the faults of the present system, Dr. James lists rigidity and constitutional interference, misfit uniformity, lack of home rule and lack of power. He suggests removal of the county attorney, judge, county clerk, sheriff, constables and justices of the peace to the control of the state which makes the laws which they are supposed to enforce. For tax officers who collect both state and local taxes, he proposes local appointment and state supervision accompanied by state financial aid. Likewise with health, education and roads.
A commission-manager plan of the usual municipal pattern is proposed with five eounty commissioners who appoint a manager who in turn appoints and supervises the rest, thus taking numerous officers out of politics and achieving a short ballot. The fee system is condemned. County police are proposed. For subordinate areas abolition is suggested in favor of the local assessment principle, while for major cities the proposal is to let them be counties and assume all county functions.
Except for the debatable proposal as to an extension of the principle of state aid, there is nothing very new or striking in the
^University of Texas Bulletin no. 1732, by Herman G. James, J.D., Ph.D. 118 pp. pamphlet.
list of proposed changes, but by the bringing together of all the reforms that are now accepted as orthodox among the handful of students of county government, the author draws an interesting picture of the goal that lies ahead. Far ahead! For the concluding pages are devoted to the constitutional provisions of Texas touching counties and it seems plain that it would require a political earthquake and a constitutional convention to untangle the existing scheme.
Presumably the University could not go muck-raking very vigorously among the Texas counties to collect the kind of evidence that is needed to lift the pamphlet from the academic and legal class and make its proposals a live issue in the state. The chief lack of the volume is the establishment of a popular grievance against the old-fashioned county plan and against the corrupt and petty political rings which it so often shelters. The complaint of this pamphlet that counties are not up to modern standards of simple organization is not in itself enough to prove the urgency of a change. The difficulty of securing satisfactory evidence is largely due to the pall of silence that overlies county government everywhere by reason of the weakness and political control of our rural press. Civic workers realize vaguely that there is a county problem but “revelations” in the newspaper sense are needed to awaken the public.
Meanwhile let’s have more good pioneer work like this to build up an orthodoxy of county government reform! So far, happily, everybody in the field agrees. There are hardly enough of us yet to make a quarrel!
*
The City-Manager Plan for Chicago.1—
This sixty-page pamphlet contains the draft of a bill providing for the reorganization of the municipal government of Chicago, along the lines suggested in the model charter of the National Municipal
i The Chicago bureau of public efficiency, October, 1917.


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League. It is explained in the introduction that this draft act submitted by the Chicago bureau of public efficiency is merely the first step in a larger program, which includes “the unification into one municipal entity of all the local governing agencies within metropolitan Chicago, under a plan of simple, centralized, responsible government.” The bureau agrees with those who contend that the present is no time for “mere experiments in social and governmental reconstruction,” but contends that the form suggested in the draft bill is so elementary in its machinery, and has proved so workable in different parts of the world, that its adoption cannot be considered experimental.
The draft bill is divided into seven parts. The first contains the amending sections; the second discusses the methods of election, qualifications, tenure of office, duties, etc., of the municipal officers; the third is devoted to the city council; the fourth outlines the election system; the fifth concerns itself with the recall and Temoval of aldermen; the sixth provides for the redistricting of the city; and the seventh lays down the procedure for the adoption of the act.
The main points are:
1. Reduction of number of aldermen from 70 to 35; one from each ward; term of office 4 years; salary $4,000; and subject to recall.
2. The mayor (who is the city manager) elected by council for indeterminate tenure; subject to removal by council; names heads of departments except comptroller and clerk; and he must be “a ■citizen of the United States.”
3. Veto power of mayor used only to ■call attention of council to “faulty ordinances”; vote necessary for passage over veto same as that necessary for original passage.
4. Non-partisan election; nomination by petition; candidates’ names rotated by series on ballots; and supplementary elections similar to French method.
5. Recall of aldermen on petition of 25 per cent of those voting at last election; cannot take place until alderman has
been in office one year; also one year after returned by recall election; alderman returned at recall election receives $500 from city treasury.
6. City to have 35 wards; and to redistrict in 1931 and decennially thereafter.
7. Act to be submitted to popular vote.
It is worth noting that the word “city
manager” does not appear in the act. The “mayor" has all the essential powers of the manager under the commission-manager plan.
H. G. Hodges.1
♦
The Survey of the Minneapolis Teachers’ Retirement Fund.—The Minneapolis teachers’ retirement fund association, an organization of the 1,600 public school teachers of Minneapolis, is the outgrowth of a voluntary association in 1909 of about 600 Minneapolis teachers in a society in which, three years later, membership was made legally compulsory for all teachers. Upon completing twenty years of service and payment of $400 into the association’s retirement fund, a member becomes eligible to retire on an annual pension of $333.33. Those remaining longer in service pay $25 a year during the next ten years and on retirement receive an additional $16.67 allowance for each year of such payment. The maximum pension is $500 a year, payable on retirement after completion of 30 or more years of service and payment of a total sum of $650. The city contributes to the fund annually the proceeds of a one tenth mill property tax, which about equals the teachers’ current contributions.
The liberal allowance made after relatively short service has induced most teachers to retire between the ages of 40 and 55 when, the survey states, 90 per cent of them are able to continue teaching. As the organizers failed to provide, either by increased contributions or decreased allowances, for the greater number of years which young pensioners as a class are bound to survive, the annual pension disbursements have, in seven years, overtaken the total annual income of $63,000
1 Secretary, Cleveland city club.


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and now threaten to dissipate the $350,000 accumulated by the combined contributions of city and teachers during the fund’s infancy, when pensioners were few. This condition is the inevitable result of the failure, common to nearly all the numerous teachers’ pension systems in this country, to ascertain the cost of providing the benefits desired before deciding on the amount to be charged for them—the same fallacy which has brought so many fraternal insurance organizations to grief.
It now appears from the survey that the liabilities to teachers now eligible for pension and to teachers already pensioned, rated (presumably because of their urgency) as “major liabilities” at $2,795,000 are “so much in excess of all possible assets that there is little necessity for making additional, unnecessary and difficult calculations” of the probably greater liability of the fund on account of prospective pensions for the three fourths of the active teaching force who have taught less than twenty years. Teachers who may retire by paying arrearages add a liability of $230,000.
Confronted with the necessity for increasing the fund income or reducing both present pensions and prospective allowances of present teachers, the survey recommends:
That annual dues of all teachers be increased to $50, payable throughout service;
That the city be aaked to match these contributions;
That the $100 a year, with interest, be credited to an individual account for each teacher;
That full refunds, with interest, be allowed both teacher and city when a teacher leaves the service without pension;
That 55 be the minimum retiring age except for disability and 15 years the minimum period of service required for disability retirement; and
That the annuity allowed be that purchasable on an actuarially-sound basis by the accumulated contributions of $100 a year and interest thereon to the age of actual retirement.
Upon retirement at age 55, a woman teacher would receive, it is stated, as the result of thirty years’ contributions of $100, an annuity of $409.61. Upon retiring at age 60, after forty years of contributions at the same rate, an annuity of $795.58 would be paid.
For the sense of security alone which participants in the proposed scheme would have, if no other reason existed, the change from the old plan to that proposed would be well worth while. But there are other inducements. The natural objection to being compelled to save an appreciable sum is overcome by the generous 100 per cent subsidy proposed as the city’s share. Service is reasonably prolonged, the cost of service retirement thereby reduced, disability provided for (to be sure in a very limited way), contributions increased to meet fully the reduced cost, instead of ignoring cost entirely as in the past, the possibility of the recurrence of a deficit is eliminated and, so far as the younger teachers are concerned, an avenue of exit from the service is provided which will make it unnecessary, from humanitarian motives, to retain them in the school system when old age shall materially diminish their usefulness, as would be the case were there no retirement system.
No suggestion is offered for reserving out of the fund to the credit of the individual accounts of the teachers now in active service $272,829.68 already contributed by them, nor for making up, in any way, the additional amounts which should have been contributed by, or on behalf of, teachers long in the service in order to assure them a retirement allowance equal to that which will be produced for those just entering the school system. The desirability of proportioning retiring allowances to the salaries to which the teachers have become accustomed is not admitted, it appears, by the teachers, even as concerns those just entering. Nor is any way provided for carrying the existing pension roll of $61,-000.
The scheme proposed is a pure savings scheme, to be subsidized by the city dollar for dollar so far as it applies to those who actually retire. It so far reverses the past policy with respect to the fund as to propose the substitution of more than sufficient contributions by the city for current insufficient contributions; i.e., contributions are to be made currently not


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only on behalf of teachers who will probably remain long enough to earn retirement but on behalf, also, of that large percentage which will assuredly leave the service before becoming eligible for retirement. While these unnecessary contributions will eventually revert to the city, the fact that they are unnecessary, and that correct rates of contribution by the city in any year may be actuarially ascertained with the nicety ordinarily demanded in computation of other municipal sinking fund instalments, makes this feature of the proposed plan worthy of reconsideration and modification.
The survey, notwithstanding indicated defects in detail, presents a mass of useful data collection of which has required much thoughtful and painstaking effort. It will doubtless, like the survey of the old New York city teachers’ fund, result in arousing intelligent discussion among teachers which, while involving modification of the proposed plan, will develop necessary realization by the teachers of the fact that because of inroads made by present beneficiaries on moneys not contributed by them, the time is imminent when the fund, as at present constituted, will be unable to pay either standard benefits or those lesser benefits which could have been produced by the current rate of contribution to a system operated on a sound reserve basis.
Ralph L. Van Name.1 ♦
Municipal Ownership of Public Utilities.—Three interesting pamphlets upon various phases of municipal ownership have recently appeared.2
Mr. Wilcox’s short article is merely suggestive. He points out five barriers to municipal ownership of public utilities: first, constitutional restrictions and il-
1 Pension examiner, New York city commission on pensions.
* Public Utility Advice from the Public Point of View, by Delos F. Wilcox, a reprint from The American City; Liquor and Public Utilities in Indiana Politics, by' Theodore F. Thieme, Citizens' League of Indiana, Fort Wayne; Municipal Ownership in the United States, by Evans Clark, Intercollegiate Socialist Society, 70, Fifth Avenue, New York.
liberal charters; second, long term franchises, and numerous franchises for the same kind of utility which have been granted under different conditions and which expire at different times, so that a city is not in a position to deal with one of the utilities comprehensively; third, the legal and economic difficulty of financing extensive utilities; fourth, the low salaries paid to technically trained engineers, accountants, and lawyers as compared with salaries paid by a private corporation; and fifth, the lack of a franchise survey to form the basis for a constructive public utility program as a part of the city plan. Mr. Wilcox does not discuss the methods of overcoming the difficulties, except that he suggests a solution of the financial problem by requiring privately-owned utilities to be paid for within a reasonable period of years, and then to become municipal property free from debt.
Mr. Thieme explains that “every attempt to bring about reforms in governmental conditions in city, county, or state, bumps hard against two powerful obstacles”-—privately-owned public utilities and liquor. These are the invisible forces which protect the outworn constitution and enact stifling laws. A new constitution with home rule for cities is fought by this invisible government because the city electors are finding it to their advantage to overthrow both if given an opportunity. “Saloon-keepers entered politics to protect themselves from regulation and control. When public utilities took over our political parties, they also annexed the saloon, and while the saloon furnished the votes for public utilities, they in turn furnished campaign money and protection to the saloon, at the same time dividing the control of public office with the brewers and the bosses.” Now the public utilities have decided to use the courts. For instance, in 1913 the legislature of Indiana passed twenty-two amendments to the constitution of which one provided that no law for the recall of the judiciary shall ever be passed, and another created a court of twelve members divided into classes of


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three judges, which provision would have given two judges the power to declare whether a law is unconstitutional. As the due process of law clause of the fourteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States practically permits a court to declare unconstitutional any law of which it disapproves, as being unreasonable, the two judges would have had enormous power to protect vested interests. At its next session the legislature was dissuaded from submitting the amendments. As to the saloons, Mr. Thieme says that in one saloon there were found fifteen different printed circulars opposing a constitutional convention.
Mr. Clark shows by means of copious statistics the extent to which municipal ownership has advanced in this country, but that private corporations have retained the cream of the business, except where the public health is concerned. For instance, 30 per cent of all electric light plants were city owned in 1912, but the output of municipal plants per kilowatt hour was only 10,436,276 while that of privately owned plants was 537,-526,730. That is, although the number of municipal plants was 30 per cent of the total, their output was only 5 per cent of the total output for the year, because small cities have been compelled to install their plants whereas large cities have not been permitted to do so. The gas, telephone, and street railway systems are very profitable, and these are almost entirely in private hands. But 150 of the 195 cities with populations exceeding 30,000 own their water works, because they do not care to entrust their health to private corporations.
Mr. Clark’s tentative hypothesis is: “We, the people of this country, are accustomed to allow a small group of investors to reap huge personal profits from bartering our indispensable public necessities. It is only when our bodily security is threatened that we call a halt. And to this hypothesis there is a significant corollary: when the public need carries with it no large promise of profit, private capital steers clear and public ownership is Hobson’s choice.”
Although the author is treating the subject of municipal ownership from a socialistic point of view, he is fair throughout, and his arguments are very persuasive.
Frank Abbott Magruder.
*
“Pay as You Go” Policy Urged for California Schools.—The September, 1917, issue of the California Taxpayers’ Journal (304 American Bank Bldg., Los Angeles, Cal.) is devoted mainly to a discussion of school bonds in California, for the purpose of calling attention to mounting school expenditures and of checking reckless bond issues for school buildings which become obsolete long before the bonds are paid. In the opinion of the California taxpayers association a “pay as you go” policy should be imposed by law upon all local authorities in respect to school buildings. “It should be borne in mind,” the association says, “that a school building is a non-productive investment financially, and that its value rapidly decreases from year to year. The same number of buildings has to be built whether the money is raised by bonds or by taxation only they cost more than twice as much when paid for by forty-year bonds. . . . When a bond issue is deemed absolutely necessary, it should be a short term serial issue. Such an issue is not only the cheapest, but it sells more advantageously, and is apt to be paid off during the usefulness of the improvement; also, during the life of the generation responsible for it. Ten years is long enough for most bonds, and only in extreme cases are districts warranted in borrowing for as long as twenty years.”
The argument for increased tax levies versus bonding is presented concretely by comparing the experience of Portland, Oregon, and Oakland, California. The former, although doubling its population every decade since 1860, and requiring on an average 60 new class rooms every year for elementary schools alone, has paid for its school buildings by current taxation. Oakland, on the other hand, in common with other California cities, has built its schools by issuing forty-year


78
NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW
[January
bonds and is now finding it increasingly difficult to bear the growing interest charges and finance the new school accommodations required.
The facts here set forth in regard to the school bond question in California could doubtless be duplicated in many rapidly growing cities and should raise the question as to the wisdom of borrowing money to pay for regularly recurring expenditures for non-revenue-producing improvements.
*
New Sources of Revenue for Minnesota Municipalities.—The October number of Minnesota Municipalities contains a very interesting report made to the league of Minnesota municipalities by the committee on taxation and assessments (p. 156-159). The report points out the need of securing new sources of revenue and discusses in some detail, and with a considerable degree of favorable comment, the topics of special assessments, excess condemnation and special land taxes. It makes no definite recommendations aside from suggesting that these systems be given consideration with the object of ascertaining whether they measure up to the requirements of our American municipal conditions. The subject of taxation, the committee thinks, should be fully discussed at the next meeting of the league and it is particularly urged that all of the important recommendations of the state tax commission be presented to the league for its consideration and action. The establishment of such a practice would go far in the direction of developing the type of co-operation between the state government and the municipalities which has been so highly developed in some of the Canadian provinces.
*
Financial Federations.—Several years ago the Cleveland chamber of commerce instituted a movement whereby the charities of that city were brought together into a federation for the purpose of raising by combined effort sufficient funds for their maintenance. This precedent has been followed and there are now fourteen such federations, five have been aban-
doned, and one is at present inactive. They vary in size from that in Cleveland with a budget of over half a million dollars, to that in Oshkosh, Wis., and Richmond, Ind., where the budgets are $10,000. In the majority of these cities the plan has only been in operation for two or three years, and on account of the shortness of this period there has been a great difference of opinion as to their success, financial, educational and social. A committee of the American Association for Organizing Charity (130 East 22d Street, New York) composed of W. Frank Persons, of the New York charity organization, William H. Baldwin, of the Washington associated charities, Frank R. Johnson, of the Boston associated charities, and Eugene T. Lies, the general superintendent of the Chicago united charities, was appointed to study all the available data for each city in which a financial federation has been tried. They have published their report in a document consisting of 285 pages, and have reached the conclusion that it is unwise for any other city to undertake this experiment until there is more evidence accumulated to show the unquestioned success of the plan. The report is published by the association.
C. R. W.
*
Standardization of Salaries and Grades for the City of Akron, Ohio.—One by one
the more progressive cities throughout the country are falling in line with the standardization movement. The latest report comes from Akron, Ohio, where the local bureau of municipal research, a citizens’ agency, has been conducting a study for about three and one-half months and on November twelfth- transmitted to the common council a detailed plan for standardizing salaries and grades in the city service.
The recommendations of the bureau of municipal research, in the main, follow along the lines of the standardization that has been worked out for New York city by the bureau of personal service. A slight departure from the New York model worth noting is the omission in the Akron plan of elaborate definitions of


1918]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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service classes and groups, the specifications being confined entirely to individual positions. The enforcement of the standardization measure, if adopted, will be entrusted to the civil service commission.
The appendix to the report contains a table in which the existing and proposed salary rates for positions in Akron are compared with the lowest, highest and average salary rates for similar positions in fourteen other American cities.
William C. Beyer.
*
St. Charles Boys.1—This inquiry was made to test the methods at St. Charles according to the percentage of the boys who “made good” and to discover, if possible, ways and means by which training given in the institution might be more effectively conservative. St. Charles is the state reform school for delinquent boys, situated about thirty miles west of Chicago. It receives boys from all over the state, but naturally, a large percentage of them come from Chicago.
The study, which is summarized in nineteen printed pages, deals with a few
1 A survey made by the bureau of social service, department of public welfare, city of Chicago, by E. E. Eubank, Ph.D. IV.
specific points which are very wisely directed mainly towards the problem* of whether or not the training of St. Charles is followed by good behavior. There is no doubt that in a large share of cases this does not obtain. There is no attempt in this study to criticise the work at St. Charles itself, but it offers evidence that one great weakness in the situation is the lack of an adequate staff of qualified visitors for the work which is only begun at St. Charles. Definite recommendations are made for the work of visitors to the homes of boys released and for the adequate supervision and help of the boys.
The tremendous weakness of the situation in Illinois is shown up candidly.
William Healt.
*
A New List of Commercial Organizations has been published by the bureau of foreign and domestic commerce of the Department of Commerce. It is a revision of the 1915 list. It is interesting to note that it contains not only all the-local commercial organizations but indicates which of them are engaged in civic work. National organizations like the National Municipal League and the American Civic Association are noted.
IV. BIBLIOGBAPHY1
Accounting
Bourse (R. W.). Property accounting in the City of New York. (Jour, of Accountancy, Nov., 1917: 342-354.)
A paper read at the annual meeting of the National Assn, of Comptrollers and Accounting Officers, Chicago, 1917.
New York Citt. Department of Finance. Standard property forms. [For use in the system of property accounting of the City of New York.] (Bur. of Mun. Investigation and Statistics.) 1917. 18 forms.
Scribner (D. C.). Accounting in
municipalities. (Pacific Municipalities, Oct., 1917 : 509-515.)
Baths
See also Recreation.
Anon. Swimming bath experiments. Manchester’s experience of water aeration and filtration. (Mun. Jour., Sept. 7,1917: 863.)
'Edited by Miss Alice M. Holden, Wellesley College.
Bibliography
See also Commission Government, Ports and-Terminal Facilities.
Public Affairs Information Service, Bulletin. Third annual cumulation, Oct., 1916-Oct., 1917, edited by Lillian Henley. 1917. 490 pp.
“The special mission of the Public Affairs Information Service is to list the more elusive material in print . . . including special reports, investigations, brochures, etc. ... All entries do not represent printed material. Notes, announcements, and digests show the trend of public thought and action. . . . “—Preface,
Billboards
Simons (S. C.). A billboard ordinance of unusual significance. (Am. City, Nov., 1917 : 403-406. illus.)
Williams (J. T.). The metamorphosis of the poster board. (N. J. Municipalities, Oct., Nov., 1917: 12, 15, 23; 8-9, 28. illus.)
Reprinted from Pacific Municipalities. Mar., 1917: 99-102.
Woodruff (C. R..). Billboard regulation. (N. J. Municipalities, Nov., 1917: 7, 24-27.)


80 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January
Charities
Lindsay (S. McC.). Financing charities in war time. 1917. 4 pp. (No. 105, Reprints of Repts. and Addresses of the Natl. Conf. for Soc. Work, 1917.)
Public Welfare Committee. Humanizing the greater city’s charity. The work of the Department of Public Charities of the City of New York. 1917. 144 pp. illus.
'‘Much of the data for this book has been borrowed from various publications of the Department of Public Charities, particularly from its annual report for 1916.”—Foreword.
Partial contents: New York City as pioneer philanthropist; Adjusting the maladjusted; The care of the sick; The care of the homeless; The care of the feebleminded and epileptic; The care and burial of the dead; Toward the ounce of prevention; The purchase and distribution of supplies; New structures and projects; For tomorrow—excerpts from the program of the Department of Public Charities.
Child Welfare
See also Public Health.
New York State Boards of Child Welfare. Proceedings of the first state conference held in Utica, New York, Jan. 31, 1917. 1917. 61 pp.
Published by Melvin Gilbert Dodge, Utica, N. Y. Price $1.00.
Robertson (John). The child welfare campaign and the position of the Medical Officer of Health. (Pub. Health [London], Oct., 1917: 2-5.)
United States. Children’s Bureau. Rules and regulations made by the Board, consisting of the Attorney General, the Secretary of Commerce, and the Secretary of Labor, for carrying out the provisions of An Act to prevent interstate commerce in the products of child labor, and for other purposes, approved Sept. 1, 1916. Issued Aug. 14, 1917. 10 pp. (Child Labor Div. Circular no. 1.)
----. Summary of child-welfare laws
passed in 1916. 1917. 74 pp. (Miscellaneous ser. no. 7, bur. pub. no. 21.)
City Manager Plan
See also Elections.
Auburn, Me. Charter. An act to grant a new charter to the city of Auburn, March 23, 1917. 1917. 29 pp. (78. Legislature. Sen. no. 391.)
â–  This city manager charter was adopted by the voters on Sept. 10, 1917.
Boulder, Colo. Charter of the City of Boulder. Official copy as found and proposed by the Charter Convention elected July 24, 1917. 1917. 37 pp.
Adopted Oct. 30, 1917.
Chicago Bureau of Public Efficiency. The city manager plan for Chicago. Draft of a bill for the reorganization of the municipal government, with explanatory statement, prepared and presented for public discussion. Oct., 1917.
60 pp.
City Managers’ Association. Proceedings of the third annual meeting,
held at Springfield, Massachusetts, Nov. 20-23, 1916. [1917.] 98 pp.
Among the topics discussed are the following: “The best method of keeping cost records”; “The best method of getting proper constructive publicity”; and “Is it advisable, in city purchasing, to give publicity to bids received?" A list of cities and towns under city-manager government, corrected to May 1, 1917, is appended.
Norfolk, Va. Proposed charter of the City of Norfolk. Prepared by the Charter Commission. [1917.] 64 pp.
This charter was adopted at the polls on Nov. 20, 1917, by an overwhelming majority. It cannot be effective, however, until it becomes an Act of the Virginia Legislature, which meets in January, 1918. No alteration is expected at the hands of the legislature. Mr. H. B. Galt is secretary of the Charter Commission.
City Planning
See also Zoning.
Lewis (N. P.). City planning: what it means and what it includes. (N. J. Municipalities, Oct., 1917: 10-11, 23.)
Swan (H. S.) and Tuttle (G. W.). Planning sunlight cities. Part II. (Am. City, Oct., 1917: 313-317. diagrs.)
Civic Center
Mills (W. F. R.). Denver’s civic center plan. (Modern City, Nov., 1917: 3-8. illus., plan.)
Civil Service
Boston Society of Civil Engineers. Classification of civil engineers under the civil service rules; report of special committee on civil service. (Jour., Oct., 1917: 325-336.)
McIlhenny (J. A.). The merit system and the higher offices. (Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., Aug., 1917: 461-472.)
Commission Government
See also City Manager Plan.
Hill (C. B.). The commission form of government from the viewpoint of the chief financial officer [with discussion]. (Proceedings, Nat. Assn, of Comptrollers and Accounting Offrs., Je., 1917 : 87-99.)
The author is Commissioner of Finance in the city of Buffalo.
New Jersey. Statutes. [Acts amending “An act relating to, regulating and providing for the government of cities, towns, townships, boroughs, villages and municipalities governed by boards of commissioners or improvement commissions in this State,” approved April 25th, 1911, and amendments; being Chapters 79, 216, 263, 275, Laws of 1917, approved March 20, 29, 31, April 3, 1917.] 11 sheets, typewritten.
These acts comprise the commission-government charter which was recently adopted by Newark.
Stevens (L. T.). New Jersey commission-government law (Walsh Act). 3 ed., rev. and cor. to date, with annotations of court decisions. 1917. 96 pp.
United States. Library of Congress. Division of Bibliography. List of


1918] BIBLIOGRAPHY 81
references on commission government for cities (Supplementary to printed list, 1917). Oct. 8,. 1917. 7 pp., typewritten.
Correction
Rogers (H. W.). A digest of laws establishing reformatories for women in the United States (Jour, of Crim. Law and Criminology, Nov., 1917: 518-553.)
County Government
Sec also Surveys.
County Government Association of New York State. Proceedings of the second state conference for better county government. . . . Dec. 14-15, 1916.
[1917.] Ill pp.
Detroit Bureau of Governmental Research. Report on the procedure of the treasurer’s office of Wayne county. Oct., 1917. 23 pp., typewritten.
Durham, (N. W.). The commission form of government for counties. (Good Roads, Oct. 6, 1917: 182-183.)
Texas. University. County government in Texas, by Herman G. James. 1917. 117 pp. (Bui. no. 1732.)
Municipal research series, no. 15.
Westchester County Research Bureau. County salaries. A communication to the Westchester County Board of Supervisors. [1917.] 20 pp.
Contains a table of comparison of salaries in the counties of Westchester, Monroe, Onondaga and Erie, New York. The Bureau’s office is at 15 Court St., White Plains, N. Y.
Courts
Faijrot (J. A.). The use of the finger print system in the courts [with discussion]. Proceedings, N. Y. State Probation Comn., 1916: 245-264.)
Education
See also Municipal Government, Public Health, Schools, Vocational Guidance.
Rumball (E. A.). New citizens’ handbook. A manual of information for Buffalo immigrants who wish to become American citizens. Published and printed for distribution by the City of Buffalo. 36 pp., map. illus.
Mr, Rumball is General Secretary of the Civic Education Association, Buffalo.
----. Participating Americans. The
story of one year’s work for the Americanization of Buffalo. 1917. 16 pp., chart.
United States. Bureau of Education. The money value of education. By A. Caswell Ellis. (Bui., 1917, no. 22.)
Wile (I. S.). Civics in the schools. (School and Society, Sept. 15,1917: 311-316.)
Elections
Beard (C. A.). Six years’ experience with the direct primary in New Jersey.
8 pp.
Boynton (W. E.). The proportional manager: a successful experiment in mak-
ing one city government safe for democracy. (Independent, Oct. 20,1917.)
Chicago Bureau of Public Efficiency. Primary days and election days as holidays. An instance of governmental absurdity and waste. Nov., 1917. 11 PP-
Recommends: (1) that public offices shall not be closed in the future on account of primary days or election days; and (2) that the legislature shall re-
Seal the statute making primary and election days igal holidays.
Evans (E. C.). A history of the Australian ballot system in the United States. [1917.] 102 pp. illus.
A dissertation submitted for the degree of doctor of philosophy, University of Chicago.
Fitzsimmons (W. E.). Opposed to old state convention. Direct primary law in this State, though defective, is an advance in the direction of true democracy, says one of its defenders. (State Service, Oct., 1917: 13-16.)
Hoag (C. G.). Proportional representation for cities. (N. J. Municipalities, Nov., 1917: 10-13. illus.)
The first of a series of articles on proportional representation.
Electrolysis
National Electric Light Association. Report of Committee on Underground Construction and Electrolysis. 1917. 43 pp. illus. diagrs.
Excess Condemnation
Cushman (R. E.). Excess condemnations. 1917. 323 pp.
Contents: The theory of excess condemnation; Excess condemnation and the problem of remnants of land; Excess condemnation for the protection of public improvements; Excess condemnation for recoupment or profit; Financial gains and risks of excess condemnation; The administration of excess condemnation; The constitutionality of excess condemnation.
Fire Prevention
Anon. The state fire marshals. Description of the work of their respective departments furnished by marshals of nineteen states—powers, aims and achievements. (Mun. Jour., Nov. 8,1917: 447-451.)
Adamson (Robert). The New York Bureau of Fire Prevention. Organization and jurisdiction—Work performed by each of the several divisions—Supervision of . structure of buildings and auxiliary fire appliances—Combustibles and explosives—Electrical inspection—Education and propaganda. (Mun. Jour., Nov. 8, 1917 : 443-447. illus.)
Canada (W. J.). The hazards of domestic electrical appliances. (Quart., Nat. Fire Protection Assn., Oct., 1917: 139-148.)
Guerin (William). Making schools safe from fire. A manual of fire prevention for educational institutions. [1917.] 79 pp. illus.


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MacNolty (A. C.). Futile fire prevention has cost the [New York] city treasury millions of dollars and individual property owners millions more; has driven out or prevented the establishment of hundreds of industrial plants and materially depreciated local realty values—all this without reducing the number of fires, the annual fire loss in lives or property, or the exactions of fire insurance conpanies. (Real Estate Bui., Oct., 1917: 67-72.)
San Francisco. Board of Fire Commissioners. Excerpts from the fire prevention laws and organizations of eastern cities, with recommendations for establishing a San Francisco Bureau of Fire Prevention. 1917.
Mr. Frank T. Kennedy is secretary of the Board.
Fire Protection
Anon. [Statistical tables giving information concerning the equipment of fire departments as to apparatus, the fire alarm system in service, the amount and nature of fire prevention work being done, the fire fighting force and the matter of pensions and benefits provided in about 600 cities.] (Mun. Jour., Nov. 8, 1917: 352-464.)
----. The double platoon in the fire
department. (Tacoma Mun. Bui., Sept. 20, 1917.)
Dauntless Club of the Buffalo Fire Department. Statistics of fire departments, 1917. 35 pp.
Gives salaries of various positions, time off, allowances made for clothing, sickness and injury, and statistics of size for the fire departments of 127 American cities.
National Board of Fire Underwriters. Proceedings of the fifty-first annual meeting, May 24, 1917. 187 pp. tables.
Presents statistical tables of fires in all but the smaller American cities during 1916, showing number of buildings of the various classes of construction and number of fires in each class, number of alarms, insurance and losses, etc. The office of the Board is at 76 William St., New York City.
New York Board of Fire Underwriters. Annual report of the Committee on Fire Patrol, 1916. [1917.] 45 pp. tables.
Steiner (Leo). The physical and â–  medical requirements of a fireman [in Chicago]. (Quart., Nat. Fire Protection Assn., Oct., 1917: 153-154.)
Home Rule
Rnichtel (F. W.). Home rule and what it means. (Modern City, Oct., 1917: 24-26.)
An address delivered before the N. J. State Bar Assn., Atlantic City, Je. 16, 1917.
Municipal Government Association of New York State. Court of Appeals of the State of New York. Stephen R. Cleveland, individually and as Commissioner of the Board of Water Works of the City of Watertown, and others, respondents, vs. the City of Watertown,
[January
and others, appellants. Brief . . .
by W. T. Denison and L. A. Tanzer. [1917.] 124 pp.
For copies, address L. A. Tanzer, Woolworth Building, New York City.
_An appeal from a judgment of the Appellate Division for the Fourth Department, affirming the Supreme Court of Jefferson County “which had adjudged the unconstitutionality of the optional City Government Law (Laws 1914, c. 444), and restrained the City of Watertown from proceeding to organize the form of City Government it had eleeted to adopt thereunder.”
Housing
Cohn (M. C.). New housing laws and other general laws making for improvements in housing conditions [in California]. (Pacific Municipalities, Nov., 1917: 573-577.)
Goodyear Tire and Rubber Company (Akron, O.). Goodyear Heights, second development. Preliminary information and general description of houses with terms of sale. [1917.] [27 pp.] illus.
Michigan. State Board of Health. Housing and good health in Michigan. 1917. 58 pp. (Pub. Health, Aug., 1917.)
The whole issue of this monthly bulletin is given up to the subject above mentioned.
National Housing Association. Indian Hill, an industrial village for the Norton Co., Worcester, Mass., by Charles C. May. 1917. [20 pp.] Ulus. (Pub. no. 40.)
Nolen, John. A good home for every wage-earner. 1917. 12 pp.
An address delivered at the 25th Annual Meeting of the N. Y. League of Local Building and Loan Assns., Boston, Jy. 24-26, 1917. A pamphlet by Mr. Nolen under the same title appeared in April,. 1917, as no. 9, series 11 of the Am. Civic Assn.
----. Supplement to a good home for
every wage-earner. Oct., 1917. 7 pp. (Am. Civic Assn., ser. 11, no. 10.)
A statement prepared for the war Shipping Committee of the Chamber of Commerce of the U. S.
Whitney (A. L.). Housing and welfare work. Rest and recreation rooms and rest periods for employes. (Monthly Rev., U. S. Bur. of Labor Stat. Oct., 1917: 151-159.)
Labor
See also Street Railways.
Anon. List of officials of Bureaus of Labor, Employment offices, Industrial Commissions, Compensation Commissions, Wage Boards, Factory Inspection Bureaus, and Arbitration and Conciliation Boards in the United States and Canada. (Monthly Rev., U. S. Bur. of Labor Stat., Sept., 1917: 581-598.)
New York State. Industrial Commission. Labor law and industrial code with amendments, additions and annotations to July 1, 1917. 1917. 270 pp. Lighting
Cravath (J. R.). Lighting of streets in residential sections. General principles for observance in lamp spacing


1918]
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83
and location with overhead circuits under the conditions that are normally found to exist in small towns and cities. (Elec. World, Sept. 22, 1917 : 565-568. plans, illus.)
-------. Residential street-lighting equipment. Principles involved in selecting lamps ana accessories, in determining lamp heights, and in installing ornamental systems in small towns and cities. (Elec. World, Sept. 29, 1917: 611-613. diagrs.)
-------. Practical features of streetlighting contracts. Points to be observed in negotiations between municipalities and utilities, with special attention to securing and maintaining the best public relations. (Elec. World, Oct. 13, 1917: 709-712.)
Illuminating Engineering Society. Code of lighting school buildings. 1917. 21 pp. illus.
"While the code is intended primarily as an aid in formulating legislation relating to the lighting of school buildings, it is also intended for school authorities as a guide in individual efforts to improve lighting conditions.”—Preface.
Reed (W. E.). Some features of street lighting specifications [with abstract of discussions]. (Trans., Illuminating Eng. Soc., Aug., 1917: 270-276.)
Thompson (R. B.). Development of a permanent street lighting plan for a small city and village [with discussion]. (Trans., Illuminating Eng. Soc., Aug., 1917 : 260-269, plates.)
Markets
Stockton (F. T.). How to start and operate a city public retail market. July, 1917. (Bulletin, Extension Div., Indiana Univ.)
United States. Department of Agbiculture. Co-operative purchasing and marketing organizations among farmers in the United States, by O. B. Jesness, and W. H. Kerr. 1917. 82 pp., plates, tables. (Bull. no. 547.) â– 
Municipal Government and Administration
See also City Manager Plan, Elections, Home Rule, Recreation, Surveys.
Cabburn (John). British Municipalities on war service. (Modern City, Oct., 1917: 30-33.)
Donald (W. J.). The functions of city clubs in municipal life. ’ (Am. City, Nov., 1917 : 407-415. illus.)
Holliday (Carl). The municipal university. 1. Its origin and its growth. (School and Society, Oct. 13, 1917: 426-431.)
------------. 2. Its theories and its purposes. (School and Society, Nov. 10, 1917 : 545-549.)
Indianapolis. Ordinances. Municipal code of the City of Indianapolis. 1917. Compiled by Woodbum Masson and George Shirts. 1917. 1023 pp.
----------. Ordinances of the City of
Indianapolis, July 1, 1916 to July 1, 1917. 1917. 94 pp.
Johnson (W. F.). Present-day movements in city government. (Toledo City Jour., Dec. 1,1917: 2-3.)
McCormick (A. A.). Is it a function of municipal government to appropriate funds for the relief of distress caused by the rise of food-stuffs? If so, to what extent and in what manner should it be done? (Proceedings, Nat. Assn, of Comptrollers and Accounting Offrs., Je., 1917: 64-72.)
Meredith (J. R.) and Wilkinson (W. B.). Municipal manual. Ed. by Sir William Ralph Meredith, Chief Justice of Ontario. 1917. 1040 pp.
Comprises the various acts which concern Cana-dian municipalities.
Women’s Committee of One Hundred for Non-Partisan City Government. [New York City.] A city government that serves. A record of the past administration and a demand upon the next. [1917.] 15 pp.
An interesting piece of campaign literature. Copies may be secured from 110 w. 40th St., Room 1003, New York City.
Reports
Anon. Improving municipal reports. Suggestions by official of Columbus, Ohio —Prompt completion—Condensation and uniformity rendering reports more serviceable to taxpayers. (Mun. Jour., Nov. 22, 1917: 509-510.)
Boston Finance Commission. [Report of an examination of the annual reports of Boston, with a view to their standardization, reducing their cost, and including certain items of important information, made at the request of the City Council.] (Boston City Record, Sept. 29,1917: 882-884.)
Recommends the creation of a board of publication, to consist of three city officials, serving ex officio, with ample power to edit, revise, and eliminate data, so that the reports of city departments will be brief and concise.
Columbus, Ohio. Supplement to the City Bulletin: [Containing the] Municipal Manual, 1917. 1917. 184 pp.
A new departure in city reports
Municipal Ownership
See also Street Railways.
Bolton (R. P.). A municipal experiment ; or, the Hall of Records power plant. 1917. 236 pp.
Published by the N. Y. Bu eau of Public Service Economics.
City Club of Los Angeles (Cal.). Report on government ownership of public utility service undertakings, prepared by the Committee on Municipal Ownership. 1917. 38 pp. tables.
New York City. Chamberlain. Cost of acquisition by the City of New York of all public utilities. Oct. 8, 1917. 4 sheets, typewritten.


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[January
Thieme (J. F.). Municipal ownership —The salvation of our cities. (N. J. Municipalities, Oct., Nov., 1917: 13-15; 5, 16, 21.)
Pavements See also Roads.
Dutton (E. R.). Recent practice in wood block pavements [with discussion]. (Proceedings, Am. Road Builders’ Assn., Feb., 1917: 145-162.)
Farrington (W. R.). Bituminous roads and pavements and treatments [with discussion]. (Proceedings, Am. Road Builders’ Assn., Feb., 1917: 59-96.) Periodical Publications
See also Municipal Government.
Civic Federation op Dallas. The Dallas Survey. A journal of social work. Issued semi-monthly, vol. i, no. 1, Sept. 1, 1917.
The offices of the Federation are at 1306) Com* merce St., Dallas, Tex.
Social Welfare. Monthly, vol. i, no. 1, Oct., 1917. St. Paul, Minn.
A new periodical issued in the interest of welfare work in St. Paul. It is published at 409 Wilder Bldg., St. Paul, Minn. Subscription $1 per year.
Police
See also Public Health.
Pennsylvania. Department op Labor and Industry. Police cost in Pennsylvania cities of the third class. [1917.] 1 sheet, typewritten.
Robinson (James). [Philadelphia] training school for police. (Proceedings, Internat. Assn, of Chiefs of Police. Je., 1916: 81-84.)
Woods (Arthur). The police department of New York City. (Modem City, Nov., 9—16.)
Ports and Terminal Facilities Cherington (P. T.). The port of Boston. (Current Affairs, Nov. 26, Dec. 3,1917: 6, 8; 6, 8,11.)
The first two instalments of a report prepared by Professor Cherington for the joint sub-committee on Lighterage, of the Boston Chamber of Commerce. Other instalments will follow.,
Hoyt (W. H.). Design of docks and wharves. (Canadian Eng., Sept. 27, 1917: 277-280. diagrs.)
New York City. Municipal Reference Library. [List of references on] the West Side Track and Terminal problem. (Notes, Nov. 28, 1917 : 97-114.)
Selding, Hermann de. The Port of New York—Present conditions and future needs. A national institution—The necessity for federal aid—Recent improvements —War conditions emphasize the present inadequate facilities. (Real Estate Bui., Oct., 1917: 73-76.)
Public Defender
Embree (W. D.). The New York “public defender.” (Jour, of . . .
Criminal Law and Criminology, Nov., 1917: 554-563.)
Public Health
See also Charities, Child Welfare, Street Cleaning.
Anon. Periodical examination of health department employes. (Boston Med. and Surg. Jour., Sept. 6, 1917: 340-341.)
“For the past two years every employe of the New York Department of Health has been obliged to meet this requirement of an annual medical examination, in addition to the one received on entrance to the Department service.’'
Boulnois (H. P.). The effect of the war on municipal engineering and public health. (Surveyor and Mun. and Cy. Eng., Oct. 26, 1917: 363-365.)
Covert (F. A.). Clean-up campaigns in relation to public health. 1917. [4
PP-1
A paper read at the Dominion Conference of the Civic Improvement League of Canada, held in Winnipeg, May 28-29, 1917. The author is chairman of the Clean-up Committee of the City Improvement League of Montreal. His address is 55 St. Francois Xavier St., Montreal.
Dayton. Division op Health. Typhoid in Dayton, May 1 to September 20, 1917. By A. L. Light, Commissioner of Health. [1917. 10 pp.] Map.
Harris (L. I.). The opportunities which industrial hygiene offers to the general practitioner and to the public health officer. (Medicine and Surgery, Sept., 1917 : 686-697.)
Hastings (C. J.). The modern conception of public health administration and its national importance. 1917. 20
pp.
An article by Medical Officer of Health, Toronto, reprinted from the Canadian Medical Association Journal, Aug., 1917.
Hicks (H. M.). Efficiency in public health work. (N. Y. State, Health Dept. Health News, Sept., 1917: 218-224.)
Los Angeles. Board of Education. Health supervision in . . . city
schools. Prepared under the direction of the superintendent of schools, by Irving R. Bancroft, Director of School Health Department. June 25, 1917. 46 pp., plates. (Pub. no. 1.)
New York Academy op Medicine. Public Health Committee. Report on the medical organization of the Police Department of New York City. 1917. 30 pp.
Reprinted from the Medical Record, Sept. 29, 1917.
New York City. Department op Health. The health of food handlers. A co-operative study by the Department of Health, the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company and the American Museum of Safety. Report prepared by Louis I. Harris and Louis I. Dublin. 1917. 24 pp., tables. (Monograph ser. no. 17.)
----. Section of sanitary code and
regulations governing the physical examination of food handlers. 1917. 3 pp.
Peck (T. B.). The layworker in public health education. (New York State.


1918]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
85
Health Department. Health News, Sept., 1917: 211-218, chart.)
Potter (F. H.). Prevention first.
What the Health Department is doing for New York City. (Outlook, Sept. 5, 1917: 17-22. illus.)
Rankin (W. S.). The new public health [with discussion], (Jour., Am. Med. Assn., Oct. 27,1917: 1391-1394.)
Sloane (G. F.). Meat and milk inspection with regard to public health. (Jour., Am. Veterinary Med. Assn., Oct., 1917: 63-66.)
Smyth (H. F.) and Miller (T. G.). A hygienic survey of cigar manufacturing in Philadelphia. (Medicine and Surgery, Sept., 1917: 698-718. illus.)
United States. Public Health Service. A program of public health for cities, by W. C. Rucker. 1917. 6 pp. (Reprint no. 392.)
---- -----. State and insular health
authorities. 1917. 16 pp. (Reprint no. 405.)
Winslow (C.-E. A.). Safeguarding the health of children. (Pub. Health [London], Sept., 1917: 240-242.)
Read at the annual meeting of the Ontario Health Officers’ Assn., Toronto, May, 1917.
Milk Supply
Connecticut. Agricultural College. Studies from the survey on the cost of market milk production, by Karl B. Musser and others. Jy., 1917. 19 pp. tables. (Extension Service bul. no. 7.)
Frost (W. D.). Counting the living bacteria in milk—A practical test. (Jour, of Bacteriology, Sept., 1917: 567-583, chart, tables.)
MacNutt (J. S.). The modern milk problem in sanitation, economics, and agriculture. 1917. 258 pp., plates.
Contents: Why there is a milk problem; The case to-day; The sanitary factors; The economic factors; How to solve the problem.
Massachusetts. Agricultural Experiment Station. The cost of distributing milk in six cities and towns in Massachusetts, by Alexander E. Cance and Richard H. Ferguson. May, 1917. 54 pp., plates, tables. (Bul. no. 173.)
From actual investigation it is shown that the average cost was 2.64 cents per quart in 1914 and
1915. An increase of at least 25 per cent would have to be made now owing to greater cost of labor and of supplies.
Milk Committee of the Oranges (N. J.). Report from Jan. 1, to Dec. 31,
1916. [1917.] 31 pp. diagr., tables.
New York City. Department of
Health. Sections of sanitary code and regulations governing the production, transportation, pasteurization, and sale of milk, skimmed milk, cream, condensed or concentrated milk, condensed skimmed milk, and modified milk. 1917. 44 pp.
New York State. Joint Legislative Committee on Dairy Products, Live
Stock and Poultry. Preliminary report of the [so-called Wick’s] Committee, transmitted to the legislature Feb. 15, 1917. 1917. 892 pp., plates.
Contains a great deal of valuable information as to the Milk Supply of New York City, particularly with reference to sanitary conditions. There are also reports of public accountants concerning costs of operating, manufacturing and delivery of the chief distributing companies.
Ruehle (G. L. A.) and others. The milking machine as a factor in the production of sanitary milk. (Am. Jour, of Pub. Health, Oct., 1917: 840-846. tables.)
United States. Public Health Service. Safe milk; an important food problem, by Ernest A. Sweet. 1917. 24 pp. (Supplement no. 31.)
Public Service
See also Civil Service.
Milwaukee. Board of City Service Commissioners. Classification and standardization of personal service and summary distribution and comparative salaries of offices and positions in the Milwaukee city government, with constructive recommendations and regulations for positive employment administration. Prepared . . . by J. L. Jacobs & Company, Chicago. 1917. 336 pp. Public Utilities
See also Municipal Ownership.
King (C. L.). Electric rates and their tendencies. (Utilities Mag., Oct., 1917: 7-13. tables.)
Little (A. S. B.). Should gas standards be revised to meet war conditions? (Utilities Mag., Nov., 1917: 3-9.)
Roth (Louis). Regulation of statutory [railroad, gas, electric] rates in New York. (Utilities Mag., Oct., 1917: 3-7.)
-----. Effect of regulation on contract
obligations. (Utilities Mag., Nov., 1917: 9-13.)
Purchasing
Keene (A. M.). Purchasing department forms used by a public service corporation—III, IV. (Purchasing Agent, Sept., Oct., 1917: 77-81,108-111. forms.) Recreation
See also Housing.
Curtis (H. S.). The play movement and its significance. 1917. 346 pp., plates.
United States. Bureau of the Census. General statistics of cities: 1916, including statistics of parks, playgrounds, museums and art galleries, zoological collections, music and entertainments, swimming pools and bathing beaches, and other features of the recreation service. 1917.
88 pp.
Refuse and Garbage Disposal
Baldensperger (H. L.). Dollars in city dumps. The making of money and men through the Chicago salvage system. (Am. City, Oct., 1917: 305-308. Ulus.)


86 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January
Bonnet (Frederic, Jr.). How Worcester is helping to conserve the national food supply. Valuable data from one of the largest and oldest municipal piggeries in the United States. (Am. City, Nov., 1917 : 395-400. illus. table.)
Hallock (J. C.). Refuse collection and disposal. (N. J. Municipalities, Nov., 1917: 16-21.)
Hering (Rudolph). Contract pla.ns and specifications for obtaining refuse incineration works on the most economical basis. (Mun. Eng., Nov., 1917: 201-203.)
Springfield (Mass.) Bureau of Municipal Research. Garbage disposal. 1917. 69 pp., typewritten.
Contents: Summary; Classes of municipal waste; Requirements of garbage disposal plant lor Springfield; Garbage disposal in Springfield in past years; Garbage disposal methods in common use; Dumping, sanitary fills, burial, plowing; Incineration; Reduction; Feeding; Conclusion; Recommendations.
Roads
See also Pavements.
Breed (H. E.). Best practice in concrete road construction [with discussion], (Proceedings, Am. Road Builders’ Assn., Feb., 1917 : 94-144.)
Brown (C. C.). Maintenance and repair of improved roads. (Mun. Jour., Nov. 15,1917: 485-486.)
United States. Department of Agriculture. State highway mileage and expenditures for the calendar year 1916. 1917. 8 pp. (Circular no. 74.)
Schools
See also Education, Municipal Government, Surveys, Vocational Guidance.
Challman (S. A.). The rural school plant for rural teachers and school boards, normal schools, teachers’ training classes, rural extension bureaus. 1917. 256 pp. illus. plans.
New York City. Board of Education. Some effects of the duplicate schools. By Joseph S. Taylor, District Supt. of Schools. 1917. 24 pp. tables.
-----. Department of Education.
Division of Reference and Research. The school assembly. 1917. 107 pp. (Pub. no. 15.)
Oakland, Cal. Department of Public Instruction. The school custodian, his duties and responsibilities; a series of lectures edited by Wilford E. Talbert. June, 1917. 44 pp. illus. (Bd. of Educ. Bui. no. 8.)
Theisen (W. W.). The city superintendent and the board of education. 1917. 137 pp.
United States. Bureau of Education. Bibliography of school lunches, compiled by Lucy Condell. 1917. 25 pp.
----- -----. Current practice in city
school administration, by W. S. Deffen-
baugh. 1917. 98 pp. tables. (Bui., 1917, no. 8.)
Furnishes data concerning school-board organization, administration, and supervision in cities of more than 25,000 population.
----------. Higher technical education
in foreign countries, standards and scope, prepared by A. T. Smith, and W. S. Jesien. 1917. 121 pp., plates. (Bui., 1917, no. 11.)
----------. School extension statistics,
by Clarence Arthur Perry. 1917. 30 pp. tables. (Bui., 1917, no. 30.)
Sewerage and Sewage Disposal See also Water Works.
Abbott (H. R.). Sewer construction in Chicago. (Mun. Jour., Oct. 11, 1917: 350-354. illus.)
American Public Health Association. Report of Committee on Sewerage and Sewage Disposal [suggesting definitions for the terms used in sewerage and sewage disposal practice, and recommending that in reports, contracts, and agreements, engineers and health officers use these terms with the meanings designated by the Committee]. (Am. Jour, of Pub. Health, Oct., 1917: 847-853.)
Anon. Sewerage system for a small town. Screen, septic tank, coke filter, settling tank and chlorine treatment— pumping from a low district—mixing and distributing concrete at plant—trench excavation by machinery. (Mun. Jour., Nov. 29,1917: 529-531. illus.)
Brown (Reginald). Sewage and its precipitation: further experiments. (Surveyor and Mun. and Cy. Eng., Oct. 26, 1917: 358-361. tables.)
Kershaw (S. B. de B.). Sewage purification and disposal. 1917. 340 pp. illus. (Cambridge Pub. Health ser.)
Whittemore (I. W.). Sewer drop manholes. (Mun. Engs. Jour., Sept., 1917: 261-276, plates.)
Smoke Abatement
Lonergan (J. M.). Smoke—its cause, effect and remedy. (Mun. Engs. Jour., Oct., 1917. Paper no. 113.)
Smoke Abatement Activities in American Cities. 1. New York, by Joseph M. Lonergan. 2. Pittsburgh, by J. W. Henderson. 3. Cincinnati, by Walter M. Squires. (Heating and Ventilating Mag., Oct., 1917: 27-33. illus.) State Government and Administration
See also Elections, Home Rule, Statutes. California. Legislative Counsel Bureau. Constitution of the State of California and summary of amendments. 1917. 376 pp.
Appended are the Magna Charts, Declaration of Rights, Declaration of Independence, Articles of Confederation and Constitution of the U. S.
Indiana University. Bureau of Public Discussion. A new constitution for Indiana: a club study outline and


1918]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
87
suggestions for study. June, 1917. 11 pp. (Bui. of the Extension Div., ii, no. 10.)
United States. Senate. The statewide initiative and referendum. An article on the present status of the statewide initiative and referendum statutes, what they are, where they are in use, and how they work, by Judson King. 1917. 16 pp. (64. Cong. 2d sess., Sen. doc. no. 736.)
Williams (S. J.). Centralized engineering succeeds in Wisconsin. A dozen scattered state engineering bureaus were consolidated under a state engineer in 1915—Dual control of bureaus practicable. (Eng. News-Record, Oct. 25, 1917: 791-793. illus.)
Statutes, Compilations of
New York State. Statutes. Annotated consolidated laws ... as amended to Jan. 1, 1918 . . . edited by Clarence F. Birdseye, Robert C. Cum-ming and Frank B. Gilbert. 2d ed., edited by Robert C. Cumming and F. B. Gilbert, v. 1. 1917.
v. 1, Constitution: Abandonment to County Judges.
United States. Statutes. Important federal laws, compiled by John A. Lapp. 1917. 933 pp.
“The list of acts compiled in this volume indi-cates the extent to which the federal government has gone in controlling the affairs of men and in providing for the common welfare. The publication of these acts in a single volume will undoubtedly impress thinking citizens with the significance of modern changes in the relations existing between the states and the nation."
Street Cleaning
American Public Health Association. Report of the Committee on Street Cleaning, Sanitary section. (Am. Jour, of Pub. Health, Oct., 1917: 854r-867. tables.)
The main object of this investigation is the relation between street cleaning and street waste and the public health.
Street Railways
See also Municipal Ownership.
Blake (H. W.) and Jackson (Walter). Electric railway transportation. 1917. 487 pp. diagrs.
Contents: Organization and definitions; Adjustment of service to traffic; Accelerating traffic movement along the line; Accelerating traffic movement on the car; Car types in relation to traffic; City time-tables—preliminaries; Interurban schedules and dispatching; Fares; Fare collection practices and devices; Public relations; Promotion of passenger traffic; Traffic signs for cars, station and road— information for the public; Competition^ Freight and express business; Selection and training of men; Wages and wage agreements; Welfare work; Discipline of trainmen; Forms of extra pay.
Citizens’ Research League of Winnipeg. The city’s problem of street transportation (preliminary report). [1917.] 7 pp. (Bui. no. 5.)
Mr, R. P. Farley, 47 Aikens Bldg., Winnipeg, is secretary of the League.
Jackson (D. C.) and McGrath (D. J.).
Street railway fares; their relation to length of haul and cost of service. Report of investigation carried on in the research division of the electrical engineering department of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. 1917. 169 pp. diagrs. (Research Div. Bui. no. 14.)
United States. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Street railway employment in the United States. 1917. 1131 pp., tables. (Bui. no. 204.)
----. Special Committee Appointed
to Investigate Railway Conditions [in the District of Columbia], (Senate.) Street railway conditions in the District of Columbia. 1917. 57 pp. (65. Cong. 1. sess., Sen. rept. no. 176.)
All members of the committee seem to be convinced that the most practicable solution of the labor problem is to be found in government ownership.
Surveys
See also Periodical Publications.
Decker (D. O.) and Harrison (S. M.). City and county administration in Spring-field, Illinois. A survey by the Department of Surveys and Exhibits, Russell Sage Foundation. 1917. 158 pp. illus. (Part 9, Springfield Survey.)
Lawrence Social Survey Committee, Lawrence, Kan. Lawrence social survey. Report of F. W. Blackman, Director and E. W. Burgess, Field Surveyor. 1917.
122 pp.
Smith (H. L.). A survey of a public school system. 1917. 304 pp. diagrs. (Columbia Univ. Contribs. to Educ., Teachers' Coll. Ser.)
Van Sickle (J. H.). Educational
survey of the public schools of Brookline, Mass. 1917. 436 pp. tables, diagrs.
Published by the School Committee.
Taxation and Finance
See also Charities.
Anon. Taxation and revenue systems of state and local governments. Arkansas. (Modern City, Nov., 1917: 17-20.)
The third in a series of &rticles.a Alabama was discussed in the Sept, issue and Arizona in Oct.
Idaho State Tax Association. Proceedings of the first annual conference, Dec. 27-28, 1915. [1917.] 125 pp.
New York City. Department of Finance. Comparative summary statements of the expenses of various departments of the City of New York for the years 1914, 1915 and 1916; prepared from the expense ledger reports transmitted by said departments. [By the] Bureau of Municipal Investigation and Statistics. William A. Prendergast, Comptroller. Aug., 1917. (Supplement, City Record, Sept. 1,1917. 57 pp.)
United States. Bureau of the Census. Financial statistics of cities having a population of over 30,000, 1916. 1917. 375 pp. diagrs.


88 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January
----. Financial statistics of states,
1916. 1917. 127 pp. tables.
Presents statistics of (1) the total and per capita receipts of states from revenues, and from the principal classes thereof; (2) the total and per capita
{>ayments of states for expenses, interest and out-ays, and for each of the principal classes of expenses and outlays; (3) the total value of state properties; (4) the total and per capita indebtedness of states; and (5) the total and per capita assessed valuation of property subject to taxation.
Budget System
Chicago. Sanitary District. Re-ort on a definite budget plan for the anitary District of Chicago, prepared at the request of the Board of Trustees of the Sanitary District of Chicago, by J. L. Jacobs & Company. 1917. 36 pp. tables.
---- ------. Budgetary codes of the
Sanitary District of Chicago, prepared by J. L. Jacobs & Company. 1917. 83 pp.
I. Departmental code.
II. Classification of budgetary expenditure accounts.
III. Alphabetical finding list for commodities, services and other objects of expenditure.
IV. Classification of budgetary revenue accounts.
Collins (C. W.). The national budget Bystem. 1917. 151 pp.
Contents: Introduction: Preparation of the budget; Ratification of the budget; Execution, audit and control of the budget; Features of the budget system; Preparation of financial measures in the United States; Ratification of financial measures by Congress; Spending, audit and control in the United States; Criticisms of the American system; The budget system for the United States; Constitutional and legal questions involved; Recent developments toward a national budget system.
Darby (W. R.). New Jersey’s municipal budget act. (N. J. Municipalities, Oct., 1917 : 5,24-28.)
The author is State Commissioner of Municipal Accounts.
Tenement Houses
Abbott (W. H.). Conditions leading up to the tenement law. Early history of the multi-family house construction —some of the abuses which were later corrected. (Record and Guide, Sept. 29, 1917: 391. illus.)
Traffic
See also Street Railways.
Anon. Traffic congestion in cities. Extensive proposals at Manchester [England]. (Mun. Jour. [London], Aug. 31, 1917: 837-838.)
Cockerlyne (E. W.). The effect of modern traffic upon urban roads and tramway tracks. [Parts 1-2.] (Surveyor and Mun. and Cy. Eng., Sept. 28, Oct. 5, 1917: 275-276; 297-298.)
Goodsell (D. B.). Traffic census; its application to the design of roadways, selection of pavements and traffic regulations [with discussion]. (Proceedings, Am. Road Builders’ Assn., Feb., 1917: 261-270.)
Manchester (Eng.). Traffic Congestion Special Committee. Traffic
congestion [report], August 8, 1917. 39 pp., maps, diagrs.
Ventilation
Winslow (C.-E. A.). The effect of atmospheric conditions upon fatigue and efficiency. (Am. Jour, of Pub. Health, Oct., 1917: 827-834. tables.)
Vital Statistics
Guilfoy (W. H.). Vital statistics and co-operation with statistical officers. (Albany Med. Annals, Sept., 1917: 418-425.)
Printed also as New York City, Department of Health, Reprint series no. 61.
Sobel (Jacob). Mortality among negro babies in New York City. (Modern City, Oct., 1917: 15-16, 38, 41, 43, 47.)
Vocational Guidance and Education
Anon. The development of vocational schools. (Am. Architect, Sept. 19, 1917: 209-210.)
The September issue of The American Architect is devoted to the various and complex questions of design, plan and equipment of vocational high schools.
-------. Vocational education and employment of the handicapped, with special reference to crippled soldiers. [An annotated list of references.] (Monthly Rev. of the U. S. Bur. of Labor Stat., Sept., 1917: 599-624.)
Brewer (J. M.) and Kelly (Roy W.). A selected critical bibliography of vocational guidance. 1917. 76 pp. (Harvard Buis, in Educ.)
United States. Bureau of Education. Demand for vocational education in the countries at war, by Anna T. Smith. 1917. 16 pp. (Bui., 1917, no. 36.)
Water Distribution
Anon. The cost of laying water mains. Detailed figures of costs in Saginaw and Chicago—Pipe, lead and other materials —Labor, cartage and other costs. (Mun. Jour., Oct. 4, 1917 : 328-330. tables.)
Killam (S. E.). Meters cut waste in metropolitan water district [Boston]. (Eng. News-Record, Sept. 20, 1917 : 541-542. table.)
State Bureau of Municipal Information of the New York State Conference of Mayors and Other City Officials. Water rates in New York State cities. Revised to Sept. 1, 1917. 1917. 37 pp., typewritten. (Rept. no. 19.)
Water Purification
See alee Baths.
Johnson (G. A.). Rapid sand filtration [with discussion]. (Jour., N. E. Water Works Assn., Sept., 1917: 390-473.)
Savage (W. G.). The emergency purification of drinking water supplies. Part 4. (Pub. Health, Sept., 1917: 235-239.)


1918]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
89
Water Supply
O’Shaughnessy (M. M.). The Hetch Hetchy water supply project [with discussion]. (Trans., Commonwealth Club of Cal., Oct., 1917: 344-386.)
Catskill Aqueduct
Catskill Aqueduct Celebration: a souvenir edition of the Municipal Engineers Journal. Oct., 1917. 182 pp. illus.
Contents: New York’s Catskill Mountain water supply. A general description of the dams, tunnels, and methods of construction, pp. 15-75; Statistical items of interest, pp. 77-83; Distribution of Catskill water in the city, pp. 9i—100; Commissioners and engineers: portraits and biographical sketches, pp. 102-162; Catskill Aqueduct Association: list of members, pp. 163-172; Contracts and contractors, pp. 173-182.
Price of souvenir edition, 50 cents; obtainable from Geo. A. Taber, Secretary, 13 Park Row.
New York City. Department of Health. Water supply and public health. A brief sketch specially prepared for the Mayor’s Catskill Aqueduct Celebration Committee, by Charles Bol-duan, Director, Bureau of Public Health Education. 1917. 8 pp., maps, charts.
----. Mayor’s Catskill Aqueduct
Celebration Committee. The Catskill Aqueduct and earlier water supplies of the City of New York, with elementary chapters on the source and uses of water and the building of aqueducts, and an outline for an allegorical pageant. 1917. 132 pp. illus.
Contents: Introduction; The uses and source of water; Aqueducts and why they are built; Manhattan’s primitive water supply; Early pipe line projects; The Croton aqueduct; Other borough water supplies; The Catskill Aqueduct; A pageant of water; The Mayor's Catskill Aqueduct Celebration Committee.
-----------. A brief sketch of the municipal water supply system of the City of
New York. Specially prepared for the Mayor’s Catskill Aqueduct Celebration Committee by the Department of Water Supply, Gas and Electricity, William Williams, Commissioner. 1917. 27 pp., plates.
Secretary of the Committee, Edward Hagaman Hall, 154 Nassau St.
Water Works
Barker (C. L.). A metropolitan water and sewerage project for six Canadian municipalities. (Am. City, Nov., 1917: 444-448. map.)
Laidlaw (Robert). A brief description of the new water works [at Cincinnati]. 1917. 20 pp.
The author is general superintendent of the plant.
Ledoux (J. W.). Purposes should govern water-works valuations. Original cost, reproduction cost less depreciation and market value are all thought to have their applications. (Eng. News-Record, Oct. 4,1917: 633-636. tables.)
Widows’ Pensions
Bureau of Municipal Research, New York. Widows’ pension legislation. May, 1917. 125 pp. (Mun. Research no. 85.)
Chapter 5, "A year of widows' pensions in New York State,” briefly reviews the results accomplished by the Child Welfare Board of New York City.
Zoning
Cheney (C. H.). Procedure for zoning or districting of cities. 1917. (Bui. no. 2, Calif. Conf. on City Planning.)
Copies may be obtained from the office of the Conference, Crocker Bldg., San Francisco. Price 50 cents.


NOTES AND EVENTS
I. GOVERNMENT AND ADMINISTRATION
Cincinnati Adopts a Home Rule Charter.1—Cincinnati adopted a home rule •charter at the general election Tuesday, November 6. By doing so, it is the last big city in the state to take advantage of the home rule amendment provision of the state constitution whereby cities may adopt special charters to suit their local needs.
Inasmuch as Cincinnati had defeated the proposed charter submitted two years ago, primarily because of the many innovations involved in it, such as the nonpartisan ballot, and small council provisions, the charter commission this year did not draw up a complete new charter but simply provided for such amendments as it thought the citizens wanted, and in other respects adopted the general laws of Ohio. The Ohio municipal code, together with a few amendments, is therefore the substance of the new home rule charter for Cincinnati. Due to the fact that any new and untried provisions would be certain to invite a great deal of opposition, the commission endeavored to frame one that would satisfy the views of most of the citizens; afterward, if new propositions seemed likely to meet with the approval of the electorate, these could be voted on at special elections. The overwhelming success of the charter provision at the polls shows that the commission, in this regard, had done a wise thing.
One of the significant amendments was the creation of a city planning commission with very extensive powers. Nearly three and one-half pages out of a total of fourteen, are devoted to details in respect to this commission. Another amendment changed the term of mayor, president of council, councilmen, and auditor to four years instead of two.
'See National Municipal Review, vol. vi, p.720.
One of the few additional offices created was that of street railway commissioner. If the supreme court should hold the rapid transit law unconstitutional, and many are frank to say that there is great danger of this, the director will be paid his $7,500 a year but will have nothing to do.
The treasurer and city solicitor are to be appointed by the mayor instead of being elected as heretofore. To this extent the short ballot feature is introduced in the charter.
Considerable discussion was involved in the question as to the method of appointment of the Southern railroad trustees. At present these are appointed by the superior court and many felt that a judicial body should not have the power of appointment for remunerative offices. However, fearing that a change in the method of appointment of the Southern railroad trustees might invite very formidable opposition, the commission allowed this question to remain as it is at present. The method of electing twenty-six council-men by wards and six at large, was maintained, as it is under the Ohio municipal code.
*
Commission Government Ratified in Portland, Oregon.1—Two charters presented to the voters of Portland under the initiative process at the election of June 4, 1917, were voted down by decisive majorities. Both were plans for a return to the mayor and council government very similar to the type abandoned when the commission form was adopted in 1913. Neither charter contained new nor progressive features. Both provided for a poorly paid ward council to be chosen from eleven districts, a mayor and an elective auditor. The Shepherd or “long”
• See National Municipal Review, vol. vi, p.624.


1918]
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91
charter provided in addition for the election of the city attorney, municipal judge and treasurer. It also gave the mayor the veto, while the other gave the mayor only administrative power. Both charters replaced the preferential voting scheme with the non-partisan primary, double-election procedure. The Shepherd charter, a complete revision of the present city governing document, appeared in a 105-page pamphlet. It made many minor changes of a non-contentious nature in administrative provisions. The “short” charter was merely a group of amendments to the present charter, replacing the commission-council with elected and appointed executives and a ward council.
The protest against the present city government began two years ago when a group of citizens, organized as the North Portland commercial club, disagreed with the city commission on the engineering features of a trunk sewer project in their district. Under the leadership of George Shepherd, a councilman and prominent political figure in the old regime, a charter was submitted to the city commission for reference to the people at the general election in 1915. The request was denied. At this year’s election the longer charter was practically the same document as that of 1915, but was brought before the people by initiative petition.
Another group representing the disaffected elements of one kind or another, including residents of a few outlying districts who considered themselves unfairly discriminated against under a commission-council elected at large, organized a charter revision league and after trying in vain to unite forces with the Shepherd-Killingsworth group drew up another document identical in the general form proposed except as mentioned above, calculated to have a superior popular appeal because of its brevity. Despite violent disagreements during the early campaign the two groups finally urged the voters to ratify both plans in order that confusion in choosing between them might not lead to the separation of voting strength.
During the whole campaign no new
arguments were produced. The anticommission forces relied on familiar criticisms: the increasing tax rate and saving of salaries under the council form, the danger of uniting the spending and appropriating functions in one body, and the need of a representative council. Commission government was anathematized by such catch phrases as “autocratic, bureaucratic, imperialistic, despotic, un-American,” etc.
The forces for commission government exerted themselves only through regular channels. The leading newspapers went on record as opposed to both schemes and a series of illuminating articles appeared in some of their columns showing the fallacy of assuming extravagance from an increase in tax rate. Civic organizations such as the chamber of commerce, city club and professional and business men’s luncheon clubs recorded themselves as opposed to the change.
Both charters were defeated by a vote of more than two to one. During the whole campaign the charter issue received less attention than three or four other initiative measures, a fact which resulted in a smaller number of total votes than some much less important issues. The election seemed to indicate that the people of Portland have no desire to return to the old councilmanic form. It is perhaps a wholesome endorsement of the present scheme to have a majority of over 17,000 on its side as against the few hundred by which it was adopted four years ago.
R. D. Leigh.
*
The City-Manager Plan in Clarksburg, West Virginia.—An aggressive campaign for commission government and a Greater Clarksburg was won by a majority of over 2,000—considerably more than the most sanguine hopes of its supporters. In the words of an active worker:
“This puts Clarksburg on the map in the 35,000 population class. The Rotary club, after a year’s work, in one day transformed Clarksburg from the less than 10,000 town class into a city of the above population—a revolution which the people


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of Clarksburg have been wanting and waiting for for the last twenty years, but until Rotary was organized a little over a year ago, had no man, or set of men or organization that could take hold of the situation and put it through.
“The outside world thinks of these mountain towns as being in the back woods, but Clarksburg is the heart of West Virginia’s greatest industries, coal, oil and gas, which we have seen drained from us without the great exploiting companies returning anything in proportion to the towns they are so draining. We hope to see them make such return under the new charter.
“Clarksburg is one of the oldest towns in West Virginia—not a boom town, though the developments of the last twenty years have brought new life to her. Nor does the new charter take in a lot of vacant territory. It brings into Clarksburg four suburban municipalities, all contiguous, and some intervening sections, rather solidly built up, as the contour of the country permits, making a total area of about six square miles. Nor does it take in ‘the whole country’ as is done in some annexations. Four of the big plants, and surrounding settlements, viz., Philips tin plate plant, McNicoll pottery, Pittsburgh plate glass plant and Owens bottle company, each round the million mark, are still on the outside, and should be annexed soon.”
Robert R. Wilson, formerly a member of the city club of Cincinnati and the first president of the Rotary club of Clarksburg, was in charge of the campaign.
*
Manager Charter for Auburn, Maine.—
The voters of Auburn, Maine, on September 10, 1917, by a majority of 413 out of a total vote of 1,489, adopted a “manager” charter. Auburn is the farthest eastern city, the first New England city, and the second New England municipality (the town of Norwood, Mass., is the first) to adopt the “manager” form of government.
Compared with the average city under the mayor-council system, Auburn had
been fairly well governed. For ten years, however, there had been a growing dissatisfaction among the leading citizens with the inability of the government to produce results in terms of better services. In 1909, and again in 1913, as a result of the desire for a simpler and more efficient government, a committee of citizens secured from the state legislature special acts submitting to the voters of Auburn a commission charter. The charter, in both instances, was decisively defeated. The defeat in each case was due in part to the unwillingness of the “foreign” ward to give up ward representation and submit to a government of five commissioners representing the native New Englanders of the other four wards, and in part to the apathy of the citizens in general.
The movement for charter reform, however, was only delayed by the two defeats. The Auburn board of trade, in 1915, took up the movement, when, in its November meeting, “The City-Manager Form” was the subject of the address and discussion of the evening. By January, 1917, charter reform had won so many converts among the members of the board of trade that a committee of nine was appointed to draw up a charter. The committee was made up of the leading business and professional men of Auburn. Democrats, old line Republicans and progressive Republicans were represented.
The committee had but five weeks to complete its work, for city charters in Maine are granted by special acts of the legislature, and the time limit set by the 1917 session for the introduction of special acts was February 9. The committee retained Professor Orren C. Hormell, professor of government and director of the bureau of municipal research at Bowdoin College, to prepare a tentative draft. The draft prepared by him followed the main lines of the typical “manager” charters. However, in several points it was modified to meet the local conditions in Auburn. For example, ward representation was retained, for without it the charter would have been doomed to certain defeat.


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The Abandonment of Commission Government in Lynn, Massachusetts.—The
Lynn voters found that as commission government was applied there it was not a success. As a correspondent wrote: “Had there been a spirit of unity in the governing board there would have been no disposition by the electorate to have changed. In Lynn each commissioner was elected as a specific department head, and the legislative feature was entirely forgotten. As a result, no matter how one of the commissioners conducted his department the rest dared not risk criticising, for fear their own toes might be trodden on. The consequence was we had five little mayors; each commissioner went ahead with his own plans, and taxes rose to $23 per thousand, notwithstanding $15,000,000 increase in valuation, and over $1,000,000 increase in the bonded debt. In my opinion, had the five commissioners collectively chosen the various subordinates there would have been a freedom to criticise, and the five could have secured far better results. As it was one commissioner was at the head of the fire and police departments, one handled the finance, one streets, one water and one public property, and it isn’t natural for men to allow much criticism without retaliating. If citizens felt aggrieved at some action; or lack of action, by one of the commissioners and took complaint to the others they were informed that the matter was outside their jurisdiction—that they could not interfere with another commissioner’s department.
“The personnel of our government for the seven years Lynn was under commission was excellent. The human equation prevented better results, for men are naturally tenacious of their prerogatives. The man chosen mayor divided his responsibility with his four colleagues, yet stood to receive the greater public criticism, for it is natural to find fault with the ostensible head of the government.
“In the new government of mayor and eleven councillors the mayor is given almost as much power as a city manager, and a firm man will cut many dollars from the tax rate, assume responsibilities which
have been divided heretofore, correct abuses which have been tolerated and show to the citizens that the instrument of government is a factor for good.”
*
Abandonment of Commission Government in Appleton, Wisconsin.—Appleton, Wisconsin, has voted to abandon the commission form of government. The movement to this end was the result of a change in the administration. The new mayor was elected last April and one of his first acts was to reorganize the police department in an effort to secure a full enforcement of the law, particularly the liquor laws. He brought in a chief of police from outside the city, which stirred up a great furore, particularly on the part of the liquor interests, the petition for revocation being filed by them. The majority in its favor was 582 votes.
A correspondent under date of November 2 writes:
“To most of the people from whom I have received information on this subject this outcome came as a surprise. I am advised from all sources that the campaign was one of the most bitter ones ever held in this state, many issues being introduced to confuse the main purpose of the election. Personalities were indulged in to a shocking degree; outside speakers were brought in on both sides; and the pre-election campaigning was very bitter. As near as I can find out the final election hinged more upon the wet and dry issue than upon the plan, which, of course, was perfectly natural, the petition for the recall arising as it did out of the appointment of a new chief of police and the institution of a strict enforcement of the liquor laws.
“This is the first city to abandon the commission form of government in this state, although a number of cities have voted against adopting the plan.”
The vote becomes effective at the expiration of the present fiscal year, April, 1918.
*
Marquette, Michigan. — Commission government was introduced in Marquette in the fall of 1913 and at the election held


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four years later (November, 1917) everyone of the commission was re-elected, showing a marked degree of satisfaction with the new system of government. The commission has worked so well together that it has not been necessary so far for the mayor to cast a tie vote on any question.
*
Norfolk has adopted a modern city-manager charter based on the model city charter of the National Municipal League. It received a vote of three to one at the special election on November 20 J
*
Progress of Preferential Voting.—Santa Monica, which should have been included in our list of January, 1917,2 should be added, and also Newark and Gloucester.
Newark is interesting not only as the largest city of New Jersey but also as voting to adopt commission government, including the preferential ballot, after having had a chance to observe the working of these two institutions in thirty-two other New Jersey cities.
Gloucester is interesting because it is one of the instances like that of Colorado Springs, in which the preferential ballot was introduced by direct popular vote into a commission-governed city which had not previously had it in force. Both in Gloucester and Newark the vote was far from close. In Newark the vote was 19,069 to 6,053 and in Gloucester 1,304 to 528. At the first election in Newark under the new system there were eighty candidates and five men to be elected.
An item in the November issue (page 728) needs a word of comment. A Houston correspondent makes the astonishing statement that the aim of the preferential ballot is that “of forcing a majority election on the first choice”; it misleadingly adds, “It has never been successful in this”; and also that Pastoriza asked his constituents to cast “singleshot” votes, as if that were in some way
*See National Municipal Review, vol. vi, p. 723.
• See National Municipal Review, vol. vi, p. 107.
inconsistent with the spirit of the preferential ballot, in the introduction of which he had been a leader.
If your correspondent looked into the matter further, he would find that the aim of the preferential ballot in Houston is not what he supposes; its aim is to protect the majority against the dangers of a split ticket, and to secure a majority election on some terms either on “first choice” or “second choice,” or all choices combined, if there is any candidate in nomination who can command that degree of support. Frequently there is no such candidate, and there is no possibility of a majority election on any terms; no system of voting can, in any but an artificial sense, make a majority support where none exists. All it can do is to discover if such support exists—and if so, who has it—if not, who comes nearest to having it in a full and free expression of preference. This it has done in Houston. It may be asserted accordingly that the preferential ballot has always been successful in doing what it is planned to do, in Houston as elsewhere.
Mr. Pastoriza might very appropriately ask (and did ask) his supporters to cast “single-shot” votes for him in the preferential system. If for special local reasons, as in his case, one candidate seems to his supporters incomparably superior to all the others (and if he is to be defeated there is little choice between his leading opponents), it is entirely correct and in harmony with the purpose of the preferential system for the supporters of such a candidate to concentrate on him and on him alone. Such a candidate may also-appropriately, as Mr. Pastoriza did, ask for second and other choice votes from those whose first choice, for some personal or other not deep-set reason, was for someone else. Ring candidates understand this perfectly well, but it is a procedure which will of course not win unless the candidate is actually or more nearly than any of the rest, the bona fide majority candidate. This is less likely to be true of what is ordinarily called a ring candidate than of a man whose place in public esteem was well


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earned and assured, as was the case of Mr. Pastoriza.
Lewis Jerome Johnson.
*
Proportional Representation.—In October the city of Boulder, Colorado, adopted a new charter drawn on the Ashtabula plan—the manager plan with proportional representation—by a vote of about five to one. The first election under the new charter was held on December 11. Before that election, we are informed, mock elections were conducted to give practice in counting the ballots to those who were to serve in counting the official ballots. This note must go to the printer before news of the results of the election has been received.
Kalamazoo, Michigan, is to vote in February on the adoption of a new charter drawn on the manager plan with proportional representation. Those who are interested in the newer developments in charter making will do well to give this charter special attention. It is now in print and can doubtless be secured on application to the charter commission of Kalamazoo.1
C. G. Hoag.
*
Massachusetts Constitutional Amendments.—Three amendments to the constitution were submitted by the constitutional convention: legalizing absentee voting and the sale by the city of necessities to consumers, and a third forbidding the payment of public funds to institutions not under public control. AD three were adopted, only the latter receiving any serious opposition.
*
Trial of Los Angeles County Supervisors.—The trials of two of the members of the Los Angeles county board of supervisors under charges of mismanagement of countyfunds, as noted in The National Municipal Review for September,* have been concluded. The result was a verdict
1 An account of the second public proportional election ever held in America, the election of the Council of Ashtabula, Ohio, on November 6, will be found elsewhere in this issue.
* Vol. vi, p. 617.
of guilty in the case of Supervisor R. H. Norton, and acquittal of aU of the charges against Supervisor John J. Hamilton. The third member of the board, Supervisor F. M. Woodley, has not yet been tried, nor has the county treasurer, John H. Hunt, or the auditor, Walter A. Lewis.
As a result of the verdict Supervisor Norton was automaticaUy removed from office, the governor, in whom the right of filling the position lies, having not yet acted to appoint the successor. The counts on which Supervisor Norton was found guilty were:
Allowing unlawful claims to the extent of $5,553.53.
The authorization of the illegal purchase of school bonds to the extent of $600,000.
Paying claims aggregating $1,400,000 out of general county funds, without sufficient funds in the county treasury to liquidate the claims.
Attempting to levy a three-cent tax to meet the deficit of $239,000.
Illegally paying claims incurred for materials in the previous year.
The defendant was acquitted on the charges of iUegally coHecting mileage fees and of failing to supervise the official conduct of the county auditor and the county treasurer. In his charge to the jury the presiding judge made clear that no moral blame was attached to the supervisor, and the jury in their findings concurred in this attitude.
With respect to Supervisor Hamfiton who, as a former member of the commission of the city of Des Moines and an author of works on city manager and other governmental problems has become weD-known, it was shown that he did not participate in the iUegal actions taken by Supervisor Norton, and it was further shown that the deficit which exists in the county funds was largely, if not whoUy, an inheritance from a previous board. Supervisor Hamilton has resumed his duties, and in a public statement explained his intention of securing greater pubUcity in advance of the passage of the budget, of carrying on the budget-making through the year, and of endeavoring to secure a high-class and experienced accountant.


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to be placed in charge of the auditor’s office.
The result of the trials to date and the removal of one of the members of the board of supervisors has undoubtedly acted to bring home to the public officials in a new light their responsibility for the management of the public funds. It has frequently seemed to be the understanding of officials that all that was required of them was honesty and good intentions, but by showing that in addition to these qualities attention to the actual conditions and a business-like conduct of the public office was requisite, the matter has undoubtedly operated to the great benefit of not only Los Angeles county but to all governmental agencies in California.
Seward C. Simons.1 *
Los Angeles’ Efficiency Bureau.—On
December 4, the city council, by unanimous vote of those members present (seven out of nine) passed an ordinance repealing those which established the efficiency department, of which Dr. Jesse D. Burks is director.
That the deal was planned when Mr. Burks was absent upon an eastern trip and when two staunch friends of efficiency (Messrs. Conwell and Criswell) were absent from the council; that furthermore the regular rule requiring ordinances to wait over one week after introduction was suspended, only add proof to the evident fact that the move is actuated not by economy but by antagonism to the very principle for which the efficiency commission stands.
The municipal league feels that the situation is one of real crisis to Los Angeles. The mayor has as yet not indicated whether he will veto the ordinance or permit it to become a law. If it is passed over his veto, there will be unquestionably a referendum against its going into effect, in regard to the outcome of which I feel no doubt.
Seward C. Simons.
1 Secretary, the municipal league of Los Angeles.
Police Situation in New Orleans.—
Three important events have materially affected the police situation in New Orleans this year. First, the resignation of Harold W. Newman, commissioner of public safety, June 19. Second, the murder of James W. Reynolds, police superintendent, August 2. Third, the closing of the “restricted district” for immoral houses, in compliance with the request of the U. S. government through the secretary of the navy, November 13.
Commissioner Newman's resignation was the direet outcome of efforts he had made to enforce the Sunday law, hitherto honored by what the administration organ neatly phrased “unobtrusive non-observance.” One of the “shirt-front” commissioners who went into office under the commission-government law in 1912, and re-elected in 1916, he was sensitive enough to be goaded into aggressive action under the demands of the citizens’ league, an organization of reformers, clergymen, and women led by William M. Railey and Miss Jean Gordon, after the revelations of the New Orleans American. This newspaper, owned by a race-track gambler who had some unsatisfactory dealings with the city hall politicians, showed up certain weak points in the administration in facts afterward proved in a libel suit against the paper which was decided in its favor. In a campaign of vigorous law enforcement, scores of violators of the state Sunday law were arrested in May and June, and the hoary pretense that ’’the law couldn’t be enforced in New Orleans” was disproved. It was enforced so well that the brewers protested against the use of non-uniformed police; and when the mayor upheld them, Newman resigned. Sam Stone, Jr., was elected in his place. The law continues to be enforced as far as appearances go, but one hears that drinks may be obtained in hotels, clubs, and at the back doors of saloons any Sunday.
Superintendent Reynolds was murdered by a gigantic policeman, Terence Mullen, who had been suspended from the force because mentally unbalanced. Though


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three other men were in the superintendent’s office when Mullen attacked him, two of them police officers, and one specially assigned to watch the crazy man and protect the superintendent, Mullen escaped from the building after killing the chief, and was not arrested till he reached the street. Meantime in the fusillade of wild shots, his cousin, Garry Mullen, was killed while hurrying to the defense of the superintendent. The inquiry held by the mayor and the police board failed to fix responsibility for either fatality. Men implicated by their own confession and the testimony of others were allowed to retire from active duty or to resign, and later were given good positions, in the employ of the municipal port commission or in that Of private business enterprises. Thomas J. Mooney, superintendent of the Illinois Central railroad, sought the position of police superintendent, and was appointed. He has introduced many ‘lousiness efficiency” methods, cleaned up the stations, and personally made raids when he found his men derelict. In several cases, friction between the new chief and the politicians has been reported, and men punished have been reinstated. The general impression is that Mr. Mooney is trying to make a good record under political handicaps; he hopes to be the next mayor.
But the third event, the closing of the legalized district for prostitution, under federal pressure, complicates the situation. If the new ordinance is rigidly enforced, as the mayor has declared it shall be, political forces hitherto powerful will receive a staggering blow; if it is not, the federal government will, it is predicted, demand a reckoning. Thus the police are between the devil of vice-controlled politics and the deep blue of the star-spangled banner.
■ The citizens’ league has taken an active part in bringing to the attention of the federal authorities the conditions hitherto existing here, with regard to the menace of venereal temptations to which the soldiers and sailors stationed here were exposed. Its president (whose son, Hilton H. Railey, has done conspicuous work 7
along the same line in Philadelphia, New York, and on the Pacific coast since he left New Orleans on the demise of the New Orleans American) has kept in close touch with the Fosdick commission, and has frequently defied the city authorities to disprove the facts gathered by the league in regard to flagrant law violations. *
Denver Smashes Coal Famine.—Denver is the first American municipality to enter the coal business as a producing wholesaler. When it became apparent during the summer months that wartime prices could be expected on coal this winter Mayor Robert W. Speer, with the broad vision that has characterized his several terms as chief executive of Denver, contracted with owners of three coal mines in the lignite fields of Colorado to take their output and sell to Denver’s citizens of moderate means. In effect Denver’s coal venture is municipal ownership without the outlay of any money for permanent investment or overhead charges. The success of the venture has been so pronounced that the practicability of municipal ownership of coal mines has been demonstrated, and the future may see the American municipality add this service to its duties. Moreover, it is saving between $17,000 and $18,000 a year through the coal furnished to city buildings. The saving amounts to more than $1 a ton on every ton used by the city.
The city contracted for the output of the mines, leased three splendidly equipped and located yards and arranged for delivery by contract. The price of $4.15 a ton to the consumer is for the coal, delivered in his bin. The very poor classes are provided for through branch offices established in the municipal lodging house and the municipal bath house. Here the consumer may buy 50 pounds for 10 cents or 100 pounds for 20 cents. If he sought similar service from the private dealer he would pay at the rate of $10 a ton for it. There is no formality connected with the ordering of the coal tether than the payment of cash for it. The consumer pays his money at city hall and receives a receipt.


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Coal operators, after preliminary bluster about the danger of municipal ownership of coal mines, quickly withdrew objections when Mayor Speer told them bluntly: “If I lose my job for this, the working people of Denver are going to receive coal at a fair price this winter.” Later the operators offered to"sell the city 50,000 tons of coal at the same terms given by the owners of the city’s mines, provided the city ran short during cold weather.
The city is receiving from its mines about 1,000 tons of coal a day. This constitutes a very important factor in the total coal consumption of the city.
Owing to the fact that the venture was experimental no attempt was made to furnish the entire domestic consumption, the wealthy class of citizens being warned to put in its coal early as the people of moderate means would have first call Upon the city service.
Many other cities have made inquiries as to the Denver plan. The power to act was conferred upon the mayor by an ordinance passed by the council, and its extent is almost without limit. This was possible because of the enormous power placed in the hands of the mayor by the new Denver charter, adopted in May, 1916.1
E. C. McMechen.
II. POLITICS2
The Boston City Election.—The operation of the non-partisan election system in Boston has always been watched with interest. The result this year is particularly significant.
Mayor Curley was “made and elected” in 1913 by Martin Lomasney, the Democratic chief of the city. In 1915 at the so-called “recall election,” Lomasney threw his strength against Curley, and would have defeated him but for the clause of the charter requiring a majority of the registered voters to remove the mayor at the mid-term election. In 1915 the Republicans gerrymandered Lomasney’s ward to break his power, but failed utterly. The “sociological method” of the old leader was more than able to cope with the situation, as has been seen at the elections since that time.
In the recent December election Martin Lomasney was again the deciding factor. Three candidates were in the field against the Curley machine. It was evident that Curley would win through the division of his enemies unless some coalition could be brought about, or unless a concerted effort were made to elect one man. No coalition materialized. But the concerted effort was secured by Martin Lomasney. The day before the election the metropolitan press printed in the
place generally reserved for the President of the United States Mr. Lomasney’s appeal to the voters to support Andrew J. Peters. Without this he could not have been elected.
Thus the non-partisan system elected a mayor nominated and financed by the Republicans and finally carried “over the top” by the regular Boston Democratic machine. The bi-partisan political obligations of Mr. Peters make it probable that he will be a strictly non-partisan mayor.
The non-partisan system has made it easy for Mr. Lomasney to keep his cards under the table till the last minute and then insure his being a deciding factor and on the winning side.
*
The Recent Election in Louisville, Kentucky.—The Republican ticket
headed by George Weissinger Smith for mayor was elected by a majority of about two thousand. The claim is made that had all the votes cast for the ticket been counted the majority would have been considerably larger. The political situa-National Municipal Review, vol. v, p,
671.
’Unless otherwise indicated, the items in this department are prepared by Clinton Rogers Woodruff. See also article, page 36.


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tion locally has been in the hands of a few men who have dominated the situation, rotated a few men for the various offices from year to year, and the charge is freely made that at various times the results were obtained for their nominees by buying registration certificates, in some instances taking them away from negroes, and in falsifying the returns. At any rate this conviction in the minds of a great many people, irrespective of party, had gained such credence that there was a revolt from the Democratic ticket, though in the registration the Democrats had the advantage in numbers.
The Republicans nominated a good ticket, had a good organization and demonstrated that they were not going to be cheated out of the election. There were evidences of fraud in the registration and the claim was made that efforts would be made to commit fraud at the election. The county judge appointed deputies to serve at the election. This was held to be illegal, and the county judge then named probation officers to serve as deputies. This action was also challenged and the court of appeals sustained the objection. Fortunately the election passed off with only a few minor difficulties.
The result evidently was a great surprise to the Democrats for it is claimed they thought they had provided for any contingency. The new mayor is a lawyer of standing at the bar, a man of fine character, firm and honest, and promises to make good the position he took before the people during the campaign. He has always been prominently identified with all the movements, political and otherwise, looking to the upbuilding of the community and is respected by citizens of all parties. His appointments to the board of safety and board of public works, the most important positions to be filled by him, have been men of character and ability. He is getting the best advice possible from those he knows to be interested in the welfare of the city before making any appointments and went into office absolutely free to do as he thinks best along these lines.
Frank N. Hartwell.
Newark’s First Commission Election.—
The commission election was contested by eighty candidates. Most of these entered the lists as non-partisans at large. The Republican, Democratic and Socialist party machines all entered bracketed groups of five candidates and made aggressive campaigns along traditional lines. Three of the five chosen went before the people as independents and non-partisans. Two of the five regular Democratic candidates were also elected, but they were successful more because of their good public record and personal popularity than their party affiliation. The Republican machine in this normally Republican city received an awful blow, and the Socialists, although they received an unusually heavy vote, attributable to pacifistic or pro-German sentiment, fell far below the leading candidates, receiving less than one third of the vote cast for the top man and polling less than one eighth of the vote cast, which was about 43,000. There were minor groups in brackets and preferences were expressed by civic organizations and the press for various aspirants, in most instances confined to those who were in opposition to the partisan candidates.
The successful aspirants are all present or former public officials and about fifty of the defeated candidates either hold or have held office. The winners were: Board of Works Commissioner Charles P. Gillen, independent Democrat, 17,-161; Mayor Thomas L. Raymond, independent Republican, 16,832; Police Commissioner William J. Brennan, independent Democrat and Labor Unionist, 15,775; City Clerk Alexander Archibald, organization Democrat, 13,499; former Sheriff John Monahan, organization Democrat, 12,389. John A. Matthews, independent Democrat, ran Monahan closely and a recount has been granted as between them. Monahan will take his seat in the city commission and will participate in its organization next Tuesday.
While the commission will start out div'dcd politically, there seems to be fair basis for a belief that oheie will be an


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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW 1918 Editor CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF Associate Editors ALICE M. HOLDEN W. J. DONALD HERMAN G. JAMES HOWARD LEE MCBAIN C. C. WILLIAMSON VOLUME VII JANUARY, 1-130 JULY, 339-448 MARCH, 131-236 SEPTEMBER, 449-544 MAY, 5237-337 NOVEMBER, 545-655 PUBLISHED FOR TEE NATIONAL MUNICIPAL LEAGUE THE RUMFORD PRESS CONCORD, N. H. 1918 BY

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N A‘lN AL MUNICIPAL REVIEW VOL. VII, No. 1 JANUARY, 1918 TOTAL No. 27 AMERICAN CITIES DURING WAR TIMES BY CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF Philadelphia UR American cities have stood steadfast during these most critical times; they have functioned normally; they have co-operated 0 vigorously and intelligently; they have helped generally. So far as the record goes to date there has been no serious let-up in the prosecution of the normal municipal activities; although there has been a justifiable diminution of new undertakings because of the scarcity and diversion of labor, and the high price of materials. There has been a general recognition that it is not wise economy to postpone work that is necessary to keep a pavement in good condition, to invite disease by failing to provide the necessary sewers and water supply to new sections of the city, to leave the city at the mercy of fire by neglecting to keep the pumping equipment in perfect repair and adequate in capacity, or to provide sufficient reliable hose, or to endanger health by failure to provide for sanitary disposal of refuse.” If these things are needed they should be done, without, however, omitting any economies possible in planning and construction. II INTEREST IN CITY PLANNING As a natural corollary there has been an unprecedented interest in city planning and housing. The annual conferences of the two organizations devoted to these subjects, the one at Kansas City, the other at Chicago, were among the largest in their respective histories and the discussions showed how deep and how widespread was the interest, and the same observation may be made of our sister Canadian organizations and cities. The resolution adopted at the Winnipeg meeting of the Civic Improvement League of Canada embodied the thought that the provincial ‘Annual address of the secretary, National Municipal League, Detroit, Mich., November 21, 1917. 1

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2 NAl’lVNAL MUNIGIYAL KJSVIJSW [January governments be urged “to pass planning and development acts in all the provinces so as to secure that land will be laid out for purposes of economic use, health, convenience and amenity.” At the National City Planning Conference in Kansas City it was repeatedly stated that, although the country must necessarily expend a large part of its energy at this time in war preparation, it is, nevertheless, highly important that city planning and replanning activities should not be put aside. Indeed, the importance of thorough town-planning is actually emphasized by present conditions. This fact is recognized in Europe to such a degree that plans have already been prepared for rebuilding the destroyed towns of France along lines determined by modern requirements. The nations of Europe are placing themselves on a basis of efficiency which will continue after the war, and, if this country is to keep pace, from now on it must accept the facts and prepare to meet them. It is in the cities that commerce and industry are centralized and the results of organization-or the lack of it are most apparent there. No city can perform its function efficiently as a unit of any Eation-wide organization unless wisely and carefully planned to meet its own special conditions, and our American cities are beginning to realize their duties and obligations along these lines. France, who has set before the world during this war, so many and so varied examples of courage, patriotism and foresight, has set still another in the new Loi Cornudet which provides that every municipality shall organize a planning commission, which will decide on its future growth. Every improvement will have to conform to the city plan, whether it is MR. WILL H. HAYS, Chairman, * The policy of the federal government is set forth in the following letter: Indiana State Council of Defense, Indianapolis, Indiana. The Council of National Defense has considered the question you raise in your recent letter as to the attitude which should be taken relative to improvements, public and otherwise, which involve large construction work, and recommends as follows: Every effort that this country is capable of making should be applied to bringing the war to a speedy and successful conclusion. The resources of the country in a general way may be said to consist of men, money and material, and during the period of the war any new enterprise or undertaking should be tried and justified by the test: WilI the men, money and material so applied beat contribute in this way to the winning of the war? New enterprises which are not fundamental to the efficient operation of the country’s necessary activities should not be undertaken. This will not result adversely upon business or conditions of employment because every man and every resource will be needed during the war. All efforts should be centered to help with the war. NEWTON D. BAKER, Secretary of War and Chuirman Cmncil of National Defense. October 1, 1917.

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19181 AMERICAN CITIES DURING WAR TIMES 3 made in newly-developed territory, or replaces a construction of long standing and the whole development will be controlled by a central department of the national government in Paris. Paris itself, having outgrown the Haussmann plans, has organized a bureau which will care not only for the city, but for the whole metropolitan area. If battle-torn and scarred France can take thought of the morrow, what of America which has yet to feel the pinch in any really serious degree? HOUSING AS A WAR MEASURE ‘(As a war measure in itself, we must look to the housing of our workmen, which is just as important as the adequate and efficient housing of the troops. Both classes are on the firing line-the one on the battlefield and the other in industry-and both are indispensable to the cause.” This is the deliberately expressed opinion of the secretary of the National Housing Association, who does not hesitate to declare further that victory for America may depend upon the solution of the housing problem in America. It is up to us who know the situation,” he has said, (‘to help the government solve it. The war has made acute a situation that has long been serious in our industrial centers, and the social dangers, which we would not recognize before, are more manifest than ever. Now with great manufacturing plants running at double capacity and men crowding into industrial centers to man them, we find that no adequate provision is made for their housing. In many places they sleep men in three shifts, using each bed twenty-four hours in the day, occupied by three different men, each having the bed for eight hours.” (I COMMUNITY HEALTH The war program of the American Public Health Association brought vividly to the front not only the special problems of the army and the navy, but the special community problems which must be faced and solved if we are to have an effective army, an early peace and a wholesome aftermath. ‘(The war may, and if we can make it, it should, stimulate the world to a realization of the existing possibilities in life and health conservation,” declared Prof. Irving Fisher at the National Conference of Social Work at Pittsburgh. To this phase of the problem our cities are likewise addressing themselves with devotion and intelligence, notwithstanding the depletion of the ranks of medical and health officers by the demands of the army and navy. CO-OPERATION WITH THE FEDERAL QOVERNMENT , In the field of co-operation the cities have performed wonders. They have helped in the execution of the selective draft law; in the food conservation campaign; in the Red Cross work; in the various other cam

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4 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January paigns made necessary by the war not omitting the flotation of the two liberty loans. In addition to all of this, the cities on the seaboards, and especially those on the Atlantic Coast, have prepared themselves, to a remarkable degree, for such emergencies as are likely to arise in the event of a prolongation of the contest or of a foreign invasion. THE MORAL HEALTH OF THE COMMUNITY Would that as much could be said about activities designed to protect the morals of the communities and their war-added populations! While cities are planning wisely for the future; while they are discussing the housing and health problems of the present and the future; while they are co-operating to advance the several causes essential to the preservation and maintenance of our government, they must not forget the need for moral protection as well. The old idea that morality is only a personal affair dies hard. It is, to be sure, a personal affair, just as physical health and well-being are, but there is a community responsibility as well that cannot with safety be evaded or shirked. Its inherent difficulties afford no excuse for not facing it fairly and squarely.3 One of the great lessons we must take from this war is that war preparedness, like charity, as Caroline Bartlett Crane points out, begins at home, and whenever we strengthen the defenses of sobriety, chastity, personal honor and human decency in our home towns, we are powerfully strengthening our national defense against a foreign foe. There is an encouraging side to the situation, however. At its meeting in May the Playground and Recreation Association of America declared for cities made ready to do their bit for the soldiers; communities prepared to offer our men in khaki recreational and social opportunities from which their desire to serve their country has suddenly cut them off; open houses and hospitality instead of a welcome only from open saloons and houses of ill repute; the mobilization of the social and recreational facilities of the communities near training camps for the soldier in his free time. The citizens of most of our communities, and quite frequently the cities themselves, are co-operating to give men living under abnormal conditions a substitute for home influence and “for the social, recreational a “The attitude of the community has got to be continuous and growing in its hospitality and in its conscientww recognitwn of the right way of solving the problem of the soldier. These boys are going to France; they are going to face editions that we do not like to talk about, that we do not like to think about. They are going into a heroic enterprise, and heroic enterprises involve shjces. Z want them armed; I want them adeqwltely armed and clothed bl/ their government; ht Z want them to have invisible am to take with them. Z want them to have an amnor made up of a set of social habiits replacing those of their homes and cmmunities, a set of social habits and a state of social mind born in the training camps, a rn soldier state of mind, so that when they get overseas and are removed from the reuch of our comforting and restraining and helpful hand, they will have gotten such a state of habits as will constitute a moral and intellectual armor for their protection overseas. You are the vnakers of that armvr.”-Tm SECRETARY OF WAR.

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19181 AMERICAN CITIES DURING WAR TIMES 5 and cultural features of normal life; of co-ordinating existing adjacent groups of people eager to be of service to city governments; of organizing all available forces; of utilizing all the communities’ resources and calling into being new forces to meet new needs and new problems.” The soldier of to-day is the citizen of to-morrow, and we want to preserve as much as possible of his strength, honor and decency. THE CANTONMENTS : MODEL CITIES? The cantonments afford a wonderful opportunity to teach a wholesome lesson in community living so far as such living can be accomplished without the spiritual co-operation and influence of women. They are each, to all practical intents and purposes, cities of 40,000 souls. They represent problems of housing, sanitation, feeding, discipline, amusement, morality, religion. Upon their successful management depends alike the safety and efficiency of our army and of our various communities. SOCIAL ACTIVITIES AND PHASES In the field of social work we find a more cheerful note in that the anticipated let-up of social activities, governmental and organization, has not manifested itself. Taking a leaf out of England’s experience very few states and cities have abandoned or modified the rules and regulations designed for the protection of workers and citizens generally, built up through long years of arduous effort and struggle. The National Conference on Child Labor closed its sessions at Baltimore with the conviction firmly established that whatever war measures this country is obliged to adopt there should be no let down in the standards for child protection. Time and again this note was struck as the vital necessity of continuing all efforts to further our American democratic ideals WBS pointed out. The lowering of standards abroad was used as an illustration of the fact that the excitement of war is fatal to the training and development of the younger generation and that social advance is retarded when childhood is impoverished. A similar report may be made concerning other lines of social work: housing of labor, workmen’s compensation, and conditions of labor generally. In point of fact there is a growing feeling that we are looking forward to a great socialized future and any backward step will militate against its harmonious and wholesome development. There is also a growing tendency to regard questions that have heretofore been solely regarded as political as having social import and significance. In the words of the social service commission of the (Episcopal) diocese of Pennsylvania in reference to the police scandals in the city of Philadelphia : The fifth ward shame and tragedy has a far-reaching social significance which must not be overlooked. The use of the police powers of the

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6 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January government for political ends is anti-social in the highest degree. Any policy which involves the use of the police and other officials of the government for any other than a public or community end results not only in a perversion of the power of government, but in the creation of a sentiment on the part of the poor and the ignorant that government exists not for the good of the community, but for the ends and purposes of a chosen few. Apart from the loss of life through the failure of the police to preserve the peace, not to speak of their direct connivance in the events leading up to the sad tragedy, which is a matter that is to be determined in a court of justice, the most distressing and humiliating features brought out at the hearings were those which revealed that the police were using their great powers to drive the poor and ignorant into the support of men contrary to their personal convictions and loyalties. When we consider the character of the population of the fifth ward made up of men, women and children who have sought these shores as a protection against governmental oppression and inequalities; when we consider that the federal, state and municipal governments are spending untold sums of money for the general improvement of their condition, and at the present time are engaged in a struggle, the basic principle of which is the establishment of democracy throughout the world; when we consider that the honor of this country is pledged to the maintenance of the higher political and social ideals the world over-we stand aghast at a political situation which tolerates for one moment a situation such as has been disclosed to eet in the fifth ward, and which in embryo at least exists wherever political organizations of the same stripe are permitted to exist. The perversion of the powers of government to any other end than that of the good of the community is a policy fraught with the utmost of danger to the continuance of free institutions and to the development of a sound social sentiment in the community. THE CITY-MANAGER PLAN: A WAR MEASURE “The city-manager plan is a war measure in all that the term implies. The sheer necessity of finding some way out of the present mess will compel the people to take action” is the way a New England editor described the movement for establishing improved governmental machinery in our cities. The facts fully justify the description. Never in the history of the National Municipal League has there been a more insistent demand for assistance in charter revision and never has there been more interest manifested in its Model City Charter. Until this year the discussion of the principles involved in this plan of government had been confined to the middle-sized and smaller cities, but now it is being seriously considered in the largest cities of the country: New York and Chicago. At the beginning of his administration Mayor Mitchel and the board of estimate and apportionment appointed a charter committee, instructed to recommend changes in the organization. Various reasons contributed to the practical dissolution of the committee, but a member of the committee, Henry Bruere, submitted a “Plan of Organization for New York City,” so that the mayor might ‘‘ call the recommendations it contains to the attention of any subsequent charter committee.” His proposed

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19181 AMERICAN CITIES DURING WAR TIMES 7 reorganization was primarily directed toward “ definitizing responsibility and providing more effective administrative machinery.” The outstanding features of his alternative plans were : 1. Further development of the mayor’s office into one of policy guiding, general supervision and control, analogous to that of the president of a large corporation. 2. Development of the board of estimate as a board of direction in law as well as in fact, and the imposition on that board of a responsibility that it now regulates, but does not bear. 3. Development of a complete department of finance, centring full control over revenues, funds and disbursements, now to a large degree scattered. 4. Provision of centralized, responsible executive and administrative direction in the office of a city manager, subject to the control of the board of estimate and the supervision of the mayor. The details of the appointment and consequent responsibility of the city manager, whether to the board or the mayor, is left for future consideration. The manager will have no responsibility for policies except as a requested adviser of the board. He will have nothing to do with the police department or with the civil service or law departments. The most radical change suggested involves the assumption by the board of estimate and apportionment of more complete responsibility for the effective management of the city. In Chicago the proposition has been put forward by the Chicago bureau of public efficiency in the form of a bill for the reorganization of the municipal government, “the main purpose of which is to apply to Chicago a modified form of the city-manager plan of government, with nonpartisan methods of electing aldermen.” The bill also reduces the number of aldermen from 70 to 35, one alderman from each ward, and extends the term of aldermen to four years, subject to popular recall. Other features of the bill are incidental to these objects. Thus while “the nation is engaged in the great task of helping to make the world safe for democracy, we are reminded by the Chicago bureau of efficiency,” says the Chicago Post, “that we have not yet made democracy safe for the city.’) In these cities where the plan has been tried there has been a steady improvement in all administrative branches and a general feeling of satisfaction with the results. Certainly there has been no serious efic-t to undo what has been accomplished. The town of Goldsboro, North Carolina, with a population of 11,000, widely advertised for a city manager, an experiment which has been fully reported in. the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW.^ “Twenty years ago, such an advertisement would have been considered a hoax,” as the 4 See vol. vi, p. 605.

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8 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW IJanuary Toledo Blade has editorially pointed out. “In those days, the management of a city was still a mere matter of getting the votes. Anyone was qualified who was a naturalized citizen. People were born to governing a community just as they were born to breathe God’s air. The one was no harder than the other. No better sign of progress could be furnished than that citizens of a city, having each the right to serve as manager, should humbly confess their want of knowledge by advertising abroad for a qualified employe. Democracy does not demand that every man shall be recognized as divinely given to conduct office. It doesdemand that in government there shall be a broad application of common sense. And putting men in charge of cities who know their business, who have good judgment and broad vision, is common sense of the highest grade.” THE NEED FOR COMPETENT OFFICIALS If we are to have carefully planned and adequately protected and developed cities, then we must have competent officials to administer them and herein is the strength of the city-manager movement for in it is involved the idea of executive efficiency and concentration of administrative responsibility along with representative legislative body charged with policy-determining responsibility. A component part of any such plan must be a comprehensive merit system to secure the selection of competent officials to serve with the city manager. Some idea of the growth of this branch of the movement is to be found in the annual assembly of civil service commissioners, devoted to a consideration of the ways and means whereby such officials can be the most surely selected. It is not a propagandist body, but a technical one and each year registers an increased number of delegates present and a keener discussion of the details of selection. Hand in hand with this growth we must note the establishment, as in the Western Reserve University (Cleveland), of schools for training for municipal administration and public service, and official recognition of the need of such training in the passage by the Wisconsin legislature of a bill to establish a course in public training at the state university. The most essential factors in fair and effective application of the merit principle in civil service continue to be the following: The examination and certification of eligibles, the system of promotion, the provision for removal, the constitution of the commission. As compared with the work of dividing and administering adequate and appropriate tests for attracting and selecting the best equipped persons for administrative offices, and giving them assurance of permanency of tenure and advancement according to proved fitness, all other phases of the work of civil service commissions are of supplementary and secondary ~ignificance.~ 8 For an extended review of the development along these lines 8ee F. W. Coker’e survey of municipal civil service reports in the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. vi, p. 692.

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19181 AMERICAN CITIES DURING WAR TIMES 9 In a circular letter sent out last spring to its members, the National Municipal League asked these questions: WHAT IS GOING TO HAPPEN AFTER THE WAR? “Did you ever stop to think what is going to happen after the war? Do you realize what the appropriation of billions of dollars by federal, state, county and city governments will mean to this country? Many think that because our economic condition is so good now that everything will be taken care of nicely later. In the history of the entire world a period of prosperous years has always been followed by lean ones. Does not exceptional spending by governments, exceptional prices for commodities, exceptional industrial conditions now, mean exceptional taxation and other exceptional problems later? Where will the burdens fall? Are we ready for them? Are we getting ready?” “You will hear the cry of efficiency and economy in government louder than ever, especially when cities begin to broaden their functions and exercise new ones in coping with new problems, when seen. But they should be foreseen. Someone has to point them out and lead the way, and it is up to us to apply ourselves to this task.” This the League has been doing and as a consequence its services have never been in more demand. This has been largely due to the fact that the rapidly increasing burdens of federal and state taxation have made economy and efficiency of the greater importance. This has by no means been reflected in the election results in the larger cities, but it is bound to be reflected in more careful attention to tax rates and expenditures. Another factor has been pointed out by the investment bankers association: Citizens in many parts of the country are beginning to realize the wrong which has been imposed on this generation by‘corrupt and careless municipal financing in the past, and have decided not to place a similar load upon the shoulders of their children. Moreover, they see that methods of the past, if continued, would soon make it impossible for their cities to borrow money at all on moderate terms. Another significant indication of the trend is the fact that in 1916 cities throughout the country borrowed $502,800,000 in long term loans as compared to $492,500,000 in 1915. This shows an increase of only $10,000,000 in the total amount of loans over the preceding year as compared to an average increase of $50,000,000 for the three years. The truth is even more favorable than the figures indicate. According to a prominent New York investment broker, who is in close touch with municipal conditions in all parts of the country, a great many cities have been more than usually hesitant in the last two years about incurring new expenses, so that the total amounts of bond issues for these years represent a greater proportion than usual of loans refunding old issues. The citizen demand for better municipal administration, in the judg

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10 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEWJanuary ment of this association of investment bankers, is growing in almost all parts of the country, while the powerful interest of the financial backers of cities is with the citizens in the fight. The signs of the times spell progress. WASTE AND EXTRAVAGANCE In his speech on the federal deficiency bill, Senator Martin, of Virginia, in no uncertain tones declared that We must call a halt in extravagance. We must keep within due bounds, and we must not appropriate money that is not essential. We have had quite a number of deficiency bills during this session of Congress. I hope to God this is the last. If we keep on, we had better turn the whole resources of the country without anything more than three lines over to the administrative departments of the government and let them take what they need and spend what they choose. It has come to be a perilous situation. Over $20,000,000,000 in five months! At the pace we are going, if the war lasts another year, $50,000,000,000 will be required. And where is it to come from? Is our country to be impoverished for generations? Yes, if it is necessary to prosecute the war. But, in God’s name, do not let us do it unless it is absolutely necessary. These words may with equal force and effect be applied to our city financing and during the next five years will be. For the federal and state burdens will go on increasing even should the war be happily ended before that time. Indeed similar words found utterance in some of the state legislatures during their recent sessions. In supporting his budget bill in the New York assembly, Senator Wagner said: Every city council, every state legislature and congress itself might do well to consider the new plan of budget making which I have proposed for the state of New York . . . an adaptation of the system employed by the British parliament suggested by President Lowell of Harvard University. The governor of New York has adopted an admirable program of publicity to justify spending the money of the state, but publicity alone does not solve the problem of public waste. When the governor presents a budget calling for the expenditure of $68,000,000, how many citizens, to say nothing of the legislators themselves, have either the expert knowledge or the time to analyze the figures and determine whether or not the proposed expenditures would be justified? Publicity for extravagance which is not detected is a convenient method of passing on to the public the responsibility for the waste. . . . City councils and boards of aldermen present similar conditions to those found in state legislative bodies. Members of the faction in power are loath to curtail the expenditures of their own department heads. Minority finance committees should be appointed by the heads of city governing bodies as a check upon the expenditures proposed by the majorities and empowered to employ experts to investigate proposed appropriations. The principle involved is one capable of broad application.

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19181 AMERICAN CITIES DURING WAR TIMES 11 Such opposition committees would depend not only upon their own investigations for exposing waste, but would afford those citizens who desire economy an opportunity fbr telling what they know. Chambers of commerce and independent business men, too often fearing to incur the disfavor of the politicians in power, are silent, whereas they would gladly lodge their complaints with a minority committee which would be eager to take them up. I am sure that this would greatly encourage the application of business principles to spending the public’s money. The question is-do the public want economy sufficiently to demand it vigorously enough to get it? These are the words, not of a representative of a bureau of research or a reform body, but of the leader of the Democrats in the New York senate, elected on a Tammany ticket! STATE AND COUNTY -4FFAIRS This speech of Senator Wagner brings to mind the work which has been inaugurated to reorganize state and county affairs, as well as those of the cities. The latter are no longer neglected-although still requiring the closest of attention and almost infinite patience. The past year has seen forward steps in state reorganization in Illinois and Kansas, with important developments in several others. Likewise the county, so long “the dark continent of politics,” is beginning to claim a share of attention. The determination of the National Municipal League to give consideration to these two phases of governmental activity has been received with approval. References to these to the uninitiated may seem out of place in a review of American cities during war times, but to those who know by experience how closely interlaced the state, county and city, their appropriateness is at once obvious. City government cannot be segregated from state and county government and any attempt to do so will add to the difficulties of an already serious situation. THE POLITICAL SITUATION Politically speaking, the events of the year have been far from encouraging. They illustrate if that were necessary that the “ war has not disposed of the city bosses as yet.” The defeat of Mayor Mitchel was no doubt the result of the inevitable reaction which follows exceptionally usefuI and progressive administrations. At the same time it is discouraging; one is almost tempted to say disheartening. It brings to mind these words of M. Marmontel in ‘I Belisaire” (published in 1796) : “Whoever devotes himself to, the service of his country, should suppose her insolvent; for what he hazards for her is inestimable. But he must at the same time expect to find her ungrateful: for whoever looks for a reward for a free and generous sacrifice of himself, is foolishly inconsistent. . . . The allurements of ambition: honors, titles, rank, . . . what are they but wages? He who desires them has his hire.

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12 NAI’IUNAL MUNICIPAL KEVIEW [January We must either give or sell ourselves, there is no other alternative. The former is the act of freedom, the latter of slavery: you, gentlemen, will incline to that which agrees best with the propensities of your hearts.” Experience leads one to believe that much of the good which has been accomplished during the past eight years covering the administrations of Gaynor and Mitchel will continue and that then there will come another great surge forward and still further advances gained and held. At the same time how must our gallant youth that have gone to the front feel, when the greatest city of the land deliberately hands her whole government over to men who have shown time and again that they think first of their organization and secondly and often remotely of their community. Here is how a Philadelphia boy thought about the situation in that city: George wanted to know what could be done to help out “over here.” I will write and tell of anything I see; but one thing is sure-that there is no fun in fighting to save democracy for a lot of grafting politicians, and nothing would put more “pep” into me than to know that the people at home were awake to their civic responsibilities. While I believe that eventually we will win out, we have a hard job on our hands and graft is as much of a foe as autocracy. ABANDONMENT OF PARTY LINES Philadelphia’s reply is no more encouraging than New York’s-but the situation is not uniformly bad throughout the country. In the vast majority of the commissionand city-manager cities party lines have disappeared and there are now over five hundred such communities. In California party lines have practically disappeared in city campaigns. Even in New York and Philadelphia, leading politicians identified with their respective parties have abandoned these parties in local contests. Elihu Root, Theodore Roosevelt, Charles .E. Hughes, and William H. Taft openly supported the re-election of Mayor Mitchel and in Philadelphia no less a person than the Republican national committeeman, Senator Penrose, openly repudiated the Republican tickets and supported the Town Meeting ticket. Dayton, Ohio, affords a very striking contrast to the metropolitan cities of the Atlantic coast. She has, by a substantial majority, endorsed her city manager charter and the admirable execution of it. At the primaries the Socialists on a light vote polled the largest vote, the opposition being divided. At the general election on November 6, however, the opposition was united and the vote in favor of the sitting members of the commission was substantial. The lowest man on the Citizens’ ticket received 2,841 more votes than the highest man on the Socialist ticket. Springfield, Ohio, is another city which by an equally substantial

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19181 AMERICAN CITIES DURING WAR TIMES 13 majority endorsed the city manager idea and its very excellent local embodiment. Progress in the smaller cities, especially those of the central and far west is much more rapid and substantial than in the larger cities of the east. In fact, political progress in Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore and Chicago is only intermittently encouraging, whereas in most of the smaller communities of the country, and especially in the section mentioned, a larger measure of persistence is shown. In writing to a city clerk the assistant secretary of the Union of Canadian Municipalities said: Sometimes, when I sit back in my chair, I think over thedifferent temperaments of our municipal men between the Atlantic and Pacific; of their ideals, their aspirations, and their ways of striving to attain their ends. The westerner hustles and pushes, and thinks the east is mighty slow. The easterner goes slow (apparently) and quietly smiles at the western hustle and wear of energy. It is all very interesting to one in close touch with municipal men in the east, middle, and west, of our wonderful country. As I have said before I say with greater emphasis again-municipal men, our Canadian municipal men are the virile, active men of Canada, the men with ideals, public spirited, and the real backbone of our political institutions. They get many kicks and cuffs, and heaps of slander from the incompetent, the indifferent, and the incapable; and from a host of community parasites. However, general public opinion has advanced wonderfully of late, and we all are just beginning to find out that whole-hearted interest in municipal affairs is the foundation stone of all good government. THE NEED OF A CONSTRUCTIVE PROGRAM Something more than reform by protest or town meetings is necessary. There must be a constructive program persistently followed up. The political organizations set an example which reformers should follow. In many places they have, and in those places the results abundantly justify the effort. The politicians are always “on the job,” the day after quite as much as the day before. Their machine is always in order. They know what they want and they go after it-usually until they get it. They vote rainy days as well as bright ones. They vote their full strength at unimportant as well as important elections-but what of the Independents and reformers? In Philadelphia there were 50,000 men who were qualified, who failed to register and 50,000 who qualified who failed to vote. Half of either group would have repudiated the brutal practices of the dominant faction and both together would have administered a rebuke from which there would have been no recovery. There are certain municipal conditions which militate against efficiency in time of peace as well as in war. Indifference to duty is one of them. Another is the failure to recognize duties as well as rights. There is just one phrase for those 100,000-civic slackers!

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14 NA‘I’IUNAL MUNlGll’AL HKVIKW LJ anuary STEADFASTNESS OF CIVIC ORGANIZATIONS There is a silver lining, however, to these clouds. It consists of the steadfastness with which the volunteer civic organizations are holding their grounds. In the face of war they have shown no sIightest intention to yield an inch of ground or to retire from their positions. They have added war-time duties to their regular ones. Their officers are serving the government in various capacities, but they have not given up their civic duties. They have added to the sum total of public patriotic duty. They have not substituted one form of it for another. “True municipal reform is based on actual knowledge,” to use the words of the Detroit civic league, “of actual conditions. The plan is to secure better conditions by a progress which shall be permanent, not temporary. The municipal revival has given way to the personal work of the man who makes a science of the task of government, who is not afraid to co-operate with officeholders who are honest and who are doing the best they can with the antiquated machinery with which they have to work.” The league might have added that they add to a stern sense of public duty an enlightened comprehension of method and a persistency of endeavor that will in the long run win the battle for civic decency and efficiency, to all of which is being added a sense of community dependency and . co-operation which is making solidly and definitely for real democracy. They represent the regular army of civic advance. MUNICIPAL PENSIONS BY LAWSON PURDY New Ymk N MAKING an address as president of the League I did not a year ago and I shall not to-day attempt to review what has been done I by the cities of the country during the past year because for many years the secretary of the League has so well performed that function. A year ago I selected two subjects which seemed to me of importance and present interest. This year I propose to develop somewhat a subject concerning which I have a few words to say and that is municipal pensions-pensions of all kinds. I speak of that to-day because more and more that subject is pressing upon the people of the cities of the United States and because, on account of the war, it is being pressed upon the government of the United States. The action of congress furnishes a text for an address on pensions because congress has adopted an entirely new course. All of you know that after the Civil War the United States started a system of pensioning 1 Presidential address at the twenty-third annual meeting of the National Municipal League, Detroit, Mich., November 21, 1917.

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19181 MUNICIPAL PENSIONS 15 disabled soldiers and dependent relatives of soldiers who had been killed, We know that in the years since the Civil War we have spent. annually a greater and greater sum until very recently, and that in the aggregate the amount expended for pensions by the United States on account of the Civil War has reached enormous figures. A NEW PRECEDENT Congress, having that history in mind, apparently has decided that the provision for those who are maimed in battle and for the dependents of those who may be killed, shall be made once for all by means of insurance. It seems that congress does not propose to settle upon later generations a large part of the expense of this war in the manner in which it was imposed after the Civil War. Probably very few people in the United States realize the expense that lies ahead of them if the plans are carried out for pensioning civil servants that will be proposed in the course of the next few years. For a good many years some cities of the country, not few in number, have been making some provision for aged and infirm firemen, policemen and school-teachers. Soon all cities will be doing that and many cities will be doing more. In the city of New York we have started tomake provision for widows having small children to bring up. Recently seven states have appointed commissions to consider the whole subject of the care of aged and dependent persons. In doing so they are only following the example of some European countries that have already inaugurated such a policy. NEW YORK’S COMMISSION Recently a commission in the city of New York made an exhaustive report on the pension systems then in force in the city of New York and within the year a commission of the state of Illinois has reported upon the pension systems of Illinois. Both of these reports, the report in the city of New York and the report for the state of Illinois, show that in not one single city of the United States that has established provision for aged and infirm policemen, firemen, school-teachers or others was the system based on sound actuarial principles. The city of New York, for a long time, made a provision of 2 per cent of the pay-roll to be set aside for firemen and I think for policemen and then certain increments to the fund were provided from certain source8 of revenue,-a very careless, utterly inaccurate method of making provision. At the time these reports were made these pension funds were either absolutely insolvent or on the verge of insolvency. The reports set forth the experience of foreign governments and foreign cities and the best actuarial computations in this country which show substantially the

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16 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January same thing, namely, that the cost of such pensions for the aged and infirm civil servants themselves and such provision as has been made for their dependents adds about 30 to 35 per cent to the pay-roll. There is no city in the country that would contemplate at once establishing a system that would call for an addition to the expense of city government of 30 per cent of the pay-roll, but that is what they are facing if they establish the pension systems that to a considerable extent are now in force and that are proposed. Usually they only propose a retiring allowance of 50 per cent of pay received in active service, or less than 50 per cent. It would be quite worthless for me to stand here and tell you these things if I had nothing to propose that would help to solve the problem that must be met, for these pension plans will be established and in my own judgment they ought to be established. It might be worth while to say just a few words about why they ought to be established. It is practically the universal testimony of those familiar with the personnel of city departments and national and state departments as well, that because administrators have hearts they keep in the service old men and perhaps to some degree old women, too, if we have women in the civil service. Formerly we had not many; we will have many as time goes on. They keep these old men in the service long after they are able to earn in proportion to their pay. In my own department in the city of New York we have had old men whose places were, after their death, filled for one-third the annual salary by men who did twice the work. Now just see how much cheaper it would be if those figures are 50 per cent true to retire the old man on half pay and hire a man for less than half of his former pay to do the work better and do more work than he did in his declining years! PENSIONS A MATTER OF EFFICIENCY From the point of view of mere efficiency in government and economy in government, it is better to pension the person who is really superannuated or infirm and hire a substitute for him than it is to keep him on at the old rate of pay. Beyond that, however, we all know that persons in receipt of small incomes (and 95 per cent of city employes are in receipt of small incomes) are unable or at least unwilling systematically to lay aside a sufficient sum to care for themselves in their old age. We are confronted with that absolute condition and I think beyond any question of doubt, the cities of the United States in time, and no very long time, will make provision for pensioning their old, worn-out employes. It is the experience in all countries, so these reports tell us, that employes who are hired with the expectation that they will be cared for in old age regard that old age care as part of their pay and really it is part

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19181 MUNICIPAL PENSIONS 17 of their pay. There has been a good deal of discussion as to whether the person hired should be paid a fixed sum and his employer, the city, should contribute all of the amount in addition that is necessary to provide him with a pension or whether the employe should receive a larger sum and be compelled himself to contribute or whether that amount should be divided. In my opinion that question is entirely immaterial as to new hirings and new contracts. It is material as to the old ones because we have here clerks hired at a hundred dollars a month or seventy-five dollars a month or a hundred and fifty dollars a month or more and if part of the pay they are now receiving is taken from them for their future pension, it is material to the city and material to the employe; but in future contracts, so long as the pay is no more than adequate for the service and in addition to the pay that is received now, there is deferred payment in the form of pension for the future, whether you call it contribution of the employe or contribution of the city is entirely immaterial. All the employes have come to feel (where these systems have been enforced) that what they were receiving was deferred payment. It is very material, however, how much this is going to cost the cities of the country and whether the burden will be a continuing burden and so hamper all the cities of the country in their effort to do other things than care for their own employes. ACCRUED LIABILITIES AND NEW CONTRACTS Last year I made a proposal which has never been tried out by any public body so far as I am aware, that when we establish a pension aystem we should distinguish between new employes and old, between what the insurance people call accrued liabilities and new contracts, and should make such provision for the new employes that the expense after a few years would be a decreasing expense instead of an increasing one. . It can be demonstrated that for the same sum that must be appropriated to provide pensions under the present plan the same pensions can be paid by preserving intact as principal, every dollar that is paid in, and using exclusively the income of that capital fund. There is one objection that is made to this plan, that employes who remain in the city service too short a time to receive a pension feel that they should receive back upon retirement all or part of the sum that has been paid into the pension fund for their account. That objection can be met under the plan that I propose, the retirement from the service of any employe need not deprive him of any benefit that he has expected to receive by continuing in the service until his retiring age. What should be done, I think, is this: For every employe there should be paid into the pension fund a sum adequate to produce the result which would be no more than the sum 2

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18 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January necessary on any plan that has heretofore been proposed. It appears that it will take about 15 per cent of the pay-roll to care for the employes themselves. The other 15 per cent is required to take care of their dependents. If there is set aside 15 per cent of the pay-roll for every employe and that sum is put at interest, invested in the bonds of the city, let us say, or in such other safe security as will adequately protect the fund, and the bonds pay 4 per cent, in about thirty-five years there will be a fund sufficient to pay more than half salaries to all the survivors. This plan does not contemplate caring for the dependents of these employes. That is another proposition which can be cared for in the same manner but I am talking now solely of the cost of caring for the employes of the city themselves after they have reached the retiring age. A year ago I had been able to obtain the assistance of the actuary of one of the large insurance companies who made certain computations for me. I hope some time to carry those computations out so as to have a variety of illustrations. Those figures showed that if men entered the service at the average age of twenty-five years and served for forty-five years, 10 per cent of the pay-roll would give every man who retired 95 per cent of the salary that he had been receiving, substantially his whole salary. If, instead of setting aside 10 per cent, 15 per cent were set aside, it is obvious that that point would be reached at a somewhat earlier age and if only half pay were given it would be reached at a much earlier age. This computation shows further that after such a system had been in force in any city for a period of from fifty to seventy-five years, no further contributions on the part of the city would be necessary; the fund itself would provide an annual income adequate to pay all pensions and further adequate to pay the increment that would be necessary to care for the enlargement of the force provided the city did not grow with too great rapidity. In that event, it would only be a matter of a few more years before the increment would care for all the dependents. RETIREMENTS AND WITHDRAWALS If a man retires from the city service to take other employment he should be allowed to continue paying into the pension fund so that he should receive the same benefits as any other employe of the city. If he didn't choose to pay in further into the pension fund, he should be allowed to draw in proportion, at the time he had reached retiring age, to the amount that he had paid into the pension fund or that had been paid in for him. If he had served the city for ten years and 15 per cent of his pay had been turned into the pension fund, when he reached retiring age he could have the earnings of that fund; he never would lose anything by having had some sum paid into the pension fund for his benefit. Once having established such a system for city employes, there would

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19181 WAR TIME EXPERIENCES 19 be no objection and there would be very great advantage in allowing every citizen that saw fit to do so to become a participant in that pension fund by paying into it such sums as might be found administratively convenient and practical. Then it would be within the power of every person in the city to provide for his old age at the minimum of expense and with the utmost certainty that he never would lose the sum that he had paid into the care of the city. Can you imagine anything which would give the citizens of the city a greater interest in their city than that every one of them, by his own efforts, might become a participant in a great system of provision for old age for the time when he can no longer work? The same system will apply, perforce, should it be adopted to the care of all those who might become dependent upon the city’s bounty and they would be paying their own way and taking care of themselves in their old age under such conditions as they saw fit instead of being turned into great institutions which, however good they may be, are not like one’s own home. I can hardly hope in the course of a few moments to convey to you this idea of the solidarity of all the people of the city and the possibilities that this holds out in the way in which it has grown upon me through thinking of it for many years. If, by this brief presentation, I can start some one here from some city in the country to taking this subject so to heart that aome city may start this system, I have perfect confidence that it will grow and spread from city to city, from state to state and to the nation itself so that all the federal employes shall in this fashion be enabled to have a certain provision for the future and so that within a brief span of time, as history is measured, it shall be without present expense to the inhabitants of the United Stateu. WAR TIME EXPERIENCES OF CANADIAN CITIES1 BY W. D. LIGHTHALL, K.C. Mont~ed~ Cam& N THAT intercommunication which is of late years constantly taking place between the municipalities of the United States and those I of Canada, largely through the National Municipal League and the Union of Canadian Municipalities-which I represent-our cities of Canada usually look to yours for experiences. But in the case of experiences of the present war we find the rule reversed. No sooner had you come 1 Opening remarks of Mr. Lighthall as chairman of the session of the National Municipal League meeting at Detroit, November 23, 1917, on “War Time Experiences of Canadian Cities. ”

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20 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January into the conflict than your military leaders appeared at our review grounds and at our officers’ training corps; your gallant soldiers were seen fraternizing with our kilties on the streets; we lent you military instructors of all ranks and services familiar with actual fighting at the front, and our returned soldiers were frequently called to your public meetings to describe the situation in Belgium and France. And to-day some of us dwellers in the larger communities in Canada have been asked to come here and try to tell something that might help your communities from what we have seen and felt during these last sad but glorious three years and a quarter. FIRST EFFECT OF THE WAR The first effect of the war upon us is something you will never have,-a, stunned sense of disastrous surprise. You also were surprised at that time, but you were not yet struck. You had some stock exchange panic, it is true, but we had far more; we knew we were actually plunged into a stupenduous conflict, for which we were absolutely without preparation. For months our banks shut down on even the most ordinary enterprises. One banker expressed it-“We may all go to pot together.” A wellknown capitalist sat in tears in a leading club of Montreal after vainly trying to raise a few thousand dollars to save hundred of thousands of good property. “I have lost everything: I am entirely ruined,” he moaned. And he was but a type of many. But the general commercial panic-fortunately soon surmounted-was but secondary to other things, the military anxiety over the fateful fighting in France, the possibilities of invasion at home, of explosions, of destruction of our canals, railways, and buildings, and above all the anxiety over our sons and other relatives destined for the front. But the blood that runs in our veins and yours is not given to fear or loss of will. We immediately gathered thirty-three thousand eager young men in khaki and shipped them to England, with the pledge of more. We were pleased to learn that you watched their progress as kinsmen. There were not a few of you among even those immortal first crusaders. They could not resist the call of chivalry and liberty. The wrench of the heart of the mother, and then her noble pride in the sacrifice of her son; the young wife’s fears, but her trust in her brave man; the father’s silent consent; the forebodings and excitements of parting. Afterwards the feverish interest in every incident of the war affecting in any way <‘our boy.” And here I can say something that will help each anxious parent. Do not read the news of every fight with the thought that your boy may have come to harm. On the contrary you may conclude that nothing has hurt him. Because, assuming that your war department system is like ours, the earliest news of a casualty to him will come to yourself by a governThen first we knew what war, though far off, meant in our cities. A11 these you have lately had like ourselves.

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19181 WAR TIME EXPERIENCES 21 ment telegram before the newspapers get it. a telegram has come to you, assume that all is well. Unless and until, therefore, WAR TIME CASUALTIES Another fact may also help you. We read in the newspapers of many accidents every day. But in actual life serious accidents are rare. So it is with war. One reads the lists of killed and wounded, but forgets that the vast majority of the army survives. The deaths and cripplings are bad. I do not wish to minimize them. But they are apt to be overestimated and make us unduly depressed. The total deaths of our first contingent (the 33,000) are about 8 per cent in three years. In civil life about 3 per cent of them would have died anyway. Their deaths by the war were therefore one in twenty in those three years. Should the war last another year, then at the same rate your first contingent might lose one is sixty. And during the winter it ought not to be one fourth of that, because winter is not a fighting season. Yet with all these deductions, we have had sad and grave times. To send 400,000 (soon to be 500,000) men overseas has made a drain upon our manhood equal to five or six millions from the United States. Consequently, the daily list of casualties mean much to every community. Blow after bIow falls every few days. Some bright and generous youth, who a short time ago was our happy neighbor, dies in some heroic effort. We shudder at the fa11 of the stroke upon the unhappy mother and father. We reverence them and their signs of mourning. But each time the carrying on of the war becomes in us a deeper and deeper religion, so that the lives of our heroes shall not have been laid down in vain. We have come to regard earthly things as mattering little, and to live for glorious ideas, like the resolves of men of former great days. Our feelings, we think, resemble those of the height of your Civil War. Your present generation have yet to fully understand these stern and solemn feelings. Your oldest G. A. R. men understand them. Our churches are decorated with allied flags and “Rolls of Honor.” Alas, too, memorial tablets are increasing. At the end of each service the congregation standing at attention sings a stanza of “God Save the King”; and at times, the new stanza: God save our spIendid men, Send them safe home again: God save our men. Send them victorious, Patient and chivalrous; They are so dear to us, God save our men. ORGANIZING FOR THE WORK Our experiences in the way of organizing to meet the various demands Let me give a sketch of what has been done of the war have been many.

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22 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January in the city of Montreal, whose population is about 800,000. Montreal differs from most of our places in that it is not the city hall which is the center of patriotic action but the Canadian club. It is in this ever active body that are hatched the whirlwind campaigns for the Canadian patriotic fund, for the Red Cross, and for the war loans. The Red Cross and the war loans you are familiar with-but the work of the Canadian patriotic fund is unique. It is an immense voluntary organization which keeps the wife and family of the soldier in comfort during his absence. Its whole management is perfect down to the smallest detail and it is a treat to go into the large offices and watch the despatch of innumerable applications, complaints and inquiries under the leadership of a wonderful woman, Miss Helen Reid. It has collected and administered in Montreal alone over $3,500,000. An interesting fact is that it is entirely managed by women, none of whom had previous business experience. The problem of affording club homes for the numerous uniformed men in the city is attended to by the khaki league, a voluntary institution peculiar to Montreal, and which runs many departments very popular with the soldier. Hospitals are chiefly provided by the government by means of the hospital commission, but volunteer aid detachment nurses (V. A. D.’s) have done a great deal in private institutions, together with professional nurses, some of whom have gratuitously given their time and skill. The large numbers of returned men give rise to several other problems -such as re-educational classes for those whose wounds and mutilated limbs unfit them for their former employment. Those gassed and shellshocked also present serious questions. They start at sudden sounds, fight battles in their dreams and require very sympathetic treatment. One question of deep importance has been how to see to it that the soldier, his sacrifices, and his war aims shall not be forgotten in the years after the war. Some of us thought the solution to have been reached by your Grand Army of the Republic. We have, therefore, aided in forming The Great War Veterans’ Association which now numbers between twenty and thirty thousand and will probably when peace arrives contain four hundred thousand. It already promises to be one of the most powerful of the new influences in Canadian life. It has been imitated in Australia, and ultimately the hope is that all soldiers of the allies will be linked together in The Great War Veterans of the World. The most precious of all honors is to wear the gilt wound stripes and the button of the returned soldier. With all our losses, our anxieties, and our stern and serious days, no Canadian worthy of the name will ever regret that our boys sprang by instinct to the help of the oppressed and took up the battle for the common liberties of mankind. You also, men and women of our blood, were bound to be there. We felt you could not keep out of it, although the

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19181 WAR TIME EXPERIENCES OF TORONTO, CANADA .23 stupid Hohenzollern, true to type, took your long tried patience for fear of his might. Throughout all these conditions the place and ofice of municipal authorities is plain. It is to lead and to co-operate in all movements of relief and action. WAR TIME EXPERIENCES OF TORONTO, CANADA BY HIS WORSHIP, MAYOR T. L. CHURCH War-time Mayor of Toronto HIS subject is a large one to deal with at all in an adequate way. When war broke out Canada was unprepared to meet conditions and dislocations, which resulted, but recovered itself very quickly. Toronto is a city of 486,000 in population at present, with an area of about twelve miles along Lake Ontario by ten miles inland, and is almost entirely built up. Our city has sent already in the neighborhood of 60,000 soldiers overseas to fight in Flanders and in France, under the voluntary system. A municipality in war time must cease spending money on local improvements and stop its capital expenditures as far as possible, except for works under construction. It should be careful not to add to the capital debt except for works which are revenue producing and absolutely necessary. Returned soldiers should be given the preference in all civic positions exclusively . The city should insure its soldiers who enlist in this fight for humanity. Every resident of Toronto receives one thousand dollars cash indemnity from the city. The work of many civic departments is multiplied in war time, while in the public works department the work is lessened. The police department is overworked in war time. They have to assist the federal and state authorities as well as look after aliens and alien enemies. Our larger cities, in winter, become a training camp for soldiers. Cities give city properties free to the government for camps for soldiers, and the city’s own car lines carry the soldiers free, although the private street railway company here makes them pay a fare. Unemployment is very largely eliminated. Owing to the work provided by munition plants and other war works labor is at a premium. The city should take the lead in all patriotic work, such as Red Cross and patriotic funds, assisting them in every way possible. The best that a city can give the soldiers is none too good for them for all they are going to suffer for us. In Toronto the returned men are met by a band, T War has made many changes in our city.

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24 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January given a civic welcome and taken to their homes in automobiles, and otherwise looked after, and as soon as discharged are found suitable positions. Employers of labor and manufacturers when their employes return from the front should not expect 100 per cent of efficiency from them and should not reduce them to a minor position at lesser pay, for were it not for the soldier to-day the manufacturers’ business would be nowhere in such a war as this. The coal and food situation may be materially relieved by civic cooperation and the city should by joint action assist the federal and state government in regulating prices, and also in the fuel and food situations. They have a twenty-four hour a day guard on our waterworks and on other public buildings. An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure. At the beginning of the war we had a military guard, but this has been substituted by a civil guard under the control of the police department. Officers of all ranks should not forget that the soldier of to-day is a civilian. The men should be treated properly, not as inferiors. This is a democratic country and the men have left their civil positions for the good of the colors and civilization. While discipline is necessary there should be a democratic spirit between the officers and men of all ranks. The people are severally taxed by federal and state’ enactments and while the municipality’s expenditures are doubled for war purposes, their revenues are becoming depleted all the time; but the assessment of the city in war time should as much as possible not be interfered with. The province imposed a war tax of one mill on the dollar per annum on the assessment of the city. We have 60,000 soldiers from Toronto on active service, but only some 50,000 are included in the civic insurance inasmuch as they had not all been residing in the municipality prior to 1914. The city should assist the soldiers in seeing that they get proper transports, assist in notifying their relatives, have a civic bureau to look after the soldiers’ wants and needs. The city should pay the difference between the military pay and the civic salaries of its own employes who have joined the colors, while they are on active service. The war is a gigantic affair and rigid economy should be practiced. American cities should not make the great mistake that Toronto has made of assuming too many federal responsibilities. Toronto has spent vast sums to assist recruiting which the federal government should have paid. We have given over to the government a ten-million dollar property known as the Canadian National Exhibition Grounds and buildings to house the troops for eight months of the year. Preparations to receive the returned men should be made, as in less than a year they will be coming back in large numbers to the United States wounded and medically unfit. Now is the time to prepare a hosProper guxds should be placed on all public property.

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19181 WAR TIME EXPERIENCES OF TORONTO, CANADA 25 pita1 scheme and local hospitals to take care of the situation before it is too late. They help perfect the training of the troops. The troops in training must have some recreation, and in each military district there is a military sporting programme for all seasons of the year on a large scale. It is a good thing to have a sportsmen’s patriotic association in each city to collect funds from the theatres and elsewhere to provide Christmas presents for the men overseas and their children and dependents at home. The sending of sporting goods to the training camps and to the men overseas is a commendable form of help. Soldiers should have their own military police to deal with breaches of discipline on the streets, especially in the evenings. They are left to their own military police to deal with them. Two hundred and fifty soldiers each night patrol the streets all over the city for a few hours, and they look after their own men, although the conduct of the troops has been most admirable. The curtailment of sports in war time is a mistake, although the money collected from sports should go to patriotic uses. The railways should give cheap fares to the soldiers for week-end trips. Adequate leave should be given to the married men with the colors from time to time in the training camps to visit their families, on weekend passes. The authorities should not forget that while discipline is necessary, the men in training have families and home ties. Liberal leave and passes should be given at all times, but not to interfere with the training. Arrangements should be made by the city to get information re casualties and have the news properly announced to the suffering families. The women’s organizations of the city are the backbone “in keeping the home fires burning,”-as it were. Toronto has made a splendid showing in regard to money contributions-the best of the cities in His Majesty’s overseas dominions. The women encouraged their men to enlist, and did not make it hard for them to do so. They also did great work in the Red Cross and other patriotic campaigns. All contributions for patriotic purposes should be under civic control. If not some fraud is bound to be practiced on the public. A license should be obtained from the chief of police or other civic agency before anyone is authorized to collect for patriotic purposes. This will prevent overlapping and any imposition on the public from countless appeals. The commercial men and manufacturers have done nobly in this war, and vie with each other as to who can do most for their employes with the colors. The churches and the pulpit have also done splendid work and their co-operation is most essential and necessary, also the school children and the boy scouts and other fraternal societies. Sports in war time are not a luxury, but a necessity. Our civil police do not interfere with the soldiers.

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26 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January Military hospitals should be provided for in the cities with lots of surrounding grounds . Every city should have a large base hospital for its troops in training and those returning . The following is a summary of the war disbursements and liabilities assumed by the city of Toronto since the war started amounting to over $7.000.000 . WAR DISBURSEMENTS AND LIABILITIES OF CITY OF TORONTO. TO OCTOBER 31. 1917 1 . Insurance of soldiers .............................. $2,680,087.55 2 . Canadian patriotic fund ........................... 300,000.00 3 . Canadian patriotic and Canadian Red Cross fund .... 500,000.00 4 . British Red Cross ................................ 250,000.00 5 . Overseas Y . M . C . A . fund ....................... 25,000.00 6 . Canadian Red Cross .............................. 20,504.40 7 . Italian Red Cross ................................ 5,000.00 8 . French Red Cross ................................ 2,500.00 9 . Belgian relief fund ................................ 25,000.00 10 . Palestine war relief fund .......................... 2,500.00 11 . British sailors relief fund ........................... 25,000.00 12 . Seamen’s hospital fund ............................ 2,000.00 13 . Canadian war veterans’ association ................. 11,000.00 14 . Sportsmen’s patriotic association ................... 2,500.00 15 Maple leaf club 500.00 16 . War prisoners’ relief fund .......................... 5,000.00 17 . Purchase of aeroplanes ............................ 22,800.00 18 . Purchase horses. rifles. ammunition ................. 69,930.45 975,274.35 16,052.96 14,853.11 67,083.02 333,073.84 945.00 13,386.42 11.951.23 . .................................. 19 . Salaries of enlisted civic employes .................. 20 . Food. clothing. etc., for soldiers overseas ............ 21 . Maintenance and temporary barracks ............... 22 . Recruiting grants to battalions. etc ................. 23 . Wages paid to those protecting city property .......... 24 . Paid to soldiers for picket duty ..................... 25 . Rent of hospital and hospital accommodation ......... 26 . Receiving returned soldiers and miscellaneous ......... 27 . Provinciil war taxes. 1915-1916-1917 ............... 1,7361357.00 Total ........................................ $7,118,299.33 This large total is being added to through the falling in of life insurance which the city is carrying . The number of lives now covered by insurance is 41.645. of which 32. 596 are carried by the city. involving a contingent liability of no less than $32.596.000 . The remaining 9. 049 are carried by life insurance companies. at an annual charge of approximately $176,000.00. The following are the gross assessments of the city for 1914. 1915. 1916. and 1917: 1914 ................................. $513.380. 984 1915 ................................. 565.300. 294 1916 ................................. 589.036. 455 1917 ................................. 592.123. 873 1918 (unrevised) ....................... 605.107. 430

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19181 REPRESENTATION IN DAYTON AND ASHTABULA 27 The Toronto harbor is being rebuilt at a cost of $26,000,000 of which the city contributes $20,000,000. Notwithstanding the war, these works are not being shut down, because they are, in the main, revenue producing. The British forgings plant, on which three and a half millions has been spent, has located on the harbor property, which would not have been secured if the harbor had been closed down. They are manufacturing munitions. The following is a statement of the amount of money collected by the city of Toronto towards the patriotic fund and the patriotic Red Cross: First patriotic appeal. ................................ $1,100,000 Second patriotic appeal (of which $250,000 given to Canadian Red Cross) ................................... 2,400,000 Third patriotic appeal. ............................... 3,300,000 British Red Cross Appeals: $550,000 740,000 837,000 $104,157 (1) Appeal no. 1.. ................................. (2) Appeal no. 2.. ................................. (3) Appeal no. 3.. ................................. Secours National: Amount of cash subscriptions ......................... Value of different kind of goods contributed. ............. 200,000 REPRESENTATION IN DAYTON AND ASHTABULA BY RAYMOND MOLEY Western Reserue University HOULD the city council of the future be large or small? Should it be chosen by wards or at large? If chosen at large, should the S Hare system of proportional representation be used or should it be partially renewed at alternate elections? These are questions of paramount importance to cities contemplating charter changes. Moreover, they are questions of fundamental interest to everyone connected with the theory or process of government. The answers to them involve the future of the representative system. The recent elections in two Ohio cities that have braved the uncertainties of governmental experimentation, are rich in practical lessons for those who seek a better type of representative government. Ashtabula and Dayton are both governed through city manager charters. Both have had two elections under the new system and both have received a considerable amount of notice from students of city government. On account of the dissimilarity of the methods used in the two cities in choosing their commissions, a comparative study seems appropriate at this time.

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28 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January It must be frankly stated that the difference in size of Dayton and Ashtabula very largely detracts from the value of the comparison. Dayton has a population of 140,000 while Ashtabula is only an eighth as large. This means that Dayton has in a great measure outgrown the characteristics of a small city while Ashtabula retains a considerable amount of provincialism. Nevertheless, both are alike in general economic interests and in the fact that their populations include a large proportion of the foreign born. DAYTON’S ELECTION The manager plan was adopted in Dayton in the period following the great flood, which almost prostrated the biisiness life of the community. John H. Patterson, president of the National Cash Register Company, the hero of the flood, became the chief statesman of the reconstruction. A non-partisan organization was formed which promoted the formation of a new charter and nominated five candidates for the new commission. These were all elected. Four were business men and one a labor unionist. In the election of 1915 one of the non-partisan members was displaced by a Democrat. During the past two years a considerable feeling has developed among the laboring classes that they have not been properly represented in the government. Much of the criticism that has been leveled at the singularly efficient and vigorous administration of Manager Waite can safely be attributed to this disaffection. This feeling the Socialists carefully stimulated, and in the pre-primary campaign of 1917 they skilfully capitalized it. In the primaries the three Socialist candidates ran far ahead of all others,’ with the non-partisan commissioners winning the other places on the ticket. The defeated Democrats threw all of their strength to the support of the Citizens’ ticket in t8he preelection campaign. The Citizens’ candidates stood on their record, claiming support on the basis of the increased efficiency and economy of the Waite administration. With the exception of a Socialist weekly, they had all of the newspaper support of the city. Governor Cox, a citizen of Dayton, supported the Citizens’ candidates both in person and through his newspaper. The “extravagancies and failures” of the “local capitalktic clique’’ received the attention of the Socialists. They made few specific promises, however, of changes in the policy or administration of the government. They did not commit themselves against the city-manager form of government nor against Manager Waite himself. The campaign was full of generalities and practically no local issue of importance was raised upon which the two sides actually differed. The most important feature of the later weeks of the campaign was the 1 See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. vi, p. 623. The campaign was sensational and bitterly fought by both sides.

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19181 REPRESENTATION IN DAYTON AND ASHTABULA 29 attitude of the Socialist party on the war. The candidates themselves seem to have made no specific criticism of the national government, but their unquestioned adherence to Socialist principles was used by the opposition with telling effect. The “red flag of revolution” was used to characterize the men who were claiming the support of the voters of the city. The following challenge to the voters upon the front page of one of the newspapers is notable: “The red flag which is carried by the Socialists of this country is the flag of destruction , disloyalty and dishonor. “The Star Spangled Banner is the flag of patriotism, of virtue, of liberty and of justice. “Under which flag do you stand?” The Socialists replied that they were not disloyal and taunted their critics with the counter charge that the Citizens’ candidates were wrapping themselves in the flag,” Switzer, non-partisan ......................... 17,248 Schroyer, non-partisan ....................... 16,661 Mendenhall, non-partisan ..................... 16,474 Barringer, Socialist .......................... 13,633 Geisler, Socialist. ............................ 12,248 Farrell, Socialist ............................. 11,940 The election resulted as follows: The Socialists, polling 42 per cent of the total vote cast, were unable to displace a single member of the existing commission. ASHTABULA’S ELECTION Ashtabula is a city of about 17,000 population, composed of two parts, two miles distant from each other, the harbor and the city proper. The harbor is the part surrounding the ore docks and is largely populated with foreign born. It is noteworthy that proportional representation has been introduced into America through a trial in a city with a real problem in geographical representation, and that less complaint has been voiced within the past two years by residents of the harbor, on the grounds of discrimination in favor of the city proper, than ever before. The first election in Ashtabula under proportional representation, held in 1915, resulted in the election of a commission of seven members, representative of widely diversified interests. “The business element may be said to have three representatives. The Irish, Swedes and Italians each elected a member of the council. The Socialists elected a member. On the liquor issue three of the successful are pronounced drys, three are classed as liberals and one is very wet! Two years’ experience under the new system seems to have satisfied its friends and silenced its enemies. No demand has been made for a * See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEFV, vol. v, p. 36.

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30 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January change. The consensus of opinion seems to be that the commission elected in 1915 adequately represented all shades of opinion and all types of interests. After the commission took ofice, in 1916, a city manager was selected. For this position the commission selected a local man who had been closely identified with partisan politics for many years. He did not carry the spirit of partisanship into the administration of his new position, appreciating the fact that his tenure depended upon the coalition of local interests which had no relation to the old party alignments. His appointments were not partisan; he abolished a number of useless positions and in the general administration of affairs displayed a large amount of common sense and of sympathy with the special needs of the community. Perhaps the cause of good city government can sometimes best be served through such a gradual transition from the old partisanship. The issues in the election just held differed somewhat from those of 1915. The question of prohibition, which was important then, has been eliminated on account of the fact that the city has since gone dry. NO avowed Socialist was a candidate and the war was not mentioned in connection with the municipal election. No attention seemed to be given to the national party affiliations of any candidate. In this connection it may be asserted with positive emphasis that in the municipal affairs of Ashtabula there is no Republican or Democratic alignment at the present time. Few people seem to know and no one cares for the national party to which the candidates belong. The only issue upon which concerted effort was made by a well defined group of voters was religious. Some weeks before the election a dispute between the Guardians of Liberty and the Roman Catholics concerning the use of a school building for an antiCatholic lecture ended in the courts. As a consequence, the Guardians of Liberty selected four candidates from among the sixteen and concentrated their efforts upon the task of electing them. Instructions were given to voters to express choices only for these four candidates, and on election day marked sample ballots were passed out in large numbers by representatives of the anti-Catholic group. The outstanding fact in the election returns3 was the election of Rinto, Amsden, Swedenborg and Mack, the candidates endorsed by the Guardians of Liberty. In addition to these, Hogan and McClure, former commissioners, and William E. Boynton were successful. COMPOSITION OF ASHTABULA’S NEW COMMISSION The new commission seems to be as representative of the expressed will of the voters as the one elected in 1915. Rinto is a young lawyer of Finnish descent. His standing with the Finns is shown by the fact that a See the result sheet at the end of thk article.

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19181 REPRESENTATION IN DAYTON AND ASHTABULA 31 he received two thirds of all the votes cast in the precincts inhabited by voters of that nationality. His residence is in the harbor district and he was by all odds the choice of the voters of that section. This preference, coupled with the endorsement by the Guardians of Liberty, accounts for his large vote. Amsden is a dock superintendent for a large coal corporation. He received strong support in the precincts in which most of his employes reside. Swedenborg is the proprietor of a small manufacturing establishment. He is known as a substantial Swedish-American citizen and he received almost the entire vote of the members of his nationality. Mack is a foreman in a printing establishment. His greatest strength was in the middle class precincts. Hogan is a leading physician and a Roman Catholic. He was elected in 1915 and was president of the first commission. He seems to have received strong support from the Roman Catholics. The strength of the anti-Catholic bloc is shown in the fact that in the distribution of Rinto’s 143 surplus votes, Hogan received not one. Boynton was a member of the commission which wrote the city charter, and it was largely due to his efforts that proportional representation was adopted. He is a railway engineer, a member of the brotherhood. of locomotive engineers, and a life-long friend of labor. McClure is a department manager in a large retail store. He is one of the two hold-over members of the commission. Corrado, elected in 1915 after long service in the city council, was representative of the “wet” interests as well as of the Italian voters. In this election he was defeated in the final count. His election in 1915 did not add to the quality of the council, but it was evident that he was chosen by interests sufficient to be represented. In the present election he lost a large part of the Italian vote. The council chosen is representative of all the elements of the city which seemed to desire representation. There is no labor vote in Ashtabula such as is found in larger cities. The city is predominantly middle class with the addition of a foreign born element which seeks representation of nationality and creed rather than economic interest. There is evidence in the Ashtabula election to indicate that sectional preferences may function very easily in the proportional representation system. The harbor is represented. Three of the four wards of the city are represented. The habit of voters in the small city to prefer candidates who live nearby is shown in the first-choice votes in the precincts. In twelve of the sixteen precincts the candidate receiving the highest number of votes was a resident of that precinct. This indicates that proportional representation does not eliminate locality representation when it is genuinely sought by the voters. The virtue of proportional representation as shown in the Ashtabula election is in the fact that while the voters were not restricted to candidates living near them, they had the opportunity to. retain all of the benefits of the old system.

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32 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January DAYTON’S DIVISION The experiences of Dayton and Ashtabula throw much light upon the claims which have been urged for proportional representation as a method of selecting a city council. The claim has been made by opponents of proportional representation that while election at large under the Dayton plan tends to divide the community into two permanent groups, proportional representation would increase the number of permanent groups to a number practically equivalent to the membership of the commission. There is much evidence to show that such a permanent division is already present in Dayton. In the primaries the Democratic organization placed three candidates in the field. Prior to the adoption of the city-manager charter Dayton was normally Democratic and the organization of that party was very strong. The strength of the new Citizens’ party is shown by the fact that it defeated the Democrats. It is fair to assume that the Citizens’ party, if it seeks continuity of power, will in the future perfect its already well organized power. The Socialist party will probably become the chief competitor of the Citizens’ group, and the politics of Dayton for a long time will be dominated by these two groups. ASHTABULA’S RELIGIOUS GROUPING It is early to prophecy as to the future of party divisions in Ashtabula. The recent election resulted in the victory of four candidates supported by an anti-Catholic movement which had existed only a few weeks. The history of the country tells us that political organizations which originate in religious quarrels are seldom permanent. The opposition of the antiCatholic group in Ashtabula is directed at the Roman Catholic Church as a religious institution rather than at any economic power that it may possess. For this reason the opposition group is not likely to reveal much solidarity. Other temporary issues will come which will, like this religious quarrel, function through the proportional system. The system gives possibility for this constantly shifting alignment. That it will result in the formation of a number of permanent parties is not to be expected. As life increases in complexity, interests not only become more diversified but lose more and more of their permanency. To give to voters sixteen or more avenues of choice is more in keeping with this evolution than to adopt a system which tends to divide a community into two permanent parties. The need of a modern community is a method of choosing representatives which will allow the most complete freedom to the changing interests which will present themselves. It is unnecessary to provide artificial party divisions in a democracy. These divisions will act through the government if our system of representation offers the oppor

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19181 REPRESENTATION IN DAYTON AND ASHTABULA 33 tunity. The pressure of want, the grip of tradition, and the attraction of like for like can be trusted to provide political impulse and guidance. Proportional representation, more than any other system that has yet been devised, offers the flexibility necessary for the free play of these forces. If we frankly recognize the presence of these interests in society and believe in a government which offers them the opportunity to reach an equilibrium we can scarcely escape the logic of proportional representation, The tactics of the Guardiahs of Liberty indicate the method which we may expect a group to’ adopt in seeking control of a legislative body elected by proportional representation. In this case the election of four members is indicative of the accuracy of the estimation by the antiCatholics of their own strength. However, if they had chosen to work for six or seven candidates, the ultimate result would have been the same, although probably Rinto and Amsden would not have been elected so early in the count. If the strength of the group had been equal to only two-sevenths of the vote cast, the fact that four members were supported would not in the smallest degree have injured the opportunity of the group to gain two members, their just quota. The practical result of this is to throw representatives of conflicting interests together at the meetings of the commission. Their differences may be subjected to frank discussion. This is surely more conducive to an intelligent understanding by all of the various points of view than the operation of a system which makes of the minority a critical element shut out entirely from participation in the government. The stock argument of opponents of proportional representation is that it is too complicated. This tends, they say, to lessen interest in elections and to discourage the exercise of the suffrage. The result sheet shows that very few voters failed to use second and third choices, while the vast majority expressed seven or more preferences. Very few ballots were invalid on account of improper marking. In 1915 10 per cent of the votes cast were invalid. This is not an unusual number of invalid ballots for any election. The reason why most of these ballots were invalid was the fact that crosses instead of numbers were used in marking preferences. When we consider that Ashtabula has a very large number of foreign born voters who have not been citizens many years and add to this the thought that making crosses is almost as much of an Anglo-Saxon heritage as representative government itself, this slight reversion to habit is not remarkable. It may be well to remind the reader that under the Hare system all first choices are counted by the precinct officers immediately after the close of the polls. The ballots on which first choices are indicated for a candidate are put into an envelope bearing his name and the number of ballots thus deposited. After this is done for each candidate, all envelIn 1917 this fell to 7 per cent. 3

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34 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January opes are sent to the central election board, who have charge of the tabulation of transfers. TECHNIQUE OF NEW SYSTEM The election officials at Ashtabula have thoroughly mastered the technique of the new system and the process takes no more time than the old system. The counting and tabulation by the central board this year took less than five hours, which would not have exceeded four had not a precinct official made an error in his returns. The tabulation requires care and accuracy, which is of course true of any system of vote counting. In this connection a recent article in the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW^ contains a statement which betrays a grave lack of understanding of the practical methods used in counting the votes. It is asserted that the practical working of proportional representation is so involved in technicalities that under it election officials would have more opportunity for fraud. In Ashtabula all ballots, after being sorted by precinct officials, were enclosed in sealed envelopes and sent to the central board. The count took place in the afternoon of the day following the election. The public was admitted and a number of the spectators amused themselves by tabulating on sheets of their own the transfers as announced. The whole proceeding was as open and as free from mystery as the drawing of the draft numbers in Washington last June. The imperative need for accuracy, the check which the result sheet provides, and the presence of spectators renders fraud practically impossible. The comparison of representation in Dayton with that possessed by Ashtabula is most significant. In Dayton 42 per cent of the voters are manifestly without representation in the government. This minority has in the campaign been stigmatized M pro-Kaiser and anti-American, and it will not have for at least two years an opportunity to express its criticism within the body which, according to our theory of government, is the mirror for reflecting all classes and all interests. Within the commission is regularity and a cohesion solidified by the fires of a bitter campaign. Without is a large body of citizens gathering its forces for another onslaught two years hence. No doubt this system which provides periodical life or death struggles is productive of a certain kind of stimulation and is interesting to that which Veblen designates as the “habitual bellicose frame of mind.” But there may be difference of opinion whether it constitutes an approach to a higher type of democracy. *Proportional Representation: A Fundamental or a Fad, Herman G. James, NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. v, P. 306.

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Number of Valid Ballots, 3,176 ii Ill + 50 + 6 + 1 + 5 + 3 + 1 0 0 + 2 + 21 + 7 + 3 + 3 -143 +38 + 3 1 398 110 70 233 157 215 19 357 92 217 207 5s 198 398 293 156 -3.178 Elected 0 0 + 1 44 + 4 18 + 1 + 1 + 1 0 0 0 0 0 Elected -+7 ASHTABULA, OHIO. ELECTION OF COUNCIL, NOVEMBER 6, 1917 110 70 234 161 219 Defeat4 358 93 218 207 55 199 293 156 7 3.176 Aden.. ............. Bartram ............... Boerngen.. ............ Boynton. .............. Candela. .............. Corrade ............... Deb ............... Hogan.. .............. Kmki ................. Mack ................. McClnre.. ............. Nd.. ................ Reed .................. Rinto ................. Sdenbarg ............ Tilton.. ............... Number of Seats, 7 348 104 69 228 154 214 19 357 90 198 200 52 186 541 255 153 Non-transferable ballots . Total valid ballots ...... Quota or Constituency 3,176 jm -vm + 13 294 + 46 + 13 255 + 2 + 17 398 Elected + 9 250 + 26 46 257 + 40 + 1 223 + 24 434 367 + 25 -175 Defeated + 4 201 -201 + 78 am 1% + 38 --c z Ez. 340 257 276 297 247 392 lefeat.3 173 3,176 +45 385 Elected U + 5 262 Defeated ;I, Elected 3 0 + 66 342 Elected 7+ + M 361 Elected -247 Defeated $ % Elected + 6 398 Elected x 4-61 234 el 3.176 B w cl --5: w UI

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36 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January THE NOVEMBER MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS, 1917 BY THE EDITOR Q UITE naturally the New York and Philadelphia municipal elections claim the largest share of general public attention, and ’ because they went the way they did cast a gloom, which only a wider survey will dispel. If one looks at the results in the middle-sized cities of the country, and especially those in the state of Ohio, one may take courage to go forward. It was not always so in Ohio. There was a time when her cities afforded grave cause for concern, but since the adoption of the municipal home rule amendment in 1912 (whether because of it or irrespective of it) there has been a steady progress. DAYTON Dayton has, ever since she adopted the commission-manager form of government, occupied a prominent place in the national eye. Her government had distinctly made good under the city managership of Henry M. Waite, and this autumn the question arose as to whether her citizenry would support the advances which had been accomplished or would turn her affairs over to the representatives of discontent. The Socialist candidates were the top men in the poll, the Citizens’ candidates coming next but quite a way behind. In the words of a Socialist leader: “The greatvictory of the Socialists in Dayton, Ohio, at the primary election in August, was won squarely on the anti-war issue, and any attempt to minimize the significance of the victory is an effort to hoodwink the rest of the country. The contest was clearly between the business interests and the workers, and the workers registered their protest against the war, and voted for peace.” This clearly indicated the reactionary result: the determination of a municipal election on national issues (and right here it may be observed that Mayor Mitchel and his friends made the great mistake of trying to give to the New York campaign a national character). The friends of progress in Dayton, however, forced the issue-which was admirably expressed in a leaflet headed “Community Insurance.’’ Its first page read: Take out a POLICY with Good Government-the safest insurance in the United States. The only PREMIUM is your VOTE. The LIFE OF THE POLICY is four more years. RENEW your To vote for Messrs. Switzer, Shroyer and Mendenhall, is merely to Can YOU afford to let it LAPSE? In August the situation was dubious indeed. policy of four years ago. secure insurance against civic and industrial turmoil.

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19181 NOVEMBER MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS, 1917 37 The campaign was lively from the start and easily maintained the statement that the city hall news had displaced the sporting and the market news in the daily papers.‘ DAYTON’S. OPPONENTS Dayton gave the response that was expected and is now preparing to go forward to justify the expectations aroused by the campaign. In the words of the Dayton Journal, a persistent supporter of the Citizens’ candidates from the start: A splendid yet grave responsibility now rests upon the commission. They have the chance now to establish non-partisan government as an institution and a model for every American municipality. Our government has given the people an honest and efficient administration. The interests of the taxpayer have been protected as a sacred trust. Now we must go further. Our government must be more humanized and get down close to the masses of the people, and their neighborhood wants and needs must be looked after with effective care and promptness. In the years to come this policy of making the masses of the people part of the government and engaging their intimate interest in the government must grow in power and scope so that the interest in honest and eEcient municipal goverment under the Dayton non-partisan plan will reach into every working man’s home in this splendid community. Now that the great victory for good government has been won, the real work of progress and the accomplishment of greater things must begin, New conditions are forming, events plainly indicate that humanity must be a brotherhood, working in co-operation and sympathy that every man and woman may get a fair deal. Happiness and contentment and progress must include all the people, not some of the people. And so far as our municipal government can work to this end, no stone must be left unturned to establish and maintain a progressive policy based on the broadest humanity and sympathy with those who toil, the working men and women who by their loyalty to right things, their loyalty to their country and their approval of an honest and sincere endeavor to give them good municipal government, made the victory in Dayton possible. SPRINGFIELD, OHIO Springfield, Ohio, is another city in which municipal issues decided the election and integrity and efficiency won the day. The splendid record of City Manager Ashburner was endorsed. The candidates at the primaries for the three offices to be filled in the city commission were the three members of the commission whose terms expire on January 1, also three Socialists and one other candidate, a former councilman of the old political stripe. The primary vote resulted in the nomination of the three members of the commission, two Socialists and the former politician, from which three were to be elected. The three commissioners received very heavy pluralities over the other candidates and the election of all three For results see Dr. Moley’s article in this issue.

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38 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January was well assured from the start, and their primary pluralities were turned into substantial majorities at the general election, the vote being nearly two to one. SANDUSKY In Sandusky an awkward and distressing situation has existed since the beginning of the city manager r6gime, resulting in the enforced retirement of one city manager and of a mayor, the latter on account of his inability to secure a renewal of his bond and the resignation of two commissioners. It is difficult to sum up the difficulties in a single paragraph, but a contributing factor of considerable importance was a free lance commissioner who seemed to be more interested in creating trouble and difficulties than in working out a constructive program. This disturbing element has been curtailed through its failure to elect its slate. TOLEDO, OHIO In Toledo the municipal campaign resolved itself into a contest between the Socialists running on a pacifist platform and the pro-war people who united on the candidate that was brought forth by the local Democratic organization. The Socialists were defeated, receiving about one third of the votes cast. Toledo’s charter provides for non-partisan nomination and election. As a result of the primaries, however, three candidates who represented very definite groups, if not actual party organizations, were nominated. Cornell Schreiber, the mayor-elect, was formerly city solicitor under the Whitlock administration. Two years ago he ran for the nomination as mayor, but was eliminated in the primaries. This year he had the support of the Democratic organization and received the highest number of votes in the primaries. George M. Murphey, formerly chief of police, was the second nominee for mayor. He was a Republican in politics and had also gathered around him the anti-Catholic elements in the community. The third nominee was the Socialist, Robert T. Haworth, a machinist. Mr. Murphey died shortly after he was nominated and it was found that the charter made no provision for appointing a substitute. This left the contest between Schreiber and the Socialist. Before Murphey’s death it was evident that in spite of the non-partisan provisions of the charter the contest would be along national party lines. Democrats were to vote for Schreiber, Republicans for Murphey, and the Socialists for Haworth. After Murphey’s death part of his campaign committee endorsed the Socialist candidate but this was repudiated by other members of the committee. While the interest of the election was centered mainly in the mayoralty contest, the organized political elements of the community under cover

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19181 NOVEMBER MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS, 1917 39 of the non-partisan provisions of the charter were working for the control of the council. The result of the election shows three Socialist councilmen, six Republicans, and seven Democrats. This year Toledo abolished its police court and its justice courts, and in their place substituted a municipal court with four judges who would divide the criminal and civil dockets among them. The election of the municipal judges excited a great deal of local interest and the old police court judge and two of the former city judges were elected as judges of the municipal court. The fourth was a popular young progressive Republican. The Socialists made an attempt to capture the school board, three of the five members of which were to be elected. One of the Socialists came close to election, but most of their candidates were far behind. The two members of the present board who were candidates were re-elected. The wet and dry issues were hotly contested and the wets won. Six different bond issues and special levies were submitted. All of them but one carried, and that one was to provide a special tax levy for maintaining the branch public libraries which have recently been built. The fact that Toledo voted for saloons and against public libraries would be more significant if the vote on the questions submitted to the people really represented their intelligent choice. As a matter of fact, however, much of the voting was pure guess work. The long ballot in Toledo has been abolished and a great many short ballots substituted for it, each voter receiving nine different ballots when he entered the voting booth. OTHER OHIO CITIES In Akron the new charter issue carried by 1,500 majority and the 15 candidates for the charter board endorsed by the citizens committee of 100 were elected. The Socialist candidate for mayor received 375 less votes than the total Socialist vote for mayor two years ago. The Columbus election was over subordinate offices, but the civic league was quite well pleased that no one was elected whom it had not approved. There was very little of general interest in the Cleveland election. The present mayor was re-elected on a preferential vote which was z19 follows: Choice Choice Choices Totals Harry L. Davis.. ............ 48,827 4,819 1,651 55,297 W. A. Stinchoomb.. ......... 32,837 5,511 1,801 40,149 C. E. Ruthenberg. ........... 21,378 4,625 1,642 27,645 Hugh F. Taylor. ............ 2,173 6,736 3,740 12,649 E. B. Bancroft.. ............ 2,693 5,655 3,943 12,291 Davis’ plurality--15,148 all choice votes Following the precedent established six years ago, the civic league expressed no opinion on the merits of the respective candidates for this office, First Second Other

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40 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January because they were sufficiently well known and the principles for which they stand so fully discussed in the press. Cincinnati has adopted a home rule charter, being the last large city in the state to take advantage of the home rule amendments. EAST ST. LOUIS, ILLINOIS East St. Louis, Illinois, sprang into an unenviable notoriety last surnmer through a race riot that shocked and horrified the state and country. The need for a change in the local government became glaringly apparent and as a first step a movement to inaugurate a commission form of government was inaugurated. In spite of the organized opposition of the city officials and the allied liquor interests and machine politicians, the commission form of government proposition carried, by a two to one vote. The significant feature of the revolution was the activity of women for the commission form. A fourth of the votes cast for the proposition were women’s votes, and the women used automobiles during the day in getting men to go to the polls. Without the aid of the women, the step could not have been accomplished, even in face of the disgraceful exhibition of lax government and aggressive crime which the city has just had. But the East St. Louis people must not think they have finished the reformation of the city, as the editor of a neighboring paper pointed out. The machine politicians will at once begin adjusting themselves to the new condition. They were against the adoption of the commission form, but now that it is adopted, they will try to use it. They will have their slate of candidates for commissioners, and will depend upon the lack of cohesion on the part of the reform element to elect their slate. And if they succeed in electing their candidates, government under the new form may be as rotten as under the old form. Changing the system of government gives better opportunity for efficiency, but if the wrong men are elected, the whole scheme may fall through. DETROIT In Detroit the chief issue was the revision of its charter and charter revision carried by a vote of 27,422 to 9,994. The proposal for a small council (about nine) elected at large on a non-partisan ballot carried by 23,637 to 10,852. The aldermen’s amendment to the present charter calling for one alderman to a ward.after January 1,1919, at $2,000 per annum, carried by 18,966 to 16,331. Mayor Marx and some others who campaigned in behalf of charter revision, differed with the citizens’ league in favoring this third measure. Many voters voted for it, thinking it meant “small council. ” Only nine -candidates for charter commission could be elected and only nine were nominated. They were brought out solely by the efforts of the citizens’ league. All The vote is a vindication of the citizens’ league policy and plans.

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19181 NOVEMBER MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS, 1917 41 the elements of so-called “good government” were with it, including all the newspapers. “In time of war prepare for peace” was the basis of the argument for refusing to postpone this question. The league was opposed publicly and vigorously by an organization of ward aldermen, with whom were working a small group of I. W. W. radicals assuming to represent union labor. Yet even in the “lower” precincts there were good majorities for the measure. The campaign was waged by organization of voters in the big factories, churches, and through letters to the 18,674 signers of our initiative petitions. Many meetings were held, particularly in the factories at noon hours, and newspaper publicity was a great help. The big fight, however, will come with submission of the completed charter. In spite of the war interest it got out a fair vote. BUFFALO Buffalo has a commission-government charter with the usual non. partisan features, but this year’s mayoralty election was fought out on partisan lines, the Democrats supporting the sitting mayor, Louis P. Fuhrman, and the Republicans, George S. Buck. The latter was preferred by the Buffalo municipal league and was elected by a handsome majority. Concerning his public work the league said: George S. Buck, county auditor 1912-1917; he voted for the public interest on all our nine test measures occurring during his term as supervisor, except one, on which he was not recorded; he was a leader in the great transformation which has taken place in the board of supervisors; he has been a most efficient county auditor and has saved the county thousands of dollars annually through a budget system, careful accounting, appraisal and inventory of county property and through improved specifications which have resulted in real competitive bidding and through drafting the bill resulting in a county purchasing agent; has a large knowledge of municipal affairs. Of late years the auditor has some of the functions of a mayor to the county. He was a worker for the existing new charter, but has refused to sign the above home rule charter pledge. NIAGARA FALLS While Niagara Falls has the city-manager form of government, candidates for all offices were nominated under the old charter, which the manager plan was designed to displace. The constitutionality of the citymanager charter is contested. Justice Bissell has decided that it is unconstitutional and he has been upheld by the appellate division. The question is now before the court of appeals. Arguments were made November 19. If the present form of government is declared constitutional then only two members of the council should have been elected. If it is declared unconstitutional, then a mayor, president of the common council, city treasurer, overseer of the poor, three assessors, and thirteen aldermen, a full city government ticket would be required by the old charter, but the

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42 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January city-manager government was vindicated by the handsome victory achieved by the People’s ticket, nominated by the Republicans. The election was practically a clean sweep for the Republicans, who were committed to the city-manager form, and whose platform declared for a continuance of that form through the establishment of a legal charter. Maxwell M. Thompson, who headed the People’s ticket, was elected over George H. Courter, who ran on the Citizens’ ticket, by a plurality of 607 votes. All three of the Republican candidates for assessor were elected. It is in the election of these three candidates that the people expressed themselves on one of the main issues of the campaign, the question of assessed valuations and the tax rate. The Democrats made their fight on the declaration that the people had been exploited by the present city-manager government. The Republicans took the stand that the present system of city management was what the people wanted, and the vote indicated that this estimate of the public view was correct. POUGHKEEPSIE, NEW YORK Dissatisfaction with the aldermanic system of government found expression at the polls in Poughkeepsie in the defeat of Mayor Wilbur and the election of Ralph Butts on the latter’s expressed promise to place before the people a proposition to change to the commission system. Agitation for a change has been going on ever since Newburgh adopted plan C. The results of the city-manager system in Newburgh were placed before Poughkeepsians in the late campaign as an argument for the progressive step there. Mayor Wilbur has gone a long way in instituting business administration in Poughkeepsie and the people were not unappreciative; but they wanted more progress than is possible under the aldermanic plan, and when Wilbur arrayed himself against the change they decided on a new deal in public control as the first and perhaps most important step to attain the kind of government desired. NEW YORK CITY The New York situation is difficult to summarize. There is a general feeling that the Mitchel campaign was badly managed and that it was a great mistake to inject national and international issues into what should have been a campaign conducted solely on local issues. In the words of the Wall Street Journal: Mr. Hylan’s election was hailed by the German newspapers as a triumphfor the Kaiser, and a mandate for peace at any price, particularly as the Kaiser’s faithful representative here was a good third in the race, where Mayor Mitchel was only a bad second. But Mr. Hylan is an American, and in spite of his unfortunate affiliations in the past, he must realize, like all thinking Americans, that he represents a democracy which the rigid German mind cannot comprehend.* The vote waa aa follows: Hylan, 297,282; Mitchel, 149,307; Hillquit (Socialist), 142,178; Bennett (Republican), 53,678.

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19181 NOVEMBER MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS, 1917 43 The only word of encouragement so far uttered since Mayor Mitchel’s defeat is that of the institute for public service of which Dr. William H. Allen is director. In a bulletin issued the day after the election, Dr. Allen said : Reform had no right to fool itself into forgetting that human progress is due quite as much to protests against evil as desire for good. So far as the rest of the country cares about what happens in New York City, it is important that the truth be told about the breakdown of our last reform administration. Please do not misread the public’s intention. Never in our history has the New York voter been more specific in his definition of what an efficient municipal government ought to be. If the spotlight of publicity is kept on what our newly elected officials do, there is every reason for believing that we shall have a better government these next four years than we knew how to want before this last election. PHILADELPHIA Philadelphia had a hectic campaign. Seven weeks before election there was organized a Town Meeting party to defeat the candidates of the Republican party which were nominated at the primary on September 17, which the now notorious fifth ward scandal tainted. Notwithstanding the perfection of the Republican machinery and its absolute control of immense patronage and the short duration of the campaign, the Town Meeting party, which had the support of a portion of the Republican machine, elected enough members of councils to destroy the heretofore absolute control of the city’s purse strings and came very near to electing its city ticket. At the time of this writing the count of the vote is proceeding and the claim has been made that there was a widespread effort made to defeat the will of the people. As one old-time political leader said, “Another victory like this for the machine, and it will be undone. ” One Pennsylvania city, Altoona, voted to go on the city-manager basis under the lead of its aggressive chamber of commerce. Candidates for the office of commissioners were pledged to cut down their salaries to provide an 88,000 salary for a city manager, and they were successful at the Newark, New Jersey, adopted the commission form of government this autumn, and on November 15 elected its first commission. The election of Thomas L. Raymond, the present mayor in Newark, to the commission was most interesting. The commission movement was favored by the politicians on each side, because they were hostile to Raymond; he headed the poll, no doubt because he wm personally regarded as decent, independent and efficient. polls. CHICAGO Concerning the Chicago situation Dr. Graham Taylor has this to say in the Chicago News:

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44 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January The people’s verdict on the confused issues of the judicial election is both decisive and hopeful. Those who sought to carry the Socialist party ticket by intruding national issues into this purely local election, or at least to demonstrate by the election returns a great division in public sentiment regarding the prosecution and continuance of the war, decisively failed to do either. But they did achieve an unexpected result which may bear good fruits in future judicial elections. They forced the two great parties to become so far non-partisan as to unite in framing and pushing through to triumphant election a fusion ticket. The non-political nature of the judges’ position and function was thus far conceded by the party managers and overwhelmingly ratified by the voters. OTHER CITIES Louisville, Kentucky, a nominally Democratic city, went Republican. This party likewise carried Indianapolis, partly as a rebuke to the Democratic administration, many members of which are now under indictment for election frauds. In Massachusetts, Haverhill voters defeated a city-manager form proposition, as did the voters of Winchester. Waltham voted to adopt one, and Lynn voted to abandon its commission form. ’ By an overwhelming majority running about four to one, citizens of Clarksburg and its suburbs adopted the Greater Clarksburg charter at the special election, thereby putting Clarksburg properly upon the map as the third largest city in West Virginia. The total vote was 2,939 for and 760 against the charter. Pueblo, Colorado, rejected the proposed single-tax amendment to its city charter by a vote of two to one. Two amendments proposing an entire change in city government from the present commission form to that of commissioner-city manager were defeated by approximately the same majority. Generally speaking the Socialists achieved no victories. Their votes in places were numerous, but nowhere preponderating. In New York, Chicago, Cleveland and Buffalo, where Socialism might have been ex.pected, owing to the immense foreign influence, to show alarming gains the results can hardly be encouraging to the anti-American leaders. Their fight in those cities was made on an anti-war, anti-American platform, and the verdict was against them overwhelmingly, in some places because of the desire to register a pro-American verdict, but in most places because there was a desire emphatically to resent the intrusion of national and international affairs in local campaigns. Where there were ‘‘ immense” Socialistic gains they were due principally to a previous lack of interest in Socialism. To record a gain of 400 per cent for Socialism means little where the previous Socialist vote was only two or three hundred. Nevertheless the Socialist movement is one that should not be

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19181 CITY MANAGERS’ ASSOCIATION 45 ignored. It represents a closely compacted political organization, with power to attract the elements of discontent and it is quite as unscrupulous in its appeal to passion and prejudice as any of the older political machines. THE CITY I MANAGERS’ ASS0 CIATION’ BY OSSIAN E. CARR Niagara Fa& T IS four years since our association was organized,-four years full of progress in municipal government in America. Public sentiment has been slowly crystallizing in regard to the matter of government. Disinterested people are becoming more and more allied with the societies which are developing and organizing a movement looking toward improved municipal conditions. As an association, the city managers have no precedents. How quickly we are beginning to sense details peculiar to our position in government and to reflect upon them! I have said that four years ago we were organized as an association. By a coincidence, it happens that just four of us who were city managers then are with the association now. We have had an idea before of the large percentage of mortality which attended the position of city manager. One of the duties which should be added to those of our secretary should be the tabulation of those who are gone from the profession, tired of the conditions that they found surrounding them. Humanity must ever have a means of absolving itself from individual blame or responsibility. Humanity joyfully acclaims the city manager the butt of all mischance. The plan fixes the responsibility. The manager realizes this, even though the irate citizen holds him accountable for weather and other malevolent manifestations of providence. Our thought has to be exercised in a new field. Now we see that it is really true. CONTRASTS WITH OTHER PROFESSIONS The lawyer who makes a mistake is able to explain it away to his client, or he goes forth seeking a new client and sues the talker for libel. The doctor who makes a mistake buries it and a silent monument marks the spot where it lies. But if a city manager makes a mistake, how the opposition does fall in line to see that it receives full publicity and how the citizens joyfully come at the call to lend their services to send it to all the suburbs! On the other hand, the manager works long hours to an end, achieves it and passes on to another. It may be that the problem is organization, it may be finance, and it may be construction. If good, 1 Presidential address of hian E. Carr aa president of the City Managers’ Association, delivered at Detroit, November 20, 1917.

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46 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January the result of his effort is greeted with a silence and he must perforce be content with the approval of his own consciousness of work well done. These conditions of society account for so many managers leaving the field in order to take up a profession where mistakes are accepted M part of man’s finite nature. There were many changes of managers in 1916, still others in 1917. Some of the reasons for removal are strange and paradoxical. One city manager was openly charged with demoralizing the Republican party. He did not consult the party chiefs for names to fill appointments. He took his position seriously and he applied a private conscience to a public office, all of which, tested by public sentiment, was wrong, and the manager was removed. The paradoxical part of this is that it took place in a municipality which w&s so progressive as to vote for the city-manager form of government. The strangest part of it is that I could name several manager cities affected in this way. He played no favorites. TACT AS A QUALIFICATION At different times in the past, we have diwussed the qualifications which we decided a manager should possess. The consensus of opinion has seemed to be that the one kind of ability most needed was executive ability. We engineers modestly conceded that if an engineer should chance to have this kind of ability, his engineering training would be very useful. I do not know but that, in observing the careers of many of us, some spectacular, some meteoric, some commonplace, that I have been moved to place tact in the very first row of essential qualifications. Tact is needed in securing the appointment, in dealing with the public, but above all in relation with the commission. It is so essential that unless it is exercised, the tenure of office of the individual is bound to be short, regardless of executive ability, efficiency and education. Commissioners asked one city manager his reasons for discharging LL certain official. He replied that he could discharge any employe with or without reasons and, further, that he need not state reasons to the commission. The manager went on to say that, while in this particular case, he would grant their request and specify reasons, he wished his action to be considered no precedent. Thereupon he gave a half dozen reasons, any one of which would have been sufficient grounds for dismissal. But this man is no longer city manager. He lacked tact. I doubt whether he would be retained as manager of a private corporation, no matter what his production record, but with a private corporation production record does count. With a municipality he had no chance whatever. The situation is complicated for the average manager in that he has in his commission men who were never in favor of commission-manager government. It is a large part of the work of the manager to keep these men from developing active antagonism. He must have no feelings in

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19181 CITY MANAGERS, ASSOCIATION 47 the way some of his recommendations are rejected. Possibly it may be for the good of the community that they are. He always knows that the records will show just what his recommendations were on the various propositions. Many of the people come to understand these handicaps. Perhaps, too, the commission may come to realize in time that his advice is not lightly given, in fact that his action and advice is exactly what they are paying for. He must not feel irritated if the commission refuse to accept entirely his recommendations. It is their city and they are responsible to the people. In the light of these facts, we come again to the conclusion which has often been mentioned in our meetings, that no people can or will have a government better than the majority of the citizens deserve and desire, and, out of this conclusion, yet another,-that no form of government can correct errors in thought on the part of its citizens. MOLDING MUNICIPAL THOUGHT Our government is built on the idea that the majority of our citizens will inform themselves on civic and national facts. It is obviously possible to achieve the ideal better in national policy than in civic conditions. We have for the purpose in the nation a wide variety of periodicals which open up the range of human thought from so many different viewpoints that it is possible to sift them to arrive at sound conclusions. But in all of our American cities our municipal thought life is molded by the daily press. These papers belong to either one party or the other. Consequently, the news given out is colored with partisanship. I believe that all city managers long for a press that will print city affairs fairly and impartially, that will exercise a criticism constructive and not destructive. I believe the editors also are thinking over this problem. William R. Nelson, of the Kansas City Star, has reared for himself a monument more potential than the form adopted by another well wisher of the people who. built libraries over the length and breadth of the land. Mr. Nelson did more, because he left the city in which he had spent his energies the paper which he had made great. Moreover, his idea for its future was that of non-partisanship. He realized the educational value of his work. The board of control comprises, by the terms of his will, the presidents of the Universities of Kansas, Missouri and Nebraska. Our schools have been taken out of politics, but our great universities of the common people-the newsprtpers-are still in them. The hope for the future is that more of our wealthy men may become interested not only in libraries and colleges and foundations, but also in newspapers, that our editors may adopt the ideals of the non-partisan press. Municipalities would thereby eliminate the expense of cross purposes and misunderstandings. Criticism would point out the road toward betterment. and we would have efficient government by a well-informed people.

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48 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January Still, we can report progress. Dayton has passed through a political struggle, let us hope the last breath of the machine. The people supported the administration. Niagara Falls speaks in election uncompromisingly for her form of government. Just now welave a particular interest in good government. At this time there is every evidence of a long struggle, resource against resource. Any waste of funds, any waste of effort is bound to help our enemies. The war is bound to produce a wonderful incentive toward economi:al government in the United States. We look forward to a year of unprecedented growth. We are a nation at war. RECENT RESULTS IN THE SOCIAL AND CIVIC SURVEY MOVEMENT BY MURRAY GROSS Philadelphia T" E present year has seen the people of the United States drawn into active participation in t.he lamentable world conflict, and the interests and efforts of the country centered upon the problems and exigencies of war. This has compelled the nation as a people to stimulate and make effective individual sense of responsibility and service in the affairs of the country, and particularly to study, organize, and make economically available the whole power and resources of the people. This task is so enormous, and the study involved has assumed such character and scope, that it promises to culminate in a general and complete recognition of the scientific survey method as the basis for constructive plans and action, and to lead the way to a new era in the accomplishments of local, state and national life, based on comprehensive investigations in preparation for efforts to solve specific community problems. RESULTS OF THE SPRINGFIELD GENERAL SURVEY INSPIRING In the survey movement, the year 1916 marks the completion as well as the beginning of a considerable number of notable social and civic survey studies which will be the basis for carrying forward comprehensive and co-ordinated plans for community betterment in the social, economic, and political life of the people. To a marked degree, however, it was a year of fruition, a year during which there were in process of realization plans and recommendations worked out by surveys completed or begun in earlier years. Thus it is in the case of Pittsburgh, Birmingham, Ala., Syracuse, N. Y., Newburgh, N. Y., Topeka, Kan., Buffalo, Rochester, N. Y., Norfolk, Va., Richmond, Va., Cleveland. Nothing has appeared more illuminating as to the force and value of

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19181 SOCIAL AND CIVIC SURVEY MOVEMENT 49 the scientific survey in community life than the summary of the results of the Springfield general survey prepared by Dr. Shelby M. Harrison, director of the department of surveys of the Russell Sage foundation and published as an article in The Survey, February 3, 1917. It may be well to be reminded that the Springfield general survey, made largely during 1915, covered seven phases of the city’s life, including the schools, the mental defectives and insane, recreation facilities, housing, public health, charities, and corrections. Moreover, it dealt with a typical American city with tl population of 60,000 people, one of the 80 per cent of incorporated places in the United States that range from 25,000 to 150,000 inhabitants. Hence it is that the developments in this city as a result of the survey are of widespread interest and warrant a brief recapitulation here. These are some of the developments in Springfield following the survey: In the public schools: committees of the board of education reorganized to promote their efficiency; junior high school system adopted ; four junior high schools organized; high school organization and course of study changed, including the introduction of better system of supervised study and discipline; modern high school building erected to accommodate about 1,500 pupils previously inadequately provided for; lighting, ventilation, general sanitation, and fire protection of all schools improved; patrons’ clubs organized in every district of the city, and nearly every school house used as a social center for neighborhood meetings; manual training, household arts, pre-vocational training and guidance in the schools promoted; school census revised to secure more valuable information; seven branch libraries established in schools and five in other centers; and new salary schedule established for teachers and janitors, with rates based on efficiency. In recreation: director of hygiene employed by the board of education for playgrounds, athletics and social centers; athletic organization extended among elementary school children; athletic contests and a play festival held; equipment of park play sections extended; free public golf courses established; bathing beaches constructed; and burlesque theatre cleaned up. In delinquency and correc.tions: sheriff pledged to turn into the county treasury approximately $7,500 per year profits from feeding prisoners in the county jail; large and flourishing red-light district closed; woman of energy and ability appointed as deputy sheriff; two additional probation officers appointed; juvenile detention home improved; city jail prisoners put at work in farming and gardening on farm land owned by the city. In health: child-welfare station to promote infant hygiene work established; movement started for new contagious disease hospital; one hundred and twenty acre farm purchased for a sanatorium for the tuberculous; free dispensary established. In mental hygiene: methods improved in handling cases of insane and feeble-minded before the county court; and some improve4

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50 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January ment in handling cases requiring mental examination before juvenile court. In charities: work of associated charities completely reorganized ; better co-operation between public and private agencies established; placing out work initiated by Home for the Friendlesa; trained nurse added to its staff, and physical condition of the children improved; central council of social agencies organized; and city conferences on social work started. In city and county administrahon: more equitable rules for assessing corner lots adopted; cost accounting system installed; detailed monthly reports in isaue; better water and fire protection facilities secured, and garbage collection started. This recapitulation of results demonstrates the force the survey exerted in the city upon official and public opinion alike and is evidence that social and civic improvement3 went on at a pace which could hardly have been expected to be paralleled withodt I he comprehensive insight furnished by the facts and recommendations of the survey. This survey is particularly worth the attention of every municipal official and citisen of the country. SAN FRANCISCO SURVEY MAKES POSSIBLE A ONE MILLION DOLLAR MUNICIPAL SAVINGS Out on the Pacific coast, San Francisco is working out the plans of the administrative and government survey made by the New York bureau of municipal research under the direction of Dr. F. A. Cleveland. This voluminous study of the municipal activities of the government of San Francisco presents almost seven hundred pages of intensive investigations and recommendations, which, when carried into effect, will save the people of the city approximately one million dollars annually. As stated by the San Francisco Argonaut, it was fist the intention of the San Francisco real estate board to conduct an investigation of the “rapidly rising taxes” itself, but the task proved too large. “The financial jungle,” so says the paper, “was almost impenetrable. The city accounts furnished nothing from which it was possible to construct a statement of the actual needs of the city in the past or in the future. There were innumerable indications of inefficiency and waste, but it was impossible to identify them except from the basis of some comprehensive and accurate survey.” The general impression left upon the mind by the report of the survey is encouraging in that if there was inefficiency and maladministration they were not of a willful or vicious character. The chapter on financial mismanagement, however, is heavy enough and serious enough to weigh upon the conscience of any municipality. The survey found that nearly a million dollars a year was wasted by five departments of city government,-finance, fire, health, coroner, and public works. In the report, new sources of revenue are estimated at $52,000 a year, and the assur

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19181 SOCIAL AND CIVIC SURVEY MOVEMENT 51 ance given that a “complete revision of the city’s license system should add several hundred thousand dollars to the annual revenues.” A reform of purchasing methods would save 8100,000 a year. Another $100,000 a year could be saved on registration expenses. The fire department spends $88,000 a year more than it should. The department of health ought to economize to the extent of $33,540. And the department of public works showed a waste of $500,000 a year. It is exceedingly regrettable that it is impossible to include here the Hty-five pages of recommendations made in the report, for they constitute a terse program of administrative reorganization and reform of exceptional value to every official municipal administrator as well aa every citizen. The abbreviated statement in regard to the financial side of the department of public works, however, is so striking that it is given as an illustration. “In considering the possible economies in the administration of the public works activities of the city,” says the report, ((it is first necessary to establish a basic factor of service. In the following tabulation the statement of possible savings is predicated upon a service equal to that now being obtained. The point is not made that it would not be desirable in certain instances to apply the savings which might be effected to increasing a part of the service. The following amounts are calculated on an annual basis: Elimination of holiday pay for teams would result in Reduction in number of teams and employment of automobile transportation would result in saving. . Reduction in rate paid for both double and single teams to that of prevailing market rate-approxi20,000 mately ........................................ Reduction in the general yard assignments. ......... 10,000 Reduction in force through consolidation of corporation yard and night emergency forces. ........... $10,00015,000 Reduction in number of watchmen and the elimina6,000 The use of the bureau of architecture forces for the design of public buildings (part). ................ 5,00010,000 The abolition of the positions of brick inspectors. .... 2,5003,000 The transfer of the high pressure system to the board of public works; the use of uniformed force for operation inspection; the use of pumping plants for manufacture of electric current ............... 75,000-125,000 Reduction in the number of low pressure hydrants in high pressure zone. ............................ 8,00015,000 The establishment of a central shop and municipal garage ........................................ 10,00015,000 The handling of part of the building repair work by contract; the closer co-ordination of the power plant force and the revision of the method of controlling work orders. ........................... a saving of approximately. ..................... $10,000 35,000 tion of high priced labor as caretakers. ........... 10,00015,000

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52 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January Improved methods of sewer cleaning; the amalgamation of side sewer department with other sewer construction work; the use of improved methods of catchbasin cleaning, and reduction in amount of supervision and administration .................. $10,00015,000 Improvement in the methods of street flushing; combination of small cleaning gangs; the use of equipment on more than one shift; the purchase and use of more equipment. ............................ 25,00075,000 The abrogation of expensive dumping privilege agreements; the use of the dumping trestle at the old incinerator .................................... 5,00010,000 Improvement of the working force in the bureau of streets; purchase of more roller and automobile hauling equipment; the increased use of contract method of construction; the abrogation of asphalt filler contract agreements; the reduction in yard costs; the reduction in division supervisory overhead costs, etc. ................................ 100,000-200,000 The reorganization of the department would result in a saving in the cost of supervision and administration through the centralization of functional activities of. ....................................... 10,00015,000 . Total. ..................................... $450,000-500,000 ” MINNEAPOLIS SURVEY WELDS EDUCATION AND INDUSTRY CLOSER TOGETHER One of the most important means of promoting the social and economic welfare of men and women is a proper educational system. For this a thorough knowledge of industrial processes and industrial conditions is necessary. In this respect, one of the most notable additions to the literature on education is the vocational education survey of Minneapolis made by the National Society for the Promotion of Industrial Education and published as a bulletin of the United States bureau of labor. It follows the general plan of the vocational education survey of Richmond, having in view an analysis of the conditions pertaining to local industries and systems of education, and a desire to ascertain what kind of instruction is needed, but it is more comprehensive than the earlier study in that the number of industries studied is more numerous and varied. The report of the survey is a volume of six hundred pages, and constitutes an intensive study of the following educational problems : To what extent is there a need for vocational education; to what extent are public schools, other agencies, and apprenticeship meeting the need; what vocational education is needed in the building trades; among the electrical workers; the metal workers; the wood workers; in the flour mills; in the baking business; in the laundries; in the garment trades; among dressmakers and milliners; in the knitting mills; in department store salesmanship; in office work; in home gardening and agriculture;

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19181 NEGRO EDUCATION IN THE SOUTH 53 and what practical arrangements is possible between the schools and the trades and industries. The facts and conclusions given by the report of this survey are in general peculiar to the same trades and industries throughout the country, and the methods suggested for dealing with the local school and industrial conditions in Minneapolis will be helpful to communities everywhere. The report is an important addition to the means at hand for solving the educational problems of the country. OTHER COMMUNITIES NOW ENGAGED IN SURVEY PROJECTS Scientific survey methods are now being utilized and applied in the following communities: Nassau county (N. Y.) in the reconstruction of its roads; Newark (N. J.) in the revision of its charter; Springfield (Mass.) in the installation of an accounting system; North Adams (Mass.) in a general program of betterment covering all fields of municipal activities; Plainfield (N. J.) in a general program of community advancement; Stamford (Conn.) in the installation of an accounting system; the state of North Carolina in the audit and realignment of the accounts of its treasurer; San Francisco in a study of its industrial situation; Detroit (Mich.) in a reorganization of the department of public works; Mobile (Ala.) in a study of the school system of the city; the state of Rhode Island in an intensive study of the penal system of the state; Columbus (Ohio) in a comprehensive study of municipal activities; Kansas City (Mo.) in a reorganization of the health department, hospitals, fire department, and certain branches of the public works department; Jamestown (N. Y.) for charter revision and improvement in municipal government; Sharon Parish, Tuscarawas (Ohio) in rural uplift work; Boston (Mass.) in a study of urban disease; Council Grove (Kan.) and Muscatine (Iowa) for general civic betterment; Bridgeport (Conn.) and Penn's Grove (N. J.) in the solution of problems following upon growth of munition-making population. NEGRO EDUCATION IN THE SOUTH' BY WILLIAM H. BALDWIN, 3RD Brooklyn, N. Y. N THOSE muggy days at the end of August when only the press of war work was considered sufficient stimulant to keep Washington hard at work until late into the night, Philander P. Claxton, United States commissioner of education, held a two-day conference which marked a new epoch in the long uphill struggle to give the 9,000,000 ne1 The negro is penetrating to all sections of the country, and the industrial centers which have need for his labor have incurred the responsibility of determining whether he will become an asset through intelligent guidance or a menace to the community I

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January groes in the south the education they must have to take their due place in the body politic. For those whose interests are confined to things ‘( practical,” it may be pointed out parenthetically that the south, although 80 per cent rural in population, is draining the surplus food production of the rest of the country to the extent of many millions of dollars a year-and the negro forms the backbone of farm labor in the south. Two months before Commissioner Claxton called the conference, his bureau had issued a two-volume “Study of the Private and Higher Schools for Colored People in the United States.” This was the result of three years of exhaustive investigation of 747 institutions by Dr. Thomas Jesse Jones, a specialist of the bureau; and it was made possible through the co-operation of the Phelps-Stokes fund, of New York. Endorsed by leading students of education as the most valuable contribution to their work since the Flexner report on medical schools, Dr. Jones’s study nevertheless met with a certain amount of suspicion on the part not only of many negroes in the south, but also of white men identified with certain colleges and so-called universities for the colored youth. Dr. Jones had emphasized the need for the co-operation of the north, the south, and the negro with “an abiding faith” in each other; and the great achievement of the Clalrton conference was the revivification of this faith between the leading spirits of these three elements. A man who has attended every important conference on the race question during the past twenty years said the discussion was the frankest and best willed he had ever seen. As the conference divided its five sessions according to the five main divisions of the Jones report, a summary of the discussion will bring out the principal points in the government document. As a background to his investigation of the private institutions Dr. Jones studied the field of public provision. He finds that the states apportion their school funds according to the total population of each constituent county. The money is then divided between the two races according to the wishes of the county officials, with the result that the negro gets on the average only one-fourth of his just share. In some counties the disproportion increases to twenty to one or worse. As a consequence, most of the schools are taught in abandoned cabins, children of all ages and degrees of mentality from a radius sometimes as great as six miles are crowded in under one teacher, and the average school term is life through neglect. If the former policy ia followed it must take into consideration the background of the migrant. Mr. Baldwin’s article is at once a review of the Jones report and an account of the conference called by Commissioner Claxton. The Jones report ia entitled: “Negro Education: A Study of the Private and Higher Schools for Colored People in the United States,” prepared in co-operation with the Phelps-Stokes fund under the direction of Thomas Jess Jones, specialist in the education of racial groups, United States Bureau of Education. Volumes I and 11. Washington: Government Printing Office. 1917.

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19181 NEGRO EDUCATION IN THE SOUTH 55 less than six months. As for the teachers, there are only 30,000 of themone for about every sixty-five children of school age-and of the total at least one-half have had less training than a New York city boy must have to qualify for his working-papers. Bad as the conditions seem at first glance, they are offset, first, by the fact that they are an improvement over the past and, second, by the growing spirit of fair-mindedness and sense of responsibility on the part of the white south. Dr. Jones testifies to this progressivism, and it is significant that the frankest and most outspoken talk of the whole conference was made at this first session by the superintendent of education'in Louisiana, a southern white man. It was the unanimous opinion of the conference that the southern states should assume entire charge of the elementary education, freeing the private institutions for the secondary field and special work. THE DEARTH OF TRAINED TEACHERS But even more generous appropriations from the public funds would not get far without an adequate corps of trained teachers, and this problem came up for discussion at the second session. Dr. Jones's study brings out the fact that some 6,000 new teachers must be recruited each year to keep the present staff of 30,000 teachers filled. Yet only 2,500 young men and women are graduated each year from all the schools which make any pretense of providing teacher-training. Next to increasing the salaries of teachers in colored schools-in some southern states the average annual salary is below the $150 allowed to jailers for the feeding and clothing of a prisoner-the great need is for county teacher-training schools supplemented by simpler courses in the last year or two of the private secondary schools. At present less than thirty counties out of a total of 1,055 in the south have such schools; but the movement is growing and meanwhile the private institutions are rendering valuable support. It is in the general field of secondary education that the great contribution of the private institutions is made; for there are in the south only eleven state schools, sixty-seven city high schools, and twenty-seven county training schools for negroes in addition to the sixteen land-grant colleges which are supported in large part by federal funds. Philanthropy, indeed, functioning through individuals and churches in the north and increasingly through the sacrificial offerings of the colored people themselves, has built up 625 schools and colleges valued at $30,000,000 in land, plant, and endowment, and gives $3,000,000 annually for the operation of these institutions. Hampton, Tuskegee, Fisk University and Meharry Medical College are the best known of these schools, but Dr. Jones brings out the fine, though more modest, work of many smaller institutes and colleges which are meeting urgent needs in various parts of the south. And the speakers at the conference-white and colored,

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56 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January northerners and southerners-bore him out in his tribute to the achievements of private generosity and initiative. Taking the group as a whole, however, there are certain tendencies which Dr. Jones has found it necessary to criticize, offering at the same time concrete suggestions for future policy. These are briefly as follows: First, the transition from white to colored teachers has been too rapid in many institutions for the maintenance of the proper educational standards. As the colored people as a whole become better educated, they naturally will be in a position to furnish an increasing number of trained teachers; but in the interests of better relations between the races, segregation in teaching colored children would be bad policy. From the early Reconstruction days the north has sent down some of its best sons and daughters to teach the negro and they have brought with them certain contributions to the education of the colored people, which no southerner, black or white, could possibly duplicate. Dr. Jones blames the north largely for an appreciable lessening of this missionary zeal, resulting in a marked decline in the north’s influence on the preparation of the millions of negroes for real citizensihp in the United States. GARDENINCI A BASIC STUDY The second criticism is that the school work too often ignores the environment of the pupils. Eighty per cent of the southern negroes are classed as rural and farming is their chief pursuit; yet even the so-called agricultural schools fail in many instances to give agriculture more than a perfunctory place in the curriculum. He advocates, therefore, a thorough and (‘enthusiastic” course in gardening for every pupil as fundamental to all school work. With this as a basis he outlines a scheme for building up a correlated plan of education, branching out at the top into such highly specialized schools as Hampton and Tuskegee and such colleges as Howard and Fisk universities. Carrying the adaptation of study to environment a step further, Dr. Jones urges that courses and teaching methods be kept simple especially in the schools drawing their pupils from a backward countryside. Thus, thorough training in the fundamentals of farming and a general knowledge of the use of tools and paint for the repairs and simple construction work of the farm are more to point than a smattering of agronomy, pomology, and such specialized trades as masonry, blacksmithing, and harness-making. And the simpler courses have the added advantage of less cost in equipment and faculty. The justice of these suggestions was readily recognized at the conference; but when the session on college and university training opened, it was soon apparent that the representatives of many of these institutions were hostile to what they thought was the tenor of Dr. Jones’s recommendations in their field. In the ensuing frank discussion, however, those who had come to protest vigorously were shown that they had mis

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19181 NEGRO EDUCATION IN THE SOUTH 57 interpreted the report’s attitude, and in the end they pledged their hearty co-operation in putting into effect the Jones program. At the bottom of the misunderstanding was the jealousy with which the negro guards his opportunities for higher education, opportunities won by the sweat of his own sacrifices and the generosity of the north in the face of complete indiff erence-often amounting to open hostility-on the part of the white south. His inheritance from slavery is a bad perspective toward the status of manual labor, and even now the splendid agricultural and industrial schools which are consecrated to building up a solid, independent citizenry, are twisted by him into attempts to “keep him in his place.” The result has been that through his own churches and through winning the unintelligent generosity of some northerners, the negro has built up scores of so-called colleges and universities which struggle along without the resources, faculty, or even the student body essential to real collegiate work. It is just these institutions which Dr. Jones would reorganize into Valuable parts of the whole educational scheme and supports to the few schools which measure up to college standards; but the proponents of the colleges” misconstrued his recommendations as a direct attempt on the part of the federal bureau of education to restrict the opportunities of the negro for higher education. What amounted to the charge of (‘Jim Crowism” in education was raised at the conference. Dr. Jones answered it, first, by proving his conviction that the negro must have ample provision for higher education and, second, by pointing out that misbranding low grade work as college education was no less heinous a crime against the body politic than the sale of adulterated food was against the physical well-being of the nation. Commissioner Claxton, a southerner, who presided over the conference with rare judgment and contributed not a little to the discussion, drove this point home to the Protestants when he said that he had been working for years for just the same sort of a reorganization and weeding out of the unfit among the white colleges of the country. The net result was that all who attended the conference unanimously pledged themselves to co-operate in making out of the present chaos in private endeavor an effective whole as the basis for further development. With the champions of the colored colleges won over to hearty support, the final session of the conference-discussion of ways and means of co-operation between the various elements-closed in a spirit of mutual goodwill and “abiding faith” that entitles the conference to rank as one of the milestones in the progress of better relations between the races. Hereafter the Jones report and the Claxton conference will be considered as one, for the former visualized as never before the shortcomings and potentialities of negro education and the latter gave a new vision and renewed inspiration to the leaders of the north, the south, and the negro.

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58 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January TENDENCIES IN CITY SCHOOL BOARD ORGANIZATION BY BRUCE M. WATSON~ Phihi2Ephia HEN Bill and I went to school, the problems of school administraThe school directors hired the W teacher to keep order, and fired him if he didn’t. School architecture was “standardized,” even to the color of the school house, which was red. Ventilation was unknown. The plumbing consisted of water-pail and dipper. School furniture was made, and nailed down, by the carpenter who built the school-house. Fuel and chalk were the only school supplieu. Teacher and pupils did the janitor work. The course of study, consisting of the three R’s, was uniform the country over; so there was no discussion as to what should be taught. Every child used the books which he brought to school-books, oftener than not, from which his elder brothers or sisters, parents, uncles or aunts, had been graduated; so there was no problem of text-book adoptions. Secondary education was the business of private schools. There were no shops, kitchens nor laboratories; no libraries, gymnasiums nor school gardens. There was no science of teaching; there were no “special subjects”; there were no standard tests, no compulsory attendance, care for defectives, health supervision, open air classes, school clinics, vocational guidance, or civic centers; no Gary system, nor other of the thousand perplexities of the modern school organism. All of these things have come with the passing years, and have changed the character of school administration from the simplest to one of the most complex problems of management. The school board can no longer be all things to all teachers, patrons, pupils, and the public. There still remains much to be learned before the ideal will have been reached in this as in every other field of governmental activity. And yet a few propositions may be accepted as proved by the best experience of the country, among them the following: tion were few and simple. LEGISLATION AND ADMINISTRATION The school board should be a legislative and not an administrative body. It should study the needs of the school system in a broad way, determine general policies to be pursued, and employ expert administrators to carry out these policies. It follows as a natural corollary that these experts should be given authority commensurate with their responsibility. The present tendency in this direction was well enunicated at the last ‘Secretary of the public education and child labor aasociation of Penneylvania.

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19181 CITY SCHOOL BOARD ORGANIZATION 59 meeting of the National Education Association, by Mr. 0. M. Plummer, of the Portland, Oregon, school board, who said: When a board of education, after much consideration, selects a superintendent, its work is half done. When it puts in the balance of the time letting him alone, and looking to him for administrative results, its work is well nigh complete. It is apparently a question of a few years until school board people will confine themselves to the larger policies of the entire system, allowing the details to be worked out by the proper heads. SIZE OF BOARD A city school board should consist of from five to nine members, and the size of the city should have little weight in determining the number. This number is large enough to include members representing a sufficient variety of types of training, modes of thought, and business or professional experience. Dr. Elwood P. Cubberley, in his book on city school administration sums up the case for a small school board as follows: The experience of the past century is clearly and unmistakably that a small school board is in every way a more efficient board than a large one. It is less talkative, and hence handles public business much more expeditiously. It is less able to shift responsibility; it cannot so easily divide itself up into small committees, and works more efficiently and intelligently as a committee of the whole. The tendency toward smaller school boards is shown by the fact that, of the forty cities of the country having a population of over 100,000 in 1905, there were, in that year, seventeen that had school boards of over nine members. The aggregate membership of these seventeen boards was 352, or an average of 22 members for each board. In 1917, only seven of those cities have school boards exceeding 9 members, and only one has a board of over 15 members. The aggregate membership of the seventeen boards has been reduced to 198, and the average to 12. The most notable changes made during the present year in the direction of smaller boards have been in New York, from 46 to 7; Detroit, from 21 to 7; and Chicago, from 21 to 11. It is small enough to work effectively. ELECTION AT LARGE Members of the school board should be chosen to represent the city at large, and not by districts. This change comes along naturally with the smaller board. Of the forty cities mentioned above, thirteen had board members chosen by wards or districts in 1905. All but four of these had changed in 1917 to representation of the city at large. The advantages of representation of the city at large are two: First, better men, those who have a city-wide reputation and standing, rather than petty ward politicians, are chosen. .Second, members so chosen see the needs of all of the schools of all of the

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60 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January city all of the time, and work to that end, rather than to secure for their individual wards or districts or constituents some material advantage in the way of school buildings, equipment, or appointments, often inimical to the best interests of the schools. ELECTION OR APPOINTMENT The ratio of the number of cities having elective boards to the number having appointive boards remains practically stationary, about 2 to 1. Accordingly the experience of cities employing either of these two methods is not conclusive as to its advantage over the other. And yet it is significant that no report from a city having an elective board suggests a change to an appointive board, while several from cities having appointive boards make a plea for an elective board. From one city having a board appointed by the mayor comes this report: “In this city only one mayor in ten rose to the occasion and appointed representative citizens. The other nine appointed political heelers, gumshoe politicians or personal friends. l1 Of the‘ situation in Chicago the School Board Journal says, “A law taking the appointing power out of the hands of the mayor, making the school board elective, and requiring non-partisan choice of all candidates, is the only hope for a true eolution of the difficulty.” Other cities, like New Haven, Jersey City and Newark, seem to have had a happier experience with appointment by the mayor. Where boards are elected at large the plan is generally satisfactory, the only changes suggested being in the particular method. Election by wards is universally condemned. Board members should be chosen for relatively long terms, and preferably not more than one or two at a time. By the observance of this rule, sudden reversals of school policy are avoided; there is little temptation to an individual or group of people to “put over” something on the schools, and better choices result from centering the interest of voters upon one or two names at a time. WOMEN ON SCHOOL BOARDS There is an extension of legislation making women eligible to vote for members and hold membership in school boards. However, as far as available records show, there is little tendency on the part of cities to increase the number of women members of their school boards. Even in states that have equal suffrage the practice of electing women to school boards is not general. The writer recalls two cities which elected women to membership in their school boards for several years, and later discontinued the practice. This apparently was not due to any deliberate change of policy, and certainly not to dissatisfaction with women’s service in the board. Wherever chosen they have per

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19181 CONFERENCE ON PUBLIC OWNERSHIP 61 formed the duties of the office with dignity and intelligence, with exceptional devotion and conscientiousness. Perhaps the most significant evidence of the trend of school board organization in the directions herein outlined is found in recent enactments of state legislatures, and in provisions of newly revised or reconstructed city charters. Thus have been crystallized into laws these principles that have first received recognition through voluntary action of individual school boards. The school code enacted by the last legislature of New York takes a most advanced step, by prescribing as follows : All present boards of education having more than nine members shall be reduced to nine, and that of New York city to seven. In all cities hereafter created the board of education shall consist of five members, elected at large for five years, one each year. In all cities the superintendent of schools shall have direction of all employes, including supervisors, teachers, janitors, health supervisors, etc. Teachers and other employes of the education department shall be appointed only on recommendation of the superintendent of schools. The superintendent shall have a seat in the board and the right to speak on all matters, but not to vote. The superintendent shall have power to suspend teachers, recommend text-books for adoption, prepare the context of the course of study authorized by the board, etc. In conclusion, we are justified in believing that the present trend in school board organization is altogether in the direction of greater efficiency and consequently of better schools, more judicious expenditures, and better returns for the money and effort. CONFERENCE ON PUBLIC 0 WNERSHIP BY HOMER TALBOT Unwmsity of Kansas HE prime significance of the National Public Ownership Conference, held in Chicago, November 25, 26 and 27, seems not to T be found in the resolutions of immediate or ultimate action, but in the rather clear indication that this meeting represents the beginning of a nation-wide organized public opinion in favor of the public ownership of public utilities. That public sentiment in support of municipal ownership of local public utilities and federal ownership of the telegraphs, telephones and railways, has been gaining, quietly but steadily, is a fact well known to careful students of present-day public affairs. What the movement has lacked, up to the calling of the recent conference, has been national organization., The Public Ownership League

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62 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January of America is expected to bring together and unite in common counsel and action the hitherto disassociated persons and Organizations favoring the new rule in public utility control. PERSONNEL AND PROGRAM The gathering at Chicago was remarkable alike in its personnelrepresentative of men and women of almost all parties and walks of life-and in the practical, “get results” character of the discussions. There was Charles Zueblin-who spoke vigorously and effectively of the need of public ownership of railways, both from the military and economic standpoints; former congressman David J. Lewis, of Maryland, member of the federal tariff commission, who was given the closest attention in his disclosures of the immediate need of public ownership of the telephones and telegraphs; former governor Edward F. Dunne, who gave an address on public ownership movements in Illinois; Delos F. Wilcox and Edward W. Bemis, who discussed financia1 preparation for public ownership, and the question of value; Albert M. Todd, Otto Cullman and Theodore F. Thieme, successful business men backing the movement for public ownership of public services; C. W. Koiner, of Pasadena, Cal., Willis J. Spaulding, of Springfield, Ill., R. B. Howell, of Omaha, and J. G. Glascow, of Winnipeg, practical operators and managers of municipally owned public utility systems; and representatives of powerful farmers’ and labor organizations. Ably handling the publicity service was Hugh Reid-who, with Carl D. Thompson, the dynamic secretary, were two of the prime movers of the occasion. The number present? One would say somewhat larger than the total in attendance at the meetings of the several municipal good government associations at Detroit. BENEFITS OF CITY OWNERSHIP RECOUNTED Results gained through municipal ownership of public service undertakings in the Pacific Coast cities and in Kansas were discussed; the story of the obtaining of low priced electric current from the plant operated by the sanitary district of Chicago was told; and accounts of service gains and rate reductions from the municipal electric plants of Pasadena, Cal. and Springfield, Ill. Public ownership of the coal supply was also a topic of particular interest. The sentiment of the entire meeting favored immediate public control of the supply at the mouths of the mines; and the delegates generally felt the best permanent solution of the problem lay in the adoption of the policy of public ownership of the coal mines. The story of how a municipal coal yard in Kalamazoo, Mich., had

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19181 CONFERENCE ON PUBLIC OWNERSHIP 63 resulted in a saving to folks who were cold-if not wealthy-of $1.75 a ton on anthracite, $1.90 on bituminous coal, and $4 a ton on coke, was told by the mayor of the city, James B. Balch. Incidentally: May it not be true that the real “city managers” of American cities are executives of the type of Mayor Balch? DISCUSSION OF “REGULATION” IN WISCONSIN Disinterested students of the indeterminate franchise law obtained by the private utility companies in Wisconsin, have long been hoping that the opponents of the act would be accorded the privilege of a hearing, at some meeting of national importance. This hope was realized at Chicago. The important provisions-and omissions-in the Wisconsin regulation scheme were brought clearly into light by Daniel W. Hoan, mayor of Milwaukee. For the information of its readers, perhaps the NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW may find space to publish in whole or in part the address of the executive of the Badger state’s largest municipality. PUT THE FLAG OVER THE RAILROADS” That the President of the United States immediately take possession and control of the systems of railway transportation, as authorized by act of congress of August 29,1916, was the leading resolution unanimously adopted at the conference. The railroad resolution attracted national attention, and is given in full below: Resolved, That in connection with the movement for the public ownership and operation of those utilities which have been shown by experience to be most efficiently and economically conducted in the public interest by direct public administration, the conference of the Public Ownership League of America calls attention to the great present exigencies of a military and domestic character demanding the immediate exercise of the powers vested in the President of the United States, and urges him : To take possession and control of the systems of railway transportation, as authorized by the act of congress, of August 29, 1916; and to operate the same so that the necessary materials of war and the domestic necessities of the people may receive the prompt and efficient service which only the unification under government possession and administration of the railway agencies of the country can supply. LI Other resolutions adopted favored the government ownership of the coal supply and coal mines; the public ownership of Niagara power development; the extension of the parcels post, and the public ownership under the United States post office department of the telephone and telegraph service.

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64 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January PERMANENT ORGANIZATION FORMED A constitution for the non-partisan Public Ownership League of America was submitted to the delegates, and adopted; provisions were undertaken for the raising of a modest sum for going ahead with the educational work needed for the success of the cause; and plans made for the drafting of desirable men as executive committeemen. Albert M. Todd was elected president for another year, and Charles H. Ingersoll of New York was re-elected treasurer. A SUGGESTION TO THE COUNCIL The following is submitted to the officers and council of the National Municipal League by a friend of both the Public Ownership Association and the National Conference on Good City Government: In the making of the arrangements for the annual meetings of the two organizations in 1918, is it not worth serious consideration that plans be made, if possible, for the two organizations to hold their next annual conferences in the same city, and with one immediately following the other? EDITORIAL THE ANNUAL MEETING The first war time convention of the National Municipal League brought out an overwhelming sentiment that the League’s services were more needed now than ever before, and that its resources and organization should be extended to meet the new demands upon it. There was but one feeling, and that was that we could not hope to win the battle for democracy on the larger battle ground if it were to be neglected or overlooked in the cities. As a step towards putting the League’s work upon a more efficient basis, the following resolution was adopted: WHEREAS, in times of national emergencies such as now confront the country it is well to take stock of our social and municipal forces and determine wherein our voluntary associations and activities can be better organized and co-ordinated for more efficient promotion of good government : Therefore Be It Resolved, by the National Municipal League in annual meeting assembled that the president of the League appoint a committee of five (5) members from different cities of the country, to examine into the records of the League, to analyze its contributions and subscription lists, to inquire into its activities, to consider the possibility of increasing its income, expanding its field of effort and perfecting a closer co-ordination of its work with other associations in closely allied fields of effort, and to make a full report of its findings at the next annual meeting. Meeting with the League were the city managers’ association, the civic secretaries’ association, the conference for governmental research, and

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19181 EDITORIAL 65 the newly formed association of state municipal leagues. This arrangement is greatly to be desired, but another year steps will have to be taken so that the various programs will be carefully co-ordinated and made to fit into one another more effectively than was the case at Detroit. One of the suggestions advanced was that the mornings be devoted to business and departmental conferences, the afternoons to joint meetings, and the evenings to rallies, one of which would be devoted to the annual addresses of the presidents of the several organizations. Some such arrangement is really necessary to prevent the dissipation of energy and attention through attempting to be in several places at one time. The plan of having all the sessions in one hotel worked out admirably, facilitating the intermingling of the members which must prove of great benefit. It was unfortunate that more Detroit people did not avail themselves of the opportunity of meeting the leaders in civic work and hearing the series of admirable papers and discussions presented. One feature of the meetings was the presence of a number of men who sharply challenged the prevailing sentiment in the League, notably in the matter of non-partisanship. In this way a very real discussion of disputed questions was brought about. It is to be hoped that the program committee for the 1918 meeting will arrange for a still further discussion along these lines, although there were some who felt that the League’s position might be misunderstood. There is little to be feared in this direction for from the beginning the League has been the open forum where earnest men and women have exchanged views with regard to ways and means as well as principles. It is only in this way that an effective working agreement can be developed. Another year the program committee should make sure that the addresses and papers are responsive to the titles. In several cases the subjects announced were merely starting points for discussions interesting in themselves, but not pertinent to the questions to be considered. This was notably the case in the discussion of budgets, where there is a marked difference of opinion.

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DEPARTMENT OF PUBLICATIONS I. BOOK REVIEWS SEPARATION OF STATE ANTI LOCAL REVENUES IN THE UNITED STATES. By Mabel Newcomer, Ph.D. Vol. rxXVI, No. 2, of Columbia University Studies in History, Economics and Public Law. New York: Longmans, Green and Company. Pp. 195. $1.75. This monograph covers the historical development of the use of separate sources of revenue by state and locality in the United States as shown in four states where complete separation has been tried: Delaware, New York, Connecticut and Pennsylvania; three states in which a partial separation has been made: New Jersey, Vermont, West Virginia; and California which adopted complete Separation in 1910 at one move, in contrast to the gradual development which took place in the other states. There is also a chapter devoted to the movement in the United States as a whole. Of the four states that have tried complete separation, Delaware has found it mccessful, but as the author says, this state is so small it can hardly be considered as offering much evidence of the practicability of this scheme of taxation. New York, Connecticut, and Vermont have abandoned it. We are given the impression in the chapter on California that the plan there works admirably, but in the conclusion the author says that it is being maintained with difEculty. In spite of these seeming failures, Miea Newcomer reports a general tendency throughout the United States towards partial separation, that is, states are making greater use of other taxes than the general property tax, aS for example, corporation, inheritance, and income taxes. Advocates of separation offer it aa one of the means of progress. They claim (1) it gives home rule, (2) that it is in accord with the natural divisions of governmenta1 activity and follows the principle already laid down in national and state revenues, (3) that it offers improved administration, (4) that it equalizes assessments, (5) that it equalizes the burden between different kinds of property. Their opponents argue that (1) a unified system is better because most of the progress in taxation in the laat few years has come through state tax commissions and separation keeps the localities free from such centralizing agencies; (2) it takes from cities their best sources of revenue, that is, corporation taxes; (3) it leads to wastefulness, (4) it does not give an elastic tax, The first of these objections is the greatest. The author of this book thinks, however, that there is no necessary connection between decentralized administration and separation, and in her concluding chapter even goes so far as to say that administration of state finance has been distinctly centralized by separation. This may be true of those taxes reserved to the state but can hardly be true of those reserved to the locality. Such a conclusion seems scarcely justified in view of the statement made regarding California: “The effect of separation on the centralization of administration has been much the same here as elsewhere. Separation, while bringing intangible property and that tangible property most difficult to mess, viz., the operative property of corporations, under state control, has tended to decentralize the administration of the general property tax!’ The book throughout gives one the impression of advocacy of separation yet the fairnesa of treatment may be well illustrated by the concluding paragraph: “There are no advantages to be derived from complete separation of sources which cannot be derived in other ways, and 66

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19181 BOOK REVIEWS 67 there is little likelihood that it will become a permanent feature of any state’s system; but as a transitional state in the movement from the general property tax widely applied to cladcation for taxation it will doubtless play an important part. In the states where it has been introduced thus far it has been a mark of progress.” The work is both factual and interpretative. It is carefully done, and is a real addition to literature on taxation. ROY G. BLAKEY. University of Minnesota. * THE BUDGET. By Rend Stourm. New York: D. Appleton and Company. Pp. XXVII+619. $3.75 net. This is one of the publications of the institute for government research at Washington, and is a companion to the volume on “The Financial Administration of Great Britain,” issued by the same institute. The latter was a special report by investigators commissioned by the institute. For a general study of the subject, covering the experience of other countries besides England, the institute judiciously availed itself of a standard French work, the seventh edition of which was translated. The task was not eesy as M. Stourm writes from the standpoint of French experience and uses tern not always readily intelligible to an American reader. The translator remarks that “the difficulties of rendering official and technical French into the English language, barren of corresponding terms, can be appreciated only by one who has attempted it.” These difficulties have been sutticiently overcome to enable the American reader to get an intelligent idea of budget procedure in all the principal countries of the world, albeit some details are so charged with technicality as to be difficult reading. The principles of sound budget procedure are made clear, and the information presented is of the highest value for light and guidance to the United States. Although M. Stourm views the subject from the standpoint of French experience, it so happens that reform there haa had to contend with influences of the same nature as those which disturb American practice, -committee arrogance, “pork-barrel” appropriations, and conflicts between the senate and the house. The American situation is, however, peculiar in that in it the senate has the superior weight, whereas in other countries the superiority rests with the assembly. But this superiority appears to be due rather to the fact that the admiistration is present in the assembly than to any intrinsic remons. This is but one among various circumstances that suggest that effective budget reform will involve extensive administrative readjustments. This is distinctly pointed out by Professor Charles A. Beard, who contributes an introduction to this translation which enhances the value of the work. HENRY JONES FORD. Princeton University. * THE SOCIALISM OF TO-DAY. Edited by William English Walling, J. G. Phelps Stokes, Jessie Wallace Hughan, Harry W. Laidler, and other members of a committee of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society. New York: Henry Holt and Company. Pp. 642. This volume is designed to be a sourcebook of the modern Socialist movement throughout the world. Its editors are such as will recommend it to the intelligent reader whether he be or be not a Socialist. By their joint labors these men have brought together a collection of official Socialist documents, unofficial Socialist utterances, and historical memoranda of exceedingly high importance. A full table of contents, frequent crossreferences throughout the text, and an adequate index, greatly increase the value of the publication. Its editors have well fulfilled their purpose, for they have indeed produced a book which will lead to a better understanding, and facilitate the scientific study, of the modern Sodalist movement. The material collected is well classified. The first 369 pages, comprising Part I, are devoted to the movement internationally and by nations. Socialism in Germany is given 30 pages, Socialism in

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January the United States 44 pages, and so on. Part I1 is devoted to “The Socialist parties and social problem.” Here the documents and readings are arranged according to subject matter primarily, and the documents within a chapter are seldom drawn from less than two or three nations. Here are taken up, under their proper titles, problems of labor unionism, compulsory arbitration of labor disputes, unemployment, high cost of living, trusts, government ownership, taxation, immigration, proportional representation, and other pressing social, economic, and political questions. The purpose of each chapter is clearly to show where the Socialist parties stand, and to show, if need be, what controversies there may be within the party on questions of principle or expediency. It is in this second part of the book that there appears a chapter on “municipal Socialism” which will be of exceedingly great interest to readers of the REVIEW. By “municipal Socialism,” according to the International Socialist Congress of Paris, 1900, “is not to be understood a special kind of Socialism, but only the application of the general principles of Socialism to a special domain of poIitical activity, The reforms which fall under it are not and cannot be presented aa realizing a collectivist society. They are presented, however, aa means that the Socialists can and should utilize for preparing and facilitating the coming of that society. The municipality may become an excellent laboratory of decentralized economic life, and at the same time a formidable political fortress for the use of Socialist majorities against the bourgeois majority of the central government aa soon aa a considerable degree of autonomy is realized” (pp. 532-533). Municipal Socialism means, then, something more than municipal ownership. For example the French Socialist party’s municipal program of 1912 includes, among other “demands,” the following: proportional representation, the referendum aa applied to city affairs, the right of municipalities to form unions and federations, revision of the laws of eminent domain in order to facilitate measures necessary to the hygiene and sanitation of cities, formal recognition of the right of city laborers to unionize, the eight-hour day for municipal employes, abolition of the octroi, at least on foodstuffs, municipal insurance against fire, and a score more equally interesting. ‘Communal autonomy” or home rule is the first plank in the Italian Socialist party’s municipal program (pp. 536-538, 544). In Italy the year 1914 was marked by a heated controversy within the party over the question whether local Socialist parties should be permitted to fuse with other parties for purposes of temporary political success. A strong minority insisted upon this right, and seceded from the party rather than yield. In the following summer elections the Socialists united with other radical elements in Naples and Ancona with consequent success in the elections, whereas in Rome, where the Socialist party refused to soil itself by fusion with the bourgeois Democratic bloc, the Clerical-Conservative candidates carried the day, while the straight Socialist vote was unusually small. The only possible explanation was that many Socialists had voted secretly for the Democratic group of candidates. Had all the Socialists done so, some Democratic candidates would probably have been elected (pp. 539-547). These are but specimens of the material in this chapter. Here are to be found also the American Socialist party’s 1912 report on commission government, with discussion (pp. 549-557), a tentative draft of a model city charter (pp. 557-559), and a suggested municipal program for the United States (pp. 559-562). Then follow the New York and Milwaukee Socialist parties’ municipal programs, and a statement of the results of Socialist administrations in Berkeley, Butte, Schenectady, and Milwaukee (pp. 562-580). The chapter closes with a statement by Mr. Sidney Webb on municipal taxation (pp. 580-581). How the Socialist party profits by the non-partisan ballot is interestingly attested by two Socialists in the discussion of

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19181 BOOK REVIEWS 69 the report on commission government. In the words of Delegate Wilson of California, “in every city in the state of California where we were conducting a campaign with the non-partisan ballot, the short ballot and the non-partisan ballot . . . [we found] that the only political organization that could hold its strength through the campaign, both primary and find, was the Socialist organization” (p. 556). Delegate Le Suer gave exactly the same testimony for his home town in North Dakota. The convention of 1912 finally voted to leave to the state Socialist parties the difficult question of indorsing or condemning the commission form of government. These are some of the things to be found in a volume which in its title betrays no interest whatever in municipal government. WILLIAM ANDERSON. University of Minnesota. * OUTDOOR THEATRES: The design, construction and use of open-air auditoriums. By Frank A. Waugh. Illustrated. Boston: Richard G. Baxter. Pp. 151. $2.50. This is the first orderly presentation in book form concerning architectural arrangements for outdoor auditoriums, though there have been many magazine articles, usually discussing some one example of open-air theatres. In the introduction to this pleasing volume, Percy Mackaye writes: “In direct relation to the redeeming of country and industrial districts through constructive leisure is the founding of outdoor theatres for the people.” In this paragraph Mr. Mackaye gives us a name for that recreational use of time now coming to be known as essential to the well-rounded productive existence of every worth-while man or woman. “Constructive leisure” is right, as a phrase and as an ideal, if we Americans are to become and remain rettsonably efficient. Some of us have had dreams of a time when there would exist in connection with capitols and city halls, and in juxtaposition to other ceremonial locations, definitely arranged outdoor auditoriums which would not only Serve a most excellent purpose in affording opportunities for the presentation of other dramas in the open air than those concerned with baseball and football, but would be used on great occasions instead of the abominable wooden “grand-stands.” These are invariably ugly, invariably of wasteful expense, not seldom dangerous to life and limb, and almost always the reason for that wrongful use of our national flag which occurs when it hides raw hemlock or spruce construction. Professor Waugh tells why the outdoor theatre is worth while, how it may best be used, what are its physical essentials, and where existing examples in the United States may be seen. The illustrations in this important volume include diagrams and details, and really illustrate. As we come to realize better the net civic value of making possible “constructive leisure, ” and the dignity of doing away with footy grand-stands for inaugurations and similar ceremonials, this pioneer work will be highly valued. As always, Professor Waugh writes entertainingly and unconventionally. The volume is good to look at, and good to read. J. HORACE MCFARLAND. Harrisburg, Pa. * THE NATURAL STYLE IN LANDSCAPE GARDENING. By Frank A. Waugh. Illustrated. Boston: Richard G. Baxter. Pp. 151. $2.50. The same author who has presented the present status of the outdoor theatre is responsible for what is actually a companion volume in format and time of publication, though there is no interdependence of the two books. Landscape gardening, or architecture, or engineering -and no one of the three nouns is accurately descriptive when associated with its qualifying adjective-is Professor Waugh’s vocation, and the natural form of it is his hobby. He writes entertainingly of it, as indeed he always writes, and in addition, sets forth a logical series of reasons for

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70 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January catholicity in landscape practice. This same catholicity may eventually become “an American style, ” the establishment of which, in the sense that there is a definite Italian style and a deiinite Japanese style, Professor Waugh deems doubtful. The NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW is not the place for an extended discussion of the volume in question. It is a proper place to indicate the real value of Professor Waugh’s book to those who have to do not only with home grounds and private estates, but who are concerned in the proper and serviceable development of landscape in municipal and state parks. It is safe to say that the candid man who has read this volume will not contentedly submit to any extension of “carpet” bedding, of abnormal displays of stone dogs and wriggling carved vines in marble, in public parks, such aa we occasionally see. Nor would any thoughtful reader of Professor Waugh feel satisfied that it is proper to spend money for the rearing in greenhouses maintained with the money of the public, of chrysanthemums wonderfully tied out so as to resemble nothing ever conceived by a sane imagination, of vines twisted into the shapes of stars and balls and anchors-all of which were to be seen during the autumn of 1917 in one of the parks of Buffalo. Professor Waugh’s treatise is sound, wholesome, constructive; it is good sense in the shape of good reading. It will be of value in any civic library, private or public. pl, J. H. McF. NEW YORE AS AN EIGHTEENTH CENTURY MUNICIPALITY. Part I. Prior to 1731. By Arthur Everett Peterson, Ph.D. Part 11. 1731-1776. By George William Edwards, Ph.D. New York: Longmans, Green and Company. $5. This admirable volume establishes a precedent which it is devoutly to be hoped will be followed in the older cities of the country. It is a careful, first-hand documentary study, not of the general history of the city which has been well covered in other books, but of its governmental life, So far aa we recall there has been no exactly similar work undertaken, at least on so extensive a scale. The Johns Hopkins studies in historical and political science contained several volumes, notably the one on Philadelphia by Messrs. Allinson and Penrose, which in their way were important and significant contributions, but they do not approach in extent, thoroughness and detail the present work which is one of the “Studies in History, Economics and Public Law” edited by the faculty of political science, Columbia University. Of the many interesting chapters that on “Regulation of Land and Streets” haa a special interest in these days of congestion and zoning. The so-called “Duke’s plan” shows the congested area of 1664, when the English took possession as the municipality passed its tenth birthday. From this we see that congestion is not exactly new, nor are city plans. There was no such thing as excess condemnation in those days, but there were city lands, the sale of which began aa far back as 1686, for this volume goes back to the seventeenth century on the theory that the conditions then were essentially those of the eighteenth century. These city lands were sold on various conditions, appropriate to the time. The street cleaning problem then as now was a pressing one. An excellent perspective is maintained throughout both parts, both of which abound in documentary evidence and sanely and conservatively expressed views and conclusions. The treatment is topical, including such subjects as the city’s relation and control over trade, industry, docks, ferries, police, streets and finances, together with illuminating references to the early economic and political life of the city. The chapters dealing with the political aspects have their value enhanced by comparative references to other Colonial cities, especially Philadelphia, and by a discussion of the influences of religious organizations on the politics and development of the city.

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19181 BOOK REVIEWS 71 TEE CHILDREN’S LIBRARY: A DYNAMIC FACTOR IN EDUCATION. By Sophy H. Powell. With an introduction by John Cotton Dana. New York: The H. W. When Company. Pp. 460. $1.75. This work is of marked value to librarians, teachers and parents-in short, to all who are interested in children. “It is presented in the hope,” to quote from the author’s preface, “that it will help libarians understand better the modern educational attitude toward children in relation to books, and teachers to appreciate the value of the work which could be done by the public library for the school.” It is a mine of information, well digested, comprehensive, clearly presented, and for years it may well be the starting point for new developments in library work for children. Much library work for children ia hysterical, foolish, or faddy, and proceeds from a desire ta do something,-a very laudable desire-without any real knowledge of child psychology or the social significance of education and the place of the book in it. Mrs. Powell discusses the subject in eleven chapters, aa follows: The place of books in education, Early libraries for children, The elementary-school library, The high-school library, The library resources of country children, Public library relations with public schools, The public library an integral part of public education, The children’s room, The children’s librarian and her training, Aids to library work with children, Book selection, Some social aspects of library work with children. Not the least valuable part of this work is the classified bibliography of 116 pagea. SAMUEL H. RANCK. * MIJNXCIPAL OWNERSHIP. By Carl D Thompson. New York: B. W. Huebsch. 1917. 12 mo. Pp. xi-114. Mr. Thompson is the secretary of the newly organized National Public Ownership League, which held its first public conference in Chicago in November, 1917. His little book is written in a popular Grand Rapids, Mieh. style and is:intended for propagandist use. He does not confine his attention entirely to franchise utilities, but gives considerable space to public ownership of all sorts of things, such as parks, slaughter houses, land and even schools. The book is very optimistic and uses figures freely. Evidently, Mr. Thompson believes that figures, like the Sabbath, were made for men’s use and enjoyment. It would doubtless be easy for a protagonist of private ownership to pick flaws in some of the statements made and the statistica given, but he would have hard work to overcome the sound arguments presented on behalf of municipal ownership. While claiming large financial benefits to the public on behalf of this policy, Mr. Thompson does not overlook the fact that much broader considerations than mere cheapness of service lie at the basis of municipal ownership philosophy. The diffusion as compared with the concentration of wealth, the improvement of labor conditions, the elimination of one of the most powerful motives leading to municipal inefficiency, and other fundamental things are recognized. That public functions should be performed through responsible public agencies, instead of being exploited for private profit, is a truth that is not even yet widely enough appreciated. DELOS F. WILCOX. New York City. * IMPERIAL YEAR BOOK FOR TEE DOMINION OF CANADA, 1917-1918. Edited by A. Southall, assisted by C. H. Moody. Ottawa: The Mortimer Company, Ltd. 83. This year book is described as “essentially a textbook for the Canadian citizen.” Replete with statistical and descriptive information concerning various phases of dominion and provincial life in Canada, it is the third of the series. The information concerning the larger cities is full and interesting, but cities as a class are not as adequately treated aa it is to be hoped they will be in future volumes. There are several interesting tables dealing with

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January municipal finance, bond sales and assessments. It is interesting to note that these data are included under the head of provinces, which have a large measure of administrative supervision and control over cities. Naturally there is a very considerable amount of information concerning Canada’s participation in the war. * THE HISTORY OF TAMMANY HALL. By Gustavus Myers. New York: Boni & Liveright, Inc. 105 W. 40th St. $2.50. Myers’ history of this famous, not to say notorious, New York political organ11. BOOKS DIRECTORY OF SOCIAL WORK FOR BALTIMORE AND MARYLAND, TOGETHER WITH LIST OF CHURCHES IN BALTIMORE AND VICINITY. Pre ared under the Supervision of the Baytimore Federated Charities. FourthEdition. Baltimore, Md. 1917. THE DIRECT PRIMARY IN NEW JERSEY. By Ralph Simpson Botts, PbD. New York. 1917. Pp. 349. DRINK AND THE WAR. From the Patriotic Point of View. By Marr Murray. London: Chapman and Hall, Ltd. Pp. 156. 1s. net. THE ESSENTIALS OF AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL LAW. By Francis Newton Thorpe, Ph.D., LL.D. New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons. Pp. 279. $1.75. By Vernon ICellogg and Alonao E. Taylor. With a preface by Herbert Hoover. New York: The Macmillan Company. Pp. 213. $1.25. THE FOUNDATIONS OF NATIONAL PROSPERITY. Studies in the Conservation of Permanent National Resources. By Richard T. Ely, Ralph H. Hem, Charles K. Leith, Thomas Nixon Carver. New York: The Macmillan Company. Pp. 378. $2. A HISTORY OF THE AUSTRALIAN BALLOT SYSTEM IN THE UNITED STATES. By Eldon Cobb Evans. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Pp. 102. AN HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION TO SOCIAL ECONOMY. By F. Stuart Chapin, Ph.D., Associate Professor of Sociology and Economics in Smith College. New THE FOOD PROBLEM. ization, first published in 1901 has become almost a classic. For years the original edition has been out of print. A new firm of publishers has done a courageous and public-spirited service in bringing out this greatly needed new and revised edition. The author has in this, as in his other books (notably his three-volume “History of Great American Fortunes ”) done a careful piece of research work and written a telling story of this remarkable body. Its very restraint is one among its many elements of strength and authoritativeness. RECEIVED York: The Century Company. Pp. 316. Illustrated. $2. A MUNICIPAL EXPERIMENT, or THE HALL OF RECORDS POWER PLANT. By Reginald Pelham Bolton. New York: The Bureau of Public Service Economics, Inc., 55 Liberty Street. Pp. 236. POSTAL SAVINGS. An Historical and Critical Study of the Postal Savings Bank System of the United States. By Edwin Walter Kemmerer. Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, Pp. 176. $1.25. PROCEEDINGS OF THE EIGHTH ANNUAL ASSOCIATION OF ROTARY CLUBS, ATLANTA, GA., JUNE 17-21, 1917. International Association of Rotary Clubs, 910 Michigan Avenue, Chicago, Ill. $1 -50. STATE GOVERNMENT IN PENNSYLVANIA: A MANUAL OF PRACTICAL CITIZENSHIP. Philadelphia: The Harper Press. Pp. 272. STATE SANITATION. A Review of the Work of the Massachusetts State Board of Health. By George Chandler Whipple. Vol. 11. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Pp. 452. $2.50. SELF-SURVEYS BY COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES. By William H. Allen. Yonkers-on-Hudson: World Book Company. Educational Survey Series. Pp. 394. Illustrated. $3. UNIVEEISAL TRAINING FOR CITIZENSHIP AND PUBLIC SERVICE. By William H. Allen, Director, Institute for Pubhc Service. New York: The Macmillan Company. Pp. 281. $1.50. CONVENTION OF THE INTERNATTONAL

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19181 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 111. REVIEWS OF REPORTS 73 County Government in Texas.L-To the scanty literature on county government reform, this is a welcome and important contribution. Seventy-five pages are given to a detailed description of the uniform governmental structure which Texas law gives to the counties of that state. The various county officers are described, their powers and duties and their relations to the smaller divisions of government and to the state. A chart of the Texas county exhibits the great and unnecessary complexity of the county organization in contrast with a county-manager plan. The remaining pages are given to criticism. Here the author has necessarily ignored constitutional restrictions and popular prejudices in his bold projects for reconstruction. Among the faults of the present system, Dr. James lists rigidity and constitutional interference, misfit uniformity, lack of home rule and lack of power. He suggests removal of the county attorney, judge, county clerk, sheriff, constables and justices of the peace to the control of the state which makes the laws which they are supposed to enforce. For tax oEcers who collect both state and local taxes, he proposes local appointment and state supervision accompanied by state financial aid. Likewise with health, education and roads. A commission-manager plan of the usual municipal pattern is proposed with five county commissioners who appoint a manager who in turn appoints and supervises the rest, thus taking numerous officers out of politics and achieving a short ballot. The fee system is condemned. County police are proposed. For subordinate areas abolition is suggested in favor of the local assessment principle, while for major cities the proposal is to let them be counties and assume all county functions. Except for the debatable proposal as to an extension of the principle of state aid, there is nothing very new or striking in the PUnivemity of Texas Bulletin no. 1732, by Herman G. James, J.D., Ph.D. 118 pp. pamphlet. list of proposed changes, but by the bringing together of all the reforms that are now accepted as orthodox among the handful of students of county government, the author draws an interesting picture of the goal that lies ahead. Far ahead! For the concluding pages are devoted to the constitutional provisions of Texas touching counties and it seems plain that it would require a political earthquake and a constitutional convention to untangle the existing scheme. Presumably the University could not go muck-raking very vigorously among the Texas counties to collect the kind of evidence that isneeded to lift the pamphlet from the academic and legal class and make its proposals a live issue in the state. The chief lack of the volume is the establishment of a popular grievance against the old-fashioned county plan and against the corrupt and petty political rings which it so often shelters. The complaint of this pamphlet that counties are not up to modern standards of simple organization is not in itself enough to prove the urgency of a change. The difficulty of securing satisfactory evidence is largely due to the pall of silence that overlies county government everywhere by reason of the weakness and political control of our rural press. Civic workers realize vaguely that there is a county problem but “revelations” in the newspaper sense are needed to awaken the public. Meanwhile let’s have more good pioneer work like this to build up an orthodoxy of county government reform! So far, hap pily, everybody in the field agrees. There are hardly enough of us yet to make a quarrel! 9 The City-Manager Plan for CbicagoJThis sixty-page pamphlet contains the draft of a bill providing for the reorganiration of the municipal government of Chicago, along the lines suggested in the model charter of the National Municipal tober, 1917. ]The Chicago bureau of public efliciency, Oc

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74 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January League. It is explained in the introduction that this draft act submitted by the Chicago bureau of public efficiency is merely the first step in a larger program, which includes “the unification into one municipal entity of all the local governing agencies within metropolitan Chicago, under a plan of simple, centralized, responsible government.” The bureau agrees with those who contend that the present is no time for “mere experiments in social and governmental reconstruction,” but contends that the form suggested in the draft bill is 80 elementary in its machinery, and has proved so workable in different parts of the world, that its adoption cannot be considered experimental. The draft bill is divided into seven parts. The iirst contains the amending sections; the second discusses the methods of election, qualihations, tenure of office, duties, etc., of the municipal officers: the third is devoted to the city council; the fourth outlines the election system; the fifth concerns itself with the recall and removal of aldermen; the sixth provides for the redistricting of the city: and the seventh lays down the procedure for the adoption of the act. The main points are: 1. Reduction of number of aldermen from 70 to 35; one from each ward; term of office 4 years; salary $4,000: and subject to recall. 2. The mayor (who is the city manager) elected by council for indeterminate tenure; subject to removal by council: names heads of departments except comptroller and clerk; and he must be “a citizen of the United States.” 3. Veto power of mayor used only to (call attention of council to “faulty ordinances”; vote necessary for passage over veto same as that necessary for original passage. 4. Non-partisan election; nomination by petition: candidates’ names rotated by series on bdots: and supplementary elections similar to French method. 5. Recall of aldermen on petition of 25 per cent of those voting at last election; cannot take place until alderman has been in office one year; also one year after returned by recall election; alderman returned at recall election receives $500 from city treasury. 6. City to have 35 wards: and to redistrict in 1931 and decennially thereafter. 7. Act to be submitted to popular vote. It is worth noting that the word ‘‘city manager” does not appear in the act. The ‘‘myo~’’ has all the essential powers of the manager under the commissionmanager plan. H. G. HOD~IB.’ * The Survey of the Minneapolis Teachers’ Retirement Fund.-The Minneapolis teachers’ retirement fund association, an organization of the 1,600 public school teachers of Minneapolis, is the outgrowth of a voluntary association in 1909 of about 600 Minneapolis teachers in a society in which, three years later, membership was made legally compulsory for all teachers. Upon completing twenty years of service and payment of $400 into the association’s retirement fund, a member becomes eligible to retire on an annual pension of $333.33. Those remaining longer in service pay $25 a year during the next ten years and on retirement receive an additional $16.67 allowance for each year of such payment. The maximum pension is $500 a year, payable on retirement after completion of 30 or more years of service and payment of a total sum of $650. The city contributes to the fund annually the proceeds of a one tenth mill property tax, which about equals the teachers’ current contributions. The liberal allowance made after relatively short service has induced most teachers to retire between the ages of 40 and 55 when, the survey states, 90 per cent of them are able to continue teaching. As the organizers failed to provide, either by increased contributions or decreased allowances, for the greater number of years which young pensioners as a class are bound to survive, the annual pension disbursements have, in seven years, overtaken the total annual income of $63,000 1 Secretary, Cleveland city club.

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19181 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 75 and now threaten to dissipate the $350,000 accumulated by the combined contributions of city and teachers during the fund‘s infancy, when pensioners were few. This condition is the inevitable result of the failure, common to nearly all the numerous teachers’ pension systems in this country, to ascertain the cost of providing the benefits desired before deciding on the amount to be charged for them-the same fallacy which has brought so many fraternal insurance organizations to grief. It now appears from the survey that the liabilities to teachers now eligible for pension and to teachers already pensioned, rated (presumably because of their urgency) as “major liabilities” at $2,795,000 are “so much in excess of all possible assets that there is little necessity for making additional, unnecessary and difficult calculations” of the probably greater liability of the fund on account of prospective pensions for the three fourths of the active teaching force who have taught less than twenty years. Teachers who may retire by paying arrearages add a liability of $230,000. Confronted with the necessity for increasing the fund income or reducing both present pensions and prospective allowances of present teachers, the survey recommends: That annual dues of all teachers be increaaed to $50, payable throughout service; That the city be asked to match these contributions; That the $100 a year, with interest, be credited to an individual account for each teacher; That full refunds, with interest, be allowed both teacher and city when a teacher leaves the service without pension; That 55 be the minimum retiring age except for disability and 15 yearn the minimum period of service required for disabllity retirement; and That the annuity allowed be that purchaaable on an actuarially-sound basis by the accumulated contributions of $100 a year and interest thereon to the age of actual retirement. Upon retirement at age 55, a woman teacher would receive, it is stated, as the result of thirty years’ contributions of $100, an annuity of $409.61. Upon retiring at age 60, after forty years of contributions at the same rate, an annuity of $795.58 would be paid. For the sense of security alone which participants in the proposed scheme would have, if no other reason existed, the change from the old plan to that proposed would be well worth while. But there are other inducements. The natural objection to being compelled to save an appreciable sum is overcome by the generous 100 per cent subsidy proposed as the city’s share. Service is reasonably prolonged, the cost of service retirement thereby reduced, disability provided for (to be sure in a very limited way), contributions increased to meet fully the reduced cost, instead of ignoring cost entirely as in the past, the possibility of the recurrence of a deficit is eliminated and, so far as the younger teachers are concerned, an avenue of exit from the service is provided which will make it unnecessary, from humanitarian motives, to retain them in the school system when old age shall materially diminish their usefulness, as would be the case were there no retirement system. No suggestion is offered for reserving out of the fund to the credit of the individual accounts of the teachers now in active service $272,829.68 already contributed by them, nor for making up, in any way, the additional amounts which should have been contributed by, or on behalf of, teachers long in the service in order to assure them a retirement allowance equal to that which will be produced for those just entering the school system. The desirability of proportioning retiring allowances to the salaries to which the teachers have become accustomed is not admitted, it appears, by the teachers, even aa concerns those just entering. Nor is any way provided for carrying the existing pension roll of $61,OOO. The scheme proposed is a pure savings scheme, to be subsidized by the city dollar for dollar so far as it applies to those who actually retire. It so far revem the past policy with respect to the fund as to propose the substitution of more than sufficient contributions by the city for current insufficient contributions; i.e., contributions are to be made currently not

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76 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January only on behalf of teachers who will probably remain long enough to earn retirement but on behalf, also, of that large percentage which will assuredly leave the service before becoming eligible for retirement. While these unnecessary contributions will eventually revert to the city, the fact that they are unnecessary, and that correct rates of contribution by the city in any year may be actuarially ascertained with the nicety ordinarily demanded in computation of other municipal sinking fund instalments, makes this feature of the proposed plan worthy of reconsideration and modification. The survey, notwithstanding indicated defects in detail, presents a mass of useful data collection of which has required much thoughtful and painstaking effort. It will doubtless, like the survey of the old New York city teachers’ fund, result in arousing intelligent discussion among teachers which, while involving modification of the proposed plan, will develop necessary realization by the teachers of the fact that because of inroads made by present beneficiaries on nioneys not contributed by them, the time is imminent when the fund, as at present constituted, will be unable to pay either standard benefits or those lesser benefits which could have been produced by the current rate of contribution to a system operated on a souhd reserve basis. RALPH L. VAN NAME.^ * Municipal Ownership of Public Utilities.-Three interesting pamphlets upon various phases of municipal ownership have recently appeared? Mr. Wilcox’s short article is merely suggestive. He points out five barriers to municipal ownership of public utilities: first, constitutional restrictions and il1 Pension examiner, New Yorlc city commission on pensions. 1 Public Utility Advice from the Public Point of View, by Deloa F. Wilcox, a reprint from The American City; Liquor and Public Utilities in Indiana Politics, by‘ Theodore F. Thieme, Citiaens’ League of Indiana, Fort Wayne: Municipal Ownership in the United States, by Evans Clark, Intercollegiate Socialist Society, 70, Fifth Avenue, New York. liberal charters; second, long term franchises, and numerous franchises for the same kind of utility which have been granted under different conditions and which expire at different times, so that a city is not in a position to deal with one of the utilities comprehensively; third, the legal and economic difficulty of financing extensive utilities; fourth, the low salaries paid to technically trained engineers, accountants, and lawyers as compared with salaries paid by a private corporation; and fifth, the lack of a franchise survey to form the basis for a constructive public utility program as a part of the city plan. Mr. Wilcox does not discuss the methods of overcoming the difficulties, except that he suggests a solution of the financial problem by requiring privately-owned utilities to be paid for within a reasonable period of years, and then to become municipal property free from debt. Mr. Thieme explains that “every attempt to bring about reforms in governmental conditions in city, county, or state, bumps hard against two powerful obstacles”-privately-owned public utilities and liquor. These are the invisible forces which protect the outworn constitution and enact stifling laws. A new constitution with home rule for cities is fought by this invisible government because the city electors are finding it to their advantage to overthrow both if given an opportunity. “Saloon-keepers entered politics to protect themselves from regulation and control. When public utilities took over our political parties, they also annexed the saloon, and while the saloon furnished the votes for public utilities, they in turn furnished campaign money and protection to the saloon, at the same time dividing the control of public office with the brewers and the bosses.” Now the public utilities have decided to use the courts. For instance, in 1913 the legislature of Indiana passed twenty-two amendments to the constitution of which one provided that no law for the recall of the judiciary shall ever be passed, and another created a court of twelve members divided into classes of

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19181 REVIEWS OF REPORTS 77 three judges, which provision would have given two judges the power to declare whether a law is unconstitutional. As the due process of law clause of the fourteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States practically permits a court to declare unconstitutional any law of which it disapproves, as being unreasonable, the two judges would have had enormous power to protect vested interests. At its next session the legislature was dissuaded from submitting the amendments. As to the saloons, Mr. Thieme says that in one saloon there were found fifteen different printed circulars opposing a constitutional convention. Mr. Clark shows by means of copious statistics the extent to which municipal ownership has advanced in this country, but that private corporations have retained the cream of the business, except where the public health is concerned. For instance, 30 per cent of all electric light plants were city owned in 1912, but the output of municipal plants per kilowatt hour was only 10,436,276 while that of privately owned plants was 537,526,730. That is, although the number of municipal plants was 30 per cent of the totaI, their output was only 5 per cent of the total output for the year, because small cities have been compelled to install their plants whereas large cities have not been permitted to do so. The gas, telephone, and street railway systems are very profitable, and these are almost entirely in private hands. But 150 of the 195 cities with populations exceeding 30,000 own their water works, because they do not care to entrust their health to private corporations. Mr. Clark‘s tentative hypothesis is: “We, the people of this country, are accustomed to allow a small group of investors to reap huge personal profits from bartering our indispensable public necessities. It is only when our bodily security is threatened that we call a halt. And to this hypothesis there is a significant corollary: when the public need carries with it no large promise of profit, private capital steers clear and public ownership is Hobson’s choice.” AIthough the author is treating the subject of municipal ownership from a socialistic point of view, he is fair throughout, and his arguments are very persuasive. FRANK ABBOTT MAQRUDER. * “Pay as You Go” Policy Urged for California Schools.-The September, 1917, issue of the California Taxpayers’ Journal (304 American Bank Bldg., Los Angeles, Cal.) is devoted mainly to a discussion of school bonds in California, for the purpose of calling attention to mounting school expenditures and of checking reckless ‘bond issues for school buildings which become obsolete long before the bonds are paid. In the opinion of the California taxpayers association a “pay as you go” policy should be imposed by law upon all local authorities in respect to school buildings. “It should be borne in mind,” the association says, “that a school building is a non-productive investment financially, and that its value rapidly decreases from year to year. The same number of buildings has to be built whether the money is raised by bonds or by taxation only they cost more than twice as much when paid for by forty-year bonds. . . . When a bond issue is deemed absolutely necessary, it should be a short term serial issue. Such an issue is not only the cheapest, but it sells more advantageously, and is apt to be paid off during the usefulness of the improvement; also, during the life of the generation responsible for it, Ten years is long enough for most bonds, and only in extreme cases are districts warranted in borrowing for as long aa twenty years.” The argument for increased tax leviea versus bonding is presented concretely by comparing the experience of Portland, Oregon, and Oakland, California. The former, although doubling its population every decade since 1860, and requiring on an average 60 new class rooms every year for elementary schools alone, has paid for its school buildings by current, taxation. Oakland, on the other hand, ‘in common with other California cities, has built its schools by issuing forty-year

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January bonds and is now finding it increasingly difficult to bear the growing interest charges and finance the new school accommodations required. The facts here set forth in regard to the school bond question in California could doubtless be duplicated in many rapidly growing cities and should raise the question as to the wisdom of borrowing money to pay for regularly recurring expenditures for non-revenue-producing improvements. (0, New Sources of Revenue for Minnesota Municipalities.-The October number of Minnesota Municipalities contains a very interesting report made to the league of Minnesota municipalities by the committee on taxation and assessments @. 156-159). The report points out the need of securing new sources of revenue and discusses in some detail, and with a considerable degree of favorable comment, the topics of special assessments, exceea condemnation and special land taxes. It makes no definite recommendations aside from suggesting that these systems be given consideration with the object of ascertaining whether they measure up to the requirements of our American municipal conditions. The subject of taxation, the committee thinks, should be fully dkcussed at the next meeting of the league and it is particularly urged that all of the important recommendations of the state tax commission be presented to the league for its consideration and action. The establishment of such a practice would go far in the direction of developing the type of co-operation between the state government and the municipalities which has been so highly developed in some of the Canadian provinces. 9 Financial Federations.-Several years ago the Cleveland chamber of commerce instituted a movement whereby the charities of that city were brought together into a federation for the purpose of raising by combined effort sufficient funds for their maintenance. This precedent has been followed and there are now fourteen such federations, five have been abandoned, and one is at present inactive. They vary in size from that in Cleveland with a budget of over half a million dollars, to that in Oshkosh, Wis., and Richmond, Ind., where the budgets are $lO,OOo. In the majority of these cities the plan has only been in operation for two or three yew, and on account of the shortr nem of this period there has been a great difference of opinion as to their success, financial, educational and social. A committee of the American Association for Organizing Charity (130 East 22d Street, New York) composed of W. Frank Persons, of the New York charity organization, William H. Baldwin, of the Washington associated charities, Frank R. Johnson, of the Boston associated charities, and Eugene T. Lies, the general superintendent of the Chicago united charities, was appointed to study all the available data for each city in which a financial federation has been tried. They have published their report in a document consisting of 285 pages, and have reached the conclusion that it is unwise for any other city to undertake this experiment until there is more evidence accumulated to show the unquestioned success of the plan. The report is published by the association. * Standardization of Salaries and Grades for the City of Akron, Ohio.-One by one the more progreasive cities throughout the country are falling in line with the standardization movement. The latest report comes from Akron, Ohio, where the local bureau of municipal research, a citizens’ agency, has been conducting a study for about three and one-half months and on November twelfth. transmitted to the common council a detailed plan for standardizing salaries and grades in the city service. The recommendations of the bureau of municipal research, in the main, follow along the lines of the standardization that haa been worked out for New York city by the bureau of personal service. A slight departure from the New York model worth noting is the omission in the Akron plan of elaborate definitions of C. R. W.

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19181 BIBLIOGRAPHY 79 service classes and groups, the specifications being confined entirely to individual positions. The enforcement of the standardization measure, if adopted, will be entrusted to the civil service commission. The appendix to the report contains a table in which the existing and proposed salary rates for positions in Akron are compared with the lowest, highest and average salary rates for similar positions in fourteen other American cities. WILLIAM C. BEYER. * St. Charles Boys.l-This inquiry was made to test the methods at St. Charles according to the percentage of the boys who “made good” and to discover, if possible, ways and means by which training given in the institution might be more effectively conservative. St. Charles is the state reform school for delinquent boys, situated about thirty miles west of Chicago. It receives boys from all over the state, but naturally, a large percentage of them come from Chicago. The study, which is summarized in nineteen printed pages, deals with a few 1 A survey made by the bureau of social service, department of public welfare, city of Chicago, by E. E. Eubank, Ph.D. specific points which are very wisely directed mainly towards the problem! of whether or not the training of St. Charles is followed by good behavior. There is no doubt that in a large share of cases this does not obtain. There is no attempt in this study to criticise the work at St. Charles itself, but it offers evidence that one great weakness in the situation is the lack of an adequate staff of qualified visitors for the work which is only begun at St. Charles. Definite recommendations are made for the work of visitors to the homes of boys released and for the adequate supervision and help of the boys. The tremendous weakness of the situation in Illinois is shown up candidly. WILLIAM HEALY. * A New List of Commercial Organizations has been published by the bureau of foreign and domestic commerce of the Department of Commerce. It is a revision of the 1915 list. It is interesting to note that it contains not only all the local commercial organizations but indicates which of them are engaged in civic work. National organizations like the National Municipal League and the American Civic Association are noted. IV. BIBLIOGRAPHY’ Accounting BOURXE (R. W.). Property accounting in the City of New York. (Jour. of Accountancy, Nov., 1917: 342-354.) A pa er read at the annual meeting of the Nation2 Assn. of Comptrollers and Accounting O5cers. Chicago, 1917. NEW YORK CITY. DEPARTMENT OF FINANCE. Standard property forms. For use in the system of property accounting of the City of New York.] (Bur. of Mun. Investigation and Statistics.) 1917. 18 forms. SCRIBNER (D. C.). Accounting in municipalities. (Pacific Municipalities, Oct., 1917: 509-515.) Baths See also Recreation. ANON. Swimming bath experiments. Manchester’s experience of water aeration and filtration. (Mun. Jour., Sept. 7,1917: 863.) College. 1Edited by Miss Alice M. Holden, Wellealey Bibliography See also Commission Government, Ports and; PUBLIC AFFAIRS INFORMATION SERVICE. Bulletin. Third annual cumulation, Oct., 19164ct., 1917, edited by Lillian Henley. 1917. 490pp. “The special ,mk!on of. the Public Maim Information Service 18 to hst the more eluslve material in print . . . including special reports, investigations, brochures, etc. . . . All entrim. do not represent printed material. Notes, announcements. and hests ahow the trend of publia thought and action. . . . ”-Preface. Terminal Facilities. Billboards SIMONS (S. C.). A billboard ordinance of unusual significance. (Am. City, Nov., 1917: 403-406. illus.) WILLIAMS (J. T.). The metamorphosis of the poster board. (N. J. Municipalities, Oct., Nov., 1917: 12, 15, 23; 8-9, 28. illus.) Reprinted from Pacific Municipalities, Mar,, WOODRUFF (C. It.). Billboard regu(N. J. Municipalities, Nov., 1917: 1917: 99-102. lation. 7, 24-27.)

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80 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January Charities LINDSAY 6. McC.). Financing charitiesinwartime. 1917. 4p . (80.105, Reprints of Re ts. and Ad%esses of the Natl. Conf. for 8oc. Work, 1917.) PUBLIC WELFARE COMMITTEE. Humanizing the greater city’s charity. The work of the Department of Public Charities of the City of New York. 1917. illus. %% of the data for this book has been borrowed from various publications of the Department of Public Charities, particularly from its annual re ort for 1916.“-Foreword. philanthropist; Adjusting the maladjuste8?~~~ care of the sick; The care of the homeleis; The care of the feebleminded and e ileptic; The care and burial of the dead; Toward t!e ounce of prevention; The purchase and dutnbution of supplies; New Sartial contents: New York City as . structures and projects; For tomorrow-excerpts from the program of the Department of Public Charities. Child Welfare See also Public Health. NEW YORK STATE BOARDS OF CHILD WELFARE. Proceedings of the first state conference held in Utica, New York, Jan. 31, 1917. 1917. 61 pp. Published by Melvin Gilbert Dodge, Utica, N. Y. Price $1.00. ROBERTSON (JOHN). The child welfare campaign and the position of the Medical Officer of Health. (Pub. Health [London], Oct., 1917: 2-5.) UNITED STATES. CHILDREN’S BUREAU. Rules and regulations made by the Board, consisting of the Attorney General, the Secretary of Commerce, and the Secretary of Labor, for carrying out the provisions of An Act to prevent interstate commerce in the products of child labor, and for other purposes, approved Sept. 1, 1916. Issued Aug. 14, 1917. 10 pp. (Child Labor Div. Circular no. 1.) . Summary of child-welfare laws passed in 1916. 1917. 74 pp. (Miscellaneous ser. no. 7, bur. pub. no. 21.) Citv Manager Plan &e also El&tions. AUBURN, ME. Charter. An act to grant a new charter to the city of Auburn, March 23, 1917. 1917. 29 pp. (78. Legislature. Sen. no. 391.) . voters on Sept. 10, 1917. TIhis city manager charter w& adopted by the BOULDER, COLO. Charter of the City of Boulder. Official copy as found and proposed by the Charter Convention elected Julv 24. 1917. 1917. 37 DD. -Adopted Ok. 30, 1917. CHICAGO BUREAU OF PUBLIC EFFICIENCY. The city manager plan for Chicago. Draft of a bill for the reorganization of the municipal government, with explanatory statement, pFepared and presented for public discussion. Oct., 1917. ITY MANAGERS’ ASSOCIATION. Proceedings of the third annual meeting, M8P. held at Springfield, Massachusetts, Nov. 20-23, 1916. [1917.] 98 pp. Among the topics discussed are the following: “The best method of keeping cost records”; “The best method of getting proper constructive publiclty”; and, “Is it advisable, in ci!y purchasing, to give publicity to bids received? A lit of cities and towns under city-manager government, corrected to May 1. 1917, is appended. NORFOLK, VA. Proposed charter of the City of Norfolk. Prepared by the Charter Commission. [1917.] 64 pp. This charter was adopted at the polh on Nov. 20, 1917, by an overwhelming majority. It cannot be effective, however, until it becomes an Act of the Virginia Legislature, which meets in January, 1918. No alteration is expected at the hnnds of the le@latufe., Mr. H. . Galt is secretary of the Charter ommission. City Planning See also Zoning. LEWIS (N. P.). City planning: what it means and what it includes. (N. J. Municipalities, Oct., 1917: 10-11, 23.) SWAN (H. S.) and TUTTLE (G. W.). Planning sunlight cities. Part 11. (Am. City, Oct., 1917: 313-317. diagra.) Civic Center center plan. 3-8. illus., plan.) MILLS (W. F. R.). Denver’s civic (Modern City, Nov., 1917: Civil Service BOSTON SOCIETY OF Civm ENGINEERS. Classification of civil engineers under the civil service rules; report of special committee on civil service. (Jour., Oct., The merit system and the higher offices. (Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., Aug., 1917: 461-472.) Commission Government 1917: 325-336.) MCILHENNY (J. A.). See also City Manager Plan. HILL fC. B.). The commission form of government from the viewpoint of the chief financial officer [with discussion]. (Proceedings, Nat. Assn. of Comptrollers and Accounting Offrs., Je., 1917: 87-99.) The author is Commissioner of Finance in the city of Buffalo. NEW JERSEY. Statutes. [Acts amending “An act relating to, regulating and providing for the government of cities, towns, townships, boroughs, villages and municipalities governed by boards of commissioners or improvement commissions in this State,” approved April 25th, 1911. and amendments: bein= Chanters 79,216, 263, 275, Laws 6f 1917; apprbved March 20, 29, 31, April 3, 1917.1 11 sheets, typewritten.. These acts comprise the aommission-government charter which was recently adopted by Newark. STEVENS (L. T.). New Jersey commission-government law (Walsh Act). 3 ed., rev. and cor. to date, with annotations of court decisions. 1917. 96 pp. UNITED STATES. LIBRARY OF CONQRESS. DIVISION OF BIBLIOGRAPHY. List of

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19181 BIBLIOGRAPHY references on commission government for cities (Supplementary to printed list, 1917). Oct. 8,. 1917. 7 pp., typewritten. Correction A digest of laws establishing reformatories for women in the United States (Jour. of . . . Crim. Law and Criminology, Nov., 1917: County Government COUNTY GOVERNMENT ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORR STATE. Proceedings of the second state conference for better county overnment. . . . Dec. 14-15, 1916. 1917.1 111 pp. DETROIT BUREAU OF GOVERNMENTAL RESEARCH. Report on the procedure of the treasurer’s office of Wayne county. Oct., 1917. 23 pp., typewritten. DURHAM, (N. W.). The commission form of government for counties. (Good Roads, Oct. 6, 1917: 182-183.) TEXAS. UNIVERSITY. County government in Texas, by Herman G. James. 1917. 117 pp. (Bul. no. 1732.) WESTCHESTER COUNTY RESEARCH BuREAU. County salaries. A communication to the Westchester County Board of Supervisors. (1917.1 20 pp. Contains a table of corn arison of salariea in the countiea of Weatohester honroe, Onondaga and Erie. New York. The’Bureau’s office is at 15 Court St., White Plains, N. Y. courts FAUROT (J. A.). The use of the finger print system in the courts [with discussion]. Proceedings, N. Y. State Probation Comn., 1916: 245-264.) Education ROGERS (H. W.). 518-553.) See also Surveys. f Municipal research series, no. 15. See alao Municipal Government, Public Health, Schools, Vocational Grudance. RUMBALL (E. A.). New citizens’ handbook. A manual of information for Buffalo immigrants whowish to become American citizens. Pubhshed and printed for distribution by the City of Buffalo. 36 pp., map. illus. Mr. Rumban is General Secretary of the Civic Education Association, Buffalo. . Participating Americans. The story of one yearJs work for the Americanization of Buffalo. 1917. 16 pp., chart. UNITED STATES. BUREAU OF EDUCATION. The money value of education. By A. Caswell Ellis. (Bul., 1917, no. 22.) WILE (I. S.). Civics in the schools. (School and Society, Sept. 15,1917: 311316.) Elections BEARD (C. A.). Six years’ experience with the direct primary 111 New Jersey. 8 PPBOYNTON (W. E.). The proportional manager: a successful experiment in mak6 81 ing one city government safe for democracy. (Independent, Oct. 20, 1917.) CHICAGO BUREAU OF PUBLIC EFFICIENCY. Primary daya and election days as holidays. An instance of governmental absurdity and waste. Nov., 1917. llRflcPdmmends: (1) that public offices shall not be closed in the future on account of primary days or election days; and 2) that. the lergslature shall repeal the statute maLng pnmary and election days egal holidays. EVANS (E. C.). A history of the Australian ballot system in the United States. A dissertation submitted for the degree of doctor of hiloaophy, University of Chicago. %ITZSIMMONS (W. E.). Opposed to old state convention. Direct primary law in this State, though defective, is an advance in the direction of true democracy, says one of its defenders. (State Service, Oct., 1917: 13-16.) HOAG (C. G.). Proportional representation for cities. (N. J. Municipalities, Nov., 1917: 10-13. illus.) representation. Electrolysis NATIONAL ELECTRIC LIGHT ASSOCIATION. Re ort of Committee on Underground &nstruction and Electrolysis. 1917. 43 pp. illus. diagrs. Excess Condemnation CUSHMAN (R. E.). Excess condemnations. 1917. 323 pp. Contents: The theory of excesa condemnation: Excesa condemnation and the problem of remnanta of land: Excem condemoation for the protection of public improvements. Exceea condemnation for recoupment or profit; ’Financial gains and risks of excesa condemnation; The administration of exca condemnation; The constitutionality of excesa condemnation. Fire Prevention ANON. The state fire marshals. Description of the work of their respective departments furnished by marshals of nineteen states-powers, aims and achievements. (Mun. Jour., Nov. 8,1917: I1917.J 102 pp. .illus. The first of a series of articles on proportional 447451.) ADAMSON (ROBERT). The New York Bureau of Fire Prevention. Organization and jurisdiction-Work performed by each of the several divisions-supervision of structure of buildings and auxiliary fire appliances-combustibles and explosives-Electrical inspection-Education and propaganda. (Mun. Jour., Nov. 8, 1917: 443-447. illus.) CANADA (W. J.). The hazards of domestic electrical appliances. (Quart., Nat. Fire Protection Assn., Oct., 1917: 139148.) GUERIN (WILLIAM). Making schools safe from fire. A manual of fire prevention for educational institutions. [1917.] 79 pp. illus.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW MACNULTY (A. C.). Futile fire prevention has cost the [New York] city treasury millions of dollars and individual property owners millions more; has driven out or prevented the establishment of hundreds of industrial plants and materially depreciated local realty values-all this without reducing the number of fires, the annual fire loss in lives or property, or the exactions of fire insurance conpanies. (Real Estate Bul., Oct., 1917: 67-72.) SAN FRANCISCO. BOARD OF FIRE COMMISSIONERS. Excerpta from the fire prevention laws and organizations of eastern cities, with recommendations for establishing a San Francisco Bureau of Fire Prevention. 1917. Mr. Frnnk T. Kennedy is secretary of the Board. Fire Protection ANON. [Statistical tables giving information concerning the equipment of fire departments as to apparatus, the fire alarm system in service, the amount and nature of fire prevention work being done, the fire fighting force and the matter of pensions and benefits provided in about 600 cities.] (Mun. Jour., Nov. 8, 1917: 352-464.) . The double platoon in the fire department. (Tacoma Mu. Bul., Sept. 20, 1917.) DAUNTLESS CLUB OF THE BUFFALO FIRE DEPARTMENT. Statistics of fire departments, 1917. 35 pp. Gives salaries of various positions. time off allowances made for clothing, sickness and in: jury, and statistics of size for the fire departmenta of 127 American cities. NATIONAL BOARD OF FIRE UNDERWRITERS. Proceedings of the fifty-first annual meeting, May 24, 1917. 187 pp. tables. Presents statistical tables of fires in dl but the smaller American cities during 1916, showing number of buildin of the various claasea of construction and numrer of 6re3 in each class, number of alarms. insurance and lo~~es, eta. The o5ce of the Board is at 76 William St., New York Cit NEW YORK BOARD OF FIRE "DERWRITERS. Annual report of the Committee on Fire Patrol, 1916. 11917.1 45 p. tables. &EINER (LEO). The ph sical and medical requirements of a ireman [in Chicago]. (Quart., Nat. Fire Protection Assn., Oct., 1917: 153-154.) Home Rule what it means. KNICHTEL (F. W.). Home rule and (Modern Citv. Oct.. 1917: -, . 24-26.) Assn., Atlantic Cit , Je. 16. 1917. An addreas delivered before the N. J. State Bar MUNICIPAL ~OVERNMENT ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK STATE. Court of Appeals of the State of New York. Stephen R. Cleveland, individual1 and as Commissioner of the Boarlof Water Works of the City of Watertown, and others, respondents, vs. the City of Watertown, [January and others, appellants. Brief . . by W. T. Denison and L. A. Tamer. [1917.] 124 pp. For copies address L. A. Tamer. Woolworth Building, Nek York City. An appeal from R judgment of the Appellate Division for the Fourth Department. affirming the Supreme Court of Jefferson County "which had a$ud ed the unconstitutionnlity of the optional Clty dovernment Law (Laws 1914. c. 444) and restrained the City of Watertown from prkeedin to organiae the form of City Government it ha! elected to adopt thereunder." Housing New housing laws and other general laws making for improvements in housing conditions [in California]. (Pacific Municipalities, Nov., 1917: 573577.) GOODYEAR TIRE AND RUBBER COMPANY (Akron, 0.). Goodyear Heights, second development. Preliminary information and general description of houses with terms of sale. [1917.] [27 pp.] illus. MICHIGAN. STATE BOARD OF HEALTH. Housing and good health in Michigan. 1917. 58 pp. (Pub. Health, Aug., 1917.) The whole issue of this monthly bulletin is given upto the subject above mentioned. NATIONAL HOUSING ASSOCIATION. Indian Hill, an industrial villa e for the Norton Co., Worcester, Mass., f~y Charles C. May. 1917. [20 pp.] illus. (Pub. no. 40.) NOLEN, JOHN. A good home for every wage-earner. 1917. 12 DD. COHN (M. C.). Ai address delivered at the %h Annual Meet.ing of the N. Y. League of Local Building and Loan Aeans., Boston. Jy. 24-26, 1917. A pamphlet by Mr. Nolen under the same title ap eared in April, 1917, as no. 9. series I1 of the Am. &vic Assn. . Supplement to a good home for every wage-earner. Oct., 1917. 7 pp. (Am. Civic Assn., ser. 11, no. 10.) A statement prepared for the war Ship ing Committceof the Chamber of Commerce of the 6.9. WHITNEY (A. L.). Housing and welfare work. Rest and recreation rooms and rest periods for employes. Rev., U. S. Bur. of Labor Stat. (Monthly Oct., 1917: 151-159.) Labor ANON. List of officials of Bureaus of Labor, Emplo ment offices, Industrial Commissions, dmpensation Commissions, Wage Boards, Factory Inspection Bureaus, and Arbitration and Conciliation Boards in the United States and Canada. (Monthly Rev., U. S. Bur. of Labor Stat., Se t., 1917: 581-598.) NEW YORK ETATE. INDUSTRIAL COMMISSION. Labor law and industrial code with amendments, additions and annotations to July 1, 1917. 1917. 270 pp. See also Street Railways. ~~ Lighting Lighting of streets in residential sections. General principles for observance in lamp spacing CRAVATH (J. R.).

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19181 BIBLIOGRAPHY 83 and location with overhead circuits under the conditions that are normally found to exist in small towns and cities. (Elec. World, Sept. 22, 1917: 565-568. .plans. illus.) . Residential street-lighting equipment. Principles involved in selecting lamps and accessories, in determining lamp heights, and in installing ornamental systems in small towns and cities. (Elec. World, Sept. 29, 1917: 611-613. diagrs.) . Practical features of streetlighting contracts. Points to be observed in negotiations between municipalities and utilities, with special attention to securing and maintaining the best public relations. (Elec. World, Oct. 13, 1917: 709-712.) ILLUMINATING ENGINEERING SOCIETY. Code of lighting school buildings. 1917. 21 DD. illus. __ "While the code is intended primarily =,an aid in formulating ,legislation relatmg to the hghtin of school buildmgs. it is also intended for schoof authorities aa a guide in individual efforts to improve lighting conditions."-Preface. REED (W. E.). .Some features of street lightin6 specifications [with abstract of discussions]. (Trans., Illuminating Eng. SOC., Aug., 1917: 270-276.) Develo ment of a permanent street lighting pran for a small city and village [with discussion]. (Trans., Illuminating Eng. Soc., Aug., 1917 : 260-269, plates.) THOMPSON (R. B.). Markets STOCKTON (F. T.). How to start and operate a city public retail market. July, 1917. (Bulletin, Extension Div., Indiana Univ . ~~~ UN~D STATES. DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE. Cooperative purchasing and marketing organizations among farmers in the United States, by 0. B. Jesness, and W. H. Kerr. 1917. 82 pp., plates. tables. (Bull. no. 547.) Municipal Government and Admiiistration See also City Manager Plan, Elections, Home Rule, Recreation, Surveya. CABBURN (JOHN). British Munici alities on war service. (Modern City, &t., 1917: 30-33.) DONALD (W. J.). The functions of city clubs in municbal life. (Am. Citv. Nov.. -, 1917: 407-415: illus.) ' HOLLIDAY (CARL). The municipal university. 1. Its origin and its growth. (School and Society, Oct. 13, 1917: 426431.) -. 2. Its theories and its purposes. (School and Society, NO~. 10, 1917: 545-549.) INDIANAPOLIS. Ordinances. Municipal code of the City of Indianapolis. 1917. Compiled by Woodburn Masson and George Shirts. 1917. 1023 pp. -. Ordinances of the City of Indianapolis, July 1, 1916 to July 1, 1917. 1917. 94pp. JOHNSON (W. F.). Present-day movements in city government. (Toledo City Jour., Dee. 1,1917: 2-3.) MCCORMICK (A. A.). Is it a function of municipal government to appropriate funds for the relief of distress caused by the rise of foodstuffs? If so, to what extent and in what manner should it be done? (Proceedings, Nat. Assn. of Comptrollers and Accounting Offrs., Je., 1917: 64-72.) MEREDITH (J. R.) and WILKINSON (W. B.). Municipal manual. Ed. by Sir William Ralph Meredith, Chief Justice of Ontario. 1917. 1040 pp. Comprises the various acts which concern Canadian municipalities. WOMEN'S COMMITTEE OF ONE HUNDRED FOR NOWPARTISAN CITY GOVERNMENT. [New York City.] A city government that serves. A record of the past administration and a demand upon the next. [1917.1 15 PP. An intereating piece of cam aign literature. Copies may be secured from 110 $, 40th St., Room 1003, New York City. bPORTB ANON. Improving municipal reports. Suggestions by official of Columbus, Ohio -Prompt completion-Condensation and uniformity rendering reports more serviceable to taxpayers. (Mun. Jour., Nov. 22, 1917: 509-510.) BOSTON FINANCE COMMISSION. [Report of an examination of the annual reports of Boston, with a view to their standardization, reducing their cost, and including certam items of important information, made at the request of the City Council.] (Boston City Record, Sept. 29,1917: 882-884.) Recommends the creation of a board of puhlication to consist of three city officials, servine cz @do with am le power to edit, reviae and ellminate hats so t8at the reports of city departments will be bri'ef and concise. COLUMBUS, ORIO. Supplement to the City Bulletin: [Containing the] Municipal Manual, 1917. 1917. 184 pp. A new departure in city reports Municipal Ownership See also Strmt Railways. BOLTON (R. P.). A municipal ex eriment; or, the Hall of Records power pfant,. 1917. 236pp. Published by the N. Y. Bu'eau of Public Service CITY CLUB OF Los ANGELES (CAL.). Report on government ownership of public utility service undertakings,. erepared by the Committee on Municipal Ownership. 1917. 38 pp. tables. NEW YORK CITY. CHAMBERLAIN. Cost of acquisition by the City of New York of all public utilities. Oct. 8, 1917. 4 sheets, typewritten. Economica.

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84 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January THIEME (J. F.). Municipal ownership -The salvation of our cities. (N. J. Municipalities, Oct., Nov., 1917: 13-15; 5, 16, 21.) Pavements See also Roada. DUTTON (E. R.). Recent practice in wood block pavements [with discussion]. (Proceedings, Am. Road Builders’ hn., Feb., 1917: 145-162.) FARRINGTON (W. R.). Bituminous roads and pavements and treatments [with discussion]. (Proceedings, Am. Road Builders’ Assn., Feb., 1917: 59-96.) Periodical Publications CIVIC FEDERATION OF DALLAS. The Dallas Survey. A journal of social work. Issued semi-monthlv. vol. i. no. 1, See also Municipal Government. Septr 1, 1917. merce St.. Dallas. Tex. The offices of the Federation are at 1308f ComSocial Welfare. Monthly. vol. i, no. 1. Oct.. 1917. St. Paul, Minn. -I ~ A new‘ ericdical issued in the interest of welfare work in &. Paul. It is ubehed at 409 Wilder Bldg., St.Pau1, Minn. SuLcrtptlon $1 per year. Police PENNSYLVANIA. DEPARTMENT OF LABOR AND INDUSTRY. Police cost in Pennsylvania cities of the third class. [1917.] 1 sheet, typewritten. ROBINSON (JAMES). [Philadelphia] training school for olice. (Proceedmgs, Internat. Assn. of 8hiefs of Police. Je., See also Public Health. Public Health See also Charities, Chid Welfare, Street Cleaning. ANON. Perio&cal exarmnation of health department employes. (Boston Med. and Surg. Jour., Sept. 6, 1917: 340341.) “For the past two years every em loye of the New York Department of Health has Keen obliged to meet tbia requirement of an annual medical examination in addition to the one received on entrance to he De artment service.” BOULNOIS (If. P.). The effect of the war on municipal engineering and public health. (Surveyor and Mun. and Cy. En Oct. 26, 1917: 363-365.) 8, OVERT (F. A,). Clean-up campaigns in relation to public health. 1917. [4 ’%]pa er read at the Dominion Conference of the Civic fmprovement League of Canada held in Winnipeg May 28-29 1917. The auth; is chairman of the Clean-up’committee of the City Improvement Le ue of Montreal. HIS addresa IS 55 St. Frangoissekavier St.. Montreal. DAYTON. DIVISION OF HEALTH. Typhoid in Dayton, Ma 1 to September 20, 1917. By A. L. Liggt, Commissioner of Health. [1917. lOpp.1 Map. HARRIS (L. I.). The opportunities which industrial hygiene offers to the general practitioner and to the public ealth officer. (Medicine and Surgery, Se t., 1917: 686-697.) HASTINGS (C. J.). The modern conception of public health administration and its national imwrtance. 1917. 20 PP. An article by Medical Officer of Health, Toronto, repnnted from the Cansdlan Medxal Association 1916: 81-84.) Journal, Aug., 1917. WOODS (ARTHIJR). The Police deHICKS (H. M.). Efficiency in public (N. Y. State, Health Dept. ity, Nov., 9-16.) F&mtment of New York City. (Modern health work. Health News. SeDt.. 1917: 218-224.) Ports and Terminal Facilities CEERINGTON (P. T.). The port of Boston. (Current Affairs, Nov. 26, Dec. 3, 1917: 6,8; 6, 8, 11.) The first two /nstaIments 01 8 report prepared by Professor Chenngton for the 301nt sub-comrmttee on Lighterage, of the Boston Chamber of Commerce. Other instalmenta will follow. HOYT (W. H.). Design of docks and wharves. (Canadian Eng., Sept. 27, 1917: 277-280. diagrs.) NEW YORK CITY. MUNICIPAL REFERENCE LIBRARY. [List of references on] the West Side Track and Terminal problem. (Notes, Nov. 28, 1917: 97-114.) SELDING, HERMA“ DE. The Port of New York-Present conditions and future needs. A national institution-The necessity for federal aid-Recent improvements -War conditions emphasize the present inadequate facilities. (Real Estate Bul., Oct., 1917: 73-76.) Pubic Defender EFREE (W. DJ. The New York “pubhc defender. (Jour. of . . . Criminal Law and Criminology, Nov., 1917: 554-563.) LOS ANGELES.. BOARD OF EDUCATION. Health supervision in city schools. Prepared under the ‘dilection of the superintendent of schools, by Irving R. Bancroft, Director of School Health Department. June 25, 1917. 46 pp., plates. (Pub. no. 1.) NEW YORK ACADEMY OF MEDICINE. PUBLIC HEALTH COMMITTEE. Report on the medical organization of the Police Department of New York City. 1917. 30R!{nnted from the Medical Record, Sept. 29, 1917. NEW YORK CITY. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH. The health of food handlers. A cooperative study by the Department of Health, the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company and the American Museum of Safety. Report prepared by Louis I. Harris and Louis I. Dublin. 1917. 24 pp., tables. (Monograph ser. no. 17.) Section of sanitary code and regulations governing the physical examination of food handlers. 1917. 3 pp. PECK (T. B.). The layworker in public health education. (New York State.

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19181 BIBLIOGRAPHY 85 Health Department. Health News, Sept., 1917: 211-218, chart.) POTTER (F. H.). Prevention first. What the Health Department is doing for New York City. (Outlook, Sept. 5, 1917: 17-22. illus.) RANKIN IW. S.). The new Dubh health with discussion]. (Jour., Am:Med. Assn., Act. 27,1917: 1391-1394.) SLOANE (G. F.). Meat and milk inspection with regard to public health. (Jour., Am. Veterinary Med. Assn., Oct., SMYTH (H. F.) and MILLER (T. G.). A hygienic survey of cigar manufacturing in Philadelphia. (Medicine and Surgery, se t., 1917: 698-718. illus.) ~NITED STATES. PUBLIC HEALTH SERVICE. A program of public health for cities, by W. C. Rucker. 1917. 6 pp. (Reprint no. 392.) -. State and insular health authorities. 1917. 16 pp. (Reprint no. 405.) WINSLOW ((3.-E. A.), Safeguarding the health of children. (Pub. Health [London], Sept., 1917: 240-242.) 1917: 63-66.) Red at the annual meeting of the Ontario Health Officers’ Aasn., Toronto, May, 1917. MILK SUPPLY CONNECNTT. AGRICULTURAL COLLEGE. Studies from the survey on the cost of market milk production, by Karl B. Musser and others. Jy., 1917. 19 pp. tables. FROST. (W. D.). Counting the living bacteria in milk-A practical test. (Jour. of Bacteriology, Sept., 1917: 567-583, (Extension Service bul. no. 7.) chart. tables.) MACNUTT (J. S.). The modern milk problem in sanitation, economics, and agriculture. 1917. 258 pp., plates. roblem; The case today; The sanitary factors; $he econormc factors; How to solve the problem. MASSACHUSETIYL AGRICULTURAL ExPERIMENT STATION. The cost of distributing milk in six cities and towns in Massachusetts, by Alexander E. Cance and Richard H. Ferguson. May, 1917. 54 pp., plates. tables. (Bul. no. 173.) Contents: Why there is a mik From actual investigation it is shown that the average cost was 2.64 cents per quart in 1914 and 1915. An increase of at least 25 per cent would have to be made now owing to greater cost of labor and of supplies. MILK COMMITTEE OF THE ORANGES (N. J.). Report from Jan. 1, to Dec. 31, 1916. [1917.] 31 pp. diagr., tables. NEW YORK CITY. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH. Sections of sanitary code and regulations governing the production, trans ortation, pasteurization, and sale of m$k, skimmed milk, cream, condensed or concentrated milk, condensed skimmed milk, and modified milk. 1917. 44 pp. NEW YORK STATE. JOINT LEGISLATIVE COMMITTEE ON DAIRY PRODUCTS, LIVE STOCK AND POULTRY. Preliminary reDort of the [so-called Wick’s1 Commitice, transmitied to the legishture Feb. 15, 1917. 1917. 892 pp., plates. Contains a great deal of valuable information as to the Milk Supply of New York City particularly with reference to sanitary condition;. There are also reports of public accountants concernin costs of o eratin& manufact+ng and delivery 01 the chief gstributin companies. RUEHLE (G. e. A.) and others. The milking machine as a factor in the production of sanitary milk. (Am. Jour. of Pub. Health, Oct., 1917: 840-846. tables.) UNITED STATES. PUBLIC HEALTH SERVICE. Safe milk; an important food problem, by Ernest A. Sweet. 1917. 24 pp. (Supplement no. 31.) Public Service MILWAUKEE. BOARD OF CITY SERVICE COMMISSIONERS. Classification and standardization of personal service and summary distribution and comparative salaries of offices and positions in the Milwaukee city government, with constructive recommendations and regulations for positive employment administration. Prepared . . . by J. L. Jacobs & Company, Chicago. 1917. 336 pp. Public Utilities KING (C. L.P. Electric rates and their tendencies. (Utilities Mag., Oct., 1917: 7-13. tables.) LI~LE (A. S. B.). Should gas standards be revised to meet war conditions? (Utilities Mag., Nov., 1917: 3-9.) ROTH (LOUIS). Regulation of statutory [railroad, gas, electric] rates in New York. (Utilities Mag., Oct., 1917: 3-7.) . Effect of regulation on contract obligations. (Utilities Mag., Nov., 1917: 9-13.) Purchasing KEENE (A. M.). Purchasing department forms used by a public service corporation-111, IV. (Purchasing Agent, Sept., Oct., 1917: 77-81,108-111. forms.) Recreation See alsoHousing. CURTIS (H. S.). The play movement and its significance. 1917. 346 pp., plates. UNITED STATES. BUREAU OF THE CENSUS. General statistics of cities: 1916, including statistics of parks, p.!aye~ounds, museums and art galleries, zoolog~csl collections, music and entertainments, swimming pools and bathing beaches, and other features of the recreation semce. 1917. 88 PP. Refuse and Garbage Dis osal BALDENSPERQER (H. %.I. Dollars in city dumps. The making of money and men through the Chicago salvage system. (Am. City, Oct., 1917: 305-308. dlus.) See also Civil Service. See also Munici a1 Ownership.

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86 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January BONNET (FREDERIC, Ja.). How Worceater is helping to conserve the national food supply. Valuable data from one of the largest and oldest municipal iggeries in the United States. (Am. &ty, Nov., 1917: 39.5400. illus. table.) HALLOCK (J. C.). Refuse collection and disposal. (N. J. Municipalities, Nov., 1917: 16-21.) HERING (RUDOLPH). Contract plans and specifications for obtaining refuse incineration works on the most economical basis. (Mun. Eng., Nov., 1917: 201203.) SPRINGFIELD (MASS.) BUREAU OF MuNICIPAL RESEARCH. Garbage disposal. 1917. 69 pi., typewritten. Contents: ummary. Clasees of munici a1 waste; Requirements of’garbage disposal plant for Springfield; Garbage dis osal in Springfield in past ears‘ Garbage disposafmethods in common use; 3bum’ in , sanitary fills, burial. plowing; Incineration; %e&ction; Feeding; Conclusion; Recommendations. Roads Sen also Pavements. BREED (H. E.). Best practice in concrete road construction [with discussion]. (Proceedings, Am. Road Builders’ Assn., Feb., 1917: 94-144.) BROWN (C. C.). Maintenance and repair of improved roads. (Mun. Jour., Nov. 15,1917: 485-486.) UNITED STATES. DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE. State highwa mileage and expenditures for the calenlu year 1916. 1917. 8 pp. (Circular no. 74.) Schools See also Education Municipal Government, Surveys, Vocational Gddance. CHALLMAN (S. A.). The rural school plant for rural teachers and school boards, normal schools, teachers’ training classes, rural extension bureaus. 1917. 256 pp. illus. plans. NEW YORK CITY. BOARD OF EDUCATION. Some effects of the duplicate schools. By Joseph S. Taylor, District Supt. of Schools. 1917. 24 pp. tables. . DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION. DIVISION OF REFERENCE AND RESEARCH. The school assembly. 1917. 107 pp. (Pub. no. 15.) OAKLAND, CAL. DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION. The school custodian, his duties and responsibilities; a series of lectures edited by Wilford E. Talbert. June, 1917. 44 pp. illus. (Bd. of Educ. Bul. no. 8.) THEISEN (W. W.). The city superintendent and the board of education. 1917. 137 pp. UNITED STATES. BUREAU OF EDUCATION. Bibliography of school lunches, compiled by Luc Condell. 1917. 25 pp. -. eurrent practice in city school administration, by W. S. Deffenbaugh. 1917. 98pp. tables. (Bul., 1917, no. 8.) Furnishes data concerning school-board organiaation, administration. and supervision in cities of more than 25.000 po .ulation. ~. dgher technical education in foreign countries, standards and scope, prepared by A. T. Smith, and W. S. Jesien. 1917. 121 pp., plates. (Bul., 1917, no. 11.) -School extension statistics, by Clarence Arthur Perry. 1917. 30 pp. tables. (Bul., 1917, no. 30.) Sewerage and Sewage Disposal See also Water Works. ABBOTT (H. R.). Sewer construction in Chicago. (Mun. Jour., Oct. 11, 1917: 350-354. illus.) AMERICAN PUBLIC HEALTH ASSOCIATION. Report of Committee on Sewerage and Sewage Disposal [suggesting definitions for the terms used in sewerage and sewage disposal practice, and recommending that in reports, contracts, and agreements, engineers and health officers use these terms with the meanings designated by the Committee]. (Am. Jour. of Pub. Health, Oct., 1917: 847-853.) ANON. Sewerage system for a small town. Screen, septic tank, coke filter, settling tank and chlorine treatmentpumping from a low district-mixing and distributing concrete at plant-trench excavation by machinery. (Mun. Jour., Nov. 29,1917: 529-531. illus.) BROWN (REGINALD). Sewage and its DreciDitation: further exneriments. fSurbeyo; and Mun. and Ci. Eng., Ocg. 26, 1917: 358-361. tables.) KERSHAW (S. B. DE B.). Sewage purification and disposal. 1917. 340 pp. illus. (Cambridge Pub. Health ser.) WAITTEMORE (I. W.). Sewer drop manholes. (Mun. Engs. Jour., Sept., 1917: 261-276, plates.) Smoke Abatement LONERGAN (J. M.). Smoke-its cause, effect and remedy. (Mun. Engs. Jour., Oct., 1917. Paper no. 113.) SMOKE ABATEMENT ACTIVITIES IN AMERICAN CITIES. 1. New York, by Joseph M. Lonergan. 2. Pittsburgh, by J. W. Henderson. 3. Cincinnati, by Walter M. S uires. (Heating and Ventilating Mag., 8ct., 1917: 27-33. illus.) State Government and Administration See also Elections, Home Rule, Statutes. CALIFORNIA. LEGISLATIVE COUNSEL BUREAU. Constitution of the State of California and summary of amendments. 1917. 376~~. Appended sicthe Mapa Charta, Declaration of Rights, Declaration of Independence Articles of Confederation and Constitution of tbiU. S. INDIANA UNIVERSITY. BUREAU OF PUBLIC DISCUSSION. A new constitution for Indiana: a club study outline and

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19181 BIBLIOGRAPHY 87 suggestions for study. June, 1917. 1.1 pp. (Bul. of the Extension Div., 11, no. 10.) UNITED STATES. SENATE. The statewide initiative and referendum. An article on the present status of the strttewide initiative and referendum statutes, what they are, where they are in use, and how they work, by Judson King. 1917. 16 pp. (64. Cong. 2d sess., Sen. doc. no. 736.) WILLIAMS (S. J.). Centralized engineering succeeds in Wisconsin. A dozen scattered state engineering bureaus were consolidated under a state engineer in 1915-Dual control of bureaus practicable. (Eng. News-Record, Oct. 25, 1917: 791793. illus.) Statutes, Compilations of NEW YORK STATE. Statutes. Annotated consolidated laws . . as amended to Jan. 1, 1918 . ekted by Clarence F. Birdseye, Robert C. Cumming and Frank B. Gilbert. 2d ed., edited by Robert C. Cumming and F. B. Gilbert. v. 1. 1917. v. 1. Constitution: Abandonment to County Judges. UNITED STATES. Statutes. Important federal laws, compiled by John A. Lapp. 1917. 933pp. “The lit of acts com iled in this volume indicates the extent to whicg the federal government haa gone in controlling the affaira of men and in prondmg for the common welfare. The puhlrcation of these acts in a single volume will undoubtedly impress thinking citizens with the significance of modern changes in the relations existing between the states and the nation.” Street Cleaning AMERICAN PUBLIC HEALTH ASSOCIATION. Report of the Committee on Street Cleaning, Sanitary section. (Am. Jour. of Pub. Health, Oct., 1917: 854467. tables.) The main object of thia investigation is the relation between street cleaning and street waate and the public health. Street Railways BLAKE (H. Yf.) and JACKSON (WALTER). Electric railway transportation. 1917. 487pp. diagrs. Contents:, Organizst,ion and definitions; Adjustment of service to traffic; Acceleratmg trdic movement along the line; Accelerating traffic movement on the car’ Car types in relation to traffic; City time-table&prr?liminaries; Interurban schedules and dkpatchineb;. -Fares; Fare collection ractices and devlces; Pu hc relations; Promotion ofpamenper traffic; Traffic signs for cam, station and roadinformation for the public; Competition; Freight and ex rw business; Selection and training of men; gages and wsge agreements; Welfare work; Discipline of trainmen; Forms of extra pay. CITIZENS’ RESEARCH LEAGUE OF WINNIPEG. The city’s problem of sereet See also Munici a1 Ownerahip. transportation (preliminary report). l1917.1 7 pp. (Bul. no. 5.) secretary of the Lea e. JACKSON (D. 8) and MCGRATH (D. J.). Mr. R. P. Farley, 47 Aikens Bldg., Winnipeg, is Street railway fares; their relation to length of haul and cost of service. Report of investigation carried on in the research division of the electrical engineering department of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. 1917. 169 pp. diagrs. UNITED STATES. BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS. Street railway employment in the United States. 1917. 1131 pp., tables. (Bul. no. 204.) . SPECIAL Commn APPOINTED TO INVESTIGATE RAILWAY CONDITIONS Street railway conditions in the District of Columbia. 1917. 57 pp. (65. Cong. 1. sess., Sen. rept. no. 176.) All memhem of the committee seem to be convinced that the most practicable solution of the labor problem is to be found in government ownership. (Research Div. Bul. no. 14.) [IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA]. (Senate.) Surveys See also Periodical Publications. DECKER (D. 0.) and HARRISON (S. M.). City and county administration in Springfield, Illinois. A survey by the Department of Surveys and Exhibits, Russell Sage Foundation. 1917. 158 pp. illus. (Part 9, Sprin eld Survey.) Lawrence, Kan. Lawrence social survey. Report of F. W. Blackman, Director and E. W. Burgess, Field Surveyor. 1917. 122 pp. SMITH (H. L.). A survey of a school system. 1917. 304 pp. (Columbia Univ. Contribs. to Educ., Teachers’ CoU. Ser.) VAN SICKLE (J. H.). Educational survey of the public schools of Brookline, Mass. 1917. 436 pp. tables. diagrs. Published by the School Committee. Taxation and Finance LAWRENCE i!? OCIAL SURVEY COMMITPEE, See ale0 Charities. ANON. Taxation and revenue systems of state and local governments. Arkansas. (Modern City, Nov., 1917: 17-20.) . The third in a series of articles.. Alabama wan discussed in the Sept. mue and Arizona in Oct. IDAHO STATE TAX ASSOCIATION. Proceedings of the first annual conference, Dec. 27-28, 1915. [1917.] 125 pp. NEW YORK CITY. DEPARTMENT OF FINANCE. Comparative summary statements of the expenses of various departments of the City of New York for the years 1914, 1915 and 1916; prepared from the expense ledger reports transmitted by said departments. [By the] Bureau of Municipal Investigation and Statlstics. William A. Prendergast, Comptroller. Aug., 1917. (Supplement, City Record, Sept. 1, 1917. 57 pp.) UNITED STATES. BUREAU OF THE CENSUS. Financial statistics of cities having a population of over 30,000, 1916. 1917. 375 pp. diagrs.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW . Financial statistics of etaten, 1916. 1917. 127pp. tables. Presents statistics of (1) the total and per capita receipts of states from revenues and from the principal classes thereof: (2) the tbg and per capita payments of states for expenses! interest and outays, and for each of the principal classes of expenses and outlays. (3) the total value of etate properties: (4 the tdtal and per capita indebtednees of states: and (5) the total and per capita asseased valuation of property subjeet to taxation. Budget System CHICAQO. SANITARY DISTRICT. Reort on a definite budget plan for the E anitary District of Chicago, prepared at the request of the Board of Trustees of the Sanitary District of Chicago, by J. L. Jacobs & Company. 1917. 36 pp. tables. -Budgetary codes of the Sanitary District of Chicago, prepared by J. L. Jacobs & Company. 1917. 83 pp. I. Departmental code. 11. Classification of budgetary expenditure accounts. 111. Alphabetical finding list fo! commodities. serwcea and other objects of expendture. IV. Classification of budgetary revenue accounts. COLLINS (C. W.). The national budget system. 1917. 151 pp. Contente: Introduction; Preparation of the budget:. Ratification of the budget; Execution, audt and control of the budget: Features of the budget system: Preparation of financial measures in the United States: Ratification of financial meanures by Congress. S ending audit and control in the United States! &ticiamb of the American system: The budget’system for the United States; Constitutional and legal questions involved; Recent developments toward a national budget sy8te.m. DAFCBY (W. R.). New Jersey’s municipal budget act. (N. J. Municipalities, Oct., 1917: 5,24-28.) The author is State Commiseioner of Municipal Accounts. Tenement Houses ABBOTT (W. H.). Conditions leading up to the tenement law. Early history of the multi-family house construction -some of the abuses which were later corrected. (Record and Guide, Sept. 29, 1917: 391. Illus.) Trac ANON. Traffic congestion in cities. Extensive proposals at Manchester [England]. (Mun. Jour. [London], Aug. 31, COCKERLYNE (E. W.). The effect of modern traffic upon urban roads and tramway tracks. [Parts 1-2.1 (Surveyor and Mun. and Cy. Eng., Sept. 28, Oct. 5, Traffic census; its application to the design of roadwa s, selection of pavements and traffic regdations [with discussion]. (Proceedings, Am. Road Builders’ hn., Feb., 1917: 261270.) MANCHESTER (ENG.). TRAFFIC CONQESTION SPECIAL COMMITTEE. Traffic See also Street Railways. 1917: 837-838.) 1917: 275-276; 297-298.) GOODSELL (D. B.). [January congestion [report]. August 8, 1917. 39 pp., maps, diagrs. Ventilation WINSLOW (C.-E. A.). The effect of atmospheric conditions upon fatigue and efficiency. (Am. Jour. of Pub. Health, Oct., 1917: 827-834. tables.) Vital Statistics GUILFOY (W. H.). Vital statistics and co-operation with statistical officers. (Albany Med. Annals, Sept., 1917: 418d2.5 1 Printed also as New York City, Department of SOBEL (JACOB). Mortality among negro babies in New York City. (Mod.n City, Oct., 1917: . 47.) Health, Repnnt senes no. 61. er 15-16, 38, 41, 43, Vocational Guidance and Education schools. 209-210.) ANON. The development of vocational (Am. Architect, Sept. 19, 1917: The September hue of The American Architect ia devoted to the various and complex questions of design, plan and equipment of vocational high s ch o o la. . Vocational education and employment of the handicap ed, with specid reference to cri pled soldiers. [An annotated list or references.1 (Monthlv Rev. of the U. S. Bur. of Labor Stat:, Se t., 1917: 599-624.) ~REWER (J. M.) and KELLY (ROY W.). A selected critical bibliography of vocational midance. 1917. 76 DD. (Har.. ~ vsrd Bds. in Educ.) UNITED STATES. BUREAU OF EDUCATION. Demand for vocational education in the countries at war, by Anna T. Smith. 1917. 16pp. (Bul., 1917, no. 36.) Water Distribution ANON. The cost of laying water mains. Detailed figures of costs in Saginaw and Chicagepipe, lead and other materials -Labor, cartage and other costs. (Mun. Jour., Oct. 4, 1917: 328-330. tables.) KILLAM (S. E.). Meters cut waste in metropolitan water district [Boston]. (Eng. News-Record, Sept. 20, 1917: 541542. table.) STATE BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL INFORMATION OF TEE NEW YORK STATE CONFERENCE OF MAYORS AND OTHER CITY OFFICIALS. Water rates in New York State cities. Revised to Sept. 1, 1917. 1917. 37 pp., typewritten. (Rept. no. 19.) Water Mcation See also Baths. JOHNSON (G. A.). Rapid sand filtration [with discussion]. (Jour., N. E. Water Works Assn.. SeDt., 1917: 390-473.) SAVAGE (W. GJ.’ The’emer ency purification of drinkin water supkes. Part 4. (Pub. Health, kept., 1917: 235-239.)

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19181 BIBLIOGRAPHY 80 Water Supply O’SHAUGHNESSY (M. M.). The Hetch Hetchy water suppl project [with discussion]. (Trans., dmmonwealth Club of Cal., Oct., 1917: 344-386.) CATSKILL AawDnn souvenir edition of the Municipal Engineers Journal. Oct., 1917. 182 pp. illus. Contente: New York‘s .Catskill Mountain water nu ply. A general description of the dams. tunneL, and methe of construction, p 15-75; Statistical items of interest, pp. 77-83. Ajstribution of catskill water in the city, pp. Qi-100; Commisionera and engineers: grtraits and biographoal sketches, p 102-162; atskill Aqueduct Aasociation: list o?members, pp. 163-172; Contracts and contractors pp. 173-182. Price of bouvenir edition 50 cents; obtainable from Geo. A. Taber, Secreta’ry, 13 Park Row. NEW YORK CITY. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH. Water supply and public health. A brief sketch specially ared for the Mayor’s Catskill Aquecf% Eelebration Committee, by Charles Bolduan, Director, Bureau of Public Health Education. 1917. 8 pp., maps, charts. . MAYOR’S CATSKILL AQUEDUCT CELEBRATION COMMITTEE. The Catskill Aqueduct and earlier water supplies of the City of New York, with elementary chapters on the source and uses of water and the buildin of a ueducts, and an outline for an afegoricd pageant. 1917. CATSKILL AQUEDUCT CELEBRATION: a _132pp. illus. Contents: Introduction; The uses and source of water: Aqueduots snd why they are built; Manhattan’s pmmtive water supply; Early pipe hne proleeta’ The Croton aqueduct; Other borough water adp lies; The Catskill Aqueduct; A ageant of water: %he. Mavor’s Catskill Aaueduct 8elebration committee. -. ,4 brief sketch of the municipal water supply system of the City of New York. Specially prepared for the Mayor’s Catskill Aqueduct Celebration Committee by the Department of Water Supply, Gas and Electricity, William Williams, Commissioner. 1917. 27 pp., plates. Secretary of the Committee, Edward Hagaman Hall, 154 Nasaau St. Water Works BARKER (C. L.). A metropolitan water and sewerage project for six Canadian municipalities. (Am. City, Nov., 1917: 444-448. map.) LAIDLAW (ROBERT). A brief description of the new water works [at Cincinnati]. 1917. 20pp. The author is general superintendent of the plant. LEDOUX (J. W.). Purposes should govern water-works valuations. OriginaI cost, reproduction cost less depreciation and market value are all thought to have their applications. (Eng. News-Record, Oct. 4,1917: 633-636. tables.) Widows’ Pensions BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL.RESEARCH, NEW YORK. Widows’ pension legislation. May, 1917. 125 pp. (Mun. Research no. 85.) Cha ter 5;, “A year of widows’ pensions in New York &ate briefly reviews (he results accomplished by ;he Child Welfare Board of New York City. Zoning CHENEY (C. H,). Procedure for zoning or districting of cities. 1917. (Bul. no. 2, Calif. Cod. on City Planning.) Copies ma be obtained from the ofice of the Conference, erocker Bldg., Ban Francisco. Price 50 centa.

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NOTES AND EVENTS I. GOVERNMENT AND ADMINISTRATION Cincinnati Adopts a Home Rule Charter.l--Cincinnati adopted a home rule ,charter at the general election Tuesday, November 6. By doing so, it is the last big city in the state to take advantage of the home rule amendment provision of the state constitution whereby cities may adopt special charters to suit their local needs. Inasmuch as Cincinnati had defeated the proposed charter submitted two years ago, primarily because of the many innovations involved in it, such as the nonpartisan ballot, and small council provisions, the charter commission this year did not draw up a complete new charter but simply provided for such amendments 89 it thought the citizens wanted, and in other respects adopted the general laws of Ohio. The Ohio municipal code, together with a few amendments, is therefore the substance of the new home rule charter for Cincinnati. Due to the fact that any new and untried provisions would be certain to invite a great deal of opposition, the commission endeavored to frame one that would satisfy the views of most of the citizens; afterward, if new propositions seemed likely to meet with the approval of the electorate, these could be voted on at special elections. The overwhelming succem of the charter provision at the polls shows that the commission, in this regard, had done a wise thing. One of the significant amendments was the creation of a city planning commission with very extensive powem. Nearly three and one-half pages out of a total of fourteen, are devoted to details in respect to this commission. Another amendment changed the term of mayor, president of council, councilmen, and auditor to four years instead of two. ‘See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. vi, p. 720. One of the few additional offices created was that of street railway commissioner. If the supreme court should hold the rapid transit law unconstitutional, and many are frank to say that there is great danger of this, the director will be paid his $7,500 a year but will have nothing to do. The treasurer and city solicitor are to be appointed by the mayor instead of being elected as heretofore. To this extent the short ballot feature is introduced in the charter. Considerable discussion was involved in the question as to the method of appointment of the Southern railroad trustees. At present these are appointed by the superior court and many felt that a judicial body should not have the power of appointment for remunerative offices. However, fearing that a change in the method of appointment of the Southern railroad trustees might invite very formidable opposition, the commission allowed this question to remain as it is at present. The method of electing twenty-six councilmen by wards and six at large, was maintained, as it is under the Ohio municipal code. * Commission Government Ratified in Portland, Oregon.*-Two charters presented to the voters of Portland under the initiative process at the election of June 4, 1917, were voted down by decisive majorities. Both were plans for a return to the mayor and council government very similar to the type abandoned when the commission form was adopted in 1913. Neither charter contained new nor progressive features. Both provided for a poorly paid ward council to be chosen from eleven districts, a mayor and an elective auditor. The Shepherd or “long” *See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. vi. p. 624. 90

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 91 charter provided in addition for the election of the city attorney, municipal judge and treasurer. It also gave the mayor the veto, while the other gave the mayor only administrative power. Both charters replaced the preferential voting scheme with the non-partisan primary, double-election procedure. The Shepherd charter, a complete revision of the present city governing document, appeared in a 105-page pamphlet. It made many minor changes of a non-contentious nature in administrative provisions. The “short” charter was merely a group of amendments to the present charter, replacing the commission-council with elected and appointed executives and a ward council. The protest against the present city government began two years ago when a group of citizens, organized as the North Portland commercial club, disagreed with the city commission on the engineering features of a trunk sewer project in their district. Under the leadership of George Shepherd, a councilman and prominent political figure in the old rdgime, a charter was submitted to the city commission for reference to the people at the general election in 1915. The request wm denied. At this year’s election the longer charter was practically the same document as that of 1915, but was brought before the people by initiative petition. Another group representing the disaffected elements of one kind or another, including residents of a few outlying districts who considered themselves unfairly discriminated against under a commission-council elected at large, organized a charter revision league and after trying in vain to unite forces with the ShepherdKillingsworth group drew up another document identical in the general form proposed except as mentioned above, calculated to have a superior popular appeal because of its brevity. Despite violent disagreements during the early campaign the two groups finally urged the voters to ratify both plans in order that confusion in choosing between them might not lead to the separation of voting strength. During the whole campaign no new arguments were produced. The anticommission forces relied on familiar criticisms: the increasing tax rate and saving of salaries under the council form, the danger of uniting the spending and appropriating functions in one body, and the need of a representative council. Commission government waa anathematized by such catch phrases as “autocratic, bureaucratic, imperialistic, despotic, unAmerican,” etc. The forces for commission government exerted themselves only through regular channels. The leading newspapers went on record as opposed to both schemes and a series of illuminating articles appeared in some of their columns showing the fallacy of assuming extravagance from an increase in tax rate. Civic organizations such as the chamber of commerce, city club and professional and business men’s luncheon clubs recorded themselves aa opposed to the change. Both charters were defeated by a vote of more than two to one. During the whole campaign the charter issue received less attention than three or four other initiative measures, a fact which resulted in a smaller number of total votes than some much less important issues. The election seemed to indicate that the people of Portland have no desire to return to the old councilmanic form. It is perhaps a wholesome endorsement of the present scheme to have a majority of over 17,000 on its side as against the few hundred by which it was adopted four years ago. R. D. hma. 33 The City-Manager Plan in Clarksburg, West Virginia.-An aggressive campaign for commission government and a Greater Clarksburg waa won by a majority of over 2,000-considerably more than the most sanguine hopes of its supporters. In the words of an active worker: ‘‘This puts Clarksburg on the map in the 35,000 population class. The Rotary club, after a year’s work, in one day transformed Clarksburg from the less than 10,OOO town clw into a city of the above population-a revolution which the people

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92 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January of Clarksburg have been wanting and waiting for for the last twenty years, but until Rotary waa organized a little over a year ago, had no man, or set of men or organization that could take hold of the situation and put it through. “The outside world thinks of these mountain towns as being in the back woods, but Clarksburg is the heart of West Virginia’s greatest industries, coal, oil and gas, which we have seen drained from us without the great exploiting companies returning anything in proportion to the towns they are 80 draining. We hope to see them make such return under the new charter. “Clarksburg is one of the oldest towns in West Virginia-not a boom town, though the developments of the last twenty years have brought new life to her. Nor does the new charter take in a lot of vacant territory. It brings into Clarksburg four suburban municipalities, all contiguous, and some intervening sections, rather solidly built up, aa the contour of the country permits, making a total area of about six square miles. Nor does it take in ‘the whole country’ as is done in some annexations. Four of the big plants, and surrounding settlements, viz., Philips tin plate plant, McNicoll pottery, Pittsburgh plate glass plant and Owens bottle company, each round the million mark, are still on the outside, and should be annexed soon.” Robert R. Wilson, formerly a member of the city club of Cincinnati and the first president of the Rotary club of Clarksburg, was in charge of the campaign. * Manager Charter for Auburn, Maine.The voters of Auburn, Maine, on September 10, 1917, by a majority of 413 out of a total vote of 1,489, adopted B “manager” charter. Auburn is the farthest eastern city, the first New England city, and the second New England municipality (the town of Norwood, Mass., is the first) to adopt the “manager” form of government. i&Q@ Compared with the average city under the mayor-council system, Auburn had been fairly well governed. For ten years, however, there had been a growing diasatisfaction among the leading citizens with the inab;lity of the government to produce results in terms of better services. In 1909, and again in 1913, as a result of the desire for a simpler and more efficient government, a committee of citizens se cured from the state legislature special acts submitting to the voters of Auburn a commission charter. The charter, in both instances, waa decisively defeated. The defeat in each case waa due in part to the unwillingness of the “foreign” ward to give up ward representation and submit to a government of five commissioners representing the native New Englanders of the other four wards, and in part to the apathy of the citizens in general. The movement for charter reform, however, waa only delayed by the two defeats. The Auburn board of trade, in 1915, took up the movement, when, in its November meeting, “The City-Manager Form” waa the subject of the address and discussion of the evening. By January, 1917, charter reform had won so many converts among the members of the board of trade that a committee of nine waa appointed to draw up a charter. The committee waa made up of the leading business and professional men of Auburn. Democrats, old line Republicans and progressive Republicans were represented. The committee had but five weeks to complete its work, for city charters in Maine are granted by special acts of the legislature, and the time limit set by the 1917 session for the introduction of special acts waa February 9. The committee retained Professor hen C. Hornell, professor of government and director of the bureau of municipal research at Bowdoin College, to prepare a tentative draft. The draft prepared by him followed the main lines of the typical “manager” charters. However, in several points it waa modified to meet the local conditions in Auburn. For example, ward representation waa retained, for without it the charter would have been doomed to certain defeat.

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 93 The Abandonment of Commission Government in Lynn, Massachusetts.-The Lynn voters found that as commission government was applied there it was not a success. As a correspondent wrote: “Had there been a spirit of unityin the governing board there would have been no disposition by the electorate to have changed. In Lynn each commissioner was elected as a specific department head, and the legislative feature was entirely forgotten. As a result, no matter how one of the commissioners conducted his department the rest dared not risk criticising, for fear their own toes might be trodden on. The consequence was we had five little mayors; each commissioner went ahead with his own plans, and taxes rose to $23 per thousand, notwithstanding $15,000,000 increase in valuation, and over $1,000,000 increase in the bonded debt. In my opinion, had the five commissioners collectively chosen the various subordinates there would have been a freedom to crib icise, and the five could have secured far better results. As it was one commissioner was at the head of the fire and police departments, one handled the finance, one streets, one water and one public property, and it isn’t natural for men to allow much criticism without retaliating. If citizens felt aggrieved at some action; or lack of action, by one of the commissioners and took compIaint to the others they were informed that the matter was outside their jurisdiction-that they could not interfere with another commissioner’s department. “The personnel of our government for the seven years Lynn was under commission was excellent. The human equation prevented better results, for men are naturally tenacious of their prerogatives. The man chosen mayor divided his responsibility with his four colleagues, yet stood to receive the greater public criticism, for it is natural to find fault with the ostensible head of the government. “In the new government of mayor and eleven councillors the mayor is given almost as much power as a city manager, and a firm man will cut many dollars from the tax rate, assume responsibilities which have been divided heretofore, correct abuses which have been tolerated and show to the citizens that the instrument of government is a factor for good.” * Abandonment of Commission Government in Appleton, Wisconsin.-Appleton, Wisconsin, has voted to abandon the commission form of government. The movement to this end was the result of a change in the administration. The new mayor was elected last April and one of his first acts waa to reorganize the police department in an effort to secure a full enforcement of the law, particularly the liquor laws. He brought in a chief of police from outside the city, which stirred up a great furore, particularly on the part of the liquor interests, the petition for revocation being filed by them. The majority in its favor was 582 votes. A correspondent under date of November 2 writes: “To most of the people from whom I have received information on this subject this outcome came as a surprise. I am advised from all sources that the campaign was one of the most bitter ones ever held in this state, many issues being introduced to confuse the main purpose of the election. Personalities were indulged in to a shocking degree; outside speakers were brought in on both sides; and the pre-election campaigning was very bitter. As near as I can find out the final election hinged more upon the wet and dry issue than upon the plan, which, of course, was perfectly natural, the petition for the recall arising as it did out of the appointment of a new chief of police and the institution of a strict enforcement of the liquor laws. “This is the first city to abandon the commission form of government in this state, although a number of cities have voted against adopting the plan.” The vote becomes effective at the expiration of the present fiscal year, April, 1918. * Marquette, Michigan. Commission government was introduced in Marquette in the fall of 1913 and at the election held

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94 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January four years later (November, 1917) everyone of the commission was re-elected, showing a marked degree of satisfaction with the new system of government. The commission has worked so well together that it has not been necessary so far for the mayor to cast a tie vote on any question. * Norfolk has adopted a modern citymanager charter based on the model city charter of the National Municipal League. It received a vote of three to one at the special election on November 20.’ * Progress of Preferential Voting.-Santa Monica, which should have been included in our list of January, 1917,2 should be added, and also Newark and Gloucester. Newark is interesting not only as the largest city of New Jersey but also as voting to adopt commission government, including the preferential ballot, after having had a chance to observe the working of these two institutions in thirty-two other New Jersey cities. Gloucester is interesting because it is one of the instances like that of Colorado Springs, in which the preferential ballot was introduced by direct popular vote into a commission-governed city which had not previously had it in force. Both in Gloucester and Newark the vote was far from close. In Newark the vote was 19,069 to 6,053 and in Gloucester 1,304 to 528. At the first election in Newark under the new system there were eighty candidates and five men to be elected. An item in the November issue (page 728) needs a word of comment. A Houston correspondent makes the astonishing statement that the aim of the preferential ballot is that “of forcing a majority election on the first choice”; it misleadingly adds, “It has never been successful in this”; and also that Pastoriza asked his constituents to cast “singleshot” votes, as if that were in some way See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. vi. p. 723. :See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. vi. p. 107. inconsistent with the spirit of the preferential ballot, in the introduction of which he had been a leader. If your correspondent looked into the matter further, he would find that the aim of the preferential ballot in Houston is not what he supposes; its aim is to protect the majority against the dangers of a split ticket, and to secure a majority election on some terms either on ‘‘first choice” or “second choice,” or all choices combined, if there is any candidate in nomination who can command that degree of support. Frequently there is no such candidate, and there is no possibility of a majority election on any terms; no system of voting can, in any but an artificial sense, make a majority support where none exists. All it can do is to discover if such support exists-and if so, who has it-if not, who comes nearest to having it in a full and free expression of preference. This it haa done in Houston. It may be asserted accordingly that the preferential ballot has always been successful in doing what it ie planned to do, in Houston as elsewhere. Mr. Pastoriza might very appropriately ask (and did ask) his supporters to cast “singIe-shot” votes for him in the preferential system. If for special local reasons, as in his case, one candidate seems to his supporters incomparably superior to all the others (and if he is to be defeated there is little choice between his leading opponents), it is entirely correct and in harmony with the purpose of the preferential system for the supporters of such a candidate to concentrate on him and OIJ him alone. Such a candidate may alse appropriately, as Mr. Pastoriza did, ask for second and other choice votes from those whose first choice, for some personal or other not deep-set reason, was for someone else. Ring candidates understand this perfectly well, but it is a procedure which will of course not win unless the candidate is actually or. more nearly than any of the rest, the bona fide majority candidate. This is lesa likely to be true of what is ordinarily called a ring candidate than of a mm whose place in public esteem was well

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 95 earned and assured, as was the case of Mr. Pastorira. LEWIS JEROME JOHNSON. * Proportional Representation.-In October the city of Boulder, Colorado, adopted a new charter drawn on the Ashtabula plan-the manager plan with proportional representation-by a vote of about five to one. The first election under the new charter was held on December 11. Before that election, we are informed, mock elections were conducted to give practice in counting the ballots to those who were to serve in counting the official ballots. This note must go to the printer before news of the results of the election haa been received. Kalamzoo, Michigan, is to vote in February on the adoption of a new charter drawn on the manager plan with proportional representation. Those who are interested in the newer developments in charter making will do well to give this charter special attention. It is now in print and can doubtless be secured on application to the charter commission of Kalamazoo.' C. G. HOAQ. * Massachusetts Constitutional Amendments.-Three amendments to the constitution were submitted by the constitutional convention: legalizing absentee voting and the sale by the city of necessities to consumers, and a third forbidding the payment of public funds to institutions not under public control. All three were adopted, only the latter receiving any serious opposition. * Trial of Los Angeles County Supervisors.-The trials of two of the members of the Los Angeles county board of supervisors under charges of mismanagement of countyfunds, as noted in THE NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW for September: have been concluded. The result was a verdict 1An account of the second public proportional election ever held in America, the election of the Couucil of Ashiabula, Ohio, on November 6, will be found elaewbere in this issue. 1Vol. vi, p. 617. of guilty in the case of Supervisor R. H. Norton, and acquittal of all of the charges against Supervisor John J. Hamilton. The third member of the board, Supervisor F. M. Woodley, has not yet been tried, nor has the countytreasurer, John H. Hunt, or the auditor, Walter A. Lewis. As a result of the verdict Supervisor Norton was automatically removed from office, the governor, in whom the right of filling the position lies, having not yet acted to appoint the successor. The counts on which Supervisor Norton was found guilty were: Allowing unlawful. claims to the extent The authorization of the illegal purchase of school bonds to the extent of of $5,553,53. $600,000. Paying claims aggregating $1,400,000 out of general county funds, without sufficient funds in the county treasury to liquidate the claims. Attempting to levy a threecent tax to Illegally aymg clams incurred for The defendant waa acquitted on the charges of illegally collecting mileage fees and of failing to supervise the official conduct of the county auditor and the county treasurer. In his charge to the jury the presiding judge made clear that no moral blame was attached to the supervisor, and the jury in their findings concurred in this attitude. With respect to Supervisor Hamilton who, as a former member of the commission of the city of Des Moines and an author of works on city manager and other governmental problems has become wellknown, it was shown that he did not participate in the illegal actions taken by Supervisor Norton, and it was further shown that the deficit which exists in the county funds was largely, if not wholly, an inheritance from a previous board. Supervisor Hamilton has resumed his duties, and in a public statement explained his intention of securing greater publicity in advance of the passage of the budget, of carrying on the budgetmaking through the year, and of endeavoring to secure a high-class and experienced accountant. meet the deficit of $239,qoO. materiag in the previous year.

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NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January to be placed in charge of the auditor’s office. The result of the trials to date and the removal of one of the members of the board of supervisors has undoubtedly acted to bring home to the public officials in a new light their responsibility for the management of the public funds. It has frequently seemed to be the understanding of officials that all that was required of them was honesty and good intentions, but by showing that in addition to these qualities attention to the actual conditions and a businesslike conduct of the public office was requisite, the matter has undoubtedly operated to the great benefit of not only LOR Angeles county but to all governmental agenciee in California. SEWARD C. SIMONS.~ 9 Los Angeles’ Efficiency Bureau.--On December 4, the city council, by unanimous vote of those members present (seven out of nine) passed an ordinance repealing those which established the efficiency department, of which Dr. Jesse D. Burks is director. That the deal ww planned when Mr. Burks was absent upon an eastern trip and when two staunch friends of efficiency (Messrs. Conwell and Criswell) were absent from the council; that furthermore the regular rule requiring ordinances to wait over one week after introduction was suspended, only add proof to the evident fact that the move is actuated not by economy but by antagonism to the very principle for which the efficiency commksion stands. The municipal league feels that the situation is one of real crisis to Los Angeles. The mayor has as yet not indicated whether he will veto the ordinance or permit it to become a law. If it is passed over his veto, there will be unquestionably a referendum against its going into effect, in regard to the outcome of which I feel no doubt. SEWARD C. SIMONS. ISecratary, the municipal league of Los Angeles. Police Situation in New Orleans.Three important events have materially affected the police situation in New Orleans this year. First, the resignation of Harold W. Newman, commissioner of public safety, June 19. Second, the murder of James W. Reynolds, police superintendent, August 2. Third, the closing of the “restricted district” for immoral houses, in compliance with the request of the 0. S. government through the secretary of the navy, November 13. Commissioner Newman’s resignation was the direet outcome of efforts he had made to enforce the Sunday law, hitherto honored by what the administration organ neatly phrased “unobtrusive non-observance.” One of the “shirt-front” commissioners who went into office under the commission-government law in 1912, and reelected in 1916, he was sensitive enough to be goaded into aggressive action under the demands of the citizens’ league, an organization of reformers, clergymen, and women led by William M. Railey and Miss Jean Gordon, after the revelations of the New Orleans American. This newspaper, owned by a racetrack gambler who had some unsatisfactory dealings with the city hall politicians, showed up certain weak points in the administration in facts afterward proved in a libel suit against the paper which was decided in its favor. In a campaign of vigorous law enforcement, scow of violators of the state Sunday law were arrested in May and June, and the hoary pretense that ”the law couldn’t be enforced in New Orleans” was disproved. It was enforced so well that the brewers protested against the use of non-uniformed police: and when the mayor upheld them, Newman resigned. Sam Stone, Jr., was elected in his place. The law continues to be enforced as far as appearances go, but one hears that drinks may be obtained in hotels, clubs, and at the back doors of saloons any Sunday. Superintendent Reynolds was murdered by a gigantic policeman, Terence Mullen, who had been suspended from the force because mentally unbalanced. Though

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 97 three other men were in the superintendent’s officewhen Mullen attacked him, two of them police officers, and one specially assigned to watch the crazy man and protect the superintendent, Mullen escaped from the building after killing the chief, and was not arrested till he reached the street. Meantime in the fusillade of wild shots, his cousin, Garry Mullen, was killed while hurrying to the defense of the superintendent. The inquiry held by the mayor and the police board failed to fix responsibility for either fatality. Men implicated by their own confession and the testimony of others were allowed to retire from active duty or to resign, and later were given good positions, in the employ of the municipal port commission or in that sf private business enterprises. Thomas J. Mooney, superintendent of the Illinois Central railroad, sought the position of police superintendent, and was appointed. He has introduced many “business efficiency” methods, cleaned up the stations, and personally made raids when he found his men derelict. In several cases, friction between the new chief and the politicians haa been reported, and men punished have been reinstated. The general impression is that Mr. Mooney is trying to make a good record under political handicaps; he hopes to be the next mayor. But the third event, the closing of the legalized district for prostitution, under federal pressure, complicates the situation. If the new ordinance is rigidly enforced, as the mayor has declared it shall be, political forces hitherto powerful will receive a staggering blow; if it is not, the federal government will, it is predicted, demand a reckoning. Thus the police are between the devil of vicecontrolled politics and the deep blue of the star-spangled banner. . The citizens’ league has taken an active part in bringing to the attention of the federal authorities the conditions hitherto existing here, with regard to the menace of venereal temptations to which the soldiers and sailors stationed here were exposed. Its president (whose son, Hilton H. Itailey, has done conspicuous work 7 along the same line in Philadelphia, New York, and on the Pacific coast since he left New Orleans on the demise of the New Orleans Am‘can) has kept in close touch with the Fosdick commission, and has frequently defied the city authorities to disprove the facts gathered by the league in regard to flagrant law violations. * Denver Smashes Coal Famine.-Denver is the first American municipality to enter the coal business as a producing wholesaler. When it became apparent during the summer months that wartime prices could be expected on coal this winter Mayor Robert W. Speer, with the broad vision that has characterized his several terms as chief executive of Denver, contracted with owners of three coal mines in the lignite fields of Colorado to take their output and sell to Denver’s citizens of moderate means. In effect Denver’s coal venture is municipal ownership without the outlay of any money for permanent investment or overhead charges. The succes9 of the venture has been so pronounced that the practicability of municipal ownership of coal mines has been demonstrated, and the future may see the American municipality add this service to its duties. Moreover, it is saving between $17,000 and $18,000 a year through the coal furnished to city buildings. The saving amounts to more than $1 a ton oneveryton used bythe city. The city contracted for the output of the mines, leased three splendidly equipped and located yards and arranged for delivery by contract. The price of $4.15 a ton to the consumer is for the coal, delivered in his bin. The very poor classes are provided for through branch offices established in the municipal lodging house and the municipal bath house. Here the consumer may buy 50 pounds for 10 cents or 100 pounds for 20 cents. If he sought similar service from the private dealer he would pay at the rate of $10 a ton for it. There is no formality connected with the ordering of the coal further than the payment of cash for it. The consumer pays his money at city hall and receives a receipt.

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98 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January Coal operators, after preliminary bluster about the danger of municipal ownership of coal mines, quickly withdrew objections when Mayor Speer told them bluntly: “If I lose my job for this, the working people of Denver are going to receive coal at a fair price this winter.” Later the operators offered toasell the city 50,000 tons of coal at the same terms given by the owners of the city’s mines, provided the city ran short during cold weather. The city is receiving from its mines about 1,OOO tons of coal a day. This constitutes a very important factor in the total coal consumption of the city. Owing to the fact that the venture was experimental no attempt was made to furnish the entire domestic consumption, the wealthy class of citizens being warned to put in its coal early as the people of moderate means would have first call upon the city service. Many other cities have made inquiries as to the Denver plan. The power to act was conferred upon the mayor by an ordinance passed by the council, and its extent is almost without limit. This. was possible because of the enormous power placed in the hands of the mayor by the new Denver charter, adopted in May, 1916.’ E. C. MCMECHEN. 11. POLITICS* The Boston CitJr Election.-The operation of the non-partisan election system in Boston has always been watched with interest. The result this year is particularly significant. Mayor Curley was “made and elected” in 1913 by Martin Lomasney, the Democratic chief of the city. In 1915 at the so-called “recall election,” Lomasney threw his strength against Curley, and would have defeated him but for the clause of the charter requiring a majority of the registered voters to remove the mayor at the mid-term election. In 1915 the Republicans gerrymandered Lomasney’s ward to break his power, but failed utterly. The “sociological method” of the old leader was more than able to cope with the situation, as has been seen at the elections since that time. In the recent December election Martin Lomasney was again the deciding factor. Three candidates were in the field against the Curley machine. It was evident that Curley would win through the division of his enemies unless some coalition could be brought about, or unless a concerted effort were made to elect one man. No coalition materialized. But the concerted effort was secured by Martin Lomasney. The day before the election the metropolitan press printed in the place generally reserved for the President of the United States Mr. Lomasney’s appeal to the voters to support hdrew J. Peters. Without this he could not have been elected. Thus the non-partisan system elected a mayor nominated and financed by the Republicans and finally carried “over the top” by the regular Boston Democratic machine. The bi-partisan political obligations of Mr. Peters make it probable that he will be a strictly non-partisan mayor, The non-partisan system has made it easy for Mr. Lomasney to keep his cards under the table till the last minute and then insure his being a deciding factor and on the winning side. 9 The Recent Election in Louisville, Kentucky.-The Republican ticket headed by George Weissinger Smith for mayor was elected by a majority of about two thousand. The claim is made that had all the votes cast for the ticket been counted the majority would have been considerably larger. The political situa- ‘See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW, vol. v, p. 671. *Unless otherwise indicated. the items in this department are prepared by Clinton Rogers Wdruff. Bee also article, page 36.

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 99 tion locally has been in the hands of a few men who have dominated the situation, rotated a few men for the various offices from year to year, and the charge is freely made that at various times the results were obtained for their nominees by buying registration certificates, in some instances taking them away from negroes, and in falsifying the returns. At any rate this conviction in the minds of a great many people, irrespective of party, had gained such credence that there was a revolt from the Democratic ticket, though in the registration the Democrats had the advantage in numbers. The Republicans nominated a good ticket, had a good organization and demonstrated that they were not going to be cheated out of the election. There were evidences of fraud in the registration and the claim was made that efforts would be made to commit fraud at the election. The county judge appointed deputies to serve at the election. This was held to be illegal, and the county judge then named probation officers to serve as deputies. This action was also challenged and the court of appeals sustained the objection. Fortunately the election passed off with only a few minor difficulties. The result evidently was a great surprise to the Democrats for it is claimed they thought they had provided for any contingency. The new mayor is a lawyer of standing at the bar, a man of fine character, firm and honest, and promises to make good the position he took before the people during the campaign. He has always been prominently identified with all the movements, political and otherwise, looking to the upbuilding of the community and is respected by citizens of all parties. His appointments to the board of safety and board of public works, the most important positions to be filled by him, have been men of character and ability. He is getting the best advice possible from those he knows to be interested in the welfare of the city before making any appointments and went into office absolutely free to do as he thinks best along these lines. FRANK N. HARTWELL. Newark’s First Commission Election.The commission election was contested by eighty candidates. Most of these entered the lists as non-partisans at large. The Republican, Democratic and Socialist party machines all entered bracketed groups of five candidates and made aggressive campaigns along traditional lines. Three of the five chosen went before the people as independents and non-partisans. Two of the five regular Democratic candidates were also elected, but they were successful more because of their good public record and personal popularity than their party affiliation. The Republican machine in this normally Republican city received an awful blow, and the Socialists, although they received an unusually heavy vote, attributable to pacifistic or pro-German sentiment, fell far below the leading candidates, receiving less than one third of the vote cast for the top man and polling less than one eighth of the vote cast, which was about 43,000. There were minor groups in brackets and preferences were expressed by civic organizations and the press for various aspirants, in most instances confined to those who were in opposition to the partisan candidates. The successful aspirants are all present or former public officials and about fifty of the defeated candidates either hold or have held office. The winners were: Board of Works Commkioner Charles P. Gillen, independent Democrat, 17,161; Mayor Thomas L. Raymond, independent Republican, 16,832; Police Commissioner William J. Brennan, independent Democrat and Labor Unionist, 15,775; City Clerk Alexander Archibald, organization Democrat, 13,499; former Sheriff John Monahan, organization Democrat, 12,389. John A. Matthews, independent Democrat, ran Monahan closely and a recount has been granted as between them. Monahan will take hie seat in the city commission and will participate in its organization next TuesWhile the commission will star? wJt di4.d pdi;,icaiIy, therc seems to :)e faair bais for a belief thet heie wih be an hY.

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100 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January absence of partisanship on political lines in its deliberations and policies and that the spirit of commission government will be carried out. Ail the elected men have publicly declared they will have nothing to do with combination of a political or any other sort within the commission and there is a disposition on the part of the people generally to take them at their word. It is pretty certain, however, that in the beginning the appointments at the disposal of the commission will be made on a political basis with the plums going for the most part to Democrats and divided among Independents and machine followers. There are some indications of a tendency to listen to some degree to the counsel of James R. Nugent, the Democratic machine leader. He swung the party organization to the side of commission government in the election that decided upon its adoption. It is possible he may have some influence with respect to the shaping of public policies. This is not necessarily an altogether discouraging outlook as Nugent is intensely in love with his city and enthusiastic for its future development. If estranged from politics in city matters he could be a wise and useful adviser but there is apparently little prospect that he could dominate the commission. Woman’s Sdrage and Probibition.The suffrage amendment in New York state was carried by 95,000 majority. In Greater New York the vote was 334,011 in favor, and 241,316 against. Buffalo gave 4,000, and the other large cities with the exception of Rochester gave substantial majorities. In the state outside of the cities, the majority waa considerably less than 2,500. New York is the twelfth state to grant women full suffrage. Ohio defeated limited woman’s suffrage by 136,000, and prohibition by about 1,000. Lakewood, a suburb of Cleveland, adopted. woman’s suffrage under the home rule provisions of the constitution. A prohibition amendment was adopted in New Mexico by a majority of approximately 5,000. * The Philadelphia City C1ub:at a special meeting resolved that the club take a more positive part than heretofore in qu&ians affecting the government of Philadelphia, and resolved that it should actively op pose tbugh appropriate committees legislation affecting the city whether in the legislature or in the city councils. 111. JUDICIAL DECISIONS Segregation Ordinances.-In Buchmn v. WarZey,l the supreme court of the United States has recently held to be in violation of the 14th amendment an ordinance of the city of Louisville, Kentucky, which made it unlawful for any colored person to occupy as a residence or maintain aa a place of public assembly any house in a block where the greater number of houses were occupied as residences or places of public assembly by white persons or for any white person to occupy as a residence or maintain as a place of public assembly any house in a block where the greater number of houses were occupied as residences or places of pnEc asser&ly ty c.olsred persons. 1 October reLm, 1317, KO. 33. Hence it afforded no ground for the refusal by a colored man to perform bis contract to purchase property from a white man in one of the prohibited neighborhoods. Among other things Mr. Justice Day said: “The case presented does not deal with an attempt to prohibit the amalgamation of the races. The right which the ordinance annulled was the civil right of a white man to dispose of his property if he saw fit to do so to a person of color and of a colored person to make such disposition to a white person. “It is urged that this proposed segregation will promote the public peace by preventing race conflicts. Desirable as t&j is, and important as is the presirvation of the public peace, this aim cannot be

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 101 accomplished by laws or ordinances which deny rights created or protected by the federal constitution. “It is said that such acquisitions by colored persons depreciate property owned in the neighborhood by white persons. But property may be acquired by undesirable white neighbors or put to disagreeable though lawful uses with like results. “We think this attempt to prevent the alienation of the property in question to a person of color was not a legitimate exercise of the police power of the state, and is in direct violation of the fundamental law enacted in the 14th amendment of the constitution preventing state interference with property rights except by due process of law.” This decision will have the effect of up setting a similar ordinance in Atlanta, Georgia, which was approved recently by the supreme court of Georgia in Harden v. City of Atlanta.’ * Reinstatement of Employe.-In People ex rel Jacobs v. Coflin,2 the Illinois supreme court recently decided that the petitioner was illegally removed from the position of expert on system and organization on the staff of the Chicago civil service commission. The commission is declared to be part of the city government and not an independent corporation. In this case we find an employe, not claiming to be an officer, ordered reinstated. The court said on this point : “An employment by a municipal corporation, in the absence of statutory or charter provisions, need not necessarily be by a formal ordinance, by-law or resolution. It may be by contract, express or implied. The allegations of the petition only warrant the conclusion that the place of expert on system and organization therein referred to is an employment or position. A position, which is in the nature of a permanent employment, may, in the absence of statutory or charter provisions, be created without the requirement of a formal ordinance, by-law 1 93 S. E. 401. I Docket No. 11,264, Agenda 28, February, 1917. or resolution. There is no statute in this state that prescribes the manner or method of creating a position or an employment by a city. Said appropriation ordinances in each instance amounted to direct authority by the city council of the city of Chicago to the civil service commissioners to examine, certify, classify and have employed, in accordance with the civil service law, an employe for said position or employment. The acts of the city of Chicago in repeatedly passing appropriation ordinances for the salary of the place in question, and the action of the civil service commissioners in certifying appellee for appointment to said place, and his appointment and acceptance thereof in pursuance of the civil service law, show clearly a legal employment or appointment of appellee to the position aforesaid, and the allegations in the petition are ample to charge the existence of said position and the employment thereto by the city of Chicago.” (I? Municipal Woman SuiTrage.-In State ex rel Taylor v. French’ the supreme court of Ohio decided that by article XVIII of the state constitution, any municipality can frame and adopt a charter and exercise all powers of local self government, subject to the limitations expressed in the article and that a provision in the charter giving women the vote for all municipal elective officers and to be appointed or elected to and hold any municipal office provided for in such charter is valid. The court said: “It would seem by analogy therefore that if the legislature was vested with power to confer the right to vote upon women for school directors, because that is not an office created by the constitution, and because the general assembly had been given power to provide for the maintenance of common schools, a fortiori the charter of a city, by which a part of the sovereign governmental power may be exercised under the sanction of the constitution itself, which conferred upon women the right to vote for municipal elective officers and to be elected to and hold a municipal office, not created by 8 117 N. E. 173.

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102 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January the constitution, but by the charter itself, is valid.” * Municipal Liability for Nuisance.Collection of garbage is a governmental duty for which a municipal corporation is not rendered liable by its employes’ negligence, provided no nuisance is committed. But where a garbage dump, upon which large quantities of material were burned during a high wind, constituted a nuisance, the municipality was liable where fire communicated itself to the plaintiff‘s property in the case of City oj Nashville v. Mason.’ * Municipal Liability for Negligence.Where a city constructed an auditorium which it rented for various kinds of entertainment and during a celebration by a private organization, the approach to the auditorium collapsed with resulting injuries, the city was held liable to the same degree as if the building had been owned by a private owner, in Chufor v. City oj Long Beach (Cal.).a * Salary of Mayor.-The city of Cambridge, Mass., adopted a new charter providing that the mayor should not be paid over $5,000 per year. An old ordinance prescribed his salary at $3,500. After election the city council established the salary at $5,000. It was held in Rockwood v. CambridgeJ that while prior ordinances were continued in force, so as to provide a working basis under the new charter, the council was authorized on the adoption of the new chartfw to pass an ordinance fixing the mayor’s salary and hence such ordinance was not void but the mayor was entitled to collect the amount provided for with interest for the delay. ROBERT EMMET TRACY. IV. MISCELLANEOUS American Civic Association.-The thirteenth annual convention held at St. Louis, October 22-24, marked a departure from the regular practice of that organization of meeting at its headquarters city of Washington. Even had it desired to meet there it would hardly have been possible because of the war time condition, but the invitations from St. Louis had been so urgent that an early decision had been reached to meet there and to carry a message of civic inspiration to the west. It waa a war time civic convention and in full harmony with the statement of President Wilson that “war must not destroy civic efficiency.” The convention was introduced to St. Louis in an effective way. Sunday, October 21, the d+y prior to the opening of the convention, had been declared civic Sunday and many of the churches announced sermons on the general subject of “Civic Advance *in War Times.” The plan proved a complete success and through it many people were given a message of inspiration and the convention itself a sup1 192 s. W. 915. port on the part of churchgoing people that was invaluable. The keynote of the convention was sounded by President J. Horace McFarland who took for his subject “A New Call to the Colors,” in which he emphasized the responsibility that rests upon those Americans who are not to go to the trenches in France in maintaining the principles of true democracy. The test of democracy,. Mr. McFarland said, rested equally with the soldiers who had responded to the call to the colors and those at home whose duty was clear and sharp to participate as they had never before participated in all affairs of public interest, in their towns, the states and the nation. Monday afternoon was devoted to “Industrial Housing,” with notable addresses by Dr. John Nolen, on “Economic Problems of Industrial Housing”; Miss Marguerite Walker Jordan, on “Men and Bricks in the Making”: Major W. H. Starrett, TJ. S. Reserve Corps, on “The * 163 Pac. 670. a 117 Atl. 312.

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19181 NOTES AND EVENTS 103 Building of the Army Cantonments,” who attended on the special authorization of the secretary of war. A session that proved of particular interest and that had been asked for by communities adjacent to St. Louis, was that devoted to the “Problems of the Smaller Cities,’’ with George B, Dealey, general manager of the Dallas News, presiding. There is no more enthusiastic civic worker than Mr. Dealey and under his leadership fine discussions followed the principal addresses of the morning. In the annual business session Secretary Watrous detailed the work of the association during the year and reported that the war had not militated against a fine spirit of civic activity. He urged the importance of a sustained movement for the physical benefit of the cities and expressed it as his belief that the workers who had been efficient and who, because of that efficiency had been called upon to do important work for the government in the prosecution of the war, would continue to do double service in order that there might be no cessation in civic advance. The officers of last year were re-elected. RICHARD B. WATROUS. * Richmond Survey.-A survey of Richmond, Virginia, has been made by the New York bureau of municipal research. Holding that the mayor is little more than a figurehead, the bureau recommends a series of charter changes designed to centralize in the mayor both authority and responsibility for the management of the administrative departments. It also recommends the reduction of the city council to nine members, and the abolition of the board of aldermen, the administrative board, the offices of city sergeant, coroner, building inspector and board of fire commissioners, the affairs of these several boards to be merged into operative bureaus. The survey also recommends that city employes be appointed as a result of competitive civil service examinations, and a referendum clause be inserted to enable the people to have a direct voice in the city government. Special Libraries-The November issue of this publication appears under the editorship of Ralph L. Power, of the Boston University college of business administration, who succeeds John A. Lapp of Indianapolis in that position, Mr. Lapp becoming vice-president of the Special Libraries Association. * Captain E. 0. Heinrich (B.S. California, 1908), the leading expert on questioned documents in the Pacific Northwest, hrts been appointed chief of police in Alameda, Cal. Captain Heinrich during the past summer gave instruction in the University of California summer school on the application of the laboratory to the detection of crime. At the same time he was lecturing to the police school maintained by Chief Volmer of Berkeley on judicial photography. He is a student of criminology and a leading expert on hand-writing, typewriter identification and all phases of questioned documents work. Captain Heinrich is also at work on a monograph on forgery to be published under the auspices of the American Institute for Criminal Law and Criminology. J. B. KAISER. * Louis F. Budenz, acting secretary of the civic league of St. Louis since the resignation of Roger N. Baldwin, has been chosen as permanent secretary. Previoua to his connection with the civic league, Mr. Budenz was secretary of the Missouri state committee for social legislation and at one time had been associate editor of The Carpenter, the official organ of the united brotherhood of carpenters and joiners. Frank P. Crunden, a wellknown business man of St. Louis, active for many years in civic work, was elected president of the league. * Roger N. Baldwin, formerly secretary of the St. Louis civic league, is now secretary of the National Civil Liberties Bureau (70 Fifth Avenue, New York), which has for its object “thq maintenance in war time of the rights of free press, free

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104 NATIONAL MUNICIPAL REVIEW [January speech, peaceful assembly, and freedom from unlawful search and seizure.” * John A. Lapp, director of the bureau of legislative information of Indiana for the past nine years, will assume the directorship of the state investigation in Ohio of sickness insurance, sickness prevention and old age pensions. This investigation was authorized by the last session of the legislature and an appropriation of $25,000 was given for the purpose. * Charles Kettleborough, who has been statistician for the Indiana bureau of legislative information, will assume charge of the bureauupon theretirement of Mr. Lapp January 1. The bureau has been enlarged by the addition of the state bureau of statistics through the executive action of Governor James P. Goodrich. * C. J. Decker, a member of the Akron bureau of municipal research, has resigned to take an executive position in the Toronto bureau under Dr. Brittain. * Don E. Mowry, a member of the National Municipal League, has become general secretary of the Madison association of commerce. * J. Lionberger Davis, president of the St. Louis chamber of commerce and a member of the National Municipal League, has been appointed assistant to A. Mitchell Palmer, the conservator of alien property. * Alfred Bettman, a member of the council of the National Municipal League and formerly city solicitor of Cincinnati, has been appointed special assistant to the attorney-general of the United States in an emergency division of the department created to administer the war statutes. John M. Guild has resigned as secretary of the Greater Dayton association to become secretary of the Kansas City chamber of commerce. * Jesse M. Switzer, by virtue of having received the highest number of votes of the six candidates for city commissioner in Dayton, becomes the mayor. Mi-. Switzer is well known throughout the country for his intelligent advocacy of the city-manager form of government, having spoken on the subject before many Rotary clubs and other commercial, social and political organizations.’ * Carl B. Lohmann, a graduate of the Pennsylvania State College who afterwards took the course in city and town planning at Harvard, has been appointed town planning adviser of the Pennsylvania bureau of municipalities. * Robert S. Binkerd, formerly secretary of the New York city club, is now the secretary of the railway executive advisory committee, of which Frank Trumbull is chairman. * Richard B. Watrous has resigned as secretary of the American Civic Association to become the Washington representatiye of the Nestle Food Company, which is doing a large business supplying the needs of the Allies. His resignation took effect on December 15. * C. M. Osborn, who for ten years has been city engineer of Lorain, has been appointed city manager of East Cleveland, Ohio. * Kenyon Riddle, of Abilene, Kam, formerly city manager of that place, has been appointed city mauager of Xenia, Ohio. 1See NATIONAL MUNICIPAL RBVIXW, vol. v, p. 679.